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| author | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-15 04:52:08 -0700 |
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| committer | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-15 04:52:08 -0700 |
| commit | d717ac27f3a4780365936b5bd119cf9667167492 (patch) | |
| tree | bd7a83fb98c3e32b6b498a7244615d42f7299549 /17910-h | |
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+} + +a.hidden +{ +text-decoration: none; +} + +hr +{ +width: 45%; +margin-top: 1em; +margin-left: auto; +margin-right: auto; +clear: both; +text-align: center; +height: 1px; +} + + + + + +body +{ +background: #FFFFFF; +font-family: "Times New Roman", Times, serif; +} + +body, a.hidden +{ +color: black; +} + +h1, h2, h3, h4, h5, h6 +{ +color: #001FA4; +font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; +} + +.figureHead, .noteref, span.leftnote, p.legend +{ +color: #001FA4; +} + +.rightnote, .pagenum, .linenum, .pagenum a +{ +color: #AAAAAA; +} + +a.hidden:hover, a.noteref:hover +{ +color: red; +} + + +</style></head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Mafulu, by Robert W. Williamson + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Mafulu + Mountain People of British New Guinea + +Author: Robert W. Williamson + +Release Date: March 4, 2006 [EBook #17910] +Last updated: January 27, 2009 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MAFULU *** + + + + +Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<div class="frontmatter"> +<p class="div1"><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e49" class="divFigure"> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p000.jpg" alt="Mafulu Women Decorated for a Dance."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Mafulu Women Decorated for a Dance.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<h1 class="docTitle">The Mafulu</h1> +<h1 class="docTitle"></h1> +<h1 class="docTitle">Mountain People of British New Guinea</h1> +<h2 class="byline"><span class="docAuthor">Robert W. Williamson</span> +<br> +With an Introduction +<br> +by + +<span class="docAuthor">A. C. Haddon, Sc.D., F.R.S.</span></h2> +<h2 class="docImprint">With Illustrations and Map +<br> +Macmillan and Co., Limited<br> +St. Martin’s Street, London<br> +1912 +</h2><a id="d0e78"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e78">v</a>]</span><p class="div1"><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Preface</h2> +<p>This book is the outcome of an expedition to British New Guinea in 1910, in which, after a short stay among the people of +some of the western Solomon Islands, including those of that old centre of the head hunters, the Rubiana lagoon, and a preparatory +and instructive journey in New Guinea among the large villages of the Mekeo district, I struck across country by a little +known route, via Lapeka, to Ido-Ido and on to Dilava, and thus passed by way of further preparation through the Kuni country, +and ultimately reached the district of the Mafulu villages, of whose people very little was known, and which was therefore +the mecca of my pilgrimage. + +</p> +<p>I endeavoured to carry out the enquiries of which the book is a record as carefully and accurately as possible; but it must +be remembered that the Mafulu people had seen very few white men, except some of the Fathers of the Catholic Mission of the +Sacred Heart, the visits of Government officials and once or twice of a scientific traveller having been but few and far between, +and only short; that the mission station <a id="d0e86"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e86">vi</a>]</span>in Mafulu (the remotest station of the mission) had only been established five years previously; that the people were utterly +unaccustomed to the type of questioning which systematic ethnological enquiry involves, and that necessarily there was often +the usual hesitation in giving the required information. + +</p> +<p>I cannot doubt, therefore, that future enquiries and investigations made in the same district will bring to light errors and +misunderstandings, which even with the greatest care can hardly be avoided in the case of a first attempt on new ground, where +everything has to be investigated and worked up from the beginning. I hope, however, that the bulk of my notes will be found +to have been correct in substance so far as they go. + +</p> +<p>I regret that my ignorance of tropical flora and fauna has made it impossible for me to give the names of many of the plants +and animals to which I refer. + +</p> +<p>There are many people, more than I can mention here, to whom I owe my grateful thanks. Prior to my departure for the South +Seas Dr. Haddon took great trouble in helping and advising me, and, indeed, I doubt whether I should have ventured upon my +solitary expedition if I had not had his stimulating encouragement. + +</p> +<p>In New Guinea I had the never-failing hospitality and kindness of my good friend Monseigneur de Boismenu (the Bishop of the +Mission of the Sacred Heart) and the Fathers and Brothers of the Mission. Among the latter I would specially mention Father +Egedi and Father Clauser. Father Egedi (whose name is already familiar to students of New Guinea Ethnology) was my friend +and travelling companion during a <a id="d0e96"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e96">vii</a>]</span>portion of my journeyings through the Mekeo and Kuni districts, and his Mekeo explanations proved invaluable to me when I +reached my Mafulu destination. And dear good Father Clauser was a pillar of help in Mafulu. He placed at my disposal all his +existing knowledge concerning the people, and was my intermediary and interpreter throughout all my enquiries. And finally, +when having at some risk prolonged my stay at Mafulu until those enquiries were completed, I was at last compelled by the +serious state of my health to beat a retreat, and be carried down to the coast, he undertook to do the whole of my photographing +and physical measurements, and the care and skill with which he did so are evidenced by the results as disclosed in this book.<a id="d0e98src" href="#d0e98" class="noteref">1</a> I must also add that the <a href="#d0e49">frontispiece</a> and plates <a href="#d0e17127">17</a>, <a href="#d0e17429">67</a>, <a href="#d0e17434">68</a>, <a href="#d0e17439">69</a> and <a href="#d0e17446">70</a> are taken from previous photographs which Father Clauser kindly placed at my disposal. My remembrance of His Lordship the +Bishop, and of the Reverend Fathers and the Brothers of the Mission will ever be one of affectionate personal regard, and +of admiration of the spirit of heroic self-sacrifice which impels them to submit cheerfully to the grave and constant hardships +and dangers to which their labour of love necessarily exposes them. + +</p> +<p>Since my return home Dr. Seligmann has given me immense help, advising me upon my notes, placing material at my disposal, +and afterwards reading through a considerable portion of my manuscript. Mr. T.A. <a id="d0e121"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e121">viii</a>]</span>Joyce and Mr. J. Edge Partington helped me in arranging and dealing with the things which I had brought back to the British +Museum. Dr. Keith examined and reported upon some skulls which I had obtained, and advised me upon my notes on physique. Dr. +Stapf helped me in matters of botanical identification; Mr. S.H. Ray has given me the full benefit of his wide knowledge of +South Pacific linguistics, and has written the appendices to the book. And, finally, Dr. Haddon has very kindly read through +my proof sheets. + +</p> +<p>In conclusion, I would add that there is still an immense amount of detailed work to be done among the Mafulu people, and +that the districts of the Ambo and Boboi and Oru Lopiku people, still further back among the mountains, offer an almost virgin +field for investigation to anyone who will take the trouble to go there. + + + +<a id="d0e125"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e125">ix</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e98" href="#d0e98src" class="noteref">1</a></span> The photographs of skulls, articles of dress and ornament, implements and weapons were made in London after my return. +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e126"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Contents</h2> +<p><a href="#d0e1007">Introduction, by Dr. A.C. Haddon</a> + +</p> +<p>CHAPTER I + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e1073">Introductory</a> + +</p> +<p>CHAPTER II + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e1325">Physique and Character</a> + +</p> +<p>CHAPTER III + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e2133">Dress and Ornament</a> + +</p> +<p>CHAPTER IV + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e2848">Daily Life and Matters Connected with It</a> + +</p> +<p>CHAPTER V + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e3101">Community, Clan, and Village Systems and Chieftainship</a> + +</p> +<p>CHAPTER VI + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e3428">Villages, Emone, Houses and Modes of Inter-Village Communication</a> + +</p> +<p>CHAPTER VII + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e4117">Government, Property and Inheritance</a> + +</p> +<p>CHAPTER VIII + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e4213">The Big Feast</a> +<a id="d0e181"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e181">x</a>]</span></p> +<p>CHAPTER IX + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e4687">Some Other Ceremonies and Feasts</a> + +</p> +<p>CHAPTER X + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e4884">Matrimonial and Sexual</a> + +</p> +<p>CHAPTER XI + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e4946">Killing, Cannibalism and Warfare</a> + +</p> +<p>CHAPTER XII + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e5049">Hunting, Fishing and Agriculture</a> + +</p> +<p>CHAPTER XIII + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e5193">Bark Cloth Making, Netting and Art</a> + +</p> +<p>CHAPTER XIV + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e5340">Music and Singing, Dancing, and Toys and Games</a> + +</p> +<p>CHAPTER XV + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e5495">Counting, Currency and Trade</a> + +</p> +<p>CHAPTER XVI + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e5691">Language</a> + +</p> +<p>CHAPTER XVII + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e5742">Illness, Death and Burial</a> + +</p> +<p>CHAPTER XVIII + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e6060">Religion and Superstitious Beliefs and Practices</a> + +</p> +<p>CHAPTER XIX + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e6333">Note on the Kuni People</a> + +</p> +<p>CHAPTER XX + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e6442">Conclusion</a> +<a id="d0e254"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e254">xi</a>]</span></p> +<p>APPENDIX I + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e6925">A Grammar of the Fuyuge Language</a> + +</p> +<p>APPENDIX II + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e11280">Note on the Afoa Language</a> + +</p> +<p>APPENDIX III + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e11507">Note on the Kovio Language</a> + +</p> +<p>APPENDIX IV + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e11750">A Comparative Vocabulary of the Fuyuge, Afoa, and Kovio Languages</a> + +</p> +<p>APPENDIX V + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e15085">Notes on the Papuan Languages Spoken about the Head Waters of the St. Joseph River, Central Papua</a> + + + +<a id="d0e285"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e285">xiii</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div1"><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Plates</h2> +<p></p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><span class="smallcaps">Plate</span> + + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e49">Mafulu Women Decorated for a Dance.</a> ... <i>Frontispiece</i> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> 1 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17033">Kuni Scenery.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> 2 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17038">Mafulu Scenery.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> 3 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17043">Skull A.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> 4 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17048">Skull C.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> 5 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17053">Husband, Wife and Child.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> 6 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17058">Man and Two Women.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> 7, 8 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17063">Man, Young Man and Boy.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> 9 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17073">Different Types of Men.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">10 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17078">An Unusual Type.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">11, 12 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17083">Two Unusual Types.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">13 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17093">Fig. 1. Section of Man’s Perineal Band. Fig. 2. Decoration near end of Woman’s Perineal Band. Fig. 3. Section of Woman’s Perineal +Band. Fig. 4. Section of Man’s or Woman’s Dancing Ribbon.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">14 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17104">Fig. 1. Belt No. 1. Fig. 2. Belt No. 3. Fig. 3. Belt No. 4.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">15 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17113">Fig. 1. Belt No. 5 (one end only). Fig. 2. Belt No. 6 (one end only). Fig. 3. Belt No. 7.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">16 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17122">A General Group.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">17 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17127">A Young Chief’s Sister decorated for a Dance.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">18, 19 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17132">Women wearing Illness Recovery Capes.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">20 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17142">Fig. 1. Ear-rings. Fig. 2. Jew’s Harp. Fig. 3. Hair Fringe.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">21 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17151">Man, Woman and Children.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">22, 23 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17156">A Little Girl with Head Decorations.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">24 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17166">Figs. 1, 2, 5, and 6. Women’s Hair Plaits decorated with European Beads, Shells, Shell Discs, Dog’s Tooth, and Betel Nut Fruit. +Fig. 3. Man’s Hair Plait with Cane Pendant. Fig. 4. Man’s Hair Plait with Betel Nut Pendant.</a> +<a id="d0e446"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e446">xiv</a>]</span></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">25 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17175">Fig. 1. Leg Band. Figs. 2 and 4. Women’s Hair Plaits decorated with Shells and Dogs’ Teeth. Fig. 3. Bone Implement used +(as a Fork) for Eating.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">26 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17184">Group of Women.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">27 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17191">A Young Woman.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">28 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17196">Two Women.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">29 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17201">Two Women.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">30 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17208">Fig. 1. Mourning String Necklace. Fig. 2. Comb. Fig. 3. Pig’s Tail Ornament for Head. Fig. 4. Whip Lash Head Ornament. Fig. +5. Forehead Ornament.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">31 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17221">Necklaces.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">32 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17226">A Necklace.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">33 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17231">Necklaces.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">34 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17238">Fig. 1. Armlet No. 5. Fig. 2. Armlet No. 4. Fig. 3. Armlet No. 2. Fig. 4. Armlet No. 1.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">35 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17249">Woman wearing Dancing Apron.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">36, 37 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17254">Decoration of Dancing Aprons.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">38, 39 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17264">Decoration of Dancing Aprons.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">40, 41 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17274">Decoration of Dancing Aprons.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">42, 43 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17284">Decoration of Dancing Aprons.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">44 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17296">Head Feather Ornaments.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">45 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17301">Head Feather Ornaments.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">46 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17306">Fig. 1. Head Feather Ornament. Fig. 2. Back Feather Ornament.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">47 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17313">Plaited Head Feather Frames.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">48 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17318">Mother and Baby.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">49 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17323">At the Spring.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">50 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17328">A Social Gathering.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">51 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17333">Fig. 1. Small Smoking Pipe. Fig. 2. Pig-bone Scraping Implement. Fig. 3. Stone Bark Cloth Beater. Fig. 4. Drilling Implement. +Fig. 5. Bamboo Knife. Figs. 6 and 7. Lime Gourds.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">52 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17348">Fig. 1. Wooden Dish. Figs. 2 and 3. Water-Carrying Gourds.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">53 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17355">Fig. 1. Bag No. 3. Fig. 2. Bag No. 4. Fig. 3. Bag. No. 6.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">54 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17364">Village of Salube and Surrounding Country.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">55 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17369">Village of Seluku, with Chiefs <i>Emone</i> at End and Remains of Broken-down Burial Platform in Middle.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">56 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17374">Village of Amalala, with Chiefs <i>Emone</i> at End..</a> +<a id="d0e649"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e649">xv</a>]</span></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">57 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17379">Village of Amalala (looking in other direction), with Secondary <i>Emone</i> at End.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">58 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17384">Village of Malala, with Secondary <i>Emone</i> at End and Ordinary Grave and Burial Platform of Chief’s Child in Right Foreground.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">59 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17389">Village of Uvande, with Chief’s <i>Emone</i> at End.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">60 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17394">Village of Biave, with Chief’s <i>Emone</i> at End and Burial Platform of Chief’s Child in Middle.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">61 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17399">Chief’s <i>Emone</i> in Village of Amalala.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">62 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17404">Chief’s <i>Emone</i> in Village of Malala.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">63 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17409">House in Village of Malala.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">64 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17414">House in Village of Levo, with Child’s Excrement Receptacle to Left.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">65 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17419">Suspension Bridge over St. Joseph River.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">66 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17424">Bridge over Aduala River.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">67 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17429">Scene at Big Feast in Village of Amalala.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">68 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17434">Row of Killed Pigs at Big Feast at Village of Amalala.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">69 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17439">Scene at Village of Seluku during Preparations for Big Feast.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">70 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17446">Scene at Big Feast at Village of Seluku.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">71 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17453">Young Girl Ornamented for Perineal Band Ceremony.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">72 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17458">Feast at Perineal Band Ceremony.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">73 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17463">Figs, 1, 2, and 3. Points of War Spears. Fig. 4. Point of War-Arrow. Fig. 5. Point of Bird-Shooting Arrow.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">74 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17476">Fig. 1. Bow. Fig. 2. Shield (outside). Fig. 3. Shield (inside).</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">75 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17485">Fig. 1. Club (pineapple type of head). Fig. 2. Club (disc type of head). Fig. 3. Drum. Fig. 4. Adze.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">76 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17496">Fishing Weir.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">77 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17501">Planting Yams in Garden.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">78 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17506">Collecting Sweet Potatoes in Garden.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">79 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17511">Hammering Bark Cloth.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">80 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17516">The Ine Pandanus.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">81 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17521">Mafulu Network.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">82 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17526">Funeral Feast (not of Chief). Guests assembled to commence Dance down Village Enclosure.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">83 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17531">The same Funeral Feast. Guest Chief Dancing down Village Enclosure.</a> +<a id="d0e857"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e857">xvi</a>]</span></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">84 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17536">Platform Grave of Chief’s Child at Back. Ordinary Grave in Front.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">85 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17541">Group of Platform Graves of Chiefs and their Relations.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">86 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17546">Platform Grave of a Chief’s Child.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">87, 88 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17551">The <i>Gabe</i> Fig Tree, in which Chiefs’ Burial Boxes are placed and which is Generally Believed to be Haunted by Spirits.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">89 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17561">The Remains of a Chiefs Burial Platform which has collapsed, and beneath which his Skull and some of his Bones are interred +Underground.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">90 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17566">An <i>Emone</i> to which are hung the Skulls and some of the Bones from Chiefs’ Burial Platforms which have Collapsed.</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">91 </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17571">A House with Receptacle for Child’s Excrement.</a> + + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17576">Map.</a></td> +</tr> +</table><p> + + +</p> +<p class="div1"><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Illustrations in Text</h2> +<p></p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><span class="smallcaps">FIGURE</span> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> 1. </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e2654">Leg band making (commencing stage)</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> 2. </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e3018">Ancient Mortar</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> 3. </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e3126">Illustrative Diagram of a Mafulu Community of Villages</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> 4. </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e3487">Diagram of Front of <i>Emone</i> (Front Hood of Roof and Front Platform and Portions of Front Timbers omitted, so as to show Interior)</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> 5. </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e3764">Diagram of Transverse Section across Centre of Emone</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> 6. </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e3900">Diagrammatic Sketch of Apse-like Projection of Roof of <i>Emone</i> and Platform Arrangements</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> 7. </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e4505">Diagram Illustrating Positions of People during Performance at Big Feast</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> 8. </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e5242">Mafulu Net Making (1st Line of Network)</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> 9. </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e5277">Mafulu Net Making (2nd, 3rd, and 4th Lines of Network)</a> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">10. </td> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e5282">Mafulu Net Making (5th Line of Network, to which Rest of Net is similar in Stitch)</a></td> +</tr> +</table><p> + + + +<a id="d0e1006"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1006">xvii</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e1007"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Introduction</h2> +<p>By Dr. A.C. Haddon + +</p> +<p>It is a great pleasure to me to introduce Mr. Williamson’s book to the notice of ethnologists and the general public, as I +am convinced that it will be read with interest and profit. + +</p> +<p>Perhaps I may be permitted in this place to make a few personal remarks. Mr. Williamson was formerly a solicitor, and always +had a great longing to see something of savage life, but it was not till about four years ago that he saw his way to attempting +the realisation of this desire by an expedition to Melanesia. He made my acquaintance in the summer of 1908, and seeing that +he was so keenly interested, I lent him a number of books and all my <span class="abbr" title="manuscript"><abbr title="manuscript">MS.</abbr></span> notes on Melanesia; by the help of these and by the study of other books he gained a good knowledge of the ethnology of that +area. In November, 1908, he started for Oceania for the first time and reached Fiji, from which place he had intended to start +on his expedition. Circumstances over which he had no control, however, prevented the carrying out of his original programme; +so he went to Sydney, and there arranged modified plans. He was on the point of executing these, when <a id="d0e1019"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1019">xviii</a>]</span>he was again frustrated by a telegram from England which necessitated his immediate return. It was a sad blow to him to have +his long-cherished schemes thus thwarted and rendered abortive, but, undaunted, he set about to plan another expedition. Accordingly, +in January, 1910, he once more set sail for Australia as a starting place for the Solomon Islands and British New Guinea, +and this time achieved success; the book which he now offers to the public is the result of this plucky enterprise. In justice +to the author it should be known that, owing to climatic and other conditions, he was unwell during the whole of his time +in New Guinea, and had an injured foot and leg that hurt him every step he took. The only wonder is that he was able to accomplish +so large and so thorough a piece of work as he has done. + +</p> +<p>It is interesting to note the different ways by which various investigators have entered the field of Ethnology. Some have +approached it from the literary or classical side, but very few indeed of these have ever had any experience in the field. +The majority of field workers have had a previous training in science—zoology not unnaturally has sent more recruits than +any other branch of science. A few students have been lawyers, but so far as I am aware Mr. Williamson is the first British +lawyer who has gone into the field, and he has proved that legal training may be a very good preliminary discipline for ethnological +investigation in the field, as it gives invaluable practice in the best methods of acquiring and sifting of evidence. A lawyer +must also necessarily have a wide knowledge of <a id="d0e1023"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1023">xix</a>]</span>human nature and an appreciation of varied ways of thought and action. + +</p> +<p>It was with such an equipment and fortified by extensive reading in Ethnology, that Mr. Williamson was prepared for his self-imposed +task. Proof of his powers of observation will be found in the excellent descriptions of objects of material culture with which +he has presented us. + +</p> +<p>I now turn to some of the scientific aspects of his book. Mr. Williamson especially set before himself the work of investigating +some tribes in the mountainous hinterland of the Mekeo district. This was a most happy selection, though no one could have +foreseen the especial interest of these people. + +</p> +<p>Thanks mainly to the systematic investigations of Dr. Seligmann and to the sporadic observations of missionaries, government +officials and travellers, we have a good general knowledge of many of the peoples of the eastern coast of the south-eastern +peninsula of New Guinea, and of some of the islands from the Trobriands to the Louisiades. The Ethnology of the fertile and +populous Mekeo district has been mainly made known to us by the investigations of various members of the Sacred Heart Mission, +and by Dr. Seligmann. What little we know of the Papuan Gulf district is due to missionaries among the coastal tribes, Mr. +James Chalmers and Mr. W. Holmes. Dr. G. Landtman is at present investigating the natives of the delta of the Fly river and +Daudai. The natives of the Torres Straits islands have also been studied as fully as is possible. But of the <a id="d0e1031"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1031">xx</a>]</span>mountain region lying behind the Mekeo district very little indeed has been published; so Mr. Williamson’s book fills a gap +in our knowledge of Papuan ethnology. + +</p> +<p>We have as yet a very imperfect knowledge of the ethnological history of New Guinea. Speaking very broadly, it is generally +admitted that the bulk of the population belongs to the Papuan race, a dark-skinned, woolly-haired people who have also spread +over western Oceania; but, to a greater or less extent, New Guinea has been subject to cultural and racial influences from +all sides, except from Australia, where the movement has been the other way. Thus the East Indian archipelago has directly +affected parts of Netherlands New Guinea, and its influence is to be traced to a variable degree in localities in the Bismarck +archipelago, German New Guinea (Kaiser Wilhelm’s Land), Western Oceania, and British New Guinea or Papua, as it is termed +officially. + +</p> +<p>The south-eastern peninsula of New Guinea—or at all events the coastal regions—has been largely affected by immigrants, who +were themselves a mixed people, and who came later at various times. It is to these immigrants that Mr. Ray and I applied +the term Melanesian (Ray, S. H., and Haddon, A. C., “A Study of the Languages of Torres Straits,” <i>Proc. Roy. Irish Acad.</i>, 3rd ser., IV., 1897, p. 509). Early in 1894, Mr. Ray read a paper before the Anthropological Institute (<i>Journ. Anth. Inst.</i>, XXIV., p. 15), in which he adhered to our former discrimination of two linguistic stocks and added a third type of language +composed <a id="d0e1043"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1043">xxi</a>]</span>of a mixture of the other two, for which he proposed the name Melano-Papuan. These languages, according to Mr. Ray, occur +in the Trobriands, Woodlarks and the Louisiades, and similar languages are found in the northern Solomon Islands. For some +years I had been studying the decorative art of British New Guinea, and from physical and artistic and other cultural reasons +had come to the conclusion that the Melanesians of British New Guinea should be broken up into two elements: one consisting +of the Motu and allied Melanesians, and the other of the inhabitants of the Massim district—an area extending slightly beyond +that of Mr. Ray’s Melano-Papuans (“The Decorative Art of British New Guinea,” <i>Cunningham Memoirs</i>, X., <i>Roy. Irish Acad.</i>, 1894, pp. 253–269). I reinforced my position six years later (“Studies in the Anthropo-geography of British New Guinea,” +<i>Journ. Roy. Geog. Soc.</i>, 1900, pp. 265, 414). Dr. Seligmann, in his valuable paper “A Classification of the Natives of British New Guinea” (<i>Journ. Roy. Anth. Inst.</i>, XXXIX., 1909, pp. 246, 315) corroborated these views and designated the two groups of “Melanesians” as the Eastern and Western +Papuo-Melanesians. The following year he published the great book to which Mr. Williamson so frequently refers, and in which +this classification is maintained, and these two groups together with the Papuans, are termed Papuasians. + +</p> +<p>The Motu stock of the Western Papuo-Melanesians have extended their dispersal as far as the Mekeo district, where they came +into contact with other peoples. It has been shown that the true Papuans are <a id="d0e1059"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1059">xxii</a>]</span>a narrow-headed people, but there are some puzzling exceptions, the explanation of which is not yet ascertained. The Papuo-Melanesians +contain a somewhat broad-headed element, and there is a slightly broad-headed population in the central range of the south-east +peninsula, the extent of which has not yet been determined. The questions naturally arise: (1) Is the true Papuan a variable +stock including both long- broad-headed elements? or (2) Does the broad-headed element belong to an immigrant people? or, +again (3) Is there an hitherto unidentified indigenous broad-headed race? I doubt if the time is ripe for a definite answer +to any of these questions. Furthermore, we have yet to assign to their original sources the differences in culture which characterise +various groups of people in New Guinea. Something has been done in this direction, but much more has yet to be learnt. + +</p> +<p>So far I have not referred to a Negrito element in the Ethnology of New Guinea. From time to time we have heard rumours of +pygmy people, and German travellers have recorded very short individuals in Kaiser Wilhelm’s Land; but it was not till the +expedition to Netherlands New Guinea of the British Ornithological Union of 1910–11 that a definite pygmy race was demonstrated. +I think this can be no longer denied, and the observations made by German ethnologists show that the race in a more or less +modified state is widely spread. Now Mr. Williamson, whose work in New Guinea was contemporaneous with that of the Netherlands +New Guinea expedition, <a id="d0e1063"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1063">xxiii</a>]</span>adduces evidence that this is also the case in British territory. It is worth recalling that de Quatrefages and Hamy (<i>Crania Ethnica</i>, 1882, pp. 207–210, 253–256) distinguish a “Negrito-Papuan” and a “Papuan” element in the Torres Straits. This problem will +be discussed in Vol. I. of the Reports of the Cambridge Expedition to Torres Straits. I feel little doubt that Mr. Williamson +has shown strong evidence that the Mafulu and probably other adjacent mountain tribes are essentially a pygmy—that is to say +a Negrito—people who have been modified to some extent by Papuan and possibly Papuo-Melanesian influence, both physical and +cultural. He has marshalled his data with great skill, and has dissected out, as it were, the physical and cultural elements +of the Negrito substratum. It only remains for other observers to study Negritos in other parts of New Guinea to see how far +these claims can be substantiated. It is evident therefore that, apart from the valuable detailed information which Mr. Williamson +has given us concerning a hitherto unknown tribe, he has opened up a problem of considerable interest and magnitude. + +</p> +<p>A.C. Haddon. + + + + + +</p> +</div><a id="d0e1070"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1070">1</a>]</span><div class="bodytext"> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e1073"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Introductory</h2> +<p>The <a href="#d0e17576">map</a> appended to this volume is (with the exception of the red lines and red lettering upon it) a reproduction of a portion of +the map relating to the explorations and surveys of Dr. Strong, Mr. Monckton and Captain Barton, which was published in the +<i>Geographical Journal</i> for September, 1908, and the use of which has been kindly permitted me by the Royal Geographical Society. I have eliminated +the red route lines which appear in the original map, so as to avoid confusion with the red lines which I have added. The +unbroken red lines and the red lettering upon my map are copied from a map, also kindly placed at my disposal, which has been +recently prepared by Father Fillodean of the Mission of the Sacred Heart, and these lines mark roughly what the Fathers of +the Mission believe to be the boundaries of the several linguistic areas within the district covered by their map. It will +be observed <a id="d0e1084"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1084">2</a>]</span>that some of these lines are not continued so as to surround and complete the definition of the areas which they indicate; +but this defect is unavoidable, as the Fathers’ map only covered a relatively small area, and even in that map the lines were +not all carried to its margin. It will also be noticed that, though the Fathers introduce the two names Oru Lopiku and Boboi +as being linguistically distinct, they have not indicated the boundary line between the two areas. Father Egedi, however, +informed me that this boundary passes along the ridge of hills south of the Ufafa river as far as Mt. Eleia, and thence along +the Ukalama river to the Kuni boundary. The Ukalama river is not shown in the Geographical Society’s map; but I may say that +it is shown in the Fathers’ map as rising in Mt. Eleia, and flowing thence in a south-easterly direction, and so joining the +St. Joseph river close to Dilava. The broken red line upon my map does not appear in the Fathers’ map, but has been added +by me to indicate what, I understand, the Fathers believe to be a continued boundary, so far as ascertained, of the Fuyuge +linguistic area, called by them the Mafulu area, to which I am about to draw attention. + +</p> +<p>The term Mafulu is the Kuni pronunciation of Mambule, which is the name, as used by themselves, of the people who live in +a group of villages within and near the north-westerly corner of the area of the Fuyuge-speaking people, whose Papuan language, +so far as ascertained, appears, subject to local dialectal differences, to be the same, and may, I was informed, <a id="d0e1088"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1088">3</a>]</span>be regarded as one common language throughout the Fuyuge area. + +</p> +<p>The Fathers of the Mission have adopted the name Mafulu in a wider sense, as including all the people with whom they have +come in contact of the Fuyuge-speaking area; and, though my investigations, which form the subject-matter of this book, have +been conducted only in the neighbourhood of Mafulu itself, I was assured that, so far as the Fathers have been able to ascertain, +all these Fuyuge people not only have similar languages, but also are substantially similar in physique and in culture. My +observations concerning the Mafulu people may therefore, if this statement is correct, be regarded as applying, not only to +the inhabitants of the portion of the north-westerly corner of the Fuyuge area in which the Mafulu group of villages is placed, +but to those of the whole of the north-westerly portion of the area, and generally in a greater or less degree of accuracy +to those of the northerly and north-easterly parts of the area, and possibly the southerly ones also. + +</p> +<p>The boundaries of this Fuyuge-speaking area can hardly be regarded as definitely ascertained; and the discrepancies, even +as regards the courses of the rivers and the positions of the mountains, which appear in the few available maps make it difficult +to deal with the question. The area, so far as actually ascertained by the Fathers of the Mission, roughly speaking, covers, +and seems to extend also some distance to the south or south-west of a triangle, the western apex of which is the junction +of the river Kea with the <a id="d0e1094"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1094">4</a>]</span>river Aduala (a tributary of the St. Joseph),<a id="d0e1096src" href="#d0e1096" class="noteref">1</a> whose north-eastern apex is Mt. Albert Edward, and whose south-eastern apex is Mt. Scratchley. It includes the valley of +the Aduala river and its streams (except those flowing into it from the north in the region of the western apex of the triangle) +within its northern boundary, and the valley of the upper Vanapa river and its rivers and streams in the neighbourhood of +its eastern boundary; but this eastern boundary has been found to extend also so as to include the upper valley of the river +Chirima. How far the area extends to the south or south-west of the triangle above mentioned appears to be uncertain. + +</p> +<p>The linguistic area to the north of the Mafulu or Fuyuge people is that of the Ambo people, who are somewhat similar in appearance +to the Mafulu, and whose language is also Papuan, and, though differing from the Mafulu language, is, I was told, somewhat +similar to it in grammatical construction and as regards a few of its words. The area to the west is that of the <a id="d0e1104"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1104">5</a>]</span>Kuni people, whose language is Melanesian, but whose ordinary modes of life are, I was informed, more like those of the Mafulu +than are those of the Papuan-speaking Ambo. The areas to the east and south cannot be so definitely stated, but are dealt +with below. + +</p> +<p>As regards these Ambo people I may, in view of divergences of names which appear in maps, explain that Ambo is a contraction +of Ambore, and is the name given to the people by their Mafulu neighbours, whilst Afoa is the name given to them by the Kuni +people, and is adopted in the Geographical Society’s map.<a id="d0e1108src" href="#d0e1108" class="noteref">2</a> As regards the Kuni people, their name is the one adopted by themselves. + +</p> +<p>Concerning the boundaries of the Fuyuge linguistic area as above indicated, and the people whose districts adjoin that area, +I propose here to draw attention to four names, and to refer to some observations bearing on the subject of the probable Fuyuge +boundary which are to be found in existing literature. + +</p> +<p>The term Kovio, though primarily the name of Mt. Yule, and properly applicable to the people living in the neighbourhood of +that mountain, is now, I think, often used to express all the mountain tribes of the hinterland of the Mekeo and Pokau, and +perhaps the Kabadi, districts. But the use of this name has not, I believe, been generally associated with any question of +linguistics. + +</p> +<p>The area in the map which is called by the Fathers <a id="d0e1129"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1129">6</a>]</span>Boboi is occupied by people whose language, I was told by the Fathers, is Papuan, but is distinct from the languages of the +Ambo and the Fuyuge areas. + +</p> +<p>Kamaweka is a name which appears in several of Dr. Seligmann’s publications. It seems to have been originally used by Captain +Barton to designate the natives of the district of which Inavaurene, to the north-east of the Mekeo plains, is the centre, +but to have been afterwards regarded as a somewhat more general term; and I think Dr. Seligmann uses it in a very general +sense, almost, if not quite, equivalent to the wide application above referred to of the term Kovio, and which might include +the Papuan-speaking Boboi and Ambo people, and even perhaps the people of the northern Mafulu villages.<a id="d0e1133src" href="#d0e1133" class="noteref">3</a> But here again the use of the name has, I think, no reference to linguistics. + +</p> +<p>If the Fathers’ linguistic boundary lines are substantially correct, each of the two terms Kovio and Kamaweka, as now used, +would appear to cover more than one linguistic area; and in any case these terms seem to have widened and to have become somewhat +indefinite. It will be seen on reference to the map and to Father Egedi’s information as to the Oru Lopiku and Boboi boundaries +that both Mt. Yule and Inavaurene are within the area which the Fathers call Oru Lopiku, but that Inavaurene is not far from +<a id="d0e1147"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1147">7</a>]</span>their Boboi area. I suggest that it would be convenient for the present, pending further investigation and delimitation on +the spot, and until we know something of the difference between the languages of the Oru Lopiku and Boboi people, to adopt +the term Kovio as a general name for, and confine it to, the two areas Boboi and Oru Lopiku; though for linguistic purposes +the names Boboi and Oru Lopiku, which at present indicate very little to us, may eventually be accepted and come into general +use. + +</p> +<p>The Koiari people of the foothills and lateral spurs behind the Motu area, also referred to from time to time in Dr. Seligmann’s +writings, must be eastern next door neighbours of the Fuyuge-speaking people, the western boundary of these Koiari being stated +by him to be the Vanapa river,<a id="d0e1151src" href="#d0e1151" class="noteref">4</a> and they being in fact regarded by him as being the eastern neighbours of the natives of “the mountains inland of Mekeo Nara +and Kabadi,”<a id="d0e1156src" href="#d0e1156" class="noteref">5</a> and being referred to by him as being the people from whose district the Kamaweka and Kuni are reached by “passing westward”—the +word used is “eastward,” but this is obviously a printer’s error—“in the mountains, keeping roughly parallel with the coast.”<a id="d0e1161src" href="#d0e1161" class="noteref">6</a> + +</p> +<p>Turning to the question of the Fuyuge boundary, Dr. Strong says that the Fuyuge people occupy the upper waters of the St. +Joseph river,<a id="d0e1168src" href="#d0e1168" class="noteref">7</a> and he is quoted by Dr. Seligmann as having stated that the Afoa <a id="d0e1173"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1173">8</a>]</span>language “is spoken in the villages on Mt. Pizoko and the northern slopes of Mt. Davidson,” and that “the Afoa villages lie +to the north of the Fuyuge-speaking communities, stretching westward for an unknown distance behind Mt. Davidson.”<a id="d0e1175src" href="#d0e1175" class="noteref">8</a> If the information given to me verbally by the Fathers of the Mission of the Sacred Heart and the red linguistic boundary +lines roughly drawn by them, and introduced into my map, be correct, these statements require modification, for according +to the Fathers the Mafulu or Fuyuge-speaking area does not include any part of the St. Joseph river, as its extreme north-westerly +corner lies to the east of the junction—close to the boundary line between the Afoa (Ambo) and the Kuni areas—of the rivers +Alabula and Aduala, and Mt. Pizoko is within the Fuyuge area, and not within that of the Afoa, and Mt. Davidson is within +the Boboi area. I think that, though the Fathers’ lines are admittedly not exact, they and the information supplied by the +Fathers to me are likely to be more trustworthy in these respects, especially as regards boundaries near to the actual Mafulu +villages, than the earlier statements of Dr. Strong, as they are the outcome of recent and careful investigation; and, as +regards Mt. Pizoko, I may mention that Dr. Strong himself seems to have subsequently regarded that mountain as being within +the Mafulu district,<a id="d0e1180src" href="#d0e1180" class="noteref">9</a> which brings it into the Fuyuge area. + +</p> +<p>The inclusion of the upper valley of the river <a id="d0e1188"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1188">9</a>]</span>Chirima within the Fuyuge or Mafulu-speaking area is perhaps surprising, as this valley is separated from the general Fuyuge +area by one of the southern ridges of Mt. Albert Edward, and more or less so by the ridges of Mt. Stone Wigg and the Wharton +range, and as the Chirima is a tributary flowing into the Mambare river, which is one of the great watercourses of Northern +New Guinea. The Mafulu Fathers, however, had no doubt as to the correctness of the inclusion, which seems to open out the +possibility of some, at all events, of the Fuyuge people having northern associations; and indeed Monseigneur de Boismenu +told me that he believed that the Mafulu people were in touch with Northern New Guinea, and got some of their shell ornaments, +or the shells from which they were made, from the northern coast. + +</p> +<p>It is interesting, therefore, to turn for the purpose of comparison to the report of Mr. Monckton’s expedition to Mt. Albert +Edward by way of the Upper Chirima valley in 1906<a id="d0e1192src" href="#d0e1192" class="noteref">10</a> and the illustrations accompanying it, with which I incorporate a description of the people of this valley given to Dr. Seligmann +by Mr. Money, who was with Mr. Monckton.<a id="d0e1198src" href="#d0e1198" class="noteref">11</a> + +</p> +<p>From these it appears that the Upper Chirima people are short in stature and sturdily built. Both sexes wear the perineal +band, the front of which is made (I am not sure whether this applies to women as well as to men) to bulge out by padding. +In some cases the men’s hair is tied up in a bunch with string, <a id="d0e1205"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1205">10</a>]</span>and in others it is bound up in various styles with native cloth. Some of the men have their hair done up in small plaits +over the forehead. All the above descriptions, except that of the padding of the band, are applicable to the Mafulu. Some +of the Chirima houses have a curious apse-like roof projection over the front platform, which is a specially distinctive feature +of a Mafulu house, and one with this projection figured by Mr. Monckton is indistinguishable from a typical Mafulu house. +The Chirima people place the bodies of their dead on raised platforms, and apparently sometimes put the body of an infant +on the platform erection of an adult, but below the latter. This also is a practice of the Mafulu; and, though the latter +people confine platform burial (if such it may be called) to chiefs and their families and important persons, it is possible +that some such limitation of the custom exists in the Chirima valley also, but did not come under Mr. Monckton’s notice. A +burial platform figured by him might well be a Mafulu burial platform, except that the curious cone-shaped receptacle for +the child is a form for which I cannot vouch as regards the Mafulu. The Chirima have a special and peculiar form of netting, +which Mr. Monckton’s illustration shows to be identical with the special form of Mafulu netting. On the other hand, as regards +the Chirima weapons, implements and utensils, a comparison of Mr. Monckton’s verbal descriptions and figures with what I have +seen in Mafulu, and describe in this book, leads me to the conclusion that, though many of these are similar to those of Mafulu, +<a id="d0e1207"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1207">11</a>]</span>some of them are different. As examples of this I may say that the drill implements of the Chirima people are very similar +to, and their stone cloth-beaters appear to be identical with, those used by the Mafulu; whilst on the other hand their war +bows are much longer,<a id="d0e1209src" href="#d0e1209" class="noteref">12</a> and their method of producing fire seems to be totally different; also they apparently have bull-roarers, which to the best +of my knowledge are unknown among the Mafulu. Again some of the Chirima weapons, as figured by Mr. Monckton, disclose ideas +of artistic design, including that of the curved line and a rude representation of a man, which I have not met with among +the Mafulu. As regards this last point I draw attention to Mr. Monckton’s figures of carving on a bow and on wooden clubs. +I think, however, that in such matters as these local differences might well arise between people who are really more or less +identical, especially if their respective districts are on opposite sides of the main mountain range of the country, and still +more so if the people of one of the districts (in the present case I refer to the Chirima people) may perhaps have been subject +to the influence of other people beyond them. As to this latter point, however, I should say that these Chirima people seem +to be, so far as dress, ornaments, &c., are concerned, much nearer to the Mafulu than they are to the natives of the Mambare +river itself, as described by Sir William Macgregor.<a id="d0e1215src" href="#d0e1215" class="noteref">13</a> It is curious <a id="d0e1220"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1220">12</a>]</span>also that the dogs of the Chirima people are not yellow dingoes, but are black and white, as is the case in Mafulu. + +</p> +<p>I notice that Dr. Seligmann suggests that these Chirima valley people are related to the natives of the neighbourhood of Mt. +Yule,<a id="d0e1224src" href="#d0e1224" class="noteref">14</a> a statement which, though probably intended broadly, is in accord with the suggestion that they are connected with the Mafulu-speaking +people. + +</p> +<p>The natives of Mt. Scratchley (apparently the eastern or south-eastern side), visited by Sir William Macgregor in 1896, appear +from his description of them<a id="d0e1231src" href="#d0e1231" class="noteref">15</a> to show a few points of resemblance to the Mafulu people. In particular I refer to their “dark bronze” colour, to the wearing +by women of the perineal band (to which, however, is added a mantle and “in most cases” a grass petticoat, which is not done +in Mafulu), to the absence of tattooing or cicatrical ornamentation, to their “large earrings made out of tails of lizards +covered by narrow straps of palm leaves dyed yellow” (which, though not correctly descriptive of the Mafulu earring, is apparently +something like it), to their use of pigs’ tails as ear ornaments, to their plaiting of the hair and the decoration of the +plaited hair with teeth and shells, to their small charm bags and to the shortness of their bows. Also to the construction +of their houses, with the roof carried down to the ground, with a fireplace about <a id="d0e1236"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1236">13</a>]</span>2 feet wide extending down the centre of the building from one end to the other, and having an inclined floor on each side, +and especially to the curious apse-like roof projections in front of these houses (Dr. Haddon calls them “pent roofs”<a id="d0e1238src" href="#d0e1238" class="noteref">16</a>), Sir William’s figure of which is, like that of the Chirima villages, identical, or nearly so, with that of a Mafulu house. +But Sir William’s description of the physique of these Mt. Scratchley people and other matters make it clear, I think, that +they belong to a type different from that of the Mafulu, though they must be next door neighbours of the Fuyuge-speaking people. +Dr. Seligmann, in commenting upon this description of these people, expresses the opinion that they are Papuo-Melanesians.<a id="d0e1243src" href="#d0e1243" class="noteref">17</a> + +</p> +<p>The natives in the region of Mt. Musgrave and Mt. Knutsford, as described by Mr. Thomson,<a id="d0e1250src" href="#d0e1250" class="noteref">18</a> appear, at all events so far as dress is concerned, to be utterly different from the Mafulu. + +</p> +<p>Dr. Seligmann states that Dr. Strong has informed him that the southern boundary of the Fuyuge-speaking area is the Kabadi +country,<a id="d0e1257src" href="#d0e1257" class="noteref">19</a> and he had previously referred to Korona, immediately behind the Kabadi and Doura districts, as being within the area,<a id="d0e1262src" href="#d0e1262" class="noteref">20</a> and, indeed, the Geographical Society’s map shows the Fuyuge area as at all events extending as far south as Korona. I do +not know how far inland the Kabadi <a id="d0e1267"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1267">14</a>]</span>and Doura people extend; but I may say that the Mafulu Fathers expressed grave doubt as to the extension of the Fuyuge area +so far south as is indicated by the map. + +</p> +<p>If the Fuyuge area does in fact reach the Kabadi boundary, and if my notes on the Mafulu people are, as suggested, broadly +descriptive of the natives of the whole Fuyuge area, there must be a very sudden and sharp differentiation, as the Kabadi +people are apparently an offshoot from Mekeo,<a id="d0e1271src" href="#d0e1271" class="noteref">21</a> with apparently other Papuo-Melanesian blood (especially Roro) introduced.<a id="d0e1277src" href="#d0e1277" class="noteref">22</a> + +</p> +<p>The contour and appearance of the country in the actual Mafulu district of the Fuyuge area is strikingly different from that +of the immediately adjoining Kuni country, the sharp steep ridges and narrow deep-cut valleys of the latter, with their thick +unbroken covering of almost impenetrable forest, changing to higher mountain ranges with lateral ridges among them, and with +frequent gentle undulating slopes and wider and more open valleys; while, interspersed with the forests, are small patches +and great stretches of grass land, sometimes thinly covered or scattered with timber and sometimes quite open and devoid of +trees.<a id="d0e1285src" href="#d0e1285" class="noteref">23</a> And this <a id="d0e1294"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1294">15</a>]</span>condition continues, I was told, over the greater part of the triangular area above referred to. + +</p> +<p>Plates <a href="#d0e17033">1</a> and <a href="#d0e17038">2</a> give, I think, a fair illustration of what I mean, the steep contours and thickly wooded character of the foreground and +nearer middle distance shown by Plate <a href="#d0e17033">1</a> being typical Kuni scenery, and the more open nature of the country displayed by Plate <a href="#d0e17038">2</a> and the comparative freedom from forest of its foreground being typical of the higher uplands of Mafulu.<a id="d0e1310src" href="#d0e1310" class="noteref">24</a> + +</p> +<p>It will be noticed that the physical character of the Mafulu country is more favourable to continued occupation than is that +of the Kuni country; and it is a fact that the Mafulu people are not so restless and ready to move as are the Kuni folk; and, +even when they do migrate, it is generally to a spot comparatively near to their old villages. + +</p> +<p>The geological formation of the lower hills on which the actual Mafulu villages are placed and the intervening valleys is +partly limestone; and I was told that limestone formation was also found further to the east. + +</p> +<p>Throughout this book I shall use the term “Mafulu” as including, not only the little group of villages near the north-westerly +corner of the Fuyuge linguistic area actually known by that name, but also the other groups of Fuyuge villages in the north-western +<a id="d0e1322"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1322">16</a>]</span>portion of that area; and, as above indicated, it is believed by the Fathers of the Mission that I should be substantially +correct if I included the whole of the northern and north-eastern, and probably the southern portions of the known part of +that area, and possibly the entire area. + + + +<a id="d0e1324"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1324">17</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1096" href="#d0e1096src" class="noteref">1</a></span> The Geographical Society’s map used by me is somewhat confusing as regards the upper reaches of the St. Joseph or Angabunga +river and the rivers flowing into and forming it. The Fathers’ map makes the St. Joseph river commence under that name at +the confluence, at a point a little to the west of 8° 30′ S. Lat. and 147° E. Long., of the river Alabula (called in one of +its upper parts Loloipa), flowing from the north, and the river Aduala, flowing from Mt. Albert Edward in the north-east; +and this arrangement, which is practically in accord with a map appended to the British New Guinea <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1900, is, I think, probably the most suitable and correct one. The Aduala is the river the upper part of which +is in the Geographical Society’s map called Angabunga. The Fathers’ map shows the river Kea flowing into the Aduala at a distance +of about two miles above the confluence of the latter with the Alabula; but, according to the Report map, this distance is +about 12 miles. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1108" href="#d0e1108src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Note the change from the Mafulu (Papuan) pronunciation <i>Mambule</i> to the Kuni (Melanesian) pronunciation <i>Mafulu</i> and the similar change from the Mafulu <i>Ambo</i> to the Kuni <i>Ajoa</i>. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1133" href="#d0e1133src" class="noteref">3</a></span> See Dr. Seligmann’s “Hunterian Lecture” in the <i>Lancet</i> for February 17, 1906, p. 427; Seligmann and Strong in the <i>Geographical Journal</i> for March, 1906, pp. 233 and 236; also Dr. Seligmann’s “Classification of the Natives of British New Guinea” in the <i>Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute</i> for December, 1909, p. 329. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1151" href="#d0e1151src" class="noteref">4</a></span> <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 29. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1156" href="#d0e1156src" class="noteref">5</a></span> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 31. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1161" href="#d0e1161src" class="noteref">6</a></span> <i>Lancet</i>, February 17, 1906, p. 427. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1168" href="#d0e1168src" class="noteref">7</a></span> <i>Geographical Journal</i> for September, 1908, p. 274. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1175" href="#d0e1175src" class="noteref">8</a></span> <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 32. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1180" href="#d0e1180src" class="noteref">9</a></span> British New Guinea <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1906, p. 29. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1192" href="#d0e1192src" class="noteref">10</a></span> British New Guinea <i>Annual Report</i> for June 30, 1906, pp. 85 to 93. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1198" href="#d0e1198src" class="noteref">11</a></span> <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 33. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1209" href="#d0e1209src" class="noteref">12</a></span> Apparently bows and arrows are not found among the tribes of the Lower Mambare river (<i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1897, Appendix C, p. 7.) +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1215" href="#d0e1215src" class="noteref">13</a></span> <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1894, p. 32. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1224" href="#d0e1224src" class="noteref">14</a></span> <i>Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute</i> for December, 1909, p. 329. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1231" href="#d0e1231src" class="noteref">15</a></span> <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1897, Appendix C, p. 7. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1238" href="#d0e1238src" class="noteref">16</a></span> <i>Geographical Journal</i> for October, 1900, p. 422. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1243" href="#d0e1243src" class="noteref">17</a></span> <i>Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute</i> for December, 1909, p. 330. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1250" href="#d0e1250src" class="noteref">18</a></span> <i>British New Guinea</i>, p. 94. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1257" href="#d0e1257src" class="noteref">19</a></span> <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 32. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1262" href="#d0e1262src" class="noteref">20</a></span> <i>Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute</i> for December, 1909, p. 329. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1271" href="#d0e1271src" class="noteref">21</a></span> Seligmann and Strong—<i>Geographical Journal</i> for March, 1906, p. 232. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1277" href="#d0e1277src" class="noteref">22</a></span> Seligmann’s <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 27. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1285" href="#d0e1285src" class="noteref">23</a></span> Dr. Strong has referred (<i>Geographical Journal</i> for September, 1908, p. 272) to the considerable areas of open grass country at the source of the St. Joseph river; and in +his remarks which appeared in the <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1906, p. 28, he referred to the same matter, and spoke of the valleys being for the most part less steep than those +of the Kuni district. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1310" href="#d0e1310src" class="noteref">24</a></span> I must state that Plate <a href="#d0e17038">2</a> represents a scene taken from a spot near to Deva-deva, which, though close to what is regarded as the boundary between the +Kuni and Mafulu areas, is in fact just within the former. The general appearance of the scenery is, however, distinctly Mafulu. +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e1325"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Physique and Character</h2> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Physique.</h3> +<p>The Mafulu people are of short stature, though perhaps a trifle taller than the Kuni. + +</p> +<p>They are as a rule fairly strong and muscular in build, the women in particular having very strongly developed thighs; but, +speaking generally, their limbs are more slender, and their general development is slighter, than is usually the case among +the Roro and Mekeo people. + +</p> +<p>They appear to be usually mesaticephalic, but to have a very marked tendency to brachycephaly. + +</p> +<p>Their noses seemed to me to be generally strong, and of prominent size, varying considerably in width of bridge, but usually +having rather widely distending nostrils; and sometimes the width of the nose was equal to its length, or nearly so. + +</p> +<p>Referring to the above matters, the following are the results of twenty measurements of Mafulu men. These were obtained from +men of upwards of six different communities or groups of villages, so as to avoid the possible misleading character of measurements +made in only one village or group of villages, in which some family relationship between the persons <a id="d0e1341"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1341">18</a>]</span>measured might militate against the true average character of the figures obtained. + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">No.</td> +<td valign="top">Stature in cm.</td> +<td valign="top">Length of head in cm.</td> +<td valign="top">Breadth of head in cm.</td> +<td valign="top">Cephalic index</td> +<td valign="top">Cranial index (2 units deducted from cephalic index).</td> +<td valign="top">Nose length in cm.</td> +<td valign="top">Nose breadth in cm.</td> +<td valign="top">Nasal index</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">1 </td> +<td valign="top">150 </td> +<td valign="top">18.5 </td> +<td valign="top">14.7 </td> +<td valign="top">79.5 </td> +<td valign="top">77.5 </td> +<td valign="top">4.9 </td> +<td valign="top">4.4 </td> +<td valign="top">89.8</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">2 </td> +<td valign="top">155 </td> +<td valign="top">18.8 </td> +<td valign="top">15.1 </td> +<td valign="top">80.3 </td> +<td valign="top">78.3 </td> +<td valign="top">4.8 </td> +<td valign="top">4.8 </td> +<td valign="top">100.0</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">3 </td> +<td valign="top">155 </td> +<td valign="top">19.5 </td> +<td valign="top">14.8 </td> +<td valign="top">75.9 </td> +<td valign="top">73.9 </td> +<td valign="top">5.3 </td> +<td valign="top">4.3 </td> +<td valign="top">81.1</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">4 </td> +<td valign="top">157 </td> +<td valign="top">18.5 </td> +<td valign="top">15.4 </td> +<td valign="top">83.2 </td> +<td valign="top">81.2 </td> +<td valign="top">4.3 </td> +<td valign="top">4.3 </td> +<td valign="top">100.0</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">5 </td> +<td valign="top">153 </td> +<td valign="top">18.9 </td> +<td valign="top">14.6 </td> +<td valign="top">77.2 </td> +<td valign="top">75.2 </td> +<td valign="top">4.8 </td> +<td valign="top">4.4 </td> +<td valign="top">91.7</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">6 </td> +<td valign="top">151 </td> +<td valign="top">18.6 </td> +<td valign="top">14.3 </td> +<td valign="top">76.9 </td> +<td valign="top">74.9 </td> +<td valign="top">4.9 </td> +<td valign="top">3.8 </td> +<td valign="top">77.6</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">7 </td> +<td valign="top">151 </td> +<td valign="top">19.3 </td> +<td valign="top">15.2 </td> +<td valign="top">78.8 </td> +<td valign="top">76.8 </td> +<td valign="top">5.4 </td> +<td valign="top">4.4 </td> +<td valign="top">81.5</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">8 </td> +<td valign="top">163 </td> +<td valign="top">19.4 </td> +<td valign="top">14.5 </td> +<td valign="top">74.7 </td> +<td valign="top">72.7 </td> +<td valign="top">5.6 </td> +<td valign="top">4.4 </td> +<td valign="top">78.6</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">9 </td> +<td valign="top">162 </td> +<td valign="top">18.8 </td> +<td valign="top">15.2 </td> +<td valign="top">80.9 </td> +<td valign="top">78.9 </td> +<td valign="top">5.3 </td> +<td valign="top">4.0 </td> +<td valign="top">75.5</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">10 </td> +<td valign="top">163 </td> +<td valign="top">17.4 </td> +<td valign="top">15.1 </td> +<td valign="top">86.8 </td> +<td valign="top">84.8 </td> +<td valign="top">5.5 </td> +<td valign="top">4.6 </td> +<td valign="top">83.6</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">11 </td> +<td valign="top">155 </td> +<td valign="top">18.0 </td> +<td valign="top">14.0 </td> +<td valign="top">77.8 </td> +<td valign="top">75.8 </td> +<td valign="top">5.3 </td> +<td valign="top">4.4 </td> +<td valign="top">83.0</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">12 </td> +<td valign="top">157 </td> +<td valign="top">17.4 </td> +<td valign="top">14.6 </td> +<td valign="top">83.9 </td> +<td valign="top">81.9 </td> +<td valign="top">4.6 </td> +<td valign="top">4.0 </td> +<td valign="top">87.0</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">13 </td> +<td valign="top">158 </td> +<td valign="top">19.7 </td> +<td valign="top">14.8 </td> +<td valign="top">75.1 </td> +<td valign="top">73.1 </td> +<td valign="top">5.3 </td> +<td valign="top">4.3 </td> +<td valign="top">81.1</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">14 </td> +<td valign="top">160 </td> +<td valign="top">17.9 </td> +<td valign="top">14.4 </td> +<td valign="top">80.4 </td> +<td valign="top">78.4 </td> +<td valign="top">5.1 </td> +<td valign="top">4.3 </td> +<td valign="top">84.3</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">15 </td> +<td valign="top">153 </td> +<td valign="top">17.7 </td> +<td valign="top">14.7 </td> +<td valign="top">83.1 </td> +<td valign="top">81.1 </td> +<td valign="top">5.2 </td> +<td valign="top">4.1 </td> +<td valign="top">78.8</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">16 </td> +<td valign="top">156 </td> +<td valign="top">18.5 </td> +<td valign="top">14.8 </td> +<td valign="top">80.0 </td> +<td valign="top">78.0 </td> +<td valign="top">5.5 </td> +<td valign="top">4.5 </td> +<td valign="top">81.8</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">17 </td> +<td valign="top">152 </td> +<td valign="top">17.7 </td> +<td valign="top">14.9 </td> +<td valign="top">84.2 </td> +<td valign="top">82.2 </td> +<td valign="top">5.6 </td> +<td valign="top">4.0 </td> +<td valign="top">71.4</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">18 </td> +<td valign="top">154 </td> +<td valign="top">18.6 </td> +<td valign="top">14.9 </td> +<td valign="top">80.1 </td> +<td valign="top">78.1 </td> +<td valign="top">5.2 </td> +<td valign="top">4.5 </td> +<td valign="top">86.5</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">19 </td> +<td valign="top">150 </td> +<td valign="top">17.8 </td> +<td valign="top">15.2 </td> +<td valign="top">85.4 </td> +<td valign="top">83.4 </td> +<td valign="top">4.9 </td> +<td valign="top">3.9 </td> +<td valign="top">79.6</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">20 </td> +<td valign="top">147 </td> +<td valign="top">18.8 </td> +<td valign="top">14.5 </td> +<td valign="top">77.1 </td> +<td valign="top">75.1 </td> +<td valign="top">4.6 </td> +<td valign="top">3.8 </td> +<td valign="top">82.6</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p>Analysing these figures, we get the following results:— + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"></td> +<td valign="top">Highest number.</td> +<td valign="top">Lowest number.</td> +<td valign="top">Average.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Stature<a id="d0e1758src" href="#d0e1758" class="noteref">1</a></td> +<td valign="top">163 cm.(64.2 ins.)</td> +<td valign="top">147 cm.(57.9 ins.)</td> +<td valign="top">155.1 cm.(61.1 ins.)</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Head length </td> +<td valign="top">19.7 cm. </td> +<td valign="top">17.4 cm. </td> +<td valign="top">18.5 cm.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Head breadth </td> +<td valign="top">15.4 cm. </td> +<td valign="top">14.0 cm. </td> +<td valign="top">14.8 cm.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cephalic index </td> +<td valign="top">86.8 </td> +<td valign="top">74.7 </td> +<td valign="top">80.0</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cranial index </td> +<td valign="top">84.8 </td> +<td valign="top">72.7 </td> +<td valign="top">78.0</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nose length </td> +<td valign="top">5.6 cm. </td> +<td valign="top">4.3 cm. </td> +<td valign="top">5.1 cm.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nose breadth </td> +<td valign="top">4.8 cm. </td> +<td valign="top">3.8 cm. </td> +<td valign="top">4.3 cm.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nasal index </td> +<td valign="top">100.0 </td> +<td valign="top">71.4 </td> +<td valign="top">84.3<a id="d0e1836src" href="#d0e1836" class="noteref">2</a></td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Number of cranial indices under 75 </td> +<td valign="top">= 4 (20 per cent.).</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Number of cranial indices between 75 and 80 </td> +<td valign="top">= 10 (50 per cent.).</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Number of cranial indices over 80 </td> +<td valign="top">= 6 (30 per cent.).</td> +</tr> +</table><p> +<a id="d0e1856"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1856">19</a>]</span></p> +<p>There are a few points in connection with these figures to which I would draw attention. The very short man (No. 20—height, +147 cm.) has a cranial index of 75.1, on the border line between dolichocephaly and mesaticephaly. He has also a short nose +(4.6 cm.), and is one of the two with the narrowest noses (3.8 c.m.). The very tall man (No. 8—height, 163 cm.) has a long +head (19.4 cm.), and the lowest dolichocephalic cranial index of 72.7, and is one of two with the longest noses (5.6 cm.). +The other very tall man (No. 10—height, 163 cm.) has one of the two shortest heads (17.4 cm.), and the highest brachycephalic +cranial index of 84.8, and has a long nose (5.5 cm.) The man (No. 2) whose nasal index is 100 has the mesaticephalic cranial +index of 78.3 (almost the average index). The other man (No. 4) whose nasal index is 100 has a head of exactly the average +length (18.5 cm.) and the greatest breadth (15.4 cm.), and the brachycephalic cranial index of 81.2. The man (No. 17) with +the lowest nasal index of 71.4 has a very short head (17.7 cm.), and the brachycephalic cranial index of 82.2. + +</p> +<p>The following tables, however, illustrate the fact that the measurements of these twenty men do not appear to indicate, as +regards them, any marked <a id="d0e1861"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1861">20</a>]</span>connection between stature, cranial index, and nasal index. + +</p> +<p>Order in stature (beginning with the shortest): + +</p> +<p>20—1—19—6—7—17—5—15—18—2—3—11—16—4—12—13—14—9—8—10. + +</p> +<p>Order in progress upwards of cranial indices: + +</p> +<p>8—13—3—6–20—5—ll—7—1—16—18—2—14—9—15—4—12—17—19—10. + +</p> +<p>Order in progress upwards of nasal indices: + +</p> +<p>17—9—6—8—15—19—3—13—7—16—20—11—10—14—18—12—1—5—2—4. + +</p> +<p>I brought home three Mafulu skulls, which Dr. Keith kindly had measured at the Royal College of Surgeons, with the following +results<a id="d0e1877src" href="#d0e1877" class="noteref">3</a>:— + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Skull</td> +<td valign="top">Length in cm.</td> +<td valign="top">Breadth in cm.</td> +<td valign="top">Height in cm.</td> +<td valign="top">Cranial Index.</td> +<td valign="top">Proportion of height to length.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">A </td> +<td valign="top">17.6 </td> +<td valign="top">14.0 </td> +<td valign="top">12.2 </td> +<td valign="top">79.5 </td> +<td valign="top">69.3</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">B </td> +<td valign="top">18.2 </td> +<td valign="top">14.1 </td> +<td valign="top">13.2 </td> +<td valign="top">77.5 </td> +<td valign="top">72.5</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">C </td> +<td valign="top">17.3 </td> +<td valign="top">12.7 </td> +<td valign="top">12.5 </td> +<td valign="top">73.4 </td> +<td valign="top">72.3</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p>It will be observed that the lowest of these three cranial indices is a trifle higher than the lowest of those of the head +measurements, that the highest of them is much lower than the highest of those of the head measurements, and that their average +(76.8) is a little below the average of those of the head measurements. + +</p> +<p>Dr. Keith had further measurements made of these <a id="d0e1938"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1938">21</a>]</span>skulls from the point of view of prognathism and characters of noses and orbits, with the following results: + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Skull.</td> +<td valign="top">Basi-nasal length.</td> +<td valign="top">Basi-alveolar length.</td> +<td valign="top">Height of nose.</td> +<td valign="top">Width of nose.</td> +<td valign="top">Height of orbit.</td> +<td valign="top">Width of orbit.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">mm. </td> +<td valign="top">mm. </td> +<td valign="top">mm. </td> +<td valign="top">mm. </td> +<td valign="top">mm. </td> +<td valign="top">mm.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">A </td> +<td valign="top">98 </td> +<td valign="top">102 </td> +<td valign="top">48 </td> +<td valign="top">26 </td> +<td valign="top">40 </td> +<td valign="top">35</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">B </td> +<td valign="top">99 </td> +<td valign="top">96 </td> +<td valign="top">49 </td> +<td valign="top">25 </td> +<td valign="top">42 </td> +<td valign="top">35</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">C </td> +<td valign="top">97 </td> +<td valign="top">102 </td> +<td valign="top">47 </td> +<td valign="top">26 </td> +<td valign="top">38 </td> +<td valign="top">35</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p>Dr. Keith, referring to these skulls, says that they disclose relatively small brains, the cranial capacity of A being 1,230 +c.c., that of B being 1,330 c.c., and that of C being 1,130 c.c. He compares these figures with the average cranial capacity +of the male European, which he puts at 1,500 c.c. + +</p> +<p>The eyes of the Mafulu people are dark brown and very bright. I never saw among them those oblique eyes, almost recalling +the Mongolian, which, according to Dr. Seligmann, are found, though rarely only, on the coast,<a id="d0e2021src" href="#d0e2021" class="noteref">4</a> and of which I saw many instances among the Kuni people. + +</p> +<p>Their lips are usually not so thick as are those of the Mekeo and Roro people, and are generally finer and more delicate in +shape. + +</p> +<p>In view of their Papuan language I kept a sharp look out for the curious backward sloping foreheads and projecting brow ridges +and Jewish-looking noses which are so often found among the Western Papuans; but, although I saw a few examples of these, +they were rare, and I did not observe any <a id="d0e2030"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2030">22</a>]</span>noticeable tendency in these directions in the faces of the people generally.<a id="d0e2032src" href="#d0e2032" class="noteref">5</a> + +</p> +<p>A curious characteristic with them is the big toe, which is usually much developed, and projects outwards at a larger angle +than is the case with the Roro and Mekeo people, and is much used for holding on to roots, &c., whilst travelling along their +rough mountain paths. + +</p> +<p>Their general colour is a dark sooty brown, a trifle darker, perhaps, than that of the Kuni people, and contrasting forcibly +with the varying shades of chocolate which you find among the Roro and Mekeo people. They are smooth-skinned. + +</p> +<p>Their hair is frizzly, and generally dark brown, often quite dark, almost even approaching to black, and sometimes perhaps +quite black. But it is frequently lighter; and indeed I was often, when observing men’s hair lit up by sunshine, impressed +by the fact that its brown colour was not even what we should in Europe call dark.<a id="d0e2044src" href="#d0e2044" class="noteref">6</a> I often saw marked variations in the depth of hair colour on the head of the same individual. I saw no examples of the comparatively +straight or curly type of hair which is found in the Pokau district and elsewhere.<a id="d0e2050src" href="#d0e2050" class="noteref">7</a> +<a id="d0e2061"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2061">23</a>]</span></p> +<p>Plate <a href="#d0e17043">3</a> gives front and side views of the mesaticephalic (almost brachycephalic) skull A and Plate <a href="#d0e17048">4</a> gives similar views of the dolichocephalic skull C. All the photographs were made as nearly as possible exactly half the +sizes of the originals; but the photographer has made the front view of skull A about an eighth of an inch too narrow (with, +of course, a corresponding deficiency in height), so that the tendency to roundness of this skull is not quite sufficiently +shown, and the proportion of its height to its length is reduced, in the plate. I am not a craniologist, and so I do not attempt +to discuss the more detailed points of interest which arise in connection with these skulls. + +</p> +<p>A good idea of the somewhat varying characters of the general physiques and features of the people will be obtained from my +plates; but there are a few of these plates which I may mention here. + +</p> +<p>The people shown in Plates <a href="#d0e17053">5</a>, <a href="#d0e17058">6</a>, <a href="#d0e17063">7</a>, <a href="#d0e17068">8</a>, <a href="#d0e17073">9</a> and <a href="#d0e17122">16</a> may, I think, be regarded as fairly typical, and I would draw attention to the somewhat Melanesian tendency of feature which +is disclosed by the faces of the man in Plate <a href="#d0e17058">6</a>, the young man in the middle in Plate <a href="#d0e17063">7</a> and the fourth and sixth men from the left in Plate <a href="#d0e17073">9</a>; also to the great diversity shown in Plate <a href="#d0e17073">9</a>. The man shown in Plate <a href="#d0e17078">10</a>, with his thick and strong muscular <a id="d0e2107"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2107">24</a>]</span>development, is of a type which is occasionally seen, but which is, I believe, unusual. The two men figured in Plates <a href="#d0e17083">11</a> and <a href="#d0e17088">12</a> are, I think, specially interesting. The one to the right, with his somewhat backward sloping forehead, and slightly arched +nose, shows a distinct tendency towards the type of the Western Papuan, to which I have already referred. The other one is +in general shape of head and appearance of features not unlike some of the dwarf people found by the recent expedition into +Dutch New Guinea (see the man to the left in Plate <a href="#d0e17048">4</a> of the page of illustrations in <i>The Illustrated London News</i> for September 2, 1911), and indeed there is almost an Australian tendency in his face. It is noticeable that he has a beard +and moustache, which is quite unusual among the Mafulu. A somewhat similar type of face may be noticed in one or two of the +other plates. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Character and Temperament.</h3> +<p>It is difficult to speak with any degree of definiteness on this question. It must be borne in mind that the Mafulu people +have been very little in touch with white people, the missionaries, who have only been there since 1905, and on rare occasions +a Government official or scientific traveller, being almost the only white men whom the bulk of them have ever seen; and they +have been but slightly affected by the outside influences which for some years past have been constantly brought to bear upon +the natives of the adjoining coast line and the people of the Mekeo plains; so that comparisons of these people with their +more up-to-date <a id="d0e2126"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2126">25</a>]</span>neighbours as regards their relative natural characters may well be in some respects misleading. + +</p> +<p>Subject, however, to this caution I would say that they are lazy and easy-going (though not so much so as the Roro and Mekeo +people), lively, excitable, cheerful, merry, fairly intelligent (this being judged rather from the young people), very superstitious, +brave, with much power of enduring pain, cruel, not more revengeful perhaps than is usual among uncivilised natives, friendly +one with another, not quarrelsome, but untrustworthy and not over-faithful even in their dealings with one another, though +honest as regards boundaries and property rights and in the sense of not stealing from one another within their own communities +(this being regarded as a most shameful offence), and of very loose sexual morality. + +</p> +<p>A difference between them and the Mekeo and Roro natives is that they appear to be not so conservative as the latter, being +more ready to abandon old traditions and adopt new ideas; though this characteristic is one which shows itself in the young +people rather than in the elders with their formed habits. + + + + +<a id="d0e2132"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2132">26</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1758" href="#d0e1758src" class="noteref">1</a></span> Dr. Strong’s measurements of seven Mafulu men referred to by Dr. Seligmann (<i>Journal of Royal Anthropological Institute</i>, Vol. 39, <a id="d0e1763"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1763">18n</a>]</span>p. 329) showed an average stature of 59½ inches, and an average cephalic index of 80.0. It will be noticed that my figures +show a somewhat higher average stature, but that my average cephalic index is the same. Dr. Seligmann here speaks of the Mafulu +as being almost as short as the men of Inavaurene, and even more round-headed. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1836" href="#d0e1836src" class="noteref">2</a></span> This is the index calculated on average lengths and breadths. The average of the indices is 83.8, the difference arising from +the omission in working out of each index of second points of decimals. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1877" href="#d0e1877src" class="noteref">3</a></span> Dr. Keith thinks they are all skulls of males. They are now in College Museum, and are numbered 1186.32, 1186.33 and 1186.34 +in the College Catalogue. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2021" href="#d0e2021src" class="noteref">4</a></span> <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p.16. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2032" href="#d0e2032src" class="noteref">5</a></span> Dr. Haddon refers (<i>Geographical Journal</i>, Vol. 16, p.291) to the finding by the Mission Fathers of “another type of native, evidently an example of the convex-nosed +Papuan,” in the upper waters of the Alabula river. I gather from the habitat of these natives that they must have been either +Ambo or Oru Lopiku. I should be surprised to hear the Semitic nose was common in either of those areas. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2044" href="#d0e2044src" class="noteref">6</a></span> Dr. Seligmann, in speaking of the Koiari people, refers to an occasional reddish or gingery tinge of facial hair (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea,</i>, p. 29). I never noticed this among the Mafulu. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2050" href="#d0e2050src" class="noteref">7</a></span> Since writing the above, I have learnt that some of the dwarf people <a id="d0e2052"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2052">23n</a>]</span>found by the expedition into Dutch New Guinea organised by the British Ornithologists’ Union had brown hair. Mr. Goodfellow +tells me that “the hair of some of the pygmies was decidedly <i>dark</i> brown”; and Dr. Wollaston gives me the following extract from his diary for March 1, 1911, relating to twenty-four pygmies +then under observation:—“Hair of three men distinctly <i>not</i> black, a sort of dirty rusty brown or rusty black colour—all others black-haired.” +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e2133"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Dress and Ornament</h2> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Dress.</h3> +<p>The perineal band, made of bark cloth, is the one article of dress which is universally worn by both men and women. + +</p> +<p>These bands are made by both men and women, but are coloured by men only. They are commonly unstained and undecorated; but +some of them, and especially those worn for visiting and at dances, are more or less decorated. Some that I have noticed are +stained in one colour covering the whole garment; others in two colours arranged in alternate transverse bands, sometimes +with narrow spaces of unstained cloth between; and again others have bands of one colour alternating with bands of unstained +cloth. Some are decorated with lines or groups of lines of one colour, or alternating lines or groups of lines of two colours, +painted transversely across the cloth. Others, while simply stained in one colour or stained or decorated in one of the ways +above described, have another simple terminal design near the end of the garment. + +</p> +<p>The men’s bands are usually small and narrow, as <a id="d0e2145"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2145">27</a>]</span>compared with those worn by the Roro and Mekeo people; and the women’s bands seemed to me to be generally even narrower than +those of the men, particularly in front. Men’s bands, which I have measured, were about 6 inches wide at one end, narrowing +down to about 3 inches at the other; and the widths of women’s bands were 4 or 5 inches or less at one end, narrowing down +to about 2 inches at the other. But the bands of both men and women, especially those of the latter, often become so crumpled +up and creased with wear that the portion passing between the legs dwindles down to about an inch or less in width. One is +tempted to think, as regards both men and women, that, from the point of view of covering, the bands might be dispensed with +altogether. This remark applies still more strongly to the case of young boys and unmarried girls, including among the latter +big full-grown girls, who are in fact fully developed women, whose bands can hardly be regarded as being more than nominal, +and who, especially the girls and young women, and even sometimes married women who are nursing their babies, can really only +be described as being practically naked. + +</p> +<p>Plate <a href="#d0e17093">13</a> (Figs, 1, 2, and 3) illustrates the staining and decoration of perineal bands.<a id="d0e2152src" href="#d0e2152" class="noteref">1</a> Fig. 1 is a section <a id="d0e2155"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2155">28</a>]</span>of a man’s band about 6 inches wide. The transverse lines, which extend along the whole length of the band, are in alternate +groups of black and red. The background is unevenly stained yellow behind the black lines; but the background behind the red +lines and the spaces intervening between the groups of lines are unstained. Fig. 2 is the pattern near the end of a woman’s +band about 5 inches wide. The lines are coloured red. There is no pattern on the rest of the band; but the whole of the band, +including the background of the pattern, is stained yellow. Fig. 3 is a section of a woman’s band about 2½ inches wide. The +colouring is in alternate bands of red and yellow with irregular unstained spaces between. + +</p> +<p>I was struck with the gradual reduction of the women’s dress as I travelled from the coast, with its Roro inhabitants, through +Mekeo, and thence by Lapeka and Ido-ido to Dilava, and on by Deva-deva to Mafulu. The petticoats of the Roro women gave way +to the shorter ones of Mekeo, and these seemed to get shorter as I went further inland. Then at Lapeka they were still shorter. +At Ido-ido, which is Kuni, the petticoats ceased, and there was only the perineal band. Then, again, at Dilava (still Kuni) +this band was narrower, and at Deva-deva, and finally at Mafulu, it was often, as I have said, almost nominal. + +</p> +<p>I was told that the age at which a boy usually begins to wear his band is about 10 or 12, or in the case of a chief’s son +16 or 17; but that girls assume their bands at a somewhat earlier age, say at 7 or 8. <a id="d0e2161"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2161">29</a>]</span>So far as my personal observation went I should have thought that the usual maximum age of nakedness for both boys and girls +was rather younger, and I never saw a naked boy of an age anything like 16. + +</p> +<p>The assumption of the perineal band is the subject of a ceremony which will be dealt with hereafter. + +</p> +<p>Caps are very often worn by men, but not by women or children. These are simply pieces of plain unstained bark cloth about +9 inches wide, which are coiled and twisted on the head. The result is often a shapeless mass; but there are methods of arranging +the cloth in definite ways which produce describable results. Sometimes the cloth is merely coiled several times around the +head, so as to produce a tall thin turban-shaped band, the crown of the head being left uncovered. Often this plan is extended +by turning the end of the cloth over, so as to cover the top of the head, thus producing in some cases a result which resembles +a fez, and in other cases one which looks more like a tight skullcap. Again the cap often has its centre terminating in an +end or tassel hanging over, thus making it look like a cap of liberty; and yet again I have seen the cap look almost like +the square paper caps often worn by certain artisans at home. These caps are seen in several of the plates. + +</p> +<p>Abdominal belts are commonly worn by both men and women, but not as a rule by children. There are several distinct forms of +these:— + +</p> +<p>(1) A thick strong dark-coloured belt (Plate <a href="#d0e17104">14</a>, Fig. I) made of tree bark; made and worn by men only. The belt is about 3 or more inches wide and is often so <a id="d0e2174"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2174">30</a>]</span>long that it passes twice round the body, the outer end being fastened to the coil beneath it by two strings. This form of +belt is sometimes ornamented with simple straight-lined geometric patterns carved into the belt, but it is never coloured. +The process of manufacture is as follows: they cut off a strip of bark large enough for one, two, three, or four belts, and +coil it up in concentric circles, like the two circles of the belt when worn. They then place it so coiled into water, and +leave it there to soak for a few days, after which they strip off the outer part, leaving the smooth inner bark, which they +dry, and finally cut into the required lengths, to which they add the attachment strings made of native fibre. + +</p> +<p>(2) A belt made of a material looking like split cane and thin strips from the fibre of what I was told was a creeping plant<a id="d0e2178src" href="#d0e2178" class="noteref">2</a>; made and worn by men only. The latter material is obtained by splitting the fibre into thin strips. These strips and the +strips of split cane-like material are rather coarse in texture. The former are of a dull red-brown colour (natural, not produced +by staining) and the latter are stone-yellow. The two are plaited together in geometric patterns. The width of the belt is +about 2 inches. It only passes <a id="d0e2181"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2181">31</a>]</span>once round the man’s body; and the plaiting is finished with the belt on the body, so that it can only afterwards be removed +by unplaiting or cutting it off. + +</p> +<p>(3) A belt (Plate <a href="#d0e17104">14</a>, Fig. 2) made of stone-yellow unsplit cane; made and worn by both men and women. This is the simplest form of belt, being +merely a strip of cane intertwined (not plaited) so as to form a band about half an inch wide, and left the natural colour +of the cane. Both men and women, when short of food, use this belt to reduce the pain of hunger, by tightening it over the +stomach. It is, therefore, much worn during a period of restricted diet prior to a feast. Women also use it, along with their +other ordinary means, to bring about abortion, the belt being for this purpose drawn very tightly round the body. Often two, +or even three, such belts are worn together. + +</p> +<p>(4) A belt (Plate <a href="#d0e17104">14</a>, Fig. 3) made of coarse, sometimes very coarse, stone-yellow split cane or cane-like material; made and worn by men only. +This belt is left the natural colour of the material, which is plaited so as to form a band from half an inch to 2 inches +broad, the two ends of which are bound together with cane. It also, like No. 2, is finished on the body. A man will often +wear two or three of these belts together. + +</p> +<p>(5) A belt (Plate <a href="#d0e17113">15</a>, Fig. i) made out of the inner fibre of a creeping plant<a id="d0e2198src" href="#d0e2198" class="noteref">3</a>; made and worn by men <a id="d0e2201"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2201">32</a>]</span>only. The fibre threads used for this belt are very fine, so the plaiting is minute, instead of being coarse like that of +No. 2; but it is generally done rather loosely and openly. The belt is usually about 2 inches wide or a trifle less and is +often plaited in slightly varying geometric patterns. It is not stained in manufacture, but the natural stone-grey colour +of the fibre soon becomes tinted as the result of wear and the staining of the wearer’s body, and in particular it often becomes +an ornamental red. This belt also is finished on the man’s body. + +</p> +<p>(6) A belt (Plate <a href="#d0e17113">15</a>, Fig. 2) made of the inner fibre of what I was told was another creeping plant<a id="d0e2208src" href="#d0e2208" class="noteref">4</a> and the stem of a plant which I believe to be one of the Dendrobiums<a id="d0e2211src" href="#d0e2211" class="noteref">5</a>; made and worn by men only. The fibres of the former plant are stained black; the reedy stems of the other plant are put +in short bamboo stems filled with water, and then boiled. They are then easily split up into flattish straws, and become a +colour varying from rather bright yellow to brown. For making the belt these two materials, looking rather like black and +bright yellow straw, are plaited together in various geometrical patterns. The width of the belt is 2 inches, or a trifle +more. It is tied at the ends with fibre string. + +</p> +<p>(7) A rather special form of belt (Plate <a href="#d0e17113">15</a>, Fig. 3) <a id="d0e2219"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2219">33</a>]</span>used mainly for visiting and dancing; made and worn by both men and women. The belt is made out of a hank of loose separate +strands between 4 and 5 feet long, tied together with string or bark cloth at two opposite points, so as to form a belt of +between 2 feet and 2 feet 6 inches in length. For better description I would liken it to a skein of wool, as it looks when +held on the hands of one person for the purpose of being wound off into a ball by someone else, but which, instead of being +wound off, is tied up at the two points where it passes round the hands of the holder, and is then pulled out into a straight +line of double the original number of strands, and so forms a single many-stranded belt of 2 feet or more in length. It is +fastened round the waist with a piece of bark cloth attached to one of the points where the hank has been tied up.<a id="d0e2221src" href="#d0e2221" class="noteref">6</a> + +</p> +<p>The number of strands is considerable. Belts examined by me and counted gave numbers varying from eighteen to thirty-five, +and the number of strands of the belt round the body would be double that. Each strand is made of three parts plaited together, +and is one-eighth of an inch or less in width. Various materials, including all the materials used for armlets (see below), +are employed for making these belts, <a id="d0e2226"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2226">34</a>]</span>some for one and some for another. Sometimes a belt has its strands all plaited out of one material only, in which case the +belt will be all of one colour. Sometimes its strands are plaited out of two different coloured materials. There is no colouring +of the belt, except that of its strands. + +</p> +<p>Belt No. 1, as worn, is seen in Plates <a href="#d0e17073">9</a> and <a href="#d0e17083">11</a>. Belt No. 3 is worn by the man at the extreme right in Plate <a href="#d0e17122">16</a>. It is worn by many of the women figured in the plates, and several of them have two belts. One of the women figured in Plates +<a href="#d0e17132">18</a> and <a href="#d0e17137">19</a> has three of them. Belt No. 4 is worn by one of the men figured in Plates <a href="#d0e17063">7</a> and <a href="#d0e17068">8</a> (he has three of them). Belt No. 7 is worn by one or two of the women figured in the frontispiece, the one to the extreme +right having a many-stranded belt, and it is excellently illustrated in Plate <a href="#d0e17127">17</a>. + +</p> +<p>Capes made of bark cloth are made and worn by men and women. They are only put on after recovery from an illness by which +the wearer has been laid up, including childbirth. The cape is simply a plain long narrow piece of undyed bark cloth. The +corners of one end are fastened together, and the whole of that end is bunched up into a sort of hood, which is placed over +the head, whilst the rest of the cloth hangs down as a narrow strip behind. The cape in no way covers or conceals any part +of the body when viewed from the front or side. It is only worn for a few days; but whilst wearing it the wearer discards +all, or nearly all, his or her ornaments. I could learn no reason for the custom. Plates <a href="#d0e17132">18</a> and <a href="#d0e17137">19</a> <a id="d0e2262"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2262">35</a>]</span>show these capes, and the way in which they are worn. + +</p> +<p>Mourning strings (Plate <a href="#d0e17208">30</a>, Fig. 1) are made and worn by both men and women. These are plain undecorated necklaces varying much in size and appearance; +sometimes they are made of undyed twisted bark cloth, and vary in thickness from one-sixteenth of an inch to an inch; sometimes +they are only made of string, and are quite thin. There is always an end or tassel to the necklace, made out of the extremities +of the neck part, and hanging in front over the chest; and, if the necklace is of string, and not of bark cloth, some bark +cloth is twisted round this tassel. This sign of grief is after a death worn by the widow or widower or other nearest relative +(male or female) of the deceased; and at times two people of equal degree of relationship will both wear it. It is worn until +the formal ending of the mourning. The woman to the extreme right in Plate <a href="#d0e17184">26</a> is wearing one of these. + +</p> +<p>Widows’ vests. These are mourning garments, only worn by the widows of chiefs. The garment, which is made by women, is a vest +made of string network (like a string bag), the mesh of which is the special Mafulu mesh, which will be described hereafter, +and it is not coloured. It is plainly and simply made, with openings at the top for the neck, and at the sides for the arms +(no sleeves), and coming down to about the waist, without any other opening either in front or at the back. This garment is +also worn until the formal end of the period of <a id="d0e2274"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2274">36</a>]</span>mourning.<a id="d0e2276src" href="#d0e2276" class="noteref">7</a> I was unable to secure a picture of one of these. + +</p> +<p>There is no special dress for chiefs to distinguish them from other people. + +</p> +<p>European calico clothing has not been adopted by these people, even in the district where they are in touch with the missionaries. +Indeed I may say that the people, happily for their own health, show no inclination to wear more clothing; and no doubt as +a result of their conservatism in this respect they escape many a fatal cold and attack of pneumonia, and the spread of infectious +skin diseases is somewhat reduced. I may also add that the Bishop and Fathers of the Mission do not attempt, or seem to desire, +to urge the people who come under their influence to endanger their health and their lives for the sake of conforming to views +as to clothing which have played such havoc with tropical natives in many parts of the globe.<a id="d0e2289src" href="#d0e2289" class="noteref">8</a> + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Physical Body Decoration, &c.</h3> +<p>Tattooing and body-scarring are not practised by either men or women among the Mafulu. + +</p> +<p>Depilation. When a young man’s beard begins to grow, the hairs of the beard and moustache and eye-brows <a id="d0e2302"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2302">37</a>]</span>are extracted. No other depilation is practised by men, and none whatever by women; and none of them shave any part of the +body. The depilation is effected with two fibre threads twisted round each other, the hair to be extracted being inserted +between the threads. Anyone can do this, and there is no ceremony connected with it. + +</p> +<p>Nose-piercing. The septa of the noses of both men and women are pierced at or after the age of 15 or 18, and either before +or after marriage. This is done for men by men, and for women by women. There is no special person whose duty it is to do +it, but he or she must be one who knows the incantations which are required. There is no restriction as to diet or otherwise +placed upon the operator prior to the operation, but there is a day’s food restriction imposed upon the person whose nose +is to be pierced. + +</p> +<p>Two instruments are used for the operation, one being a piercing instrument made of pig bone and sharpened, and the other +being a small wooden plug, also sharpened. The operator first visibly, but silently, engages in two incantations, during the +former of which he holds up the thumb and first finger of his right hand, and during the latter of which he holds up the two +instruments. He then with the thumb and first finger of his right hand holds the septum of the nose of the person to be operated +upon, whom I will call the “patient,” and with the left hand pierces the septum with the bone instrument. He next inserts +the wooden plug into the hole, so as to make it larger, and leaves the plug there. Then <a id="d0e2308"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2308">38</a>]</span>he takes a blade of grass, which he also inserts through the hole, by the side of the plug, and, holding the grass by the +two ends, he makes it rotate round and round the plug. This is a painful process, which frequently causes tears and cries +from the patient. He then probably goes through the same process with various other patients, as it is the custom to operate +on several persons at the same time. + +</p> +<p>The patients are then all lodged in houses built for the purpose, one house being for men and one for women. These are not +houses which are kept permanently standing, but are specially built on each occasion on which the nose-boring operation is +going to be performed. A great swelling of the patients’ noses develops, and this spreads more or less over their faces. The +patients are confined in the special houses until the holes in their noses are large enough and the wounds are healed. During +this confinement each patient has himself to do what is requisite to further enlarge the hole by the insertion into it from +time to time of pieces of wood and by putting in rolled up leaves and pushing pieces of wood inside these leaves. During all +this period he is not allowed to come out of the house, at all events not so as to be seen, and his diet is confined to sweet +potato, cooked in a certain way. The cooking for all the patients, men and women, is done by the woman nose-piercing operator, +assisted by other women. The potatoes are wrapped up in leaves (usually banana), each potato being generally wrapped up separately +in one or more leaves; and, when so wrapped up, they are <a id="d0e2312"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2312">39</a>]</span>cooked in red-hot ashes, and then taken to the houses where the patients are. + +</p> +<p>When the hole in any patient’s nose has reached the requisite size, and the wound is healed, he inserts a large croton leaf<a id="d0e2316src" href="#d0e2316" class="noteref">9</a> into the hole; he may then come out and return to his own house, retaining the croton leaf in his nose. He must next occupy +himself in searching for a black non-poisonous snake about 12 or 18 inches long, which is commonly found in the grass. I cannot +say what snake this is, but I am advised that it is probably <i>Tropidonotus mairii</i>. Its native name is <i>fal’ ul’ obe</i>, which means “germ of the ground.” Until he finds this snake he must keep the croton leaf in his nose, and is still under +the same restriction as to food, which is cooked in the same way and by the same persons as before. On finding the snake, +he secures it alive, removes the croton leaf from the hole in his nose, and inserts into it the tail end of the living snake; +then, holding the head of the snake in one of his hands, and the tail in the other, he draws the snake slowly through the +hole, until its head is close to the hole. He then lets the head drop from his hand, and with a quick movement of the other +hand draws it through the nose, and throws the snake, still living, away.<a id="d0e2325src" href="#d0e2325" class="noteref">10</a> This <a id="d0e2330"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2330">40</a>]</span>completes the nose-piercing; but there still rests upon the patient the duty of going to the river, and there catching an +eel, which he gives to the people who have been feeding him during his illness. + +</p> +<p>The nose-piercing is generally done at one of the big feasts; and, as these are rare in any one village, you usually find +in the villages many fully-grown people whose noses have not been pierced; though as to this I may say that nose-piercing +is more generally indulged in by chiefs and important people and their families than by the village rank and file. It commonly +happens, however, that a good many people have to be done when the occasion arises. Each person to be operated upon has to +provide a domestic pig for the big feast. I have been unable to discover the origin and meaning of the nose-piercing ceremony.<a id="d0e2334src" href="#d0e2334" class="noteref">11</a> + +</p> +<p>Ear-piercing is done to both men and women, generally when quite young, say at seven or twelve years of age. Both the lower +and the upper lobes are pierced, sometimes only one or the other, and sometimes both; but the lower lobe is the one more commonly +pierced. They can do it themselves, or can get someone else to do it. There is no ceremony. The <a id="d0e2345"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2345">41</a>]</span>piercing is done with the thorn of a tree, and the hole is afterwards gradually widened by the insertion of small pieces of +wood. They never make large holes, or enlarge them greatly afterwards, as the holes are only used for the hanging of pendants, +and not for the insertion of discs. After the piercing the patient must, until the wound is healed, abstain from all food +except sweet potato; but there is no restriction as to the way in which this food is to be cooked, or the person who is to +cook it. There is as regards ear-piercing no difference between the case of chiefs’ children and those of other people. + +</p> +<p>Body-staining is usual with both men and women, who do it for themselves, or get others to help them. There is no ceremony +in connection with it. The colours generally adopted are red, greyish-yellow and black. The red stain is procured from an +earth, which is obtained from the low countries; but they themselves also have an earth which is used, and produces a more +bronzy red. The yellow stain is also got from an earth. All these coloured earths are worked into a paste with water, or with +animal fat, if they can get it. I think they also get a red stain from the fruit of a species of Pandanus; but I am not quite +clear as to this. The black stain is obtained from crushed vegetable ashes mixed with fat or water. The staining of the face +is usually of a simple character. It may cover the whole face all in one colour or in different colours, and often one side +of the face is stained one colour, and the other side another colour. They also make stripes and spots or <a id="d0e2349"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2349">42</a>]</span>either of them of any colour or colours on any part of the face. The red colour (I think especially that obtained from the +Pandanus fruit) is also often applied in staining the whole body, this being especially done for dances and visiting; though +a young dandy will often do it at other times. The black is the symbol of mourning, and will be referred to hereafter. + +</p> +<p>Hairdressing may be conveniently dealt with here. The Mafulu hairdressing is quite simple and rough, very different from the +big, spreading, elaborately prepared and carefully combed mops of Mekeo. This is a factor which a traveller in this part of +New Guinea may well bear in mind in connection with his impedimenta, as he has no difficulty in getting the Kuni and Mafulu +people to carry packages on their heads, which the Mekeo folk are unwilling to do. + +</p> +<p>The modes in which the men dress their hair, so far as I was able to notice, may be roughly divided into the following categories:—(<i>a</i>) A simple crop of hair either cut quite close or allowed to grow fairly long, or anything between these two, but not dressed +in any way, and probably uncombed, unkempt and untidy. This is the commonest form. (<i>b</i>) The same as (<i>a</i>), but with a band round the hair, separating the upper part of it from the lower, and giving the former a somewhat chignon-like +appearance, (<i>c</i>) The hair done up all over the head in three-stranded plaits a few inches long, and about an eighth of an inch thick, having +the appearance of short thick pieces of string, (<i>d</i>) The top of the head undressed, but the sides, and sometimes the back, of the head done up in plaits like (<i>c</i>). (<i>e</i>) A <a id="d0e2376"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2376">43</a>]</span>manufactured long shaped fringe of hair, human, but not the hair of the wearer (Plate <a href="#d0e17142">20</a>, Fig. 3), is often worn over the forehead, just under the wearer’s own hair, so as to form, as it were, a part of it, pieces +of string being attached to the ends of the fringe and passed round the back of the head, where they are tied. These fringes +are made by tying a series of little bunches of hair close to one another along the double string, which forms the base of +the fringe. Specimens examined by me were about 12 inches long and 1¼ inches wide (this width being the length of the bunches +of hair), and contained about twenty bunches. It is usual to have two or three of these strings of bunches of hair tied together +at the ends, thus making one broad fringe. These fringes are often worn in connection with styles (<i>c</i>) and (<i>d</i>) of hairdressing; but I never noticed them in association with (<i>a</i>) and (<i>b</i>). + +</p> +<p>I was told that men who have become bald sometimes wear complete artificial wigs, though I never saw an example of this. + +</p> +<p>The hairdressing of the women seemed to be similar to that of the men, except that I never saw the chignon-producing band, +that they do not wear fringes, and that the entire or partial plaiting of the hair is more frequently adopted by them than +it is by the men. I do not know whether the women ever indulge in entire wigs. + +</p> +<p>Method (<i>a</i>) is seen in many of the plates. Method (<i>b</i>) is illustrated, though not very well, in Plate <a href="#d0e17073">9</a> (the fourth and fifth man from the left) and in Plate <a href="#d0e17151">21</a> (the young man to the left, behind). Method (<i>c</i>) is adopted <a id="d0e2414"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2414">44</a>]</span>by four of the women in the frontispiece, by some of the women in Plate <a href="#d0e17122">16</a>, by the woman in Plate <a href="#d0e17127">17</a>, and by the little girl in Plates <a href="#d0e17156">22</a> and <a href="#d0e17161">23</a>. Method (<i>d</i>) is well illustrated by the second woman from the right in the frontispiece. + +</p> +<p>The cutting of the hair of both men and women is effected with sharp pieces of stone of the sort used for making adze blades, +or with sharp pieces of bamboo or shell. + +</p> +<p>Infant deformation is not practised in any form by the Mafulu people; nor do they circumcise their children. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Ornaments.</h3> +<p>The string-like plaits in which men and women arrange their hair, and especially those of the women, are often decorated with +ornaments. Small cowrie and other shells, or native or European beads, or both, are strung by women on to these plaits, sometimes +in a line along all or the greater part of the length of the plait, sometimes as a pendant at the end of it, and sometimes +in both ways; and any other small ornamental object may be added. Dogs’ teeth are also used by both men and women in the same +way; but these are, I think, more commonly strung in line along the plaits, rather than suspended at the ends of them. Both +men and women wear suspended at the ends of these plaits wild betel-nut fruit, looking like elongated acorns; and men, but +not women, wear in the same way small pieces of cane, an inch or two long, into which the ends of the plaits are inserted. +<a id="d0e2440"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2440">45</a>]</span>All these forms of decoration may be found associated together. They are in the case of men usually confined to the plaits +at the sides, being also often attached to the side ends of the artificial fringes; but they are sometimes used for the back +of the head also. The women often wear them also at the top of the head, and in wearing them at the sides sometimes have them +hanging in long strings reaching to the shoulders. + +</p> +<p>Plate <a href="#d0e17166">24</a> (Figs. 1, 2, 5, and 6) and Plate <a href="#d0e17175">25</a> (Figs. 2 and 4) are ornamented plaits cut off the heads of women. The ornaments shown include beads, shells, discs made out +of shells, dogs’ teeth and betel-nut fruit. Plate <a href="#d0e17166">24</a> (Figs. 3 and 4) are ornamented plaits cut off the heads of men, one of them having a cane pendant, and the other a pendant +of betel-nut. + +</p> +<p>The appearance of these things, as worn, is seen in Plates <a href="#d0e17122">16</a>, <a href="#d0e17184">26</a>, <a href="#d0e17191">27</a>, <a href="#d0e17196">28</a> and <a href="#d0e17201">29</a> (the habit of wearing a single dog-tooth at each side of the head, as shown by <a href="#d0e17191">27</a>, being a common one, and <a href="#d0e17196">28</a> showing the equally common habit of wearing a couple of betel-nuts at each side). Their appearance, when worn in abundance +for a festal dance, is excellently shown in the frontispiece and in Plate <a href="#d0e17127">17</a>; and the little girl in Plates <a href="#d0e17156">22</a> and <a href="#d0e17161">23</a>, though too young to be a dancer, is decorated for an occasion. + +</p> +<p>Pigs’ tails are a common head decoration for women, and are also worn, though not so frequently, by men. These tails are covered +with the natural hair of the tail, and are brown-coloured. They are suspended by strings passing round the crown of <a id="d0e2487"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2487">46</a>]</span>the head or from the plaits at the sides of the head. They are generally only about 6 inches long; but sometimes the ornaments +into which they are made are much longer, and I have seen them worn by women hanging down as far as the level of the breast. +These pigtails are sometimes worn hanging in clusters of several tails. They are also often, in the case of women, decorated +with shells, beads, dogs’ teeth, etc., which are attached like tassels to their upper ends.<a id="d0e2489src" href="#d0e2489" class="noteref">12</a> + +</p> +<p>Plate <a href="#d0e17208">30</a>, Fig. 3 shows a pigtail ornament for hanging over the head, with the tails suspended on both sides and strings of beads and +dogs’ teeth hanging from the upper ends of the tails. The ornament is worn by the middle man in Plate <a href="#d0e17073">9</a> and by the little girl figured in Plates <a href="#d0e17156">22</a> and <a href="#d0e17161">23</a>, and it is seen more extensively worn by women decorated for dancing in the frontispiece and in Plate <a href="#d0e17127">17</a>, and by the girl in Plate <a href="#d0e17453">71</a>. + +</p> +<p>A peculiar and less usual sort of head ornament (Plate <a href="#d0e17208">30</a>, Fig. 4), worn by both men and women, is a cluster of about a dozen or less of bark cloth strings, about 1½ feet long, fastened +together at the top, and there suspended by a string tied round the top of the head, so as to hang down like the lashes of +a several-thonged whip over the back. The individual strings of the cluster are quite thin, but they <a id="d0e2520"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2520">47</a>]</span>are decorated with the yellow and brown straw-like material above referred to in connection with abdominal belt No. 6 (being +prepared from the same plant, apparently Dendrobium, and in the same way), the material being twisted in a close spiral round +the strings, and making them look, when seen from a short distance off, like strings of very small yellow and brown beads, +irregularly arranged in varying lengths of the two colours, shading off gradually from one to the other. Even when so bound +round, these strings are only about 1/16 to ⅛ of an inch thick. + +</p> +<p>The Mafulu comb (Plate <a href="#d0e17208">30</a>, Fig. 2) differs in construction from the wooden combs, all made in one piece, which are commonly used in Mekeo. It is made +of four, five, or six thin pieces of wood, which are left blunt at one end, but are sharpened to points at the other. These +are bound together with straw-like work, sometimes beautifully done, the binding being nearly always near to the blunt ends, +though it is sometimes almost in the middle.<a id="d0e2527src" href="#d0e2527" class="noteref">13</a> The combs so made are flat, with the blunt ends converging and generally fastened together, and the long sharp ends, which +are the ends to be inserted into the hair, spreading outwards. The bound-up blunt ends are in fact a point, or, say, half +an inch or less (occasionally more) across. The spread of the sharp ends varies from 1 to 2 inches or more. The <a id="d0e2530"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2530">48</a>]</span>straw-like binding may be light or dark brown, or partly one and partly the other. Sometimes only the two outside prongs meet +together at the blunt end, and the inner prongs do not extend much, or at all, beyond the upper edge of the straw-like work +binding. The fastening together of the blunt converging tips is done sometimes with native thread just at the tips, and sometimes +with a little straw work rather further down; occasionally it is missing altogether. The comb figured is not so converging +at the blunt ends or so spreading at the sharp ends as is usual, and its blunt ends are not bound together. These combs are +only worn by men; they are commonly worn in front, projecting forwards over the forehead, as is done in Mekeo; but they are +also worn at the back of the head, projecting sideways to either right or left. A feather (generally a white cockatoo feather), +or sometimes two feathers, are often inserted into the straw-like work of the comb, so as to stand up vertically when the +comb is worn, and there wave, or rather wag, backwards and forwards in the wind. I could not learn any significance in these +feathers, such as applies to many of the upright head feathers worn by the young men of Mekeo. The comb is worn by several +of the men figured in Plate <a href="#d0e17073">9</a>, one of them wearing it in front and the others having it standing out sideways at the back. + +</p> +<p>The almost universal type of earring (Plate <a href="#d0e17142">20</a>, Fig. 1), varying from 2 to 3 inches in circumference, is made out of the tail of the cuscus. The ring is made by removing +the hair from the animal’s tail, <a id="d0e2540"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2540">49</a>]</span>drying the tail, and fastening the pointed end into or on to the blunt cut-off stump end, tying them firmly together. The +ring is then bound closely round with the yellow and brown material (Dendrobium) of belt No. 6; but a space of 1 or 2 inches +is generally left uncovered at the part where the two ends of the tail are fastened together. The simplest form is a single +earring, which passes through the hole in the ear; but I have seen two rings hanging to the ear; and frequently a second ring +is hung on to the first, and often a third to the second, and sometimes a fourth to the third; or perhaps, instead of the +fourth ring, there may be two rings hanging to the second one. In fact, there are varieties of ways in which the fancy of +the wearer and the number of rings he possesses will cause him to wear them. They are worn by both men and women.<a id="d0e2542src" href="#d0e2542" class="noteref">14</a> They may be seen in several plates, but unfortunately are not very clear. The most distinct are, I think, those worn by the +second woman from the left in Plate <a href="#d0e17184">26</a> and the woman on the left in Plate <a href="#d0e17196">28</a>. The second woman from the left in the frontispiece has two of them hanging from her right ear. + +</p> +<p>Pigs’ tails, similar to those worn from the hair, are also worn by both men and women, especially the latter, suspended from +the ears; and here again they vary much in length, and are often decorated with tassel-like hanging ornaments of shells, beads, +etc. + +</p> +<p>Forehead ornaments (Plate <a href="#d0e17208">30</a>, Fig 5) are made by <a id="d0e2558"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2558">50</a>]</span>men and worn by them at dances. This ornament is a band, very slightly curved, which is worn across the forehead, just under +and surrounding the basis of the dancing feathers. It is generally about 16 inches long and between 4 and 5 inches broad in +the middle, from which it narrows somewhat towards the ends. Its manufacture consists of a ground basis of the material of +belt No. 5, into which are interplaited in geometric patterns the two black and yellow and brown materials which are used +for belt No. 6. It is fixed on to the forehead by means of strings attached to its two ends, and passing round, and tied at +the back of, the head. + +</p> +<p>Nose ornaments. These are straight pencil-shaped pieces of shell, generally about 6 inches long, which are passed through +the hole in the septum of the nose. They are only worn at dances and on special occasions; but the people from time to time +insert bits of wood or cane or bone or some other thing into the hole for the purpose of keeping it open. There are temporary +pegs in the noses of the fifth man to the left in Plate <a href="#d0e17073">9</a> and the man in Plate <a href="#d0e17078">10</a>. The nose ornament is worn by the woman to the extreme right in the frontispiece. + +</p> +<p>Necklaces and straight pendants, suspended from the neck and hanging over the chest, are common, though they are not usually +worn in anything approaching the profusion seen in Mekeo and on the coast. These are made chiefly of shells of various sorts +(cut or whole), dogs’ teeth and beads, as in Mekeo. The shells include the cowries and the small closely packed overlapping +cut shells so generally <a id="d0e2570"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2570">51</a>]</span>used in Mekeo for necklaces, and the flat disc-like shell sections, which are here, as in Mekeo, specially used for straight +hanging pendants; also those lovely large crescent-shaped discs of pearl shell, which are well known to New Guinea travellers. +The shells are, of course, all obtained directly or indirectly from the coast; in fact, these are some of the chief articles +for which the mountain people exchange their stone implements and special mountain feathers, so the similarity in the ornaments +is to be expected; but it is only within a quite recent time that the pearl crescents have found their way to Mafulu. I do +not propose to describe at length the various forms of shell ornament, as they are very similar to, and indeed I think practically +the same as, those of Mekeo. Some of the necklaces are figured in Plates <a href="#d0e17221">31</a>, <a href="#d0e17226">32</a> and <a href="#d0e17231">33</a>, and they are worn by many of the people figured in other plates, especially the frontispiece and Plate <a href="#d0e17127">17</a>. Straight pendant ornaments are seen in the frontispiece and in Plates <a href="#d0e17058">6</a>, <a href="#d0e17127">17</a>, <a href="#d0e17184">26</a> and others. The crescent-shaped pearl ornaments are seen in the frontispiece and in Plates <a href="#d0e17058">6</a>, <a href="#d0e17063">7</a>, <a href="#d0e17122">16</a>, <a href="#d0e17196">28</a> and others, a very large one being worn by the little girl in Plate <a href="#d0e17453">71</a>. + +</p> +<p>There is, however, one shell necklace which is peculiar to the mountains, and, I think, to Mafulu (I do not know whether the +Kuni people also wear it), where it is worn as an emblem of mourning by persons who are relatives of the deceased, but who +are not sufficiently closely related to him to stain themselves with black during the period of mourning. This necklace is +made of white cowrie shells varying in size <a id="d0e2610"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2610">52</a>]</span>from half an inch to an inch long, each of which has its convex side ground away, so as to show on one side the untouched +mouth of the shell and on the other an open cavity. The shells are strung, sometimes closely and sometimes loosely, on to +a double band of thin cord. Specimens of this type of necklace measured by me varied in length from 36 inches (with 97 shells) +to 20 inches (with 38 shells). It is worn until the period of mourning is formally terminated. The middle necklace in Plate +<a href="#d0e17231">33</a> is a mourning shell necklace, and it is seen on the neck of the woman to the right in Plate <a href="#d0e17201">29</a>. + +</p> +<p>Pigs’ tail ornaments similar to those already described are also worn suspended by neck-bands over the chest. + +</p> +<p>Armlets and wrist-bands are worn by both men and women, and more or less by children, including quite young ones, at the higher +end of the upper arm and just above the wrist. They are made by men only, and vary in width from half an inch to 5 or 6 inches, +the wider ones being generally worn on the upper arm. There are several common forms of these: (1) The more usual form (Plate +<a href="#d0e17238">34</a>, Fig. 4) is made of the thin and finely plaited stone-grey material described in abdominal belt No. 5, and is made in the +same way, subject to the difference that the plaiting is more closely done. Measured specimens of this armlet varied in width +from 1 to 2¼ inches, and displayed different varieties of diagonal twill stitch. (2) Another common form (Plate <a href="#d0e17238">34</a>, Fig. 3) is made of the coarser-plaited black and yellow and brown <a id="d0e2628"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2628">53</a>]</span>materials described concerning No. 6 belt, and is made in the same way. Specimens of this armlet varied in width from 1 to +5 inches. (3) There is another form which in fineness of material and plait is between Nos. 1 and 2. I was told that this +is made out of another creeping plant, and is left in its own natural unstained colour, which, however, in this case is a +dull brown red. (4) Another form (Plate <a href="#d0e17238">34</a>, Fig. 2) is made of the coarse dull red-brown and stone-yellow materials described with reference to belt No. 2, and is made +in the same way. A specimen of this armlet was 2¼ inches wide. (5) Another form (Plate <a href="#d0e17238">34</a>, Fig. 1) is in make something like No. 4, but the two materials used are the stone-yellow material of belt No. 2 and the +black material of belt No. 6, and the plaiting materials are much finer in thickness than are those of armlet No. 4. Specimens +of this armlet varied in width from ¾ to 1¼ inches. (6) The beautiful large cut single-shell wrist ornament, commonly worn +on the coast and plains, whence the Mafulu people procure it. Armlets will be seen worn by many of the people figured in the +plates. + +</p> +<p>There is no practice of putting armlets on young folk, and retaining them in after life, so as to tighten round and contract +the arm. + +</p> +<p>Leg-bands (Plate <a href="#d0e17175">25</a>, Fig. 1) and anklets are worn by both men and women, and also by children, just below the knee and above the ankle. + +</p> +<p>There is a form of plaited leg-band somewhat similar in make to armlet No. 5, and between half-an-inch and an inch in width, +though the colour of this <a id="d0e2645"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2645">54</a>]</span>leg-band is a dull brown. But the usual form of leg-band and anklet is made by women only out of thread fibre by a process +of manufacture quite distinct from the stiff plait work adopted for some of the belts and for the armlets. They make their +thread out of fine vegetable fibre as they proceed with the manufacture of the band, rolling the individual fibres with their +hands upon their thighs, and then rolling these fibres into two-strand threads, and from time to time in this way making more +thread, which is worked into the open ends of the then working thread as it is required—all this being done in the usual native +method. + +</p> +<p>I had an opportunity of watching a woman making a leg-band, and I think the process is worth describing. She first made a +thread 5 or 6 feet long by the method above referred to, the thread being a two-strand one, made out of small lengths about +5 or 6 inches long of the original fibre, rolled together and added to from time to time until the full length of 5 or 6 feet +of thread had been made. The thread was of the thickness of very coarse European thread or exceedingly fine string. She next +wound the thread into a triple loop of the size of the proposed leg-band. This triple loop was to be the base upon which she +was to make the leg-band, of which it would form the first line and upper edge. It was only about 11 inches in circumference, +and thus left two ends, one of which (I will call it “the working thread”) was a long one, and the other of which (I will +call it “the inside thread”) was a short one. Both these threads <a id="d0e2649"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2649">55</a>]</span>hung down together from the same point (which I will call “the starting point”). She then, commencing at the starting point, +worked the working thread round the triple base by a series of interlacing loops in the form shown (very greatly magnified) +in Fig. 1; but the loops were drawn quite tight, and not left loose, as, for the purpose of illustration, I have had to make +them in the figure. This process was carried round the base until she had again reached the starting point, at which stage +the base, with its tightly drawn loop work all around it, was firm and strong, and there were still the two ends of thread +hanging from the starting point. Here and at subsequent stages of the work she added to the lengths of these two ends from +time to time in the way above described when they needed it, and the two ends of thread were therefore always present. Then +began the making of the second line. This was commenced at the starting point, from which the two ends of thread hung, and +was effected by a series of loops made with the working thread in the way already described, except that these loops, instead +of passing round the whole of the base line, passed through holes which she bored with a thorn, as she went on, in the extreme +bottom edge of that line, and also that, in making this second line, she passed the inside thread through each loop before +she drew the latter tight; so that the <a id="d0e2651"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2651">56</a>]</span>second line was itself composed of a single internal thread, around which the loops were drawn. The second line was continued +in this way until she again reached the starting point (but, of course, one line lower down), from which the two ends of thread +hung down as before. The third and following lines were made by a process identical with that of the second one, the holes +for each line being pricked through the bottom of that above it. I did not see the completion of the band, but I may say that +the final line is similar to the second and subsequent ones, and is not a triple-threaded line like the first one. It was +amazing to see this woman doing her work. She was an old woman, but she did the whole of the work with her fingers, and she +must have had wonderful eyesight and steadiness of hand, as she made the minute scarcely visible prick holes, and passed the +end of her working thread through them, with the utmost apparent ease and quickness. + + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e2654" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 1. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/b055.gif" alt="Leg-band making (commencing stage)."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Leg-band making (commencing stage).</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p>The band thus produced is of very small, close, fine work, and is quite soft, flexible and elastic, like European canvas, +instead of being stiff and hard, like the plaited belts and armlets. The band is generally about an inch (more or less) in +width. It is not dyed or coloured in any way, but is often decorated with beads, which are worked into the fabric in one or +more horizontal lines, but as a rule, I think, only at irregular intervals, and not in continuous lines. These bands and anklets +are seen in many of the plates. In Plates <a href="#d0e17078">10</a>, <a href="#d0e17083">11</a> and <a href="#d0e17088">12</a> the bead decorations are seen. +<a id="d0e2669"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2669">57</a>]</span></p> +<p>Dancing aprons are made out of bark cloth by both men and women, but coloured by men only. The apron, which is worn at dances +by women only, is about 6 to 12 inches wide. It is worn, as shown in Plate <a href="#d0e17249">35</a>, in front of the body, being passed over the abdominal belt or a cord so as to hang over it in two folds, one behind the +other; and the front fold, which is the part which shows (the back fold being more or less concealed), and is generally 18 +inches to 2 feet in length, has at its base a fringe made by cutting the end of the cloth up into strips, equal or unequal +in width, the number of which may be only six or less, or may be fifteen or twenty. The front fold is often wholly or partly +stained, the colour of the stain being usually yellow, and is always more or less covered with a decorative design, the colours +of which are usually black and red. The back fold is generally stained yellow, but never has any design upon it. The fringe +is also usually stained yellow, and is without design, except occasionally perhaps a few horizontal lines of colour. + +</p> +<p>I may say here, as regards these colours, that, so far as my observation went, the colours of the decorative patterns were +always black and red, and the general staining was always yellow; and indeed the last-mentioned colour does not show up against +the natural colour of the cloth sufficiently clearly to adapt it for actual design work. I am not, however, prepared to say +that this allocation of the colours is in fact an invariable one; and, as I know that red is used for general staining of +perineal bands and dancing <a id="d0e2677"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2677">58</a>]</span>ribbons, it is possible that it, as well as yellow, is used for aprons. + +</p> +<p>Numerous variations of design are to be found in these garments; and indeed I may say that it is in these and in the feather +head decorations that the Mafulu people mainly indulge such artistic powers as they possess. + +</p> +<p>Plates <a href="#d0e17254">36</a> to <a href="#d0e17289">43</a> are examples of decoration of the front folds of these dancing aprons<a id="d0e2689src" href="#d0e2689" class="noteref">15</a>; and I give the following particulars concerning them, first stating that, subject to what may appear in my particulars, +the darker lines and spots represent black ones in the apron, and the lighter ones represent red ones. + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Plate. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Average width of apron in inches. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Notes on ground staining and other matters. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17254">36</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">6½ + +</td> +<td valign="top">Background of design unstained, but back fold of apron and fringe stained yellow. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17259">37</a><a id="d0e2716src" href="#d0e2716" class="noteref">16</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">7¾ + +</td> +<td valign="top">Ditto ditto ditto + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17264">38</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">5¼ + +</td> +<td valign="top">Only a little irregular yellow staining behind the design. Back fold of apron and fringe stained yellow. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17269">39</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">6 + +</td> +<td valign="top">Background of design (except fringe part) unstained, but back fold of apron and fringe stained yellow. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17274">40</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">7 + +</td> +<td valign="top">Background of upper (zig-zag) part of design unstained, but that of lower (rectangular) part and whole of back fold of apron +and fringe stained yellow. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17279">41</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">10½ + +</td> +<td valign="top">Faintly tinted broad horizontal and vertical lines and triangles in figure represent yellow stain. No other staining in the +apron. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17284">42</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">6¾ + +</td> +<td valign="top">Background of design unstained, but back fold end of apron and fringe stained yellow. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17289">43</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">6¾ + +</td> +<td valign="top">No background staining in the apron. The smallness of the amount of decoration and the substitution of two tails for a fringe +are, I think, unusual. +</td> +</tr> +</table><p> +<a id="d0e2778"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2778">59</a>]</span></p> +<p>Dancing ribbons are made out of bark cloth by both men and women, but are coloured by men only. These are worn by both men +and women at dances, the ribbons hanging round the body from the abdominal belt or a cord, three or four or five of them being +worn by one person, and one of these commonly hanging in front. They are generally 2 or 3 inches wide and about 4 feet long, +but a portion of this length is required for hitching the ribbon round the belt. I think their ornamentation is confined to +staining in transverse bands of alternating colour or of one colour and unstained cloth. <a href="#d0e17093">Plate 13, Fig. 4</a>, illustrates the colouring of two ribbons (each 2 inches wide), the alternation in one case being red and yellow, and in +the other red and unstained cloth; and the men figured in <a href="#d0e17446">Plate 70</a> are wearing ribbons, though they are not very clearly shown in the plate. + +</p> +<p>The feather ornaments for the head, and especially those worn at dances, and the feather ornaments worn on the back at dances +present such an enormous variety of colours and designs that it would be impossible to describe them here without very greatly +increasing the length of the book. The ornaments are often very large, sometimes containing eight or ten or even twelve rows +of feathers, one behind another. They can usually be distinguished from those made by the Mekeo people by a general inferiority +in design and make of the ornament as a whole, the Mafulu people having less artistic skill in this respect than the people +of the lowlands. The ornaments include feathers of parrots, cockatoos, hornbills, <a id="d0e2789"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2789">60</a>]</span>cassowaries, birds of paradise, bower birds and some others. One never or rarely sees feathers of sea-birds, or waterfowl, +or Goura pigeons (which, I was told, are not found among the mountains), as the Mafulu people in their trading with the people +of the plains take in exchange things which they cannot themselves procure, rather than feathers, which are so plentiful with +them. + +</p> +<p>The black cassowary feather is important in Mafulu as being the special feather distinction of chiefs; but, though chiefs +are as a rule possessed of more and better ornaments than are the poorer and unimportant people, they have no other special +and distinctive ornament. + +</p> +<p>Plates <a href="#d0e17296">44</a> and <a href="#d0e17301">45</a> illustrate some of these head feather ornaments. Plate <a href="#d0e17296">44</a>, Fig. 1, shows an ornament made out of the brown fibrous exterior of the wild betel-nut, black pigeon feathers and white +cockatoo feathers, the betel fibre and black pigeon feathers being, I was told, only used in the mountains. Plate <a href="#d0e17296">44</a>, Fig. 2, shows one made out of brown feathers of young cassowary, white cockatoo feathers and red-black parrot feathers. +Plate <a href="#d0e17296">44</a>, Fig. 3, shows one made out of bright red and green parrot feathers. Plate <a href="#d0e17301">45</a>, Fig. 1, shows one made out of black cassowary feathers, white cockatoo feathers, red parrot feathers and long red feathers +of the bird of paradise. Plate <a href="#d0e17301">45</a>, Fig. 2, is made of cassowary feathers only. This ornament is worn in front of the head, over the forehead, and is specially +worn by chiefs. + +</p> +<p>Plate <a href="#d0e17306">46</a>, Fig. 1, shows a head feather ornament which is peculiar to the mountains. The crescent-shaped <a id="d0e2821"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2821">61</a>]</span>body of the ornament, which is made of short feathers taken from the neck of the cassowary, is worn in front over the forehead, +and the cockade of hawk feathers stands up over the head. + +</p> +<p>Plate <a href="#d0e17306">46</a>, Fig. 2, shows a back ornament of cassowary feathers which is specially intended to be worn by chiefs at dances. The custom +is to have from five to twelve of these ornaments hanging vertically side by side, suspended to a horizontal stick, which +is fastened on the chief’s back at the height of the shoulders, so that the feathers hang like a mantle over his back. The +mode in which feather ornaments for the back are hung on sticks is seen in Plate <a href="#d0e17446">70</a>, where a stick with pendant ornaments is being held by two boys in front. + +</p> +<p>Plaited frames (Plate <a href="#d0e17313">47</a>) are worn by men in connection with these head feather ornaments. These frames are flat curved bands, rigid or nearly so, +generally forming half or nearly half a circle of an external diameter of about 9 inches, and being about 1 inch in width. +They are worn at dances and on solemn occasions. They are placed round the top of the forehead, not vertically, but with their +upper edges sloping obliquely forward, and have at their ends strings, which pass over the ears and are tied at the back of +the head. These frames help to support the feather ornaments, and prevent them from falling down over the face. They are made +by men only. A groundwork of small split cane or other material runs in parallel curved lines from end to end, single pieces +of the material being generally doubled back at the <a id="d0e2836"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2836">62</a>]</span>ends so as to form several lines; and this is strengthened and ornamented by interplaiting into it either split cane or some +other material obtained from the splitting of the inside fibre of a plant in the way previously referred to. There are varieties +of material and of pattern worked up in different designs of interplaiting. Some of the materials are uncoloured or merely +the natural colour of the material, and others are in two colours, generally brown or reddish-brown and yellow. These frames +display a considerable amount of variety of artistic design. + +</p> +<p>The feather erections used at special and important dances, and especially those worn by chiefs, are enormous things, towering +6 or 12 feet above the wearer’s head, and are generally larger than those of Mekeo. They are held in a framework, which has +an inverted basket-shaped part to rest on the head, and downward pointing rods, which are tied to the shoulders. The frames +are to a great extent similar to those of Mekeo, but, having a larger burden to bear, they are more strongly made. These feather +erections and their frames are seen in Plate <a href="#d0e17446">70</a>. + +</p> +<p>Here, as in other parts of New Guinea, both men and women, but especially men, love to decorate themselves with bright flowers +and leaves and grasses, these being worn in the hair and in bunches stuck into their belts, armlets and leg-bands, and indeed +in any places where they can be conveniently fastened. + +</p> +<p>It is not the practice with the Mafulu for mothers to wear the umbilical cords of any of their children, though apparently +the Kuni people do so. + + + +<a id="d0e2847"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2847">63</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2152" href="#d0e2152src" class="noteref">1</a></span> This plate and the plates of dancing aprons were produced by first drawing the objects, and then photographing the drawings. +It would have been more satisfactory if I could have photographed the objects themselves. But they were much crumpled, and +I was advised that with many of them the camera would not indicate differences of colour, and that in one or two of them even +the design itself would not come out clearly. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2178" href="#d0e2178src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Dr. Stapf, to whom I showed one of the armlets, No. 4, the materials of which are said to be the same as those used for this +belt, said that the split cane-like material is a strip from the periphery of the petiole or stem of a palm, and that the +other material is sclerenchyma fibre from the petiole or rhizome of a fern, and not that of a creeping plant. I may say that +I felt a doubt at the time as to the complete accuracy of the information given to me concerning the vegetable materials used +for the manufacture of various articles, and there may well be errors as to these. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2198" href="#d0e2198src" class="noteref">3</a></span> Dr. Stapf, to whom I showed one of these belts, says that it is made of the separated woody strands from the stem of a climbing +plant (possibly one of the Cucurbitaceae or Aristolochiaceae). +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2208" href="#d0e2208src" class="noteref">4</a></span> Dr. Stapf, having inspected one of the belts, thinks this material is composed of split strips of sclerenchyma fibre from +the petiole or rhizome of a fern, and not that of a creeping plant. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2211" href="#d0e2211src" class="noteref">5</a></span> Dr. Stapf, to whom I showed a written description which I had made of the plant, and who has also examined the belt, is of +opinion that it belongs to the Diplocaulobium section of Dendrobium. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2221" href="#d0e2221src" class="noteref">6</a></span> I have examined at the British Museum a belt made by the dwarf mountain people found by the recent expedition organised by +the British Ornithologists’ Union. This belt is made in hank-like form, remarkably similar to that of my Mafulu belt No. 7, +though in other respects it differs from the latter, and it is much smaller. The only other thing of similar hank-like form +which I have been able to find at the Museum is a small belt or head ornament (it is said to be the latter) made by Sakai +people of the Malay Peninsula. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2276" href="#d0e2276src" class="noteref">7</a></span> Chalmers describes a young woman in the foot hills behind Port Moresby who “had a net over her shoulders and covering her +breasts as a token of mourning” (<i>Work and Adventures in New Guinea</i> p. 26). Compare also the Koita custom referred to by Dr. Seligmann (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 164) for a widow to wear two netted vests. The same custom is found at Hula. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2289" href="#d0e2289src" class="noteref">8</a></span> See reference to this question in the <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1906, p. 13. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2316" href="#d0e2316src" class="noteref">9</a></span> I shall from time to time have to refer to the croton, and in doing so I am applying to the plant in question the name commonly +given to it; but Dr. Stapf tells me that the plant so commonly called is really a codiœum. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2325" href="#d0e2325src" class="noteref">10</a></span> The Rev. Mr. Dauncey, of the L.M.S. station at Delena (a Roro village on the coast) told me that in his village it is a common +thing for a native to pick up a small white snake about 12 inches long, and pass it through the hole in his nose; and that +the Pokau people sometimes pass <a id="d0e2327"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2327">40n</a>]</span>the tip of the tail of a larger black snake into these holes, the intention of both practices being to keep the hole open. +In neither of these cases is the practice a part of an original ceremony connected with nose-piercing, such as that of Mafulu; +but it may well be that all the practices have superstitious origins. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2334" href="#d0e2334src" class="noteref">11</a></span> There is apparently no corresponding ceremony among the Koita natives (Seligmann, <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 72), nor among the Roro people (<i>Id</i>., p. 256), and I do not believe there is any such in Mekeo. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2489" href="#d0e2489src" class="noteref">12</a></span> I do not think these pigtails are used as ornaments by the Roro and Mekeo people, though Dr. Seligmann says that a Koita bridegroom +wears them in his ears on his wedding day (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 78). +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2527" href="#d0e2527src" class="noteref">13</a></span> Dr. Stapf, to whose inspection I have submitted two of these combs, said they were made of palm-wood—split and shaped pieces +from the periphery of the petiole or stem of a palm—and that the material used for binding the teeth of the combs together +was sclerenchyma fibre from the petiole or rhizome of a fern. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2542" href="#d0e2542src" class="noteref">14</a></span> These earrings are, I think, sometimes found in Mekeo; but they have all come from the mountains. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2689" href="#d0e2689src" class="noteref">15</a></span> See <a href="#d0e2152">note on p. 27</a> as to the way in which these plates have been produced. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2716" href="#d0e2716src" class="noteref">16</a></span> Only the two ends of the pattern have been copied, the intermediate part being the same throughout, as is shown. +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e2848"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Daily Life and Matters Connected with It</h2> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Daily Life.</h3> +<p>The early morning finds the wife and young children and unmarried daughters in the house. The husband has been sleeping either +there or in the <i>emone</i> (clubhouse), but most probably the latter. The unmarried sons are in the <i>emone</i>, except any very young ones, who have not been formally admitted to it in a way which will be hereafter described. The women +cook the breakfast for the whole family inside the house at about six or seven o’clock, and then take the food of the men +to the <i>emone</i>. After breakfast most of the men and women go off to the gardens and the bush. The women’s work there is chiefly the planting +of sweet potatoes, taro and other things, and cleaning the gardens; and in the afternoon they get food from the gardens and +firewood from the bush, all of which they bring home to the village; also they have to clear off the undergrowth from newly +cleared bush. The men’s work is mainly the yam and banana and sugar-cane planting, each in its season, and the cutting down +of big trees and making fences, if they happen <a id="d0e2865"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2865">64</a>]</span>to be opening out new garden land. They also sometimes help the women with their work. Or they may have hunting expeditions +in the bush, or go off in fishing parties to the river. In all matters the men of Mafulu, though lazy, are not so lazy as +those of Mekeo and the coast. In the middle of the day the women cook the meal for everyone in the gardens, this being done +on the spot, and there they all eat it. At three, four, or five o’clock all the people of the village have returned to it, +except perhaps when they are very busy taking advantage of good weather for making new clearings or other special work. In +the evening they have another meal cooked in the village. At every meal in the village the pigs have to be fed also, these +sharing the food of the people themselves, or feeding on raw potatoes. Unless there is dancing going on, or they are tempted +by a fine moonlight night to sit out talking, the people all terminate their routine day by going to bed early. + +</p> +<p>As regards the daily social conduct of the people among themselves, I was told that the members of a family generally live +harmoniously together (subject as regards husbands and wives to the matters which will be mentioned later), that children +are usually treated kindly and affectionately by their parents, and that there is very little quarrelling within a village; +and what I saw when I was among the Mafulu people certainly seemed to confirm all this. + +</p> +<p>There are various detailed matters of daily life which will appear under their appropriate headings; but I will here deal +with a few of them. + + +<a id="d0e2871"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2871">65</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Food.</h3> +<p>The vegetable foods of the Mafulu people are sweet potato and other plants of the same type, yam and other foods of the same +type, taro and other foods of that type, banana of different sorts, sugar-cane, a kind of wild native bean, a cultivated reed-like +plant with an asparagus flavour (what it is I do not know), several plants of the pumpkin and cucumber type, one of them being +very small, like a gherkin, fruit from two different species of Pandanus, almonds, the fruit of the <i>malage</i> (described later on), and others, both cultivated and wild. The sugar-cane is specially eaten by them when working in the +gardens.<a id="d0e2880src" href="#d0e2880" class="noteref">1</a> + +</p> +<p>Their animal food consists of wild pig and, on occasions, village pig, a small form of cassowary, kangaroo, a small kind of +wallaby, kangaroo rat, “iguana,” an animal called <i>gaivale</i> (I could not find out what this is), various wild birds, fish, eels, mice, a large species of snake and other things. + +</p> +<p>Their staple drink is water, but when travelling they cut down a species of bamboo, and drink the watery fluid which it contains. +After boiling any food in bamboo stems they drink the water which has <a id="d0e2908"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2908">66</a>]</span>been used for the purpose, and which has become a sort of thin flavoured soup. + +</p> +<p>Betel-chewing is apparently not indulged in by these people as extensively as it is done in Mekeo and on the coast; but they +like it well enough, and for a month or so before a big feast, during which period they are under a strict taboo restriction +as to food, they indulge in it largely. The betel used by them is not the cultivated form used in Mekeo and on the coast, +but a wild species, only about half the size of the other; and the lime used is not, as in Mekeo and on the coast, made by +grinding down sea-shells, but is obtained from the mountain stone, which is ground down to a powder. The gourds (Plate <a href="#d0e17333">51</a>, Figs. 6 and 7) in which the lime is carried are similar to those used in Mekeo, except that usually they are not ornamented, +or, if they are so, the ornamentation is only done in simple straight-lined geometric patterns. The spatulae are sometimes +very simply and rudely decorated. The people spit out the betel after chewing, instead of swallowing it, as is the custom +in Mekeo. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Cooking and Eating and Their Utensils.</h3> +<p>They have no cooking utensils, other than the simple pieces of bamboo stem, which they use for boiling. + +</p> +<p>Their usual methods of cooking are roasting and boiling. + +</p> +<p>Roasting is usually effected by making a fire, letting <a id="d0e2924"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2924">67</a>]</span>it die down into red-hot ashes, and then putting the food without wrap or covering into the ashes, turning it from time to +time. They also roast by holding the food on sticks in the flame of the burning fire, turning it occasionally. Stone cooking +is adopted for pig and other meats. They make a big fire, on the top of which they spread the stones; when the stones are +hot enough, they remove some of them, place the meat without wrap or covering on the others, then place the removed stones +on the meat, and finally pile on these stones a big covering of leaves to keep in the heat. Stone cooking in the gardens is +done in a slightly different way; there they dig in the ground a round hole about 1 foot deep and from 1½ to 2 feet in diameter, +and in this hole they make their fire, on which they pile their stones; and the rest of the process is the same as before. +This hole-making process is never adopted in the village. The only reason for it which was suggested was that the method was +quicker, and that in the gardens they are in a hurry. Of course, holes of this sort dug in the open village enclosure would +be a source of danger, especially at night. + +</p> +<p>Boiling is done in pieces of bamboo about 4 inches in diameter and about 15 or 18 inches long. They fill these with water, +put the food into them, and then place or hold the bamboo stems in a slanting position in the flames. This method is specially +used for cooking sweet potatoes, but it is their only method of boiling anything. Water, which they keep stored and carry +in bamboo receptacles and hollow pumpkins, is boiled in bamboo stems in the same way. The bamboo <a id="d0e2928"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2928">68</a>]</span>storage vessels are generally from 2 to 5 feet long, the intersecting nodes, other than that at one end, having been removed. +The pumpkins (Plate <a href="#d0e17348">52</a>, Figs. 2 and 3) are similar to those used by the Roro coast people and in Mekeo, except that the usual form, instead of being +rather short and broad with a narrow opening, is longer and narrower, some of them being, say, 3 feet long, and often very +curved and crooked in shape. + +</p> +<p>Their only eating utensils are wooden dishes and small pieces of wood, or sometimes of cassowary or kangaroo bone, which are +used as forks, and pieces of split bamboo, which are used for cutting meat; but these latter are used for other purposes, +and rather come within the list of ordinary implements, and will be there described. They also use prepared pig-bones as forks; +but these again are largely used for other purposes, and will be described under the same heading. + +</p> +<p>The dishes (Plate <a href="#d0e17348">52</a>, Fig. 1) are made out of the trunk of a tree called <i>ongome</i>. The usual length of a dish, without its handles, is between 1 and 2 feet; its width varies from 9 inches to 1 foot, and +its depth from 3 to 6 inches. It is rudely carved out of the tree-trunk,<a id="d0e2943src" href="#d0e2943" class="noteref">2</a> the work being done with stone adzes—unless they happen to possess European axes—and it generally has a handle at one or +both ends. It is not decorated with carving in any way. The common form of handle is merely a simple knob about 3 inches long +and 1½ inches wide. But it is sometimes less <a id="d0e2946"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2946">69</a>]</span>simple, and I have a dish one of the handles of which is divided into two projecting pieces about 7½ inches long and joined +to each other at the end. The handle is always carved out of the same piece of wood as is the dish; never made separately +and afterwards attached. The wooden forks are simply bits cut from trees and sharpened at one end, and they are without prongs. +Their use is only temporary, and they are not permanently stored as household utensils. The cassowary and kangaroo bone implements +(Plate <a href="#d0e17175">25</a>, Fig. 3) are also merely roughly pointed unpronged pieces of bone, and otherwise without special form. When eating <i>en famille</i> they do not always use these pointed wooden and bone sticks, but very commonly take the food out of the dish with their hands +only; but if the family had guests with them they would probably use the sticks more, and their hands less. The men and women +often eat together, sitting round the dish and helping themselves out of it, though, if there are too many to do this conveniently, +pieces will be handed out to some of them. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Various Implements.</h3> +<p>Besides the cooking and eating implements above described and other things, such as weapons of war and of hunting and fishing, +and implements for manufacture, agriculture and music, which will be dealt with under their own headings, there are a few +miscellaneous things which may be conveniently described here. + +</p> +<p>Bamboo knives (Plate <a href="#d0e17333">51</a>, Fig. 5). These are <a id="d0e2964"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2964">70</a>]</span>simple strips made out of a special mountain form of bamboo, and are generally 8 to 10 inches long and about 1 inch wide. +One edge is left straight for its whole length, and the other is cut away near the end, very much as we cut away one side +of a quill pen, so as to produce a sharp point. The side edge which is used for cutting is the one which is not cut away at +the end; and when it gets blunt it is renewed by simply peeling off a length of fibre, thus producing a new edge, bevelled +inwards towards the concave side of the implement, and making a hard and very sharp fresh cutting edge. The point can of course +be sharpened at any time in the obvious way. + +</p> +<p>Pig-bone implements (Plate <a href="#d0e17333">51</a>, Fig. 2). These are the implements which are often used as forks, but they have straight edges also with which they are used +as scraping knives, and they are utilised for many other purposes. The implement, which is, I think, similar to what is commonly +found in Mekeo and on the coast, is made out of the leg-bone of a pig, and is generally from 5 to 8 inches long. One side +of the bone is ground away, so as to make the implement flattish in section, one side (the outside unground part of the bone) +being somewhat convex, and the other (where the bone has been ground away) being rather concave. Some of the joint end of +the bone is left to serve as a handle; and from this the bone is made to narrow down to a blunt, rather flattish and rounded +point, somewhat like that of a pointed paper-cutter. The side edge is used for scraping, and the point for sticking into things. +<a id="d0e2971"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2971">71</a>]</span></p> +<p>Smoking pipes are in the ordinary well-known form of Mekeo and the coast, being made of sections of bamboo stem in which the +natural intersecting node near the mouthpiece end is bored and the node at the other end is left closed, and between these +two nodes, near to the closed one, is a flute-like hole, in which is placed the cigarette of tobacco wrapped up in a leaf. +They are, however, generally not ornamented; or, if they are so, it is merely in a simple geometric pattern of straight lines. +I obtained one pipe (Plate <a href="#d0e17333">51</a>, Fig. 1) of an unusual type, being much smaller than is usual. A special feature of this pipe is its decoration, which includes +groups of concentric circles. This is the only example of a curved line which I ever met with among the Mafulu villages, and +it is probable that it had not been made there. + +</p> +<p>Boring drills (Plate <a href="#d0e17333">51</a>, Fig. 4) are also similar to those of Mekeo and the coast, except that there the fly-wheel is, I think, usually a horizontal +circular disc, through the centre of which the upright shaft of the implement passes, whereas in the Mafulu boring instrument +the fly-wheel, through which the shaft passes, is a rudely cut flat horizontal piece of wood about 9 or 10 inches long, 2 +inches broad, and half an inch or less thick, and also that in Mafulu the native point, made out of a pointed fragment of +the stone used for making club-heads, adze blades and cloth-beaters, is not generally replaced by a European iron point, as +is so commonly the case in Mekeo and near the coast. These drills are used for boring dogs’ teeth and shells and other similar +hard-substanced <a id="d0e2982"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2982">72</a>]</span>things, but are useless for boring articles of wood or other soft substances, in which the roughly formed point would stick.<a id="d0e2984src" href="#d0e2984" class="noteref">3</a> + +</p> +<p>Fire-making. This is a question of process, rather than of implement, but may be dealt with here. To produce fire, the Mafulu +native takes two pieces of very dry and inflammable wood, one larger than the other, and some dry bark cloth fluff. He then +holds the smaller piece of wood and the fluff together, and rubs them on the larger piece of wood. After four or five minutes +the fluff catches fire, without bursting into actual flame, upon which the native continues the rubbing process, blowing gently +upon the fluff, until the two pieces of wood begin to smoulder, and can then be blown into a sufficient flame for lighting +a fire. + +</p> +<p>Carrying bags. These are all made of network. I shall say something about the mode of netting and colouring them hereafter, +and will here only deal with the bags and their use. They are of various sizes, + +</p> +<p>(1) There are the large bags used by women for carrying heavy objects, such as firewood, vegetables and fruit, which they +bring back to the village on their return in the afternoon from the gardens and bush. These bags are carried in the usual +way, the band over the opening of the bag being passed across the front of the head above the forehead, and the bag hanging +over the back behind. They are curved in <a id="d0e2996"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2996">73</a>]</span>shape, the ends of the bag being at both its top and bottom edges higher than are the centres of those edges, so that, when +a bag is laid out flat, its top line is a concave one and its bottom line is a convex one. The network at the two ends of +the top line is continued into the loop band by means of which the bag is carried. The usual dimensions of one of these bags, +as it lies flat and unstretched on a table (the measurements being made along the curved lines) are as follows—top line about +2 feet, bottom line about 3 feet, and side lines about 18 inches. But when filled with vegetables, firewood, etc., they expand +considerably, especially those made of “Mafulu network,” of which I shall speak hereafter. These bags are uncoloured. (2) +There are similar, but somewhat smaller, bags, in which the women carry lighter things, and which in particular they use for +carrying their babies. They frequently carry this bag and the larger one together; and you will often see a woman with a big +bag heavily laden with vegetables or firewood or both, and another smaller bag (perhaps also slung behind over the top of +the big one, or hanging from her head at her side, or over her breast), which contains her baby, apparently rolled up into +a ball. These bags also are uncoloured. (3) There are other bags, similar perhaps in size to No. 2, used for visiting and +at feasts, dances and similar occasions, and also sometimes used for carrying babies. The top line of one of these is generally +about 2 feet long, the bottom line a trifle longer, and the side lines about 1 foot. These are coloured in decorative patterns. +(4) There <a id="d0e2998"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2998">74</a>]</span>are small bags of various sizes carried by men slung over their shoulders or arms, and used to hold their betel-nut, pepper +and tobacco and various little implements and utensils of daily life. These are sometimes uncoloured and sometimes coloured. +(5) There are the very small charm bags, only about 2 inches or a trifle more square, which are used by both men and women +(I think only the married ones) for carrying charms, and are worn hanging like lockets from the neck. They are sometimes coloured. + +</p> +<p>Plate <a href="#d0e17355">53</a> gives illustrations of three of these bags—Fig. 1 being a woman’s ornamented bag No. 3, and Fig. 2 being a man’s ornamented +bag No. 4; but this last-mentioned bag is rather a large one of its type, the usual difference in size between Nos. 3 and +4 being greater than the two examples figured would suggest. The patterns of both these bags, and especially of the larger +one, are more regular than is usually the case. The bag shown in Fig. 3 will be dealt with hereafter under the heading of +netting. + +</p> +<p>As regards women, the carrying of bags, either full or empty, hanging over their backs is so common that one might almost +regard the bag as an additional article of dress. I may say here in advance of my observations on netting that the distinctive +features of Mafulu bags, as compared with those made in Mekeo and on the coast, are the special and peculiar form of netting +which is commonly adopted for some of them and the curious lines of colouring with which they are often ornamented. + +</p> +<p>Hammocks are commonly used in the houses and <a id="d0e3009"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3009">75</a>]</span><i>emone</i> for sleeping.<a id="d0e3013src" href="#d0e3013" class="noteref">4</a> These also are made of network and will be referred to later. The distinctive feature of network mentioned in relation to +bags applies to these also, but not that of colouring. + +</p> +<p>Pottery is not made or used in Mafulu. + +</p> +<div id="d0e3018" class="divFigure floatRight"> +<h3>Figure 2. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/b075.gif" alt="Ancient Mortar."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Ancient Mortar.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p>I may perhaps refer here to what I imagine to be an ancient stone mortar, which I found at Mafulu, and which I have endeavoured +to show in Fig. 2. A portion of the upper part of the original was broken away, and I regret that I did not try to sketch +it just as it was, instead of adopting the easier course of following what had been the original lines. I am also sorry that +its great weight made it impossible for me to bring it down with me to the coast,<a id="d0e3024src" href="#d0e3024" class="noteref">5</a> and that by an oversight I did not secure a photograph of it. The vessel was well and evenly shaped. It had perfectly smooth +surfaces, without any trace of cutting or chipping, and must have been made by grinding. It was devoid of any trace of decoration. +Its top external diameter was about 12 inches, its height, when standing upright on its base, was about 8 inches, and the +thickness of the bowl at the lip <a id="d0e3027"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3027">76</a>]</span> about 1 inch. I was told that similar things are from time to time found in the district, generally on the ridges, far away +from water. A Mafulu chief said that the Mafulu name for these things is <i>idagafe.</i> The natives have no knowledge of their origin or past use, the only explanation of the latter which was suggested being that +they were used as looking-glasses by looking into the scummy surface of the water inside them.<a id="d0e3032src" href="#d0e3032" class="noteref">6</a> + +</p> +<p>European things. The Mafulu people are now beginning, mainly through the missionaries of the Sacred Heart, and also through +their contact with Mekeo and other lowland tribes, to get into touch with European manufactures. Trade beads, knives, axes, +plane irons (used by them in place of stone blades for their adzes), matches and other things are beginning to find their +way directly and indirectly into such of the villages as are nearest to the opportunities of procuring them by exchange or +labour. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Domestic Animals.</h3> +<p>Dogs may occasionally, though only rarely, be seen in the villages, but these are small black, brownish-black, or black and +white dogs with very bushy tails, and not the yellow dingo dogs which infest the villages of Mekeo; and even these Mafulu +dogs are, I was told, not truly a Mafulu institution, having been obtained by the people, I think, only recently from their +Kuni neighbours. A tame cockatoo may also <a id="d0e3045"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3045">77</a>]</span>very occasionally be seen, and even, though still more rarely, a tame hornbill. There are no cocks and hens. + +</p> +<p>The universal domestic animal of the Mafulu, however, is the pig, and he is so important to them that he is worthy of notice. +These pigs are “village” pigs, which, though naturally identical with “wild” pigs—being, in fact, wild pigs which have been +caught alive or their descendants—have to be distinguished from wild pigs, and especially so in connection with feasts and +ceremonies. + +</p> +<p>Village pigs are the individual property of the householders who possess them, there being no system of community or village +ownership; and, when required for feasts and ceremonies, each household has to provide such pig or pigs as custom requires +of it. They are bred in the villages by their owners, and by them brought up, fed and tended, the work of feeding and looking +after them being the duty of the women. No distinguishing ownership marks are put upon the pigs, but their owners know their +own pigs, and still more do the pigs know the people who feed them; so that disputes as to ownership do not arise. The number +of pigs owned by these people is enormous in proportion to the size of their villages, and I was told that a comparatively +small village will be able at a big feast to provide a number of village pigs much in excess of what will be produced by one +of the big Mekeo villages. + +</p> +<p>These village pigs often wander away into the bush, and may disappear from sight for months; but <a id="d0e3053"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3053">78</a>]</span>they nevertheless still continue to be village pigs. If, however, they are not seen or heard of for a very long time (say +six months), they are regarded as having become wild pigs, and may be caught and appropriated as such. It is usual with village +pigs to clip or shorten their ears and tails, or even sometimes to remove their eyes, so as to keep them from wandering into +the gardens.<a id="d0e3055src" href="#d0e3055" class="noteref">7</a> But even a village pig thus marked as such would be regarded as having become a wild pig if it had disappeared for a very +long time. + +</p> +<p>Village pigs (as distinguished from wild pigs) are, as will be seen below, never eaten in their own village on ceremonial +occasions, or indeed perhaps at all, being only killed and cut up and given to the visitors to take away and eat in their +own villages. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Etiquette.</h3> +<p>These simple people do not appear to have many customs which come under the heading of etiquette, pure and simple. + +</p> +<p>A boy must soon, say within a few weeks, after he has received his perineal band leave the parental home, and go to live in +the <i>emone;</i> but this rule only refers to his general life, and does not prohibit him from ever entering his parents’ house. If he receives +his band when he is very young, this rule will not begin to operate until he is ten or twelve years old. He is in no case +under any prohibition from being in <a id="d0e3073"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3073">79</a>]</span>or crossing the village enclosure. A girl is allowed to enter the <i>emone</i>, though she may not sleep there, prior to receiving her band, but after that she must never enter it. + +</p> +<p>A young unmarried man, who has arrived at the marriageable age, must not eat in the presence of women. He can eat in the bush, +or inside the <i>emone</i>, but he must not eat on the platform of the <i>emone</i>, where women might see him. There appear to be no other customs of mutual avoidance, as, for example, that between son-in-law +and mother-in-law, and with reference to other marriage relationships, such as are found in some of the Solomon Islands, and +among various other primitive races. + +</p> +<p>Children and unimportant adults must always pass behind a chief, not in front of him, and when a chief is speaking, everyone +else, old and young, must be silent. + +</p> +<p>Young men and girls associate and talk freely together in public among other people, but no young man would go about alone +with a girl, unless he was misconducting himself with her, or wished to do so. + +</p> +<p>Visiting is purely friendly and social, and there is no personal system of formal and ceremonial visiting, except as between +communities or villages. + +</p> +<p>There do not appear to be any forms of physical salutation, but there are recognised ways in which men address one another +on meeting and parting. If A and B meet in the bush, A may say to B, “Where do you come from?”, and B will answer, “I come +from———.” A may then say, “Where are you <a id="d0e3094"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3094">80</a>]</span>going to?”, and B will reply to this. Then B may put similar questions to A, and will be similarly answered. These questions +are not necessarily asked because the questioner is really anxious for information, but are in the nature of a formality,—the +equivalent of our “How do you do?” The system of asking and answering these questions, though well recognised as a social +form, is not in practice strictly adhered to. Also A, on coming to a village and finding B there, and wishing to salute him, +will call him by name, and B will then call A by name. Then A will say, “You are here,” and B will reply, “I am here.” This +form is more strictly carried out than is the other one. Then when A leaves he will say to B, “I am going,” and B will answer, +“Go.” Then B will call A by his name, and A will call B by name, and the formality is finished. If A, being very friendly +with B, comes to his village to see him, on A’s departure B, and probably B’s family, will accompany A out of the village, +and will stand watching his departure until he is about to disappear round the corner of the path; and then they will call +out his name, and he will respond by calling out B’s name. + +</p> +<p>Gestures may perhaps be included under this heading, though there is apparently but little to be said about the matter. When +a question is asked, an affirmative reply is indicated by nodding the head, and a negative one by shaking it; and, though +I asked if this was not probably the result of association with people who had been among white men, I was told <a id="d0e3098"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3098">81</a>]</span>that it was not so. A negative answer is also often expressed by shrugging the shoulders, and a kind of grimace with the lips. +The nodding of the head to a negative question, such as “Are you not well?” signifies assent to the negative, that is, that +he is not well, and so vice-versa with the shaking of the head. + + + + +<a id="d0e3100"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3100">82</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2880" href="#d0e2880src" class="noteref">1</a></span> I am unable to state the various forms and varieties of these vegetables, but I give the following native names for plants +of the yam, taro, and sweet potato types:—Yams include <i>tsiolo, avanve, buba, aligarde, vaule, vonide, poloide</i> and <i>ilavuide</i>. Taros include <i>auvari, elume, lupeliolu, kamulepe, ivuvana</i> and <i>fude</i>. Sweet potatoes include <i>asi, bili, dube, saisasumulube</i> and <i>amb’ u tolo</i> (this last name means “ripe banana,” and the reason suggested for the name is that the potato tastes rather like a ripe banana). +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2943" href="#d0e2943src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Dr. Stapf says the wood is that of a rather soft-wooded dicotyledonous tree (possibly urticaceous). +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2984" href="#d0e2984src" class="noteref">3</a></span> The Chirima boring instrument figured by Mr. Monckton (<i>Annual Report</i> for June 30, 1906) is rather of the Mafulu type, but in this case the fly-wheel, instead of being a flat piece of wood, appears +to be made of a split reed bound on either side of the upright cane shaft. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3013" href="#d0e3013src" class="noteref">4</a></span> Hammocks are also used in the plains and on the coast, but only, I think, to a very limited extent; whereas in the mountains, +of at all events the Mafulu district, they are used largely. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3024" href="#d0e3024src" class="noteref">5</a></span> I had a considerable quantity of impedimenta, and unfortunately my condition made it necessary for me to be carried down also; +and I had great difficulty in getting enough carriers. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3032" href="#d0e3032src" class="noteref">6</a></span> Compare the differently shaped mortar found in the Yodda valley and described and figured in the <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1904, p. 31. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3055" href="#d0e3055src" class="noteref">7</a></span> The practice of destroying the pigs’ eyes in the Kuni district is referred to in the <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1900, p. 61. +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e3101"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Community, Clan, and Village Systems and Chieftainship</h2> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Communities, Clans, and Villages.</h3> +<p>The native populations of the Mafulu area are scattered about in small groups or clusters of villages or hamlets; and, as +each cluster of villages is for many purposes a composite and connected whole, I propose to call such a cluster a “community.” +Friendships, based on proximity and frequent intercourse and intermarriage, doubtless arise between neighbouring communities, +but otherwise there does not appear to be any idea in the minds of the people of any general relationship or common interest +between these various communities of the area. Each community regards the members of every other community within the area +as outsiders, just as much so as are, say, the Ambo people to the north and the Kuni people to the west. If a community, or +group of communities together, were the subject of an attack from either Ambo or Kuni natives, each of these being people +whose language is different—as regards the Kuni utterly different—from that of the Mafulu, there would apparently <a id="d0e3109"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3109">83</a>]</span>be no thought of other Mafulu-speaking communities, as such, coming to assist in repelling the attack. Hence in dealing with +the question of inter-village relationship, I have to fix my mind mainly upon the community and its constituent parts. + +</p> +<p>Concerning the situation as between one community and another, as they regard themselves as quite distinct and unrelated, +the only question which seems to arise is that of the ownership of, and rights over, the intervening bush and other land. +The boundaries between what is regarded as the preserve of one community, within which its members may hunt and fish, clear +for garden purposes, cut timber, and collect fruit, and that of an adjoining community are perfectly well known. The longitudinal +boundaries along the valleys are almost always the rivers and streams, which form good boundary marks; but those across the +hills and ridges from stream to stream are, I was told, equally defined in the minds of the natives, though no artificial +boundary marks are visible. These boundaries are mutually respected, and trouble and fighting over boundary and trespass questions +are, I was told, practically unknown, the people in this respect differing from those of Mekeo. + +</p> +<p>A community comprises several villages, the number of which may vary from, say, two to eight. But the relationship between +all the villages is not identical. There is a clan system, and there is generally more than one clan in a community. Often +there are three or more of such clans. Each clan, however, has its own villages, or sometimes one village only, within <a id="d0e3115"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3115">84</a>]</span>the community, and two clans are never found represented in any one village,<a id="d0e3117src" href="#d0e3117" class="noteref">1</a> or any one clan spread over two or more communities. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 3 is a diagrammatic illustration of a typical Mafulu community, the circles representing villages of one clan, the squares +those of another clan, and the triangle being the sole village of a third clan. + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e3126" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 3. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/b084.gif" alt="Illustrative Diagram of a Mafulu Community of Villages."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Illustrative Diagram of a Mafulu Community of Villages.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p>I have said that the entire community is for many purposes a composite whole. In many matters they act together as a community. +This is especially so as regards the big feast, which I shall describe hereafter. It is so also to a large extent in some +other ceremonies and in the organisation of hunting and fishing parties and sometimes in fighting. And the community as a +whole has its boundaries, within which are the general community rights of hunting, fishing, etc., as above stated. + +</p> +<p>But the relationship between a group of villages of any one clan within the community is of a much closer and more intimate +character than is that of the community as a whole. These villages of one clan <a id="d0e3134"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3134">85</a>]</span>have a common <i>amidi</i> or chief, a common <i>emone</i> or clubhouse, and a practice of mutual support and help in fighting for redress of injury to one or more of the individual +members; and there is a special social relationship between their members, and in particular clan exogamy prevails with them, +marriages between people of the same clan, even though in different villages, being reprobated almost as much as are marriages +between people of the same village. + +</p> +<p>The Mafulu word for village is <i>emi</i>, but there are no words signifying the idea of a community of villages and that of a group of villages belonging to the same +clan within that community. As regards the latter there is the word <i>imbele</i>, but this word is used to express the intimate social relationship existing between the members of a clan, and not to express +the idea of an actual group of villages. Communities and villages have geographical names. The name adopted for a community +will probably be the name of some adjoining river or ridge. That adopted for a village will probably be the name of the exact +crest or spot on which it is placed, the minuteness of the geographical nomenclature here being remarkable. Clan-groups of +villages, forming part of a community, have, as such, no geographical names, but a member of one such group will distinguish +himself from those of another group by saying that he is a man of———, giving the name of the chief of the clan occupying the +group. + +</p> +<p>I was assured that, when there are two or more villages of a clan with a common chief and emone, they have originally been +one village which has split up, an <a id="d0e3152"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3152">86</a>]</span>event which undoubtedly does in fact take place; while on the other hand the several villages of a clan, presumably the outcome +of a previous splitting-up of a single village, will sometimes amalgamate together into one village, which thus becomes the +only village of the clan. But two villages of different clans could never amalgamate in this way. The following are examples +of these village changes:— + +</p> +<p>Near to the Mafulu Mission station is a community called Sivu, which includes seven villages occupied by three clans, as follows<a id="d0e3156src" href="#d0e3156" class="noteref">2</a>:— + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">1. Voitele </td> +<td valign="top" rowspan="4">Belonging to a clan whose chief, Jaria, lives at Amalala, where the clan <i>emone</i> is. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">2. Amalala + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">3. Kodo-Malabe + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">4. Motaligo + + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">5. Malala </td> +<td valign="top" rowspan="2">Belonging to a clan whose chief, Gito-iola, lived at Malala, where the clan <i>emone</i> is. (He has recently retired in favour of his eldest son, Anum’ Iva, who is the present chief, and also lives there.) + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">6. Gelva + + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">7. Seluku </td> +<td valign="top">Being the only village of a clan whose chief, Baiva, has recently died. His eldest son, who has succeeded him, is an infant. +There is no regency. +</td> +</tr> +</table><p> +<a id="d0e3197"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3197">87</a>]</span></p> +<p>Also near the Mission station is a community called Alo, which includes four villages occupied by two clans, as follows:— + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">1. Asida </td> +<td valign="top" rowspan="3">Belonging to a clan whose chief, Amo-Kau, lives at Asida, where the <i>emone</i> is. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">2. Kotsi + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">3. Ingomaunda + + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">4. Uvande </td> +<td valign="top">Being the only village of a clan whose chief is Iu-Baibe.</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p>Referring to these villages, in the year 1899 the clan now occupying the four villages Voitele, Amalala, Kodo-Malabe and Motaligo +had only a single village, Kaidiabe, the clan’s chief being the above-mentioned Jaria. Then there was a Government punitive +expedition, following the attack of the natives upon Monseigneur de Boismenu (the present Bishop of the Mission of the Sacred +Heart in British New Guinea) and his friends, who were making their first exploration of the district, in which expedition +a number of natives, including the brother of the chief, were killed. After that the village was abandoned, and the three +villages of Voitele, Amalala and Motaligo arose in its place. Subsequently after a big feast, which was held at Amalala in +the year 1909, that village put out an offshoot, which is the present village of Kodo-Malabe. Also in the year 1909 the village +of Uvande was represented by seven villages, all belonging to one clan under the chieftainship of Iu-Baibe, the names of which +were Ipolo, Olona, Isisibei, Valamenga, Amada, Angasabe and Amambu; <a id="d0e3223"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3223">88</a>]</span>but after the feast above mentioned the people of that clan all abandoned their villages, and joined together in forming the +present village of Uvande. + +</p> +<p>The chief, that is the true chief, of a clan has his house in one of the villages of the clan, and if, as sometimes occurs, +he has houses in two or more of these villages, there is one village in which is what is regarded as his usual residence, +and this is the village in which is the <i>emone</i> of the clan. + +</p> +<p>As regards the relative predominance of the various clans of a community and their respective chiefs in matters affecting +the whole community (<i>e.g.,</i> the arranging and holding of a big feast), there is no rule or system. The predominance will probably, unless there be a +great disparity in the actual size or importance of the clans, and perhaps even to a certain extent notwithstanding such a +disparity, fall to the clan whose chief by his superior ability or courage or force of character, or perhaps capacity for +palavering, has succeeded in securing for himself a predominating influence in the community. + +</p> +<p>The word <i>imbele</i> and certain other words are used to designate the closeness or otherwise of the connection between individuals. <i>Imbele</i> signifies the close connection which exists between members of one clan, and a man will say of another member of his clan +that he is his <i>imbele</i>. The word <i>bilage</i> signifies a community connection, which is recognised as being not so close as a clan connection; and a man will say of another, +who is outside his own clan, but is a member of his own community, that he is his <i>bilage</i>. <a id="d0e3252"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3252">89</a>]</span>The expression <i>a-gata</i> signifies absence of any connection, and a man will refer to a member of another community, Mafulu, Kuni, Ambo, or anything +else (there is no distinction between these in the use of the term) as being <i>a-gata</i>, thereby meaning that he is an outsider. + +</p> +<p>This brings me to the question of the use by me of the term “clan” to designate the intimate association above referred to. +To begin with, there is a considerable difference between the situation produced by the clan system, if it may be regarded +as such, of Mafulu and that of, say, Mekeo, where one finds several clans occupying one village, and where members of one +clan may be scattered over several more or less distant villages; though this latter difference might perhaps arise in part +from natural geographical causes, the flat lowlands of the Mekeo people being highly favourable to inter-village communication +over their whole areas, and to the holding of their recognised and numerous markets, whilst it may almost be assumed that +such intercommunication would be more restricted, at all events in days gone by, among the Mafulu inhabitants of the mountains. + +</p> +<p>Then again in Mafulu there are no clan badges, nor are there any realistic or conventional representations of, or designs +which can to my mind be possibly regarded as representing, or having had their origin in the representation of, animals, birds, +fishes, plants, or anything else. As regards this, however, it may be mentioned that the Mafulu people are very primitive +and undeveloped, and have not in their art <a id="d0e3264"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3264">90</a>]</span>any designs which could readily partake of this imitative character, their artistic efforts never producing curves, and indeed +not going beyond geometric designs composed of straight lines, rectangular and zig-zag patterns and spots. + +</p> +<p>Also I was unable to discover the faintest trace of any idea which might be regarded as being totemistic, or having a totemistic +origin. In particular, although enquiry was made from ten independent and trustworthy native sources, I could not find a trace +of any system of general clan taboo against the killing or the eating of any animal, bird, fish, or plant. It is true that +there are various temporary food taboos associated with special conditions and events, and that there are certain things the +eating of which is regarded as permanently taboo to certain individuals; but the former of these restrictions are general +and are not associated with particular clans or communities, and the latter restrictions relate separately to the individuals +only, and apparently are based in each case on the fact that the food has been found to disagree with him; though whether +the restriction is the result of mere common sense based upon individual experience, or has in it an element of superstition +as to something which may be harmful to the individual concerned, is a point upon which I could not get satisfactory explanation. + +</p> +<p>Again, still dealing with the question of totemism, I may say that the community and village names (as already stated, there +are no clan names) do not appear to be referable to any possible totemistic objects. There <a id="d0e3270"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3270">91</a>]</span>is no specific ancestor worship, in connection with which I could endeavour to trace out an association between that ancestor +and a totemistic object, and there is no special reverence paid to any animal or vegetable, except certain trees and creepers, +the fear of which is associated with spirits and ghosts generally, and not with ghosts of individual persons, and except as +regards omen superstitions concerning flying foxes and fireflies, which are general and universal among all these people, +and except as regards the possible imitative character of the Mafulu dancing, which, if existent, is probably also universal. + +</p> +<p>Moreover, I was told that now, at any rate, the people regard their <i>imbele</i> or clan relationship as a social one, as well as one of actual blood, a statement which is illustrated by the fact that, +if a member of one clan leaves his village to reside permanently in a village of another clan, he will regard the members +of the latter clan, and will himself be regarded by them, as being <i>imbele</i>, although he does not part with the continuing <i>imbele</i> connection between himself and the other members of his original clan. + +</p> +<p>On the other hand the association between members of a clan is exceedingly close, so much so that a serious injury done by +an outsider to one member of a clan (<i>e.g.</i>, his murder, or the case of his wife eloping with a stranger and her family refusing to compensate him for the price which +he had paid for her on marriage) is taken up by the entire clan, who will join the injured individual in full force to inflict +retribution; and, as already stated, the members of a clan <a id="d0e3288"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3288">92</a>]</span>share in one common chief and one common <i>emone</i>, intermarriage between them is regarded as wrong, and apparently each group of villages occupied by a single clan has in +origin been a single village, and may well have a common descent. I think, therefore, that I am justified in regarding these +internal sections of a community as clans. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Chiefs, Sub-Chiefs and Notables and Their Emone</h3> +<p>At the head of each clan is the <i>amidi</i>, or chief of the clan. He is, and is recognised as being, the only true chief. + +</p> +<p>He is the most important personage of his clan, and is treated with the respect due to his office; but, though he takes a +leading part in all matters affecting the clan, he is not a person with any administrative or judicial functions, and he has +no power of punishment or control over the members of the clan. In public ceremonial matters of importance, however, he has +functions which rest primarily upon him alone, and he does, in fact, always perform these functions in his own village; and +on the occasion of a big feast (as to which see below), he does so in whatever village of the clan that feast may be held. + +</p> +<p>The chief lives in one of the villages of the clan, but may have houses in other villages of that clan also. In the village +in which he mainly resides is his <i>emone</i> or club-house, which is the only true <i>emone</i> of the clan; and for the upkeep and repair of this he <a id="d0e3311"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3311">93</a>]</span>is responsible. This is the ceremonial <i>emone</i> in his own village, and is always the one used in connection with the ceremony of a big feast in any village of the clan; +and, if the feast be held in a village other than that in which is his then existing <i>emone</i>, another one is built in that village in lieu of his former one in the other village. + +</p> +<p>There is not in connection with these chiefs and their ceremonies any distinctive difference in importance between the right +and the left as regards the positions occupied by them on the <i>emone</i> platform or the structure of the <i>emone</i>, such as is found among the Roro people. + +</p> +<p>Next in rank to the chief, and at the head of each village of the clan, there is a sub-chief, or <i>em’ u babe</i>, this term meaning “father of the village.” He is not regarded as a true chief, but he is entitled, and it is his duty, to +perform in his own village all the functions of the chief, except those connected with the big feast. He and the similar sub-chiefs +of the other villages of the clan are the persons who take the prominent part in supporting the chief in any ceremonial function +concerning the whole clan in which the latter may be engaged, and in particular at the big feast. The <i>em’ u babe</i> is usually a relative of the chief, and at all events is an important personage. He also has in his own village his <i>emone</i>, which is the principal <i>emone</i> of that village, and is used for all ceremonial functions in that village except the big feast, but it is not regarded as +being a true <i>emone</i>. The chief holds in his own village of residence both <a id="d0e3344"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3344">94</a>]</span>his office of <i>amidi</i> and that of <i>em’ u babe</i>, there being no other person holding the latter office in that village. + +</p> +<p>Next in rank to the sub-chiefs come a number of <i>ake baibe</i>, which means “great men.” These are the leading people—the aristocracy—of the clan. There are no distinctive social grades +of rank among them. Their number is often very large in proportion to the total number of male inhabitants of a village; indeed +sometimes almost every member of a village will claim to belong to this class. These people are in no sense office-bearers, +and have no special duties to perform, though on a ceremonial occasion they are entitled to have their importance borne in +mind. Each of them also is entitled to have an <i>emone</i> (here again not a true <i>emone</i>) in his village, but in fact their numbers often make this practically impossible, and you rarely see more than two or three +<i>emone</i> in one village. + +</p> +<p>The above are all the chiefs and notables of the clan. There is no such thing as a war chief. + +</p> +<p>Aristocracy in its various forms is not a condition to which a man attains on getting older—it is attained by inheritance. + +</p> +<p>The office of the chief is hereditary in the male line by strict rules of descent and primogeniture. On the death of a chief +his office descends to his eldest son, or if that son has died leaving children, it descends to the eldest son of that son, +and so on for subsequent generations. Failing the eldest son or male issue in the male line of the eldest son, the office +devolves upon the late chiefs second son or his male issue in the <a id="d0e3372"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3372">95</a>]</span>male line. And so on for other sons and their issue. Failing such male issue the office passes to a collateral relation of +the late chief on his father’s side (<i>e.g.</i>, the late chief’s next eldest brother or that brother’s son, or the late chief’s second brother or that brother’s son), the +ascertainment of the devolution being based upon a general principle of nearest male relationship in the male line and primogeniture.<a id="d0e3377src" href="#d0e3377" class="noteref">3</a> + +</p> +<p>The chief holds his office for life, but he may in his lifetime resign it in favour of the person entitled to succeed him, +and this in fact often occurs. He cannot, however, on the appointment of his successor still continue in office himself, so +as to create a joint chieftainship, as is done in Mekeo. He, as chief, is subject to no special taboo, and there is no qualification +for office, other, of course, than hereditary right; but no chief can perform the functions of his office, or build for himself +an <i>emone</i>, until he has married. There is no ceremony on the chiefs accession to office on the death of his predecessor; but there +is a ceremony (to be described hereafter) on a chief’s abdication in favour of his successor. Cases have, I was told, occurred +in which a man has in one way or another forced himself into the position of chief, though not qualified by descent, and has +thus become a chief, from whom subsequent chieftainship descent has been traced, but I could learn nothing of the circumstances +<a id="d0e3388"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3388">96</a>]</span>under which this had occurred. Also it has happened that, when a chief has been weak, and has not asserted his position, a +sub-chief has more or less usurped his power and influence, without actually upsetting his chieftainship or supplanting him +in his performance of ceremonial duties. + +</p> +<p>If the chief on acquiring office by inheritance is a child, or not qualified to act (<i>e.g.</i>, unmarried), he is nevertheless chief; but some person will usually act as his guardian, and perform his functions for him +until he has qualified. This person will probably be one of the young chief’s eldest male paternal relations (<i>e.g.</i>, the eldest living brother of the last previous chief), and will presumably be a person of consequence; but he will not necessarily +be one of the sub-chiefs. + +</p> +<p>All the above observations concerning the hereditary nature of a chief’s office and subsequently explained matters apply also +to the case of a sub-chief, except that there is no ceremony on his resigning office in favour of his successor, and that +the usurpation of the office of a sub-chief, of the occurrence of which I found no record, would perhaps be more difficult +of accomplishment. In the event of a village throwing off an offshoot village, or itself splitting up into two villages, the +then existing sub-chief of the original village would continue his office in it or, in case of a division, in one of the villages +resulting from the split, and the other village would have for its sub-chief some one of the <i>ake-baibe</i> of the original village, probably the one who was most active in organising the split. On the other hand, if several villages +united into one, one <a id="d0e3403"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3403">97</a>]</span>only of their sub-chiefs could be sub-chief of the village arising from the amalgamation, and the others would sink to the +rank of <i>ake-baibe</i>. + +</p> +<p>The observations concerning the hereditary nature of a chiefs rank also apply to the <i>ake-baibe</i>. I have no information concerning them on the other points; but these are not so important as regards these people, who have +no official position and have no duties to perform. + +</p> +<p>There are, as will be seen hereafter, a number of persons who are employed from time to time to perform various acts and functions +of a ceremonious or superstitious character, notably the man who has the important duty of killing pigs at feasts; but these +men are not by virtue of their offices or functions either chiefs or sub-chiefs, or even notables or important personages. +It is in each case a matter of the specific personal power which the man is believed to possess. Any of them might happen +to be an important personage, and the pig-killer, whose office is a prominent one, would probably be one; though in his case +muscular strength would, I understand, be an important element of qualification.<a id="d0e3415src" href="#d0e3415" class="noteref">4</a> + + + + +<a id="d0e3427"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3427">98</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3117" href="#d0e3117src" class="noteref">1</a></span> This is subject to the qualification which arises from the fact (stated below) that a member of one clan who migrates to a +village of another clan retains his <i>imbele</i> relationship to the members of his own old clan, although he has by his change of residence obtained a similar relationship +to the members of the clan in whose village he has settled. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3156" href="#d0e3156src" class="noteref">2</a></span> See <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1910, which on p. 5 speaks of “several villages round about the Mission, known as Sivu.” +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3377" href="#d0e3377src" class="noteref">3</a></span> Compare the Koita system, under which under certain conditions the son of a chief’s sister might succeed him (Seligmann, +<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 52). Such a thing could not take place among the Mafulu. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3415" href="#d0e3415src" class="noteref">4</a></span> I do not know how far this pig-killer may be compared with the Roro <i>ovia akiva</i>, or chief of the knife, referred to by Dr. Seligmann (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 219). The Mafulu pig-killer cannot be regarded as being even a quasi-chief, and his office is not hereditary. It is noticeable +also that he is the man who kills the pigs, whereas the <i>ovia akiva</i> only cuts up the bodies after the pigs have been killed by someone else. +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e3428"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Villages, Emone, Houses and Modes of Inter-Village Communication</h2> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Villages and Their Emone and Houses.</h3> +<p>The Mafulu villages are generally situated on narrow plateaux or ridges, sloping down on each side; but the plateaux are not +usually so narrow, nor the slopes so steep, as are those of the Kuni district, and the villages themselves are not generally +so narrow, as the contour of the country does not involve these conditions to the same extent. Also the Mafulu villages are +on the lower ridges only, and not on the high mountains; but the actual elevations above sea-level of these lower ridges are, +I think, generally higher than those of the top ridges of the Kuni. Plate <a href="#d0e17364">54</a> shows the position and surroundings of the village of Salube (community of Auga), and is a good representative example, except +that the plate does not show any open grassland. + +</p> +<p>The villages are, or were, protected with stockades and with pits outside the stockades, and sometimes with platforms on trees +near the stockade boundaries, from which platforms the inhabitants can shoot and <a id="d0e3441"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3441">99</a>]</span>hurl stones upon an enemy climbing up the slope. The stockade is made of timber, is about 15 to 25 feet high, and is generally +constructed in three or more parallel rows or lines, each of the lines having openings, but the openings never being opposite +to one another. These protections have now, however, been largely, though not entirely, discontinued.<a id="d0e3443src" href="#d0e3443" class="noteref">1</a> It is, or was, also the practice, when expecting an attack, to put into the ground in the approaches to the village calthrop-like +arrow-headed objects, with their points projecting upwards. + +</p> +<p>The average size of the villages is small compared with that of the large villages of Mekeo, some of them having only six +or eight houses, though many villages have thirty houses, and some of them have fifty or sixty or more. The houses and <i>emone</i> are much smaller than those of Mekeo, and much ruder and simpler in construction and they have no carving or other decoration. +There are no communal houses. + +</p> +<p>The houses are ranged in two parallel rows along the side of the ridge, with an open village space between them, the space +being considerably longer than it is broad, and more or less irregular in shape. The houses are generally built with their +door-openings facing inwards towards the village enclosure. + +</p> +<p>At one end of the village, and facing down the open space, is the chief’s or sub-chief’s <i>emone</i>. These are, like the Roro <i>marea</i> and the Mekeo <i>ufu</i>, used, not only in connection with ceremonies, but also as living houses <a id="d0e3464"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3464">100</a>]</span>for men, especially unmarried men, and for the accommodation of visitors to the village. There are probably also in the village +the <i>emone</i> of one or more of the notables before mentioned, of which one will be at the other end of the village and any others will +be among the houses at the side of, and facing into, the village enclosure. There are not often more than three <i>emone</i>, true or otherwise, in one village. + +</p> +<p>You of course do not find the surrounding palm groves of Mekeo and the coast; nor do you generally see the waste space behind +the houses, or the ring of garden plots outside the waste space, the position of the village on its ridge being usually hardly +adapted to the latter. You may, however, often find garden plots very near to the village. Each family has its own house, +and, except as regards the <i>emone</i> and their use, there are no separate houses for men or women, or for any class of them. + +</p> +<p>The Mafulu <i>emone</i> is an oblong building, erected on piles of very varying height, the interior floor being anything from 3 to 15 feet above +the ground. In size also it varies very much, but generally it is internally about 12 to 15 feet long from front to back, +and about 8 to 12 feet in width. The roof, which is thatched with long, rather broad leaves, is constructed on the ridge and +gable principle, with the gable ends facing the front and the back, and the roof sloping on both sides in convex curves from +the ridge downwards. Remarkable and specially distinctive features of the building are the thatched roof appendages projecting +from the tops of the two gable <a id="d0e3482"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3482">101</a>]</span>ends (front and back), the forms of which appendages are somewhat like a hood or the convex fan-shaped semicircular roof of +an apse, and in construction are sometimes made as rounded overhanging continuations of the upper part of the roof, and sometimes +as independent additions, not continuous with, and not forming parts of, the actual roof. In front of the building, but not +at the back, is a platform at a level about a foot below that of the inner floor, extending the whole length of the front +of the building, and projecting forwards to a distance of from 2 to 5 feet. The approach from the ground to this platform +in the case of a high-built emone is a rudely constructed ladder, but when the building is only low and near the ground it +is generally merely a rough sloping piece of tree trunk, or even only a stump. The two gable ends are enclosed with walls +made of horizontal tree branches, two or three of which are, at both the front and rear ends of the building, discontinued +for a short distance in the centre, so as to leave openings. These openings are, say, 2 feet or more above the level of the +front outside platform, and 1 foot or more above that of the inside floor, and are usually very small; so that, in entering +or leaving the building, you have to step up to, or even climb, and wriggle yourself through the opening, and then step down +on the other side. Inside the building you find the centre of the floor space occupied by a longitudinal fireplace, about +2 feet broad, extending from front to back of the building; and the floors on each side of this fireplace slope upwards somewhat +from the visible level of the fire-place <a id="d0e3484"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3484">102</a>]</span>towards the sides of the building. The fireplace part of the interior is, in fact, dropped to a level below that of the adjoining +floors, so as to form a long trough, which is filled up with soil upon which the fire can burn; and it is the visible top +level of this soil covering which is practically flush with the inside lower level of the adjacent upward-sloping floors. +Some distance below the roof there is usually an open ceiling of reeds, used for the purpose of storing and drying fruits +and other things, and especially, as will be seen hereafter, for drying fruit required in the preparation for the big feast. + + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e3487" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 4. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/b102.gif" alt="Diagram of Front of Emone (Front Hood of Roof and Front Platform and Portions of Front Timbers omitted, so as to show Interior)."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Diagram of Front of Emone (Front Hood of Roof and Front Platform and Portions of Front Timbers omitted, so as to show Interior).</p> +</div><p> +<a id="d0e3491"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3491">103</a>]</span></p> +<p><a href="#d0e3487">Fig. 4</a> is a diagram of the front of an <i>emone</i>, disclosing the internal plan of the floor and fireplace, for which purpose the front hood of the roof and the front platform +are omitted from the plan, and of the horizontal front timbers the third up from the bottom is shown at the ends only, the +middle part being omitted, and small portions of the timbers immediately above them are omitted. The words in parentheses +appearing in the explanatory notes to the figure are the Mafulu names for the various parts of the building. + +</p> +<p><i>Explanatory Notes to Fig.</i> 4. + +</p> +<p>(<i>a</i>) Main posts, one at the front of the building, one in the middle, and one at the back (<i>apopo</i>). + +</p> +<p>(<i>b</i>) Posts supporting roof, a line of them running along each side (<i>tedele</i>). + +</p> +<p>(<i>c</i>) Posts supporting outer edge of flooring, a line of them on each side (<i>emuje</i> or <i>aje</i>). + +</p> +<p>(<i>d</i>) Post supporting inner edge of flooring and hearth, a line of them on each side (<i>foj’ ul’ emuje</i>). + +</p> +<p>(<i>e</i>) Lower ridge pole (<i>tanguve</i>). + +</p> +<p>(<i>f</i>) Main downward-sloping roof work, strongly made, going all the way back, only four or five of them on each side (<i>loko-loko</i>). + +</p> +<p>(<i>g</i>) Upper ridge pole (<i>tope</i>). + +</p> +<p>(<i>h</i>) Main horizontal roof work, resting on <i>f</i> (<i>gegebe</i>). + +</p> +<p>(<i>i</i>) Upper downward-sloping roof work, not so thick as <i>f</i> resting on <i>h</i>, going all the way back at intervals of about 1 foot (<i>engala</i>). + +</p> +<p>(<i>k</i>) Upper horizontal roof work, not so thick as <i>h</i> +resting on <i>i</i> (<i>gegebe</i>) +<a id="d0e3601"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3601">104</a>]</span></p> +<p>(<i>l</i>) Thatch made of leaves (<i>asase</i>). + +</p> +<p><i>Note.</i>—The roof (excluding the hood) projects forward and overhangs a little beyond the post <i>a</i>, so as to overhang the greater part, but not the whole, of the platform; the hood (not shown in this figure) is really intended +to shelter the <span class="corr" title="Source: flatform">platform</span>. + +</p> +<p>(<i>m</i>) Pole supporting roof (<i>karia</i>). + +</p> +<p>(<i>n</i>) Pole supporting outer edge of floor (<i>karia</i>). + +</p> +<p>(<i>o</i>) Pole supporting inner edge of floor and enclosing hearth (<i>jakusube</i>). + +</p> +<p>(<i>p</i>) Floor, composed of transverse woodwork (<i>koimame</i>) with thin light longitudinal lath work on top of it (<i>ondovo</i>). + +</p> +<p>(<i>q</i>) Pole above inner edge of floor and edging hearth, not so thick as <i>o</i> (<i>bubuje</i>). + +</p> +<p>(<i>r</i>) Floor of fireplace, upon which soil is put (<i>foj’ ul maovo</i>). + +</p> +<p>(<i>s</i>) Pieces of wood supported by <i>c</i> and <i>d</i>, going right across building and over floor of fireplace, but under its earth, all the way back (<i>kooije</i>). + +</p> +<p>(<i>t</i>) Wall timbers below top of door-opening, at front and back (<i>kautape</i>). + +</p> +<p><i>Note.</i>—<i>t</i>(1)goes right across under door-opening, but the middle portion of it is omitted from the diagram, and the lower edges of +timbers <i>t</i> (2) are partly broken off, so as to show floor and fireplace. + +</p> +<p>(<i>u</i>) Wall timbers above top of door-opening (<i>dibindi</i>). + +</p> +<p><i>Note.</i>—<i>t</i> and <i>u</i> together-the whole wall-are called <i>bou</i>. +<a id="d0e3727"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3727">105</a>]</span></p> +<p>(<i>v</i>) Uprights bracing together <i>t</i> and <i>u</i> (Mafulu name unknown). + +</p> +<p>(<i>w</i>) Ceiling made with reeds and used for storing and drying fruit, etc. It may occupy the whole length of the building and the +whole width of it, or part only of either or both of these (<i>avale</i>). + +</p> +<p>(<i>x</i>) Space filled up with soil and used as hearth (<i>foje</i>). + +</p> +<p>(<i>y</i>) Door-opening, one at back also (<i>akomimbe</i>). + + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e3764" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 5. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/b105.gif" alt="Diagram of Transverse Section across Centre of Emone."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Diagram of Transverse Section across Centre of Emone.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e3764">Fig. 5</a> is a diagram of a transverse section across the centre of an <i>emone</i>, showing the internal construction. The explanatory note only deals with portions not explained in those to <a href="#d0e3487">Fig. 4</a>. +<a id="d0e3778"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3778">106</a>]</span></p> +<p><i>Explanatory Note to Fig.</i> 5. + +</p> +<p>Post <i>a</i> is the main central support of the building corresponding with post <i>a</i> in Fig. 4. Posts <i>b b</i> are central side supports to the roof. Poles <i>c</i> and <i>d</i> are attached to posts <i>a b b</i>, and help to strengthen the fabric. These poles are also used for hanging up sleeping hammocks, the other extremities of +which are hung to the <i>loko-loko</i> of the roof (<a href="#d0e3487">Fig. 4</a>, <i>f</i>). The name for post <i>a</i> is <i>dudu</i>, but this word is often used to express the whole structure <i>a b b c d</i>. + +</p> +<p>I have endeavoured in the diagrammatic sketch—Fig. 6—to illustrate the apse-like projection of the roof of an <i>emone</i> and the platform arrangements. I have in this sketch denuded the apse roof of its thatch, showing it in skeleton only; and +I have shaded all timber work behind the platform, in order more clearly to define the latter. + +</p> +<p><i>Explanatory Notes to Fig.</i> 6. + +</p> +<p>(<i>a</i>) Front end of thatch (<i>asase</i>) of main roof. + +</p> +<p>(<i>b c d</i>) Front apse-shaped roof (<i>siafele</i>), the thatch having been removed to show its internal construction. + +</p> +<p>(<i>b c, b e, b d</i>) Downward-sloping roof work (<i>engala</i>). + +</p> +<p>(<i>f f, c d</i>] Horizontal roof work (<i>gegebe</i>), carried round in curves. + +</p> +<p><i>Note.</i>—Sometimes the apse-shaped roof is constructed as a continuation of the main roof of the building, in which case the <i>gegebe</i> of the former are a continuation of those of the latter. Sometimes the apse roof is a separate appendage, not connected with +<a id="d0e3869"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3869">107</a>]</span>the main roof, and in that case the <i>gegebe</i> of the former are separate from those of the latter, and are fixed at their extremities to the <i>loko-loko</i> of the main roof. + +</p> +<p>(<i>g</i>) Posts supporting the platform (<i>purum’-ul’ emuge</i>). + +</p> +<p>(<i>h</i>) Horizontal platform supports resting at one end on <i>g</i> and at the other end fixed to either the <i>tedele</i> or the <i>emuje</i>. + + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e3900" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 6. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/b107.gif" alt="Diagrammatic Sketch of Apse-like Projection of Roof of Emone and Platform Arrangements."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Diagrammatic Sketch of Apse-like Projection of Roof of Emone and Platform Arrangements.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p>(<i>i</i>) Platform (<i>purume</i>). + +</p> +<p><i>Note.</i>—It will be seen that the front <i>apopo</i> passes through the platform. +<a id="d0e3919"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3919">108</a>]</span></p> +<p>(<i>k</i>) Additional supports to the apse roof, which are sometimes added, but are not usual. Their lower ends rest on the platform +and they are connected with the apse roof at its outer edge (Mafulu name unknown). + +</p> +<p>(<i>l</i>) A stump by which to get on to the platform. This is often a rough sloping piece of tree-trunk; where the platform of the +emone is high it is a rudely constructed ladder (<i>gigide</i>). + +</p> +<p><i>Note.</i>—The entire façade of the front gable end is called <i>konimbe</i> (which means door) or <i>purume</i> (which means platform). That of the back gable end is called <i>apei</i>. + +</p> +<p><i>Note.</i>—The height of the door-opening above the outside platform is shown in this figure. + +</p> +<p>The houses are in construction very similar to the <i>emone</i>, and in fact the above description of the latter may be taken as a description of a house, subject to the following modifications: +(i.) The house is never raised high, its floor always being within a foot or two of the ground, (ii.) It is smaller than the +<i>emone</i>, its average internal dimensions being about 8 to 12 feet long, and 8 to 10 feet wide, (iii.) The roof generally slopes down +on both sides to the level of the ground (concealing the side structure of the house) or nearly so. (iv.) The projecting hood +of the roof is only added at the front of the building, and not at the rear; and it is usually separate from, and not continuous +with, the real roof.<a id="d0e3958src" href="#d0e3958" class="noteref">2</a> (v.) The platform is <a id="d0e3963"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3963">109</a>]</span>generally small and narrow, and often only extends for half the length of the front of the house, and, being always within +a foot or two of the ground, it does not possess or require a ladder or tree-trunk approach; it is also narrower. Frequently +there is no platform at all. (vi.) There is no entrance opening at the back of the house, (vii.) The front entrance opening +is smaller and narrower and more difficult of entry. When the family are absent, they generally put sticks across this opening +to bar entry, whereas the entrance opening of the <i>emone</i> is always open, (viii.) The centre house support very often consists of one post only, instead of a combination, (ix.) There +is often on one side of the entrance opening a small space of the inside of the house fenced off for occupation by the pigs, +and there is a little aperture by which they can get into this space from outside, (x.) The <i>avale</i> ceiling is usually absent; and, even if there be one, it will only extend under a small portion of the roof.<a id="d0e3971src" href="#d0e3971" class="noteref">3</a> +<a id="d0e3980"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3980">110</a>]</span></p> +<p>The following are explanations of my plates of villages and their buildings. + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Plate. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Explanation. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17369">55</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">Village of Seluku (community of Sivu), with chief’s <i>emone</i> at the end facing up the enclosure. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17374">56</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">Village of Amalala (community of Sivu), with chief’s <i>emone</i> at the end of the enclosure. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17379">57</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">The same village of Amalala (photographed in the other direction), with secondary <i>emone</i> at the end of the enclosure. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17384">58</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">Village of Malala (community of Sivu), with secondary <i>emone</i> at the end of the enclosure. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17389">59</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">Village of Uvande (community of Alo), with chief’s <i>emone</i> at the end of the enclosure. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17394">60</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">Village of Biave (community of Mambu), with chief’s <i>emone</i> at the end of the enclosure. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17399">61</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">The chief’s <i>emone</i> in village of Amalala. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17404">62</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">The chief’s <i>emone</i> in the village of Malala, at the other end of the enclosure. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17409">63</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">A house in the same village. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17414">64</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">A house in village of Levo (community of Mambu).</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Communications.</h3> +<p>The native paths of the Mafulu people, or at all events those passing through forests, are, like those of most other mountain +natives, usually difficult for white men to traverse. The forest tracks in particular are often quite unrecognisable as such +to an inexperienced white man, and are generally very narrow and beset with a tangle of stems and hanging roots and creepers +of the trees and bush undergrowth, which catch the unwary traveller across the legs or body or hands or face at every turn, +and are often so concealed by the grass and vegetation that, unless he be very careful, he is apt to be constantly tripped +up by them; and moreover these entanglements are often armed with thorns or prickles, or have <a id="d0e4089"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4089">111</a>]</span>serrated edges, a sweep of which may tear the traveller’s clothes, or lacerate his hands or face. Then there are at every +turn and corner rough trunks of fallen trees, visible or concealed, often more or less rotten and treacherous, to be got over; +and such things are frequently the only means of crossing ditches and ravines of black rotting vegetable mud. Moreover the +paths are often very steep; and, indeed, it is this fact, and the presence of rough stones and roots, which renders the very +prominent outward turn of the people’s big toes, with their prehensile power, such useful physical attributes. + +</p> +<p>Their bridges may be divided into four types, namely: (1) A single tree thrown across the stream, having either been blown +down, and so fallen across it accidentally, or been purposely placed across it by the natives. (2) Two or more such trunks +placed in parallel lines across the stream, and covered with a rough platform of transverse pieces of wood. (3) The suspension +bridge. I regret that I am unable to give a detailed description of Mafulu suspension bridges, but I think I am correct in +saying that they are very similar to those of the Kuni people, one of whose bridges is described in the <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1909, as being 150 feet long and 20 feet above water at the lowest part, and as being made of lawyer vine (I do +not know whether this would be right for Mafulu), with flooring of pieces of stick supported on strips of bark, and as presenting +a crazy appearance, which made the Governor’s carriers afraid of crossing it, though it was in fact perfectly safe, and had +very little <a id="d0e4096"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4096">112</a>]</span>movement, even in the middle. I also give in Plate <a href="#d0e17419">65</a> a photograph taken by myself<a id="d0e4101src" href="#d0e4101" class="noteref">4</a> of a bridge over the St. Joseph river, close to the Kuni village of Ido-ido, which, though a Kuni bridge, may, I think, be +taken as fairly illustrative of a Mafulu bridge over a wide river.<a id="d0e4104src" href="#d0e4104" class="noteref">5</a> Plate <a href="#d0e17424">66</a> is a photograph, taken in Mafulu, of another form of suspension bridge used by them, and adapted to narrower rivers, the +river in this case being the Aduala. (4) The bamboo bridge. This is a highly arched bridge of bamboo stems. The people take +two long stems, and splice them together at their narrow ends, the total length of the spliced pair being considerably greater +than the width of the river to be bridged. They then place the spliced pair of bamboos across the river, with one end against +a strong backing and support on one side of the river and the other end at the other side, where it will extend for some little +distance beyond the river bank. This further end is then forcibly bent backward to the bank by a number of men working together, +and is there fixed and backed. The bamboo stems then form a high arch over the river. They then fix another pair of stems +in the same way, close to and parallel with the first one; and the double arch so formed is connected all the way across with +short pieces of wood, tied firmly to the stems, so as to strengthen the bridge and form a footway, by which it can be crossed. +They then generally add a hand rail on one side. +<a id="d0e4113"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4113">113</a>]</span></p> +<p>One can hardly leave the question of physical communications without also referring to the marvellous system of verbal communication +which exists amongst the Mafulu and Kuni and other mountain people. Messages are shouted across the valleys from village to +village in a way which to the unaccustomed traveller is amazing. It never seemed to me that any attempt was made specially +to articulate the words and syllables of the message, or to repeat them slowly, so as to make them more readily heard at a +distance off, though the last syllable of each sentence is always prolonged into a continuous sort of wail. This system of +wireless telegraphy has, however, been before described by other writers, so I need say no more about it. + + + +<a id="d0e4116"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4116">114</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3443" href="#d0e3443src" class="noteref">1</a></span> I do not suggest that these defences are peculiar to the Mafulu area. I believe they are used by other mountain natives of +the Central District. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3958" href="#d0e3958src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Though this curious-shaped hood in front of a house is apparently a speciality of the mountains, so far as British New Guinea +is concerned, I do not suggest that it does not exist elsewhere. In fact, some of the <a id="d0e3960"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3960">109n</a>]</span>native houses which I have seen in the Rubiana Lagoon district of the Solomon Islands had a somewhat similar projection, though +in them the front wall of the house, with its little door-opening, was carried round below the outer edge of the hood, which +thus formed part of the roof of the interior, instead of being merely a shelter over the outside platform, as is the case +in Mafulu. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3971" href="#d0e3971src" class="noteref">3</a></span> Dr. Haddon refers (<i>Geographical Journal, Vol. XVI.</i>, p. 422) to conical ground houses with elliptical and circular bases found in villages on the top of steep hills behind the +Mekeo district and on the southern spur of Mt. Davidson, and says that in some places, as on the Aduala affluent of the Angabunga +(<i>i.e.</i>, St. Joseph’s) river, the houses are oblong, having a short ridge pole. I think that the elliptical houses to which he refers +have probably been Kuni houses, to which his description could well be applied, and that the oblong houses have been Mafulu. +The villages with very narrow streets, and the houses of which are, he says, built partly on the crest and partly on the slope, +are also in this respect typically Kuni. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4101" href="#d0e4101src" class="noteref">4</a></span> This photograph had to be taken from an awkward position above, from which I had to point the camera downwards to the bridge. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4104" href="#d0e4104src" class="noteref">5</a></span> See also description of suspension bridge over Vanapa river in lower hill districts given in <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1889, p. 38. +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e4117"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Government, Property, and Inheritance</h2> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Government and Justice.</h3> +<p>There is, as might be expected, no organised system of government among the Mafulu, nor is there any official administration +of justice. + +</p> +<p>As regards government, the chiefs in informal consultation with the sub-chiefs and prominent personages deal with important +questions affecting the community or clan or village as a whole, such as the holding of big feasts and important ceremonies, +the migrations or splitting-up or amalgamation of villages, and warlike operations; but events of this character are not frequent. +And as to justice, neither the chiefs nor any other persons have any official duties of settling personal disputes or trying +or punishing wrongdoers. The active functions of the chiefs, in fact, appear to be largely ceremonial. + +</p> +<p>Concerning the question of justice, it would seem, indeed, that a judicial system is hardly requisite. Personal disputes between +members of a village or clan, or even of a community, on such possible subjects as inheritance, boundary, ownership of <a id="d0e4129"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4129">115</a>]</span>property, trespass and the like, and wrongful acts within the village or the community, are exceedingly rare, except as regards +adultery and wounding and killing cases arising from acts of adultery, which are more common. + +</p> +<p>There are certain things which from immemorial custom are regarded as being wrong, and appropriate punishments for which are +generally recognised, especially stealing, wounding, killing and adultery; but the punishment for these is administered by +the injured parties and their friends, favoured and supported by public opinion, and often, where the offender belongs to +another clan, actively helped by the whole clan of the injured parties. + +</p> +<p>The penalty for stealing is the return or replacement of the article stolen; but stealing within the community, and perhaps +even more so within the clan or village, is regarded as such a disgraceful offence, more so, I believe, than either killing +or adultery, that its mere discovery involves a distressing punishment to the offender. As regards wounding and killing, the +recognised rule is blood for blood, and a life for a life. The recognised code for adultery will be stated in the <a href="#d0e4884">chapter on matrimonial matters</a>. + +</p> +<p>Any retribution for a serious offence committed by someone outside the clan of the person injured is often directed, not only +against the offender himself, but against his whole clan. + +</p> +<p>There is a method of discovering the whereabouts of a stolen article, and the identity of the thief, through the medium of +a man who is believed to have special <a id="d0e4142"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4142">116</a>]</span>powers of ascertaining them. This man takes one of the large broad single-shell arm ornaments, which he places on its edge +on the ground, and one of the pig-bone implements already described, which he places standing on its point upon the convex +surface of the shell. To make the implement stand in this way he puts on the point, and makes to adhere to the shell a small +piece of wild bees’ wax, this being done, I was told, surreptitiously, though I cannot say to what extent the people are deceived +by the dodge, or are aware of it. The implement stands on the shell for a few seconds, after which it falls down. Previously +to doing this he has told his client of certain possible directions in which the implement may fall, and intimated that, whichever +that may be, it will be the direction in which the lost article must be sought. He has also given certain alternative names +of possible culprits, one of such names being associated with each of the alternative directions of falling. The fall of the +implement thus indicates the quarter in which the lost article may be found and the name of the thief. Father Clauser saw +this performance enacted in connection with a pig which had been stolen from a chief; the falling bone successfully pointed +to the direction in which the pig was afterwards found, and there was no doubt that the alleged thief was in fact the true +culprit. Presumably the operator makes private enquiries before trying his experiment, and knows how to control the fall of +the implement. + + +<a id="d0e4144"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4144">117</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Property and Inheritance.</h3> +<p>The property of a Mafulu native may be classified as being (1) his movable belongings, such as clothing, ornaments, implements +and pigs; (2) his house in the village; (3) his bush land; (4) his gardens. + +</p> +<p>The movable belongings are, of course, his own absolute property. + +</p> +<p>The village house is also his own; but this does not include the site of that house, which continues to be the property of +the village. Every grown-up male inhabitant of the village has the right to build for himself one house in that village; he +is not entitled to have more than one there, but he may have a house in each of two or more villages, and a chief or very +important man is allowed two or three houses in the same village. On a house being pulled down and not rebuilt, or being abandoned +and left to decay, the site reverts to the village, and another person may build a house upon it.<a id="d0e4154src" href="#d0e4154" class="noteref">1</a> Houses are never sold, but the ordinary life of a house is only a few years. + +</p> +<p>The man’s bush land is his own property, and his ownership includes all trees and growth which may be upon it, and which no +other man may cut down, but it does not include game, this being the common property of the community; and any member of the +community is entitled to pass over the land, hunt on it, and fish in streams passing through it, as <a id="d0e4162"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4162">118</a>]</span>he pleases. The whole of the bush land of the community belongs in separate portions to different owners, one man sometimes +owning two or more of such portions; and it is most remarkable that, though there are apparently no artificial boundary marks +between the various portions, these boundaries are, somehow or other, known and respected, and disputes with reference to +them are practically unknown. How the original allocations and allotments of land have been made does not appear to be known +to the people themselves. + +</p> +<p>The man’s garden plot or plots are also his own, having been cleared by him or some predecessor of his out of his or that +predecessor’s own bush land; and he may build in his gardens as many houses as he pleases. His ownership of his garden plot +is more exclusive than is that of his bush land, as other people are not entitled to pass over it. But on the other hand, +if he abandons the garden, and nature again overruns it with growth—a process which takes place with great rapidity—it ceases +to be his garden, and reverts to, and becomes absorbed in, the portion of the bush out of which it had been cleared; and if, +as it may be, he is not the sole owner of that portion of bush, he loses his exclusive right to the land, which as a garden +had been his own sole property. + +</p> +<p>No man can sell or exchange either his bush land or his garden plots, and changes in their ownership therefore only arise +through death and inheritance. This statement, however, is, I think, subject to the qualification that an owner of bush-land +will sometimes <a id="d0e4168"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4168">119</a>]</span>allow his son or other male descendant to clear and make for himself a garden in it; but I am not sure as to the point. + +</p> +<p>On a man’s death his widow, if any, does not inherit any portion of his property, either movable or immovable, but three things +are allowed to her. She is generally allowed one pig, which will be required by her at a later date for the ceremony of the +removal of her mourning; and she shares with her husband’s children, or, if there be none, she has the sole right to, the +then current season’s crops and fruit resulting from the planting effected by her late husband and herself, though this is +a right which, after her return home to her own people, she would not continue to exercise; and she is allowed to continue +to occupy her husband’s house, but this latter privilege terminates at the mourning removal ceremony, when the house will +be pulled down, and its site will revert to the village, and she will probably return to her own people in her own village, +if she has not done so previously. + +</p> +<p>Subject to these three allowances, I may dismiss the widow entirely in dealing with the law of inheritance. I may also dismiss +the man’s female children by saying that, if there be male children, the females do not share at all in the inheritance, and +even if there be no male children the female children will only perhaps be allowed, apparently rather as a matter of grace +than of right, to share in his movable effects; and that, subject to this, everything goes to the man’s male relatives. I +may also eliminate the man’s pigs, as <a id="d0e4174"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4174">120</a>]</span>apparently any pigs he has, other than that retained for his widow, are killed at his funeral. + +</p> +<p>On the death of an owner everything he possesses goes, except as above mentioned, to his sons. They divide the movable things +between them, but the bush and garden land pass to them jointly, and there is no process by which either of these can be divided +and portioned among them. The male children of a deceased son, and the male children of any deceased male child of that deceased +son (and so on for subsequent generations), inherit between them in lieu of that son. There does not appear, however, to be +any idea in the Mafulu mind of each son of the deceased owner being entitled to a specific equal fractional share, or of the +descendants of a deceased son of that owner being between them only entitled to one share, <i>per stirpes</i>. They apparently do not get beyond the general idea that these people, whoever they may be and to whatever generations they +may belong, become the owners of the property. + +</p> +<p>They take possession of and cultivate the existing gardens as joint property. Any one of them will be allowed to clear some +of their portion of bush, and fence it, and plant it as a garden, and it will then become the sole property of that one man, +and if he dies it will pass as his own property to his own heirs; though, as before stated, if he abandons it, and lets it +be swallowed up by the bush, it will cease to be his own garden, and will again be included in the family’s joint portion +of bush land, and on his death his heirs will only come into the joint bush ownership. +<a id="d0e4183"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4183">121</a>]</span></p> +<p>In this way the ownership of a garden must often be in several persons, with no well-defined rights <i>inter se</i>, and the general ownership of bush land which has never been cleared, or which, having been cleared, has been abandoned and +reverted, must often be in a very large number of persons without defined rights. In fact, so far as bush land is concerned, +one only has to remember that on the death of an owner it passes into joint ownership of children—that on the deaths of these +children fresh groups of persons come into the joint ownership—that this may go on indefinitely, generation after generation—that +bush, having once got into the ownership of many people, is hardly likely to again fall by descents into a single ownership—that +indeed the tendency must be for the number of owners of any one portion of bush steadily to increase—and finally that there +is no way by which the extensively divided ownership can be terminated by either partition or alienation—and one then realises +the extraordinary complications of family ownership of bush land which must commonly exist. + +</p> +<p>As regards both movable effects and gardens and bush land there must be endless occasions for dispute. How are the movable +things to be divided among the inheritors, and, in particular, who is to take perhaps one valuable article, which may be worth +all the rest put together? How are questions of doubtful claims to heirship to bush and garden land to be determined? How +is the joint ownership of the gardens to be dealt with, and how is the work there to be apportioned, and the products of the +gardens <a id="d0e4191"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4191">122</a>]</span>divided? How are the mutual rights of the bush land to be regulated, and especially what is to happen if each of two or more +joint owners desires to clear and allocate to himself as a garden, a specially eligible piece of bush? Such situations in +England would bristle with lawsuits, and I tried to find out how these questions were actually dealt with by the Mafulu; but +there is no judicial system there, and the only answer I could get was that in these matters, as in the case of inter-community +bush boundaries and personal bush boundaries, disputes were practically unknown; though it was pointed out to me, as regards +bush land, that the amount of it belonging to any one family was usually so large that crowding out could hardly arise. + +</p> +<p>If a man dies without male descendants in the male line, then, subject perhaps to some sort of claim of his daughters, if +any, to share in his movable effects, his property goes to his nearest male relative or relatives in the male line. This would +primarily be his father, if living, but the father could hardly be the inheritor of anything but movable things and perhaps +garden land, as the deceased could not be the owner of bush land during the lifetime of his father. Subject as regards movable +things and perhaps gardens to this right of the father, the persons to inherit everything would be deceased’s brothers and +the male descendants in the male line of any such brothers who had died; or in default of these it would be the father’s (not +the mother’s) brothers and their male descendants in the male line, and so on for more distant male relatives, every descent +being traced <a id="d0e4195"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4195">123</a>]</span>strictly in the male line only, on a principle similar to that above explained. + +</p> +<p>Male infants, by which term I mean young children, there being of course no infancy in the defined sense in which the term +is used in English law, like adults, may become possessed of property by inheritance as regards bush and garden land, and +by inheritance or otherwise as regards movable property, but they would hardly be likely to be the owners of houses; and the +descent from these infants is the same as that in the case of adults. + +</p> +<p>No woman can possess any property, other than movable property, and even this is at best confined to the clothes and ornaments +which she wears. On the death of a married woman all her effects go to her husband, or, if he be dead, they go to her children +or descendants, male and female, equally, If she has no children or descendants, they go to her husband’s father, or, failing +him, to such other person or persons as would have been entitled to inherit if her effects had been those of her husband. +Her own blood relations do not come in, as she had been bought and paid for by her husband. If the deceased woman were a spinster, +then her effects would pass to her father, or, failing him, to her brothers, or, failing them, to her nearest male relatives +on her father’s side. + +</p> +<p>The guardianship of and responsibility for infant children whose father dies falls primarily upon the children’s mother, and +she, if and when she returned to her own people, would probably take the children away with her, though her sons, who shared +in the inheritance <a id="d0e4203"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4203">124</a>]</span>from their father, would usually come back again to their own village when they became grown up, and might do so even when +comparatively young. If there is no mother of the children, the guardianship and responsibility is taken up by one or more +of the relatives of either the deceased father or deceased mother of the children, and it might be that some children would +be taken over by some of such relatives, and some by others. There appears, however, to be no regular rule as to all this, +the question being largely one of convenience. + +</p> +<p>Adopted children have in all matters of inheritance the same rights as actual children. + +</p> +<p>From the above particulars it will be seen that there is no system of descent in the female line or of mother-right among +the Mafulu, and I could not find any trace of such a thing having ever existed with them. As to this I would draw attention +to the facts that the mother’s relatives do not come in specially, as they do among the Roro and Mekeo people, in connection +with the perineal band ceremony; that a boy owes no service to his maternal uncle, as is the case among the Koita; that there +is no equivalent of the Koita <i>Heni</i> ceremony; that in no case can a woman be a chief, or chieftainship descend by the female line; that children belong to the +clan of their father, and not to that of their mother; and that no duty or responsibility for orphan children devolves specially +upon their mother’s relations. + + + + +<a id="d0e4212"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4212">125</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4154" href="#d0e4154src" class="noteref">1</a></span> Compare the Koita system under which the owner of the house owns the site of it also, and the latter passes on his death to +his heirs (Seligmann’s <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 89.) +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e4213"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>The Big Feast</h2> +<p>This is the greatest and most important social function of a Mafulu community of villages. I was unable to get any information +as to its real intent and origin, but a clue to this may, I think, be found in the formal cutting down of the grave platform +of a chief, the dipping of chiefs’ bones in the blood of the slain pigs, and the touching of other chiefs’ bones with the +bones so dipped, which constitute such important features of the function, and which perhaps point to an idea of in some way +finally propitiating or driving away or “laying” the ghosts of the chiefs whose bones are the subject of the ceremony. + +</p> +<p>The feast, though only to be solemnised in one village, is organised and given by the whole community of villages. There is +no (now) known matter or event with reference to which it is held. It is decided upon and arranged and prepared for long beforehand, +say a year or two, and feasts will only be held in one village at intervals of perhaps fifteen or twenty years. The decision +to hold a feast is arrived at by the chiefs of the clans of the community which proposes to give it. The village at which +the feast is to be held will not necessarily be the largest one of the community, or one in which is a then existing <a id="d0e4220"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4220">126</a>]</span>chiefs <i>emone</i>. The guests to be invited to it will be the people of some other (only one other) community, and at the outset it will be +ascertained more or less informally whether or not they will be willing to accept the invitation. + +</p> +<p>When the feast has been resolved upon, the preparations for it begin immediately, that is a year or two before the date on +which it is to be held. Large quantities will be required of yam, taro and sugar-cane, and of a special form of banana (not +ripening on the trees, and requiring to be cooked); also of the large fruit of the <i>ine</i>, a giant species of Pandanus (see Plate <a href="#d0e17516">80</a>—the figure seated on the ground near to the base of the tree gives an idea of the size of the latter and of the fruit head +which is hanging from it), which is cultivated in the bush, and the fruit heads of which are oval or nearly round, and have +a transverse diameter of about 18 inches; and of another fruit, called by the natives <i>malage</i>, which grows wild, chiefly by streams, and is also cultivated, and the fruit of which was described to me as being rather +like an apple, almost round, green in colour, and 4 or 5 inches in diameter.<a id="d0e4236src" href="#d0e4236" class="noteref">1</a> And above all things will be wanted an enormous number of village pigs (not wild pigs); and sweet potatoes must be plentiful +for the feeding of these pigs. And finally they will need plenty of native tobacco for their guests. In view of these requirements +it is obvious that a year or two is by no means an excessive period for the preparations for the feast. +<a id="d0e4242"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4242">127</a>]</span></p> +<p>The existing yam and taro gardens, intended for community consumption alone, will be quite insufficient for the purpose, and +fresh bush land is at once cleared, and new gardens are made and planted, the products of these new gardens being allocated +specially for the feast, and not used for any other purpose. There is also an extensive planting of sugar-cane, probably in +old potato gardens. For bananas there will probably be no great need of preparation, as they are grown plentifully, and there +is no specific appropriation of these; but the sufficiency of the supply of the tobacco for the visitors, and of the sweet +potatoes for the pigs, has to be seen to, also that of the <i>ine</i> Pandanus trees, the fruit of which has often to be procured from elsewhere, and of the trees. And finally the village pigs +must be bred and fattened, for which latter purpose it is a common practice to send young pigs to people in other communities; +and these people will be invited to the big feast, and will have pig given to them, though not members of the invited community; +but never in any case will any of them have a part of a pig which he himself has fattened. The cultivated vegetable foods +and the pigs are not provided on a communistic basis, but are supplied by the individual members of the community, each household +of which is expected to do its duty in this respect; and no person who or whose family has not provided at least one pig (some +of them provide more than one) will be allowed to take part in the preliminary feast and subsequent dancing, to be mentioned +below. + +</p> +<p>The bringing in and storing of the <i>ine</i> and <i>malage</i> <a id="d0e4256"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4256">128</a>]</span>fruits commence at an early stage. The <i>ine</i> fruits are collected when quite ripe; they split the large fruit heads up into two or more parts, put these into baskets +roughly made of cane (at least half a fruit head in each basket), and place these baskets in the <i>avale</i> or ceiling of the <i>emone</i>, where the fruits get dried and smoked by the heat and smoke of the fire constantly burning beneath. If, as is sometimes +the case, the <i>emone</i> has no <i>avale</i> one is constructed specially for the purpose. The fruits are left there until required; in fact, if taken away from the smoke, +they would go bad. Sometimes, instead of putting portions of the fruit heads into baskets, they take out from them the almond-shaped +seeds, which are the portions to be eaten, string these together, each seed being tied round and not pierced, and hang them +to the roof of the <i>emone</i> above the <i>avale</i>. The fruits of the <i>malage</i> are gathered and put into holes or side streams by a river, and there left for from seven to ten months, until the pulp, +which is very poisonous, is all rotted away, a terrible smell being emitted during the process; they then take the pips or +seeds, the insides of which, after the surrounding shells have been cracked, are the edible parts, and place these in baskets +made out of the almost amplexicaul bases of the leaves of a species of palm tree, and so store them also on the <i>avale</i> of the <i>emone</i>.<a id="d0e4288src" href="#d0e4288" class="noteref">2</a> +<a id="d0e4299"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4299">129</a>]</span></p> +<p>Large preparations of a structural and repairing nature are also required in the village where the feast is to be held. The +<i>emone</i>, the true chiefs <i>emone</i>, of the village is repaired or pulled down and entirely rebuilt; or, if that village does not possess such an <i>emone</i>, one is erected in it. In point of fact the usual practice is, I was informed, to build a new <i>emone</i>, the occasion of an intended feast being the usually recognised time for the doing of this.<a id="d0e4314src" href="#d0e4314" class="noteref">3</a> The houses of the village are put into repair. The people of the other villages of the same community build houses for themselves +in the feast village, so that on the occasion of the feast all the members of the community (the hosts) will be living in +that village. View platforms, from which the dancing can be watched, are built by all the people of the community. These are +built between the houses where possible, or at all events so as to obstruct the view from the houses as little as possible. +They are built on upright poles, and are generally between 12 and 20 feet high, each platform having a roof, which will probably +be somewhat similar to the roofs of the houses. Sometimes there are two platforms under one roof, but this is not usual. Sometimes +the platforms, instead of being on <a id="d0e4323"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4323">130</a>]</span>posts, are in trees, being, however, roofed like the others. Two or more houses may join in making one platform for themselves +and their friends. All the above works are put in hand at an early stage. + +</p> +<p>The following are done later, perhaps not till after the sending out of the formal invitation (see below), but they may conveniently +be dealt with here. The people erect near to, but outside, the village in which the feast is to be held one or more sheds +for the accommodation of the guests, the number of sheds depending upon the requirements of the case. These are merely gable +and ridge-shaped roofs, which descend on each side down to the ground, or very close to it, being supported by posts, and +there being no flooring. They are called <i>olor’ eme</i>, which means dancers’ houses. Posts about 20 or 25 feet high and 12 inches or nearly so in diameter are erected in various +places in the village enclosure, and each of these posts is surrounded with three, four, or five upright bamboo stems, which +are bound to the post so as together to make a composite post of which the big one is the strong supporting centre. The leaf +branches of these bamboos, starting out from the nodes of the stems, are cut off 3 or 4 inches from their bases, thus leaving +small pegs or hooks to which vegetables, etc., can be afterwards hung; and in the case of each post one only of its surrounding +bamboos has the top branches and leaves left on. Each household is responsible for the erection of one post. I may here say +in advance that upon these post clusters will be hung successively, yams and taro in the upper <a id="d0e4330"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4330">131</a>]</span>parts, human skulls and bones lower down, and croton leaves by way of decoration at the bottom. The sugar-cane and banana +and <i>ine</i> and <i>malage</i> are dealt with in another way. There is a further erection of thin poles, which will be mentioned in its proper place. + +</p> +<p>About six months before the anticipated date of the big feast there is a preliminary festivity, which is regarded as a sort +of intimation that the long-intended feast is shortly to take place. To this festivity people of villages of any neighbouring +communities, say within an hour or two’s walk, are invited. There is no dancing, but there is a distribution among the guests +of a portion of each of the vegetables and fruits which will be consumed at the feast, and a village pig is killed and cut +up, and its parts are also distributed among the guests, who then return home. + +</p> +<p>After this preliminary festivity dancing begins in the village in which the feast is to be held and in the other villages +of the same community, and this dancing goes on, subject to weather, every day until the evening prior to the day upon which +the feast takes place. The men dance in the villages, beginning at about sundown, and going on through the evening, and perhaps +throughout the night. Only men who or whose families have provided at least one pig for the feast are allowed to join in the +dancing. Bachelors join in the dancing, subject to the above condition. The women dance outside their villages, and, as regards +them, there is no pig qualification. + +</p> +<p>About a month before the date on which the feast is <a id="d0e4344"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4344">132</a>]</span>proposed to be held, a formal invitation is sent out to the community which is to be invited to it, and who, as above stated, +have already been approached informally in the matter. For this purpose a number, perhaps ten, twenty, or thirty, of the men +of the community giving the feast start off, taking with them several bunches of croton leaves—one bunch for each village +of the invited community. These men, if the invited community be some distance off, only carry the croton leaves as far as +some neighbouring community, probably about one day’s journey off, where they stay the night, and then return. During their +progress, and particularly as they arrive at their destination, they are all singing. Then the men of this neighbouring community +carry the croton leaves a stage further; and so on till they reach their ultimate destination. This may involve two or three +sets of messengers, but occasionally one or two of the original messengers may go the whole way. These croton leaves are delivered +to the chiefs of the several clans of the invited community, and they are tied to the front central posts of the village <i>emone</i>, the true <i>emone</i> of the chiefs village, and, as regards other villages, the <i>emone</i> of the sub-chiefs.<a id="d0e4355src" href="#d0e4355" class="noteref">4</a> + +</p> +<p>The exact date of the feast depends upon the guests, who may come in a month after receiving the croton leaves, or may be +later; and the community giving the feast do not know on what date their guests will arrive <a id="d0e4369"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4369">133</a>]</span>until news comes that they are actually on their way, though in the meantime messengers will be passing backwards and forwards +and native wireless telegraphy (shouting from ridge to ridge) will be employed. + +</p> +<p>As soon as the formal invitation has been sent the people of the community giving the feast begin to bring in the yams from +the gardens, which they do day by day, singing as they do so; and these yams are stored away in the houses as they are brought +in. When the yams have all been collected, they are brought out and spread in one, two, or three long lines along the centre +of the village open space. The owner of each post knows which are his own yams, and they will go to his post. When the yams +are laid out on the ground, the chiefs inspect them, and select the best ones, which are to be given to the chiefs of the +community invited to the dance. To these selected yams they tie croton leaves as distinguishing marks. Then each man stands +by his own yams, and has a boy standing by his own post; each man picks up his best yams, and whilst holding these they all +(only the men with the yams) begin to sing. The moment the song is over, each man rushes with his selected best yam to his +post, and hands the yam to the boy, who climbs up the post, and hangs up the yam. After this they hang the rest of the yams, +each man running with them to the post, and giving them to the boy, who climbs up and hangs the yam whilst the man runs back +for another, the performance being all in apparent disorder and there being no singing. Some of the best-shaped <a id="d0e4373"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4373">134</a>]</span>yams are hung to little cross-sticks about 3 or 4 feet long, which the boys then and there attach to those bamboo stems which +have their top branches and leaves left upon them, the sticks being attached just below these branches. These selected yams +will include those with the croton leaves, which are intended for chiefs. Of the rest the better yams are hung up higher on +the posts, and the poorer ones lower down. The lowest of them will probably be 5 or 6 feet from the ground. + +</p> +<p>After hanging the yams, the next step is to erect in the ground all round the village enclosure and in front of the houses +a number of tall young slender straight-stemmed tree poles, with the top branches and leaves only left upon them. These poles +are connected with one another by long stems, fixed horizontally to them at a height of 7 or 8 feet from the ground, the stems +thus forming a sort of long line or girdle encircling the village enclosure. + +</p> +<p>The men then go to their gardens and bring in the sugar-canes, singing as they do so, and these they hang to the horizontal +stems, but without ceremony. The sugar-canes are all in thick bundles, perhaps 12 or 18 inches thick, and these bundles are +hung horizontally end to end immediately under the line of stems, so as also to make a continuous encircling line. + +</p> +<p>Next they bring in the bananas, again singing, and these they hang up on the tall, slender tree poles, and on the platforms +of the houses, and under the view platforms, but without ceremony. +<a id="d0e4381"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4381">135</a>]</span></p> +<p>Lastly, again singing, they bring in the taro, and hang these up, mixed with the yams (not below them) on the posts, again +without ceremony. The hanging up of the taro is left to the last, and, in fact, is not done till it is known that the guests +are on their way, as the taro would be spoilt by bad weather. + +</p> +<p>In hanging the yam and the taro the people all work simultaneously—that is, they are all hanging yams at the same time and +all hanging taro at the same time. But as regards the sugar cane and banana each man works in his own time without waiting +for, or being waited for by, the others. Women may help the men in all these things, except the ceremonious hanging up of +the yams. + +</p> +<p>They do not, however, hang all the yam, sugar-cane, banana and taro, some of each being kept back in the houses for a purpose +which will appear hereafter. + +</p> +<p>The <i>ine</i> and <i>malage</i> fruits are not hung up at all, but are kept in the <i>avale</i> of the village <i>emone</i> until the day of the actual feast, when the various vegetables and fruits are, as will be seen, put in heaps for distribution +among the guests. + +</p> +<p>They then further decorate the posts with human skulls and bones, which are hung round in circles below the yams and taro, +but not reaching to the ground. These are the skulls and bones of chiefs and members of their families and sub-chiefs and +important personages only of the community, and the bones used are only the larger bones of the arms and legs; skulls will, +so far as possible, be used for the purpose in preference to the other bones. These skulls and bones are taken <a id="d0e4404"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4404">136</a>]</span>from wherever they may then happen to be; some of them will be in burial boxes on trees,<a id="d0e4406src" href="#d0e4406" class="noteref">5</a> some may be in graves underground, and some may be hung up in the village <i>emone</i>; though it may here be mentioned that those underground and in the <i>emone</i> are not, as I shall show later, in their original places of sepulture. + +</p> +<p>Finally croton leaves, tied in sheaves, are arranged round the posts below the skulls and bones, so as to decorate the posts +down to the ground. + +</p> +<p>One other specially important matter must here be mentioned. There will probably be in or by the edge of the village enclosure +a high box-shaped wooden burial platform,<a id="d0e4422src" href="#d0e4422" class="noteref">6</a> supported on poles, and containing the skull and all the bones of a chief, these platforms and a special sort of tree being, +as will be explained later on, the only places where they and their families and important personages are originally buried. +If so, the people add to the bones on this platform such of the other skulls and special arm and leg bones, collected as above +mentioned, as are not required for decorating the posts. If, as is most improbable, there is no such burial platform, then +they erect one, and upon it place all the available skulls and special bones not required for the posts. + +</p> +<p>These various preparations bring us to the evening before the day of the feast, upon which evening the women, married and +unmarried, of the community, whose families have supplied pigs for the feast, dance <a id="d0e4428"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4428">137</a>]</span>together in full dancing decorations in the village enclosure, beginning at about sundown, and, if weather permits, dancing +all through the night. There is no ceremony connected with this dancing. + +</p> +<p>The next day is the feast day. The guests are in the special guest houses outside the village, where they are dressing for +the dance. They have probably arrived the day before, in which case they may have come into the village to watch the women +dancing in the evening; but they are not regarded as having formally arrived. These guests include married and unmarried men, +women and children, nobody of the invited community being left behind, except old men and women who cannot walk. The women +have brought with them their carrying bags, in which they carry all their men’s and their own goods (<i>e.g.</i>, knives, feathers, ornaments, etc.), including not only the things used for the ceremony, but all their other portable property, +which they do not wish to expose to risk of theft by leaving at home. + +</p> +<p>They have also brought special ornamental bags to be used in the dance as mentioned below. + +</p> +<p>The people of the village in the meantime erect one, two, or three (generally three) trees in a group in the very centre of +the village enclosure. + +</p> +<p>And now come the successive ceremonies of the feast, in which both married and unmarried men and women take part; in describing +these ceremonies I will call the people of the community giving the feast the “hosts,” and the visitors attending it the “guests.” + +</p> +<p>First: All or nearly all the men hosts go in a body <a id="d0e4443"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4443">138</a>]</span>out of the village to the guests’ houses, singing as they go. They are all fully ornamented for a feast, but do not wear their +special dancing ornaments, and they do not carry their spears, or as a rule any other weapons. Each chiefs ornaments include +a bunch of black cassowary feathers tied round his head behind, and falling down over his shoulders, this being his distinctive +ornament; but otherwise his ornaments do not differ from those of the rest, except probably as regards quantity and quality. +The object of this visit is to ascertain if the guests are ready, and if they are not ready the men hosts wait until they +are so. Then the men hosts return to the village, singing as before, and all the guests, men and women, follow them; but they +do not sing, and they do not enter the village. The men hosts, on returning, retire to their houses and the view platforms, +where also are the women hosts, thus leaving the village enclosure empty. + +</p> +<p>Second: All the women guests, except two, then enter the village. They are fully ornamented for the feast, but do not wear +their special dancing ornaments. They all have large carrying bags on their backs, not the common ones of everyday use, but +the ornamental ones; and in these they carry and show off all their own and their husbands’ riches other than what they respectively +are actually wearing. They enter at one end of the village enclosure (I will hereafter call this the “entrance end”) by the +side of the end <i>emone</i> of the village (this may be the chiefs true <i>emone</i> or it may be the secondary <i>emone</i>), <a id="d0e4456"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4456">139</a>]</span>and walk in single file along one side of the village enclosure, and half of them walk round the other end (which I will call +the “far end”) in front of the <i>emone</i> there (which also will be either the true one or the other one), and back again along the other side, until there are two +rows of them, <i>vis-à-vis</i> at opposite sides of the enclosure, none of them remaining at the far end in front of the <i>emone</i> there. If they are very numerous, there may be lines on both sides of the enclosure, stretching from end to end; whereas +if they are few only, they would be in facing lines at the far end only of the enclosure. This is all done silently. + +</p> +<p>Third: All the women hosts, fully ornamented for a feast, but without special dancing ornaments, then enter the enclosure +at the entrance end, and congregate at the far end of it, in front of the far <i>emone</i> and between the two facing lines of women guests, and facing towards the centre of the enclosure. The group of them stretches +as far forward towards the centre of the enclosure as their number allows; but it will never extend beyond the special trees, +which have been last erected in the centre. This also is done in silence. + +</p> +<p>Fourth: The two women guests excluded from the general entry now come in. They are presumably the wives of chiefs. They are +also decorated for the feast, but without full dancing ornaments. Each of them, however, holds in her mouth something intended +to give her a terrible appearance, probably two pairs of pigs’ tusks, one pair curling, crescent-like, upwards, <a id="d0e4474"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4474">140</a>]</span>and the other pair similarly curling downwards, or a piece of cloth; but this is only carried by her for this particular scene +of the performance, and not afterwards. Each of them also carries two spears, one in each hand. These two women rush into +the village enclosure, one entering at each side of the <i>emone</i> at the entrance end. They run along the two sides of the enclosure, one at each side, in front of the lines of women guests +already there (between them and the central group of host women), brandishing their spears as they do so, but in silence. +When they reach the far end of the enclosure they meet each other in front of the <i>emone</i> there; and then, if that happens to be the true (chief’s) <i>emone</i>, they brandish their spears in a hostile manner at the building, the spears sometimes even striking it, though they do not +leave the women’s hands, and there is probably a little pause or halt in their running for the purpose of this attack. They +then pass each other, and return as they had come, still brandishing their spears, but each on the opposite side, until they +are both at the entrance end of the enclosure. If the <i>emone</i> at this end is the true <i>emone</i>, then the attack is made upon it, instead of upon the other one. They then generally again pass each other, and go round +the enclosure a second time, and again attack the <i>emone</i> exactly as before. During the first part of this performance the host women congregated in the far end of the enclosure are +all dancing a sort of non-progressive goose step, there being, however, no singing. But, when the two guest women on the return +journey <a id="d0e4494"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4494">141</a>]</span>of their second circuit reach the front row of the host women, the latter advance in a body silently dancing (but not travelling +so fast as the two guest women) down the enclosure, and so following the two guest women, until they are all congregated at +the entrance end of the enclosure. The positions of the <i>dramatis personæ</i> up to and including the stage of proceedings lastly described will be better understood by reference to <a href="#d0e4505">Fig. 7</a> and its accompanying notes. At <a id="d0e4502"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4502">142</a>]</span>the end of this stage the lines of guest women are still as shown; but the two special guest women and all the host women +are at the entrance end of the enclosure. + + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e4505" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 7. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/b141.gif" alt="Diagram Illustrating Positions of People During Performance at Big Feast."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Diagram Illustrating Positions of People During Performance at Big Feast.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p><span class="smallcaps">Notes to <a href="#d0e4505">Fig. 7</a>.</span> + +</p> +<p><img border="0" src="images/b141-1.gif" alt="Large rectangle."> = Two end <i>emone</i> of village. + +</p> +<p><img border="0" src="images/b141-2.gif" alt="Small rectangle."> = Houses of village. + +</p> +<p><img border="0" src="images/b141-3.gif" alt="Small circle."> = Guest women (general body) in two facing lines. + +</p> +<p><img border="0" src="images/b141-4.gif" alt="Small diagonal cross."> = Host women in a group, all facing down the enclosure. + +</p> +<p><img border="0" src="images/b141-5.gif" alt="Palm tree."> = Three special trees (to be afterwards knocked down). + +</p> +<p><img border="0" src="images/b141-6.gif" alt="Dashed arrows."> = Courses followed by the two special guest women in stage 4. + +</p> +<p><img border="0" src="images/b141-7.gif" alt="Solid arrows."> = Course followed by host women in second part of stage 4. + +</p> +<p>N.B.—The decorated posts are scattered about the village enclosure. + + +</p> +<p>Fifth: Such of the guest men as are not going to join in the real ultimate dance (see heading 9) enter the village at the +entrance end, they also being fully ornamented, but not wearing their special dancing ornaments. They carry their spears, +and perhaps in their other hands their clubs or adzes. Any chiefs who may be among them wear their black cassowary feather +ornaments, like those of the host chiefs. They all advance along the enclosure, jumping and dancing and brandishing their +spears, but not singing; and in front of them go all the host women, dancing as before, also in silence. This double body +of people, host women in front, and guest men behind, advance <i>en masse</i> along the village enclosure. When, in doing this, the guest men reach the three last-erected special trees in the middle +of the enclosure, they attack the trees with their spears, never letting the spears leave their hands, and with kicks, and +thus try to knock the trees down. If they succeed in doing so, then this part of the performance is at an end, and these guest +men disperse and spread about at both sides and ends of the village; but the host and guest women return from wherever they +are to the entrance end. If the guest men’s first attack on the trees is not successful, they pass them, and continue their +advance, as before, to the far end of the enclosure and return back again in the other direction, the host women still dancing +in front of them; and on this return journey <a id="d0e4561"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4561">143</a>]</span>they repeat their attack on the trees. If again unsuccessful, they go on to their starting point, and go a second time through +the same performance as before, going up the enclosure, and, if necessary, down again; and, if still unsuccessful, they will +probably try a third time, the host women always dancing in front of them as before. The whole of this is one continuous movement, +going on till the trees are down. If after the third double attempt the guest men have still been unsuccessful, they relinquish +their efforts; and in that case the pig-killer of the hosts’ village (as to whom see below) steps forward, and cuts down the +trees with his adze. When the trees are down, the performance is at an end, the guest men retire, and the host and guest women +return to the entrance end, as above stated. + +</p> +<p>Sixth: Such of the chiefs of the guests as do not intend to join in the real ultimate dance (heading 9) then step forward +into the enclosure at the entrance end. Their number may be two or three or more. They wear their full dancing ornaments, +including their black cassowary feather ornaments and the enormous feather erections on their heads, which for chiefs are +even larger and heavier than for other people. They carry their drums, but not spears or clubs or adzes. The two special guest +women who have already been mentioned and two other guest women, all with their full dancing ornaments, also come forward. +A line is formed with the chiefs in the middle and the four women at the two ends. In front of this line are all the host +women, still decorated as before, but without special dancing ornaments. Then the whole group, <a id="d0e4565"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4565">144</a>]</span>host women in front and the guest chiefs and their four attendant guest women in a line behind, dance forward along the enclosure. +In doing this, they face the direction in which they are progressing, and their progress is slow. This is done to the accompaniment +of the beating by the dancing chiefs of their drums, but there is no singing. When the dancing party reach the far end of +the enclosure, they go back again in the same way; and so on again until the chiefs (with the great weights they are carrying) +are tired; then they stop. But the men hosts thereupon politely press them to go on again, giving them in fact a sort of complimentary +encore, and this they will probably do. After about half-an-hour from the commencement of the dancing they finally stop. Then +the chief of the clan in one of whose villages the dance is held comes forward and removes the heavy head-pieces from the +dancing chiefs. + +</p> +<p>Seventh: An important ceremony now occurs. The chief of the clan cuts away the supports of the burial platform already mentioned, +whereupon the platform falls to the ground, and the skulls and bones upon it roll on the ground. These are picked up, and +the skulls and big arm and leg bones are put on one side. There is no singing or ceremony in connection with this. The platform +is not rebuilt; and what is afterwards done with the skulls and bones will be seen hereafter. + +</p> +<p>Eighth: There is now a distribution among the chiefs and more important male guests of the yam, taro, sugar-cane and bananas, +which at the time of the <a id="d0e4571"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4571">145</a>]</span>hanging up on the village posts were kept back and put into the houses, and of tobacco. The chief of the clan, with help from +others, makes a number of heaps of these things in the centre of the village enclosure, the number of heaps corresponding +to the number of recipients. Then, standing successively before each of these heaps, he calls out in turn the names of the +men who are to receive them, chiefs being given the first priority, and specially important people the next. Each man comes +forward, usually bringing with him his wife or some other woman with a bag, picks up his heap, and takes it away. And so with +all of them in turn, till all is finished. On each heap there is usually, but not always, a portion of a village pig, which +has that morning been killed under the burial platform, before it was cut down. The guests, men and women, then return to +the guest houses, where the women cook the food which has been given, and it is eaten by the men and themselves. + +</p> +<p>Ninth: The real dance now takes place, beginning perhaps at 9 or 10 in the evening, and lasting the whole night, and perhaps +till 10 o’clock the following morning. The dancing is done by some only of the guest men, and none of their women, and none +of the hosts, either men or women, join in it. The dancers are all arrayed in full dancing ornaments, including their heavy +head feather erections, and chiefs also wear their cassowary feathers; and they all carry their drums and spears, and sometimes +clubs or adzes. After the dance has begun, the chief of the clan in whose village the dance occurs distributes, <a id="d0e4575"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4575">146</a>]</span>with assistance, among the more important of these dancers, especially chiefs, the skulls and bones which had been put on +one side after the cutting down of the burial platform, and probably some or all of the skulls and bones which had been hung +upon the big posts; and the dancers receiving these skulls and bones wear them as additional decoration upon their arms throughout +the dance. Guest chiefs dance with the others, but owing to the heavy weight of the head ornaments they have to carry, they +will be tired sooner than the others. The dancing party enter the village at the entrance end, walking backwards. Directly +after they have entered the village they, still having their backs to it, begin to beat their drums, after doing which for +a short time they turn round, and the dancing begins. The dancers beat their drums whilst dancing, but neither they nor the +other people sing during the actual dancing. There are, however, intervals in the dancing (not the mere rest intervals, such +as they have in Mekeo, and which they also have in Mafulu, but intervals which are themselves an actual part of the dance), +and during these intervals the drums are not being beaten, and the dancers and the other people, hosts, guests, men and women, +all sing. I shall have something more to say about dancing generally later on. At a subsequent stage the skulls and bones +with which the dancers have been decorated, including those which had fallen from the burial platform, are all again hung +up among the other skulls and bones on the big posts. + +</p> +<p>Tenth: This is the stage at which occur various <a id="d0e4579"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4579">147</a>]</span>other ceremonies, which, though themselves quite distinct from that of the big feast, and performed, often several of them +together, when there is no big feast, are also, some or all of them, generally or always introduced into it, as being a convenient +occasion for them. The ceremonies in question are those connected with the assumption of the perineal band, admission to the +<i>emone</i> and the giving of the right to carry a drum and dance, that of nose-piercing, and that on the devolution of chieftainship. +The nose-piercing ceremony has already been described. The others will be dealt with later. + +</p> +<p>Eleventh: Next comes the general distribution among the guests of the vegetables and fruits, including all those which have +been hung up and displayed, as above described, and the <i>ine</i> fruit, prepared in two ways, and <i>malage</i> fruit. Every male guest who has joined in the real dance is, speaking generally, entitled to have a share; though sometimes, +where there are two or three members of one family, shares may be given to one or two of them only, instead of to each. The +chiefs of the community giving the feast work together in carrying out the distribution. The various things are collected +into a number of heaps about the village, the number of heaps corresponding to the number of portions to be distributed; and +each heap contains something of everything. Excluded from these heaps, however, are the <i>ine</i> seeds which have been put on strings and preserved separately, as before explained. For these are erected stakes about 10 +feet high, round which the strings of seeds <a id="d0e4595"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4595">148</a>]</span>are twined. The number of these stakes is less than the number of heaps, because they are only planted near to the heaps which +contain none of the <i>ine</i> fruit prepared the other way, so that each dancing guest gets some of this fruit, done in either one way or the other. Then +the chiefs of the hosts’ community stand round one of the heaps and shout wildly, calling upon the recipient. This may be +done by name, or it may in the case of a chief be done by the name of a spot, say a mound or hollow, adjoining the village +from which he comes. Here, again, priority is given first to chiefs, and next to important personages. The man so called upon +comes running forward with his wife or another woman, picks up his vegetables and fruit, and runs back again with them. Then +the chiefs go on to another heap, and again afterwards to the others, one by one, going through the same process in each case, +until everything has been distributed. Some of the women then go back to their own villages, carrying with them a portion +of the food which has been given to their husbands, but leaving the rest with the latter. Sometimes some of the guest men +go home also. But anyone who is proposing to return to the village of the feast must leave some of his food, or bring food +on his return, as no more will be given to him. + +</p> +<p>Twelfth: The next stage is the collection of the village pigs. This may take some time, as many of them are running about +in the bush, and have to be caught; and some of them have been agisted out as above mentioned, and have to be fetched. This may involve a delay of a week or ten days, during which <a id="d0e4605"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4605">149</a>]</span>most or all of the guests remain, sleeping in their guest houses at night, and perhaps roaming about among other villages +in the neighbourhood by day. During this interval there is neither singing nor dancing. + +</p> +<p>Thirteenth: The village pigs are all brought in alive, and placed under the houses of the village, each pig having its legs +tied up and being tied to the house. When all is ready, the chief of the clan announces that the killing of the pigs will +take place on the following morning. + +</p> +<p>Fourteenth: The next morning all the people, both hosts and guests, are in the village to watch the pig-killing; and people +from other communities, who are not guests, and will not receive any pig, come too. The pigs are brought out one by one, and +killed by hitting them on the head with clubs or adzes or anything else. This is not a chiefs duty. There is a man who is +the recognised pig-killer, and who, as already stated, will probably be a man of some position, though not either a chief +or a sub-chief. Where there are many pigs, as at the big feast, there will be a number of other men helping him. Each pig +is killed on the site of the burial platform which has been cut down. As the pigs are killed, their bodies are carried away +and placed on the ground in a row, commencing at the end of the village enclosure, and forming a central line along it; and +it is usual also to place upon the row of dead pigs a continuous line of long thin poles, laid end to end, which are afterwards +kept tied to the <i>emone</i> as a record of the total length of the line of pigs, and thus <a id="d0e4614"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4614">150</a>]</span>of the number of pigs killed. The number of pigs killed is generally very large in proportion to the size of the community +giving the feast, much more so than is the case in the villages of Mekeo and the coast. It may be anything from fifty to over +one hundred; in fact at a recent feast given by a community of seven villages, having between them about a hundred houses, +they killed 135 pigs. Some chiefs of the hosts’ community then take some of the bones (not skulls) from the big posts, and +dip them into the mouths of the pigs, from which the blood is flowing. They have been seen to dip one bone into several pigs. +There does not appear to be any method of selection of the bones to be dipped. They then touch with the bones which have been +so dipped the skulls and all the other bones on the posts, which include the skulls and other special bones of all the chiefs +and members of their families and other prominent people buried in and by the villages of the community since the last previous +big feast was held there. After this all the bones are again hung up on the posts. I may say here in advance that, when the +feast is over, all the bones are removed from the posts; and, the ceremony as regards those bones having been performed, they +will never again be the subject of ceremonial observance. They, or some of them, may be hung up in the <i>emone</i>, but if so it is known that they are not to be used again for ceremonial purposes; or they may be put in a box in a tree, +or hung up on a tree, not necessarily of the special species used for burying; or they may be simply flung away anywhere in +the bush. Whilst the <a id="d0e4619"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4619">151</a>]</span>bodies of the slain pigs lie in a line, and before the cutting up, it is the duty of each man who has had a pig fed up for +him to pay the man who has done so, the payment probably being a string of dogs’ teeth, or head feather ornaments. Next, the +hosts set to work to cut up the pigs. This is not done by a chief or special person, nor is there any ceremony connected with +it. Each pig is cut into seven parts, namely, (1) the head, (2–5) the four legs, (6) the bowels and internal parts, and (7) +the back and sides. I was told that each part of each pig is destined for a certain person, as arranged beforehand. It follows +that, if there are, say, 100 pigs, there are 700 predestined pieces, which are known and remembered, though there are no means +of recording them. It is difficult to believe the truth of this, but I was assured that it was correct. The pieces of each +pig are placed on banana leaves, by the side of the spot where the body had lain, and all the pieces are distributed among +the male guests. Everybody who has given a pig knows the length of each part of it, though he could not express it in numerals. +Each male guest has a piece given to him, which, if the feast be a return feast, will correspond in some way, which I could +not understand, with what he had himself provided at the previous feast. But dancers receive larger and better portions than +do mere singers. People who have fed up pigs for members of the hosts’ community also receive portions. In the distribution +of pig each man is called in turn as before, and in the same order of priority, and runs up and gets his piece of pig, and +<a id="d0e4621"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4621">152</a>]</span>runs back with it; but in this case he is not accompanied by a woman. + +</p> +<p>Fifteenth: The feast is now over, and all the guests return to their homes, taking away with them everything that has been +given to them. + +</p> +<p>Sixteenth: The village has, however, to undergo a process which I may perhaps call purification. As soon as possible after +the guests have gone, the men of the community go off into the bush and capture wild pigs, for which purpose they may have +to hunt for three or four days, or even for a week or more. They must have at least one pig, and they generally have two or +more, even up to six. When caught, the pigs are brought alive into the village, and are killed upon the site of the cut-down +burial platform, this being done by the pig-killer. The pigs are then cut up and eaten by the members of the villages of the +community, those of the village itself eating their portions there, and those of the other villages taking their portions +away and eating them in their own villages. Except as regards the killing of the pigs on the site of the grave, the whole +performance appears to be quite informal. After the eating of the pigs, perhaps on the same day, or if, as is probable, the +feast lasts until late in the evening, then on the next day, the women of the village clear away the filthy mess of blood +and garbage by which the village enclosure is filled, and sweep the enclosure from end to end with branches of trees. Then +the bulk of the villagers leave the village and go off into the gardens and the bush for a period of about six months. The +feast has <a id="d0e4627"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4627">153</a>]</span>denuded the village of food, including even sweet potatoes, to which they have had no time to attend during the period before +the feast, and which have been used up in the feeding of the village pigs required for it. New gardens are needed, and therefore +new bush has to be cut down, and the land must be cleared and planted with various things, and especially with sweet potato. +For this purpose it is requisite or usual for them to build temporary houses on the scene of their labours, in which the people +live. The old people, however, remain in the village, as do also some of the younger ones, who have to tend the gardens close +to it. At the end of the period they all return, and village life goes on as usual. What the idea in the native mind may be +concerning what I have called the purification of the village is a matter upon which I was unable to find any clue, beyond +what may be suspected from the actual facts of the proceeding; but I think it probably has a superstitious origin. Although +in theory all the village pigs have been killed and given to the guests at the big feast, there are always some left wandering +in the bush, which have not been caught. These pigs are, however, never used in the purification ceremony, in which they always +kill wild pigs only. It has been suggested to me that a reason for this may be that, if they killed village pigs, they would +thereby advertise the fact that they had not killed and distributed all their village pigs at the big feast; but this hardly +seems to be a satisfactory explanation. It clearly falls to the ground as regards present intent if, as I was <a id="d0e4629"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4629">154</a>]</span>told, there always is an unkilled residue of village pigs after a big feast. The practice of killing wild pigs only would +seem to associate itself with the fact that pigs killed at this ceremony are eaten in the village itself, for there seems +to be no doubt that among the Mafulu people village pigs are never eaten in their own village on ceremonial occasions; and +indeed it seems doubtful whether they are ever eaten there at all. + +</p> +<p>In fact, it appears to be a general custom in connection with all ceremonial feasts to which outside guests are invited, to +kill village pigs only at the feast, and for these to be given to the guests to be eaten by them in their own villages, and +afterwards to have a second feast, to which outside guests are not invited, and at which wild pigs are killed, and eaten by +the villagers themselves within the village. + +</p> +<p>The pig-killing is generally, and perhaps always, done in the morning. + +</p> +<p>It is thought by the Mafulu Fathers of the Mission as regards the subsequent partial desertion of the village that, although +it is only partial, and although there is a practical reason for it, it is based upon superstition, and is regarded by the +people as being a formal leaving of the village, pending its complete purification. + +</p> +<p>Plates <a href="#d0e17429">67</a> to <a href="#d0e17446">70</a> are reproductions of four photographs which Father Clauser was good enough to give me, the two former ones having been taken +at the big feast held in the village of Amalala in the year 1909 and the two latter prior to and at a big feast held in the +village of Seluku. +<a id="d0e4645"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4645">155</a>]</span></p> +<p>I have thought it better to avoid the insertion of frequent, and perhaps somewhat confusing, references to these plates in +the body of my notes upon the feast, and to take the plates separately, drawing attention to what appear to be points of interest +in them. + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e17429">Plate 67</a> represents the scene at Amalala immediately prior to or during the general distribution of vegetables and fruits (<i>ante</i> heading 11). A comparison of this scene with the village in its normal condition, as shown in Plates <a href="#d0e17374">56</a> and <a href="#d0e17379">57</a>, gives some idea of the very extensive and elaborate preparations which are made for the feast. On the right hand side are +seen some view platforms, and beyond them on the same side is a normal house. Here and there are the big posts surrounded +with bamboo stems (notice these posts denuded of their bamboo appendages still remaining in the village enclosure as shown +in Plates <a href="#d0e17374">56</a> and <a href="#d0e17379">57</a>). Some of the vegetables are seen still hanging upon these post clusters, and near the base of two of them are seen the sheaves +of croton leaves. There are apparently no skulls and bones upon the posts seen in the plate, but possibly the re-hanging of +these had not been attended to when the photo was taken, or perhaps they had been suspended to other posts not shown in the +photograph. Upon the ground are the heaps of vegetables, and close to some of these are the stakes round which are twined +strings of seeds of the <i>ine</i> Pandanus. + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e17434">Plate 68</a> is a photograph taken after the subsequent pig-killing, and shows the pigs’ bodies lying in a row along the centre of the +village enclosure, with the <a id="d0e4674"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4674">156</a>]</span>measuring line of poles placed above them. It will be noticed that the elaborate view platforms have been cleared away, but +that the bamboo stems have not yet been removed from their central posts. + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e17439">Plate 69</a> represents a scene at Seluku prior to a big feast then about to be held. The view platforms have not yet been erected. But +the post clusters have been erected, and the yams and croton leaves have been hung upon them. In the centre of the village +enclosure is the chief’s grave platform, which will be cut down during the festivities in the way above described. + +</p> +<p>The bones of the chief are in the box-like receptacle at the top of the structure, and the receptacle rather further down +(underneath the other one) contains the bones of a chief’s child. + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e17446">Plate 70</a> shows five men at the Seluku feast with full dancing ornaments, including the great feather head ornaments. One of them has +donned a piece of European calico, and the one to the extreme right appears to have done the same. These would doubtless be +regarded as highly decorative additions. A few long thin dancing ribbons can be seen hanging from their belts. The elaborate +carved (turtle?) shell ornament hanging over the breast of the man to the left is certainly not of Mafulu make, and has probably +come from the coast. I never saw anything like it when I was at Mafulu. The two boys in front are holding the ornament of +elaborately prepared strings of feathers hung upon a stick, and worn by dancers on their backs, and into which the best feathers +are generally put. + + + +<a id="d0e4686"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4686">157</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4236" href="#d0e4236src" class="noteref">1</a></span> See <a href="#d0e4288">note 1 on p. 128</a>. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4288" href="#d0e4288src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Father Egedi describes in <i>Anthropos</i> a Kuni method of preparing a fruit similar to the one described here, and which also gives rise to terrible smells. The tree +is referred to by him as being a bread-fruit; and Dr. Stapf thinks that the <i>malage</i> may possibly be one of the Artocarpus genus, of which some have smooth or almost smooth fruit, and some <a id="d0e4296"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4296">129n</a>]</span>are said to have poisonous sap, and the seeds of many of which are eaten, or of some closely allied type. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4314" href="#d0e4314src" class="noteref">3</a></span> The information obtained by me at Mafulu did not go beyond the actual facts as stated by me. I cannot, however, help suspecting +that there is, or has been, a close connection between the building of anemone and the holding of a big feast, and that the +latter may be compared with the tabu ceremonial of the Koita described by Dr. Seligmann (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, pp. 141 and 145 <i>et seq</i>.). Indeed there are some elements of similarity between the two feasts. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4355" href="#d0e4355src" class="noteref">4</a></span> Compare the Roro custom for the messengers carrying an invitation to important feasts to take with them bunches of areca nut, +which are hung in the <i>marea</i> of the local groups of the invited <i>itsubu</i> (Seligmann’s <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 218). +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4406" href="#d0e4406src" class="noteref">5</a></span> See note on <a href="#d0e5920">p. 256</a> as to the use by me of the terms “grave,” “bury” and “burial.” +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4422" href="#d0e4422src" class="noteref">6</a></span> <i>Ibid.</i></p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e4687"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Some other Ceremonies and Feasts</h2> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Ceremony on Birth.</h3> +<p>There is no ceremony on the birth of a child, except in the case of the first-born of a chief. On this occasion the women +of a neighbouring community are invited. They come in their full dancing ornaments, and armed in both hands with spears and +either clubs or adzes. They rush into the village, first to the chiefs house and then to his <i>emone</i>; and at each of these they make a warlike demonstration, actually hurling their spears at the buildings with such force that +the spears sometimes go through the thatch of the roof. Then follows a distribution of vegetables among the visitors, after +which one, two, or three village pigs are killed under a chiefs burial platform or on the site of a past one, cut up in the +ordinary way, as at the big feast, given to the visitors and taken away by them, and the ceremony is over. There is no singing.<a id="d0e4698src" href="#d0e4698" class="noteref">1</a> + + +<a id="d0e4706"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4706">158</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Ceremony on Assumption of Perineal Band.</h3> +<p>This ceremony is performed for both boys and girls, and usually for several at one time. + +</p> +<p>The children are heavily adorned with ornaments, consisting, as a rule, chiefly of dogs’ teeth, which are hung round their +necks, or over their foreheads; and they usually have belts of dogs’ teeth round their waists. Any persons may decorate the +children. + +</p> +<p>Prior to the ceremony a number of box-like receptacles are erected in the village by the children’s relatives, there being +one receptacle for each child for whom the ceremony is to be performed. These receptacles are made with upright corner poles +8 or 10 feet high, boxed in with cross-pieces of wood up to a height of 5 or 6 feet. In these receptacles are put yams and +taro, upon their upright poles are hung bananas and upon their cross-pieces of wood are hung lengths of sugar-cane; all this +being done by the families of the children. + +</p> +<p>Guests are invited from some other community or <a id="d0e4718"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4718">159</a>]</span>communities. There is a dance, in which only people from outside communities take part. A village pig must be provided by +the family of each child. Each of these pigs is killed by the pig-killer under a chiefs platform grave, or, if no such platform +then exists, upon the site of one, and is cut up. Before the cutting-up, however, the child in each case stands upon the body +of the pig, and whilst he so stands he is dressed with a feather ornament put over his head, but which, instead of being tied +up in the usual way at the back of the head, is left with the ends hanging down over his shoulders. The putting on of this +ornament is not a chiefs duty, but is done for each child by a certain person who has bought the pig from that child’s family. + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e17453">Plate 71</a> shows a little girl upon whom the perineal band ceremony has just been performed. She has a string of dogs’ teeth over her +forehead, and a belt of dogs’ teeth round her waist, an enormous crescent-shell ornament, some long pigtails, and on her head +is the feather ornament, which hangs down at the sides over her shoulders. <a href="#d0e17458">Plate 72</a> is a scene taken at the feast held in connection with the performance of the ceremony upon her and some other children. + +</p> +<p>I could not find out who the person who buys the pig and performs the ceremony would ordinarily be, nor what motive he has +for buying and paying for a pig which is about to be killed and cut up and distributed amongst other people; and I am convinced +that there must be something further behind the matter, which I have been unable to ascertain. I may say <a id="d0e4729"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4729">160</a>]</span>that, knowing that among the Roro and Mekeo people a brother or other male relative of the child’s mother takes a prominent +part in the perineal band ceremony, being the recipient of the dog or pig which is killed, and the person who puts the band +upon the boy, I specially enquired as to any similar relationship on the part of the person who buys the pig and performs +the ceremony among the Mafulu, but I could find no trace of anything of the sort.<a id="d0e4731src" href="#d0e4731" class="noteref">2</a> Nor, as already stated, could I find any system of service being rendered by a boy to his maternal uncle, such as exists +among the Koita,<a id="d0e4740src" href="#d0e4740" class="noteref">3</a> nor anything in the nature of the Koita <i>Heni</i> ceremony, described by Dr. Seligmann.<a id="d0e4749src" href="#d0e4749" class="noteref">4</a> + +</p> +<p>It will be seen that this purchasing of the pig by a person who takes a prominent part in the ceremony affecting an individual +appears in other ceremonies of that nature among the Mafulu. + +</p> +<p>Following this performance there is a general distribution among the people, including both visitors and members of the village, +of the various vegetables and fruits, and among the visitors only of the portions of village pig. The vegetables are eaten +then and there, but the visitors take away the pig for eating in their own villages. The actual putting on by the child <a id="d0e4759"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4759">161</a>]</span>of his perineal band is done afterwards without further ceremony. + +</p> +<p>The same ceremony is observed in the case of the son or daughter of a chief, except that in this case the child is more fully +decorated, the family give two or more pigs, there are more visitors, and the whole ceremony is on a larger scale; also that, +after the performance of standing on the dead pig and receiving the feather ornament, the child is placed standing on a platform, +which may be only 5 or 6 feet high, but may be as much as 15 feet, though no further ceremony appears to be performed whilst +it is on that platform. If children of ordinary people undergo the ceremony at the same time as a chief’s child, they apparently +stand on the platform also. + +</p> +<p>When the ceremony is performed at a big feast, it is substantially the same as that above described, subject to certain variations, +which almost naturally arise from the change of conditions. There is no special dancing, as distinguished from the dancing +programme of the big feast. The vegetable food provided will be included in the general stock, so that the people of the village +will not share in it; and the ceremony of standing on the pig is postponed till a later day, and on that day, the child, having +worn his special ornaments, other than the feather ornament, at the big feast, will not again wear them when he stands on +the pig, though his feather ornament is put upon him on that later day. + +</p> +<p>It may be mentioned that this perineal band ceremony and all the other ceremonies relating personally to both <a id="d0e4767"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4767">162</a>]</span>children and adults, if not performed at a big feast, may be performed together, the people concerned in each ceremony being +taken more or less in batches; and indeed this generally is so. But in that case each class of ceremony would be performed +separately. One person may have more than one ceremony performed for him on the same occasion, but if so a separate pig must +be provided in respect of each of these ceremonies, and there must be a separate receptacle and a separate supply of food +in respect of each of them, though it does not follow that the total amount of food to be provided, other than pig, is proportionately +increased. + +</p> +<p>At a subsequent date there will be a purification ceremony, at which a wild pig or pigs will be killed and eaten by the villagers; +though, if the perineal band ceremony has taken place during a big feast, the purification ceremony in connection with the +latter will be the only one to take place. + +</p> +<p>There is no system of seclusion of either boys or girls on attaining puberty, or in connection with initiation, or on attaining +a marriageable age. Nor is there any initiation ceremony, or wearing of ceremonial masks, or use of bull-roarers. The custom +by which chiefs’ children, when assuming the perineal band, are made to stand on a platform reminds one, however, of the Hood +Peninsular custom for girls to stand on a dubu platform for the initiation ceremony, as referred to by Dr. Seligmann.<a id="d0e4773src" href="#d0e4773" class="noteref">5</a> + + + +<a id="d0e4778"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4778">163</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Ceremony on Admission to Emone.</h3> +<p>Both boys and girls must undergo a ceremony before being allowed to enter the <i>emone</i>. It generally takes place when they are two, three, or four years old. The preliminary decoration of the child is similar +to that adopted for the perineal band ceremony, except that, if the child has lost either of its parents, this decoration +is omitted. The erection of receptacles and provision of food and pigs, and the invitation of guests and dancing, and the +killing of the pigs are the same as in the case of the other ceremony; also each child has to stand on the pig which his people +provide for him. + +</p> +<p>There is, however, no putting on of a feather ornament, but instead of it the following performance takes place:—Each child +has been carried by its mother or father or other relative, but is taken from that person by the man who has bought the pig. +This man places the child on the dead pig; then he immediately picks the child up again, and runs with it to one of the <i>emone</i>, upon the platform of which two rows of men are sitting, and hands it to the man at the end of one of the rows. The child +is then rapidly passed from hand to hand along that row, and then along the other row, after which it is returned to its carrier, +who runs with it to the other <i>emone</i>, on which also two rows of men are sitting, and where a similar performance takes place. During all this performance there +is much shouting and calling out to the child-carrier to hurry. Finally, when the child is <a id="d0e4795"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4795">164</a>]</span>again handed back to this man, he returns it to its parents, and the ceremony is finished. + +</p> +<p>The ceremony in the case of a chief’s child seems to be the same as that for other children, the platform business of the +perineal band ceremony being apparently omitted in this case. + +</p> +<p>If the ceremony is performed at a big feast, the variations are substantially similar to those of the perineal band ceremony; +and in particular the placing of the child on the pig, and the running with it to the <i>emone</i>, are postponed to a later date. + +</p> +<p>The observations as to the subsequent purification in connection with the perineal band ceremony apply to this ceremony also. + +</p> +<p>It will be noticed that girls are included in this admission to the <i>emone</i>. When a girl has undergone the admission ceremony she has free entry into the <i>emone</i>—except that she must not sleep there—until she formally receives her perineal band, upon which her permission to enter the +<i>emone</i> ceases. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Ceremony Conferring Right to Use Drum and Dance.</h3> +<p>This ceremony also applies to both boys and girls; but I omitted to ascertain the age at which it usually occurs. It is similar +to the perineal band ceremony, except that the child is dressed in dance ornaments (though not the fullest formal dance ornaments), +until we reach the stage of standing on the pig, and putting on of the feather ornament, which is <a id="d0e4822"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4822">165</a>]</span>omitted; and, instead of it, the person who has bought the pig places the child upon it, and then for a short time beats a +drum, after which he gives the drum to the child, who also beats it, and then returns it to him. + +</p> +<p>I cannot say whether in this case there is any variation of the ceremony as regards a chief’s child; but I do not think there +is. + +</p> +<p>Here again I believe that, when the ceremony takes place at a big feast, the variations are similar to those above described, +and in particular the standing on the pig and drum-beating are postponed. + +</p> +<p>The observations as to the subsequent purification in connection with the perineal band ceremony apply to this one also. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Ceremony on Devolution of Chieftainship</h3> +<p>When chieftainship devolves on the death of a chief to his successor, there is no ceremony connected with the devolution.<a id="d0e4835src" href="#d0e4835" class="noteref">6</a> + +</p> +<p>When a chief resigns in his lifetime, however, there is a ceremony. There does not appear to be a special dance and feast +connected with this, it being always tacked on to some other ceremony or group of ceremonies. This particular ceremony does +not, in fact, begin until after the pig-killing. The retiring chief will have provided one or more pigs for the purpose of +his ceremony, and these will have been killed with the others. He addresses the people and <a id="d0e4840"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4840">166</a>]</span>tells them that he is giving up his office and transferring it to his successor; but in doing so he says nothing about that +successor’s title to succeed, that being always known and recognised. He then sits on his pig, and hands to his successor +a bamboo knife, such as is used for the cutting up of pigs. The successor, having received the knife, takes the place of the +retiring chief on the pig, and tells the people that he accepts the office of chief; after which he goes round to all the +pigs which are there in connection with all the various ceremonies to be gone through, one after another, and in each case +makes with the knife just given to him a small slit at the end of the mouth of each pig.<a id="d0e4842src" href="#d0e4842" class="noteref">7</a> This act is regarded as a performance by the new chief of a chiefs office; and, as under present customs the killing of the +pig is commonly done by the pig-killer, and the cutting of it up is done by anybody, one is tempted to wonder whether the +ceremony points to some chief’s duty of the past, which has ceased to exist, or to some unknown origin of the status of the +pig-killer. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Ceremony on Building of a New Emone.</h3> +<p>The usual occasion for the building of a new <i>emone</i> is an impending big feast, the then existing <i>emone</i> in the village being out of repair, or there being then no <a id="d0e4856"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4856">167</a>]</span>true <i>emone</i> in the village. But <i>emone</i> are built at other times also. + +</p> +<p>The actual building of the <i>emone</i> is carried out by the whole clan without ceremony; but when it is finished they erect tall slender straight-stemmed tree +poles, passing through the roof of the <i>emone</i>, and to these they tie bunches of croton leaves. When the <i>emone</i> is being built in anticipation of a big feast, these poles are like, and in fact are part of the series of, the poles erected +for the purpose of the feast, as above described. Croton leaves are also attached to poles after the repairing of a then existing +<i>emone</i>. + +</p> +<p>In the case of a new <i>emone</i>, after its completion they light a fire in it, and in that fire cook a wild pig; vegetable food is provided, and the clan, +including members of the village and of other villages, have a little clan feast of the vegetables, followed by a cutting +up and distribution of the pig. But there is no dancing. + + + +<a id="d0e4883"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4883">168</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4698" href="#d0e4698src" class="noteref">1</a></span> It is the custom among the Kuni people when any woman (not merely the wife of a chief) has her first baby for the women of +her own village, and probably of some neighbouring villages also, to assemble in the village and to attack her house and the +village club-house with darts, <a id="d0e4700"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4700">158n</a>]</span>which the women throw with their hands at the roofs. At Ido-ido I saw that the roofs of the club-house and of some of the +ordinary houses had a number of these darts sticking into them. The darts were made out of twigs of trees, and were about +five or six feet long; and each of them had a bunch of grass tied in a whorl at or near its head, and some of them had a similar +bunch similarly tied at or near its middle. See also Dr. Seligmann’s reference (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 298) to the Roro custom for warriors, when returning from a successful campaign, to throw their spears at the roof and +sides of the marea. In Mekeo there is no corresponding ceremony on the birth of a first child; but men, women and children +of the village collect by the house and sing all through the night; and in the morning the woman’s husband will kill a pig +or dog for them, which they cook and eat without ceremony. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4731" href="#d0e4731src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Dr. Seligmann refers to this custom among the Roro people (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 256), and there is no doubt that it exists among the Mekeo people also. Father Desnoes, of the Sacred Heart Mission, +told me that in Mekeo, though the pig used to be given when the boy adopted his perineal band at the age of four, five, six, +or seven, it is now generally given earlier. The pig is there regarded as the price paid for the child, and is called the +child’s <i>engifunga</i>. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4740" href="#d0e4740src" class="noteref">3</a></span> Seligmann’s <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 67. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4749" href="#d0e4749src" class="noteref">4</a></span> Seligmann’s <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 71. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4773" href="#d0e4773src" class="noteref">5</a></span> <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 21. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4835" href="#d0e4835src" class="noteref">6</a></span> In Mekeo such a devolution of chieftainship is the occasion for a very large feast. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4842" href="#d0e4842src" class="noteref">7</a></span> This ceremony is different from the Mekeo ceremony on the elevation by a chief of his successor to a joint chieftainship, +of which some particulars were given to me by Father Egedi; but there is an element of similarity to a Mekeo custom for the +new chief, after the pigs have been killed and partly cut up by someone else, to cut the backs of the pigs in slices. +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e4884"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Matrimonial and Sexual</h2> +<p>A boy is regarded as having reached a marriageable age at about 16, 17, or 18, and the age for a girl is a few years younger. +They do not as a rule marry before they have received their perineal bands; but there does not appear to be any definite custom +against their doing so; nor are there any acts which must be performed to qualify for marriage, nor any indications by dress +or ornament or otherwise that a boy or girl has attained a marriageable age. + +</p> +<p>Marriages are usually contracted with women of another community, though sometimes the wife will belong to a village of another +clan in the same community. Very rarely only is she of another village of the same clan, and still more rarely is she of the +same village, clan exogamy being the rule, and marriages within the clan, and still more within the village, being regarded +as irregular and undesirable, and people who have contracted them being considered as having done wrong. + +</p> +<p>There does not appear to be any system of special matrimonial relationship between any communities; and the mode described +below, by which a youth will <a id="d0e4893"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4893">169</a>]</span>by lighting a fire decide in which direction he must travel to seek a wife, would be hardly consistent with any such system. + +</p> +<p>They have their prohibitive rules of consanguinity; but these are based merely upon the number of generations between either +party and the common ancestor. The number of degrees within which prohibition applies in this way is two, thus taking it to +the grandparent; and the result is that no man or woman may properly marry any descendant of his or her paternal or maternal +grandfather or grandmother, however distant the actual relationship of the persons concerned may be.<a id="d0e4897src" href="#d0e4897" class="noteref">1</a> Marriages within the prohibited degree do in fact occur; but they are discountenanced, and are rare. + +</p> +<p>Polygyny is usual, and is largely practised. A man will often have two or three, or sometimes even four, wives; and a chief +or rich man may have as many as six. In the case of an ordinary person the wives all live with their husband in the same house; +but a chief or rich person may have two or more houses. A man who is already married, and then marries again, goes through +a formality, if it may be so called, similar to that of a first marriage. Opposition from the first wife sometimes occurs, +but this is unusual. +<a id="d0e4905"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4905">170</a>]</span></p> +<p>Infant betrothals are common; but they are quite informal, and not the subject of any ceremony. The parents in such cases, +whether of the same or different communities, are usually intimate friends, and are thus led to offer their children to each +other for intermarriage. There is a known case of a girl of 16 or 17 years of age, who was what I can only call betrothed +to the unborn son of a chief. A curious element in this case was that at the date, prior to the birth of the proposed husband, +of what I call the betrothal, the price for the girl was actually paid—a thing which is never done till the marriage—and that, +as I was most solemnly assured, the living girl and the unborn boy were in fact regarded, not merely as betrothed, but as +actually married, and that, when the boy died, which he did in infancy, long before marital relationship between them was +possible, the girl was regarded as being a widow. I could not ascertain what happened as regards the price which had been +paid for the girl. A couple betrothed in childhood are not subject to any restrictions as to meeting and mutual companionship, +nor is there any mutual avoidance, nor any increased probability, based on their betrothal, of immorality between them; though +in the more usual case of betrothal between children of different communities they in ordinary course are not likely to be +constantly seeing each other. + +</p> +<p>A young man will speak of his sweetheart, present or prospective, as his <i>ojande</i>, which means his “flower”; and this is so even if he does not yet know her; and, when asked where he is going, he <a id="d0e4913"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4913">171</a>]</span>will reply that he is going to seek an <i>ojande</i>. If he is not already betrothed, and is matrimonially inclined, he has various expedients for accomplishing his desires. +A boy who wants to marry, and does not know where to seek a wife, will sometimes light a fire in the bush, or better still +in an open space (not in the village), when the air is still, and wait until a slight breeze blows the flame or smoke a little +in some one direction; and he will then select a community or village which lies in that direction as the spot in which to +seek a wife. + +</p> +<p>A boy will often carry in a small bag (this does not refer to the special small charm bag already described) some pieces of +wood and stone, and will rub a piece of tobacco between two of these, and send this tobacco to the girl of his choice through +a female relative of hers or some other friend; and he believes that in some mysterious way this will draw her heart towards +him, and make her accept him. The pieces of wood and stone need not be of any particular kind; but he will have carried them +for a considerable time, until they have, as he thinks, acquired the specific odour of his body; and it is then that they +have obtained their special power. It is impossible to induce a boy to part with a piece of wood or stone which has been so +seasoned by time, and would take long to replace. Sometimes a boy will acquire these things by purchase from a magic man, +who professes to be able to impart to them a more effective power. +<a id="d0e4920"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4920">172</a>]</span></p> +<p>A proposal of marriage is usually made by the boy through some female relative of the girl, or other suitable person, and +not directly by him to the girl herself. + +</p> +<p>Another custom may be mentioned here, though it only relates to a man who is already married, but wants another wife or wives. +In clearing the bush for yam gardens it is usual, as regards the smaller trees, to cut away the side branches only, leaving +the main trunks for posts up which the yams will climb; but the man in question will in the case of one (only one) of these +smaller trees leave uncut one, two, or three of the upper branches, the number so left being the number of the wives he desires; +and everyone understands its meaning. + +</p> +<p>As regards the relationship of unmarried boys and girls generally, they are allowed to associate together, without any special +precautions to prevent misconduct, and a good deal of general immorality exists. + +</p> +<p>The marriage ceremony, following a parental betrothal, or with parental acquiescence, is a very informal matter, and in fact +both the bargaining for the wife and the ceremony of the marriage are in striking contrast to the elaborate system of bargaining +and mock raiding by the girl’s family, and the wedding ceremonies, which are adopted in Mekeo. A day is fixed for the marriage, +and on that day the boy goes to the house of the girl’s parents, after which he and she and her parents go to the house of +the boy’s parents, and the girl is paid for then and there. After this the young people immediately live together <a id="d0e4929"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4929">173</a>]</span>as a married couple in the house of either his or her parents, until he has been able to build a house for himself. Neither +are there any special ceremonies in connection with the fixing of the price. This is generally very small. Dogs’ teeth, pearl +shell, necklaces, adzes, etc., are the usual things in which it is paid; but there is always a pig, which has been killed +under, or on the site of, the grave platform above referred to. The price, in fact, depends upon the position and wealth of +the girl’s parents, except that there is always only one pig. The price is paid to the father of the girl, or, if dead, to +her eldest brother or other nearest male paternal relative. + +</p> +<p>A runaway marriage is still simpler. The boy has proposed to the girl through her friend, and she has consented; and they +simply run off into the bush together, and remain in the bush, or the gardens, or a distant village, until the boy’s friends +have succeeded in propitiating the girl’s father, and the price has been paid; and then the couple return to the village. + +</p> +<p>After marriage, the husband and wife are not as a rule faithful to each other, the marriage tie being only slight. Adultery +on the part of the wife, but not of the husband, is regarded as a serious offence, if discovered. The injured husband will +beat the guilty wife, and is entitled to kill the man with whom she has misconducted herself, and will usually do so; though +nowadays he often dares not do so in districts where he fears Government punishment. Sometimes he will be content if the adulterer +pays him a big <a id="d0e4935"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4935">174</a>]</span>price, say a pig; and this compensation is now commonly accepted in districts where the husband dares not kill. In either +case, the husband generally keeps the wife. + +</p> +<p>Formal divorce or separation does not exist. A husband who wants to get rid of his wife will make her life so miserable that +she runs away from him. But more usually the separation originates with the wife, who, not liking or being tired of her husband, +or being in love elsewhere, will run away and elope altogether with another man. In such a case, the husband may retaliate +on that other man in the way already mentioned; but that is rather the method adopted in cases of incidental adultery, and +as a rule, when the wife actually elopes, she and her paramour go off to some other community, and the husband submits to +the loss. He will, however, claim from the wife’s people the price which he paid for her on his marriage. This is sometimes +paid, but not always; and, as the wife almost always belongs to another clan, and generally to another community, the refusal +to pay this claim is one of the frequent causes of fighting, the members of the husband’s clan, and often the whole community, +joining him in a punitive expedition. + +</p> +<p>When a man dies, or at all events after the removal by the widow of her mourning, she goes back to her own people, generally +taking with her any of their young children who are then living in the house. There is no devolution of the wife to the husband’s +brother, or anything of that nature. Nor, in case of <a id="d0e4941"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4941">175</a>]</span>the death of the wife, does the husband marry her sister. + +</p> +<p>Speaking of the people generally, it may certainly be said that sexual morality among men, women, boys and girls is very low; +and there is no punishment for immorality, except as above stated. + + + +<a id="d0e4945"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4945">176</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4897" href="#d0e4897src" class="noteref">1</a></span> According to Dr. Seligmann, among the Koita the forbidden degrees of relationship extend to third cousins (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 82); whereas it will be seen that among the Mafulu it only extends, as between people of the same generation, to first +cousins. But a Mafulu native who was grandson of the common ancestor would be prohibited from marrying his first cousin once +removed (great-granddaughter of that ancestor) or his first cousin twice removed (great-great-granddaughter of that ancestor). +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e4946"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Killing, Cannibalism, and Warfare</h2> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Killing.</h3> +<p>Individual killing in personal quarrel, as distinguished from slaying in warfare, is exceedingly rare, except in cases of +revenge upon adulterers. In these cases, however, it is regarded as the appropriate punishment; and even the family of the +adulterer would hardly retaliate, if satisfied as to his guilt. There is no system of head-hunting, or of killing victims +in connection with any ceremonies, or of burying alive,<a id="d0e4954src" href="#d0e4954" class="noteref">1</a> or of killing old and sick people, though the ceremonial blow on the head of a reputed dying man must sometimes be premature. + +</p> +<p>Abortion and infanticide, however, are exceedingly common, the more usual practice being that of procuring abortion. Although +sexual immorality so largely exists, and young unmarried women and girls are known to indulge in it so freely, and it is not +seriously reprobated, it is regarded as a disgrace for one to give birth to a child; and if she gets into trouble she will +procure abortion or kill the child. The same thing is also common among married <a id="d0e4962"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4962">177</a>]</span>women, on the ground that they do not wish to have more children. There is another cause for this among married women, which +is peculiar. A woman must not give birth to a child until she has given a pig to a village feast; and if she does so it will +be a matter of reproach to her. If, therefore, she finds herself about to have a child, and there is no festal opportunity +for her to give a pig, or if, though there be a feast, she cannot afford to give a pig, she will probably procure abortion +or kill the child when born. I was told by Father Chabot, the Father Superior of the Mission, that among the neighbouring +Kuni people a woman would kill her child for extraordinary reasons; and he furnished an example of this in a woman who killed +her child so that she might use her milk for suckling a young pig, which was regarded as being more important. Whether such +a thing would occur in Mafulu appears to be doubtful; but it is quite possible, more especially as the Mafulu women do, in +fact, suckle pigs. + +</p> +<p>Abortion is induced by taking the heavy stone mallet used for bark cloth beating, and striking the woman on the front of the +body over the womb. It is also assisted by the wearing of the tight cane belt already mentioned. I could not hear of any system +of using drugs or herbs to procure abortion; but herbs are used to produce general sterility, which they are believed to be +effective in doing. + +</p> +<p>Married women also often kill their children as the result of a sort of superstitious ceremony. The child being born, the +mother, in accordance <a id="d0e4968"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4968">178</a>]</span>with the custom of the country, goes down to the river, and throws the placenta into it. She then, however, often takes a +little water from the river, and gives it to the babe. If the latter seems by the movements of its lips and tongue to accept +and take the water into its mouth, it is a sign that it is to live, and it is allowed to do so. If not, it is a sign that +it is to die, and she throws it into the river. This custom, which is quite common, has presumably had a superstitious origin, +and it seems to be practised with superstitious intent now. There appears, however, to be no doubt that it is also followed +for the purpose of keeping or killing the child, according to the wish of the mother. There is further, confirming the last +statement, a well-known practice, when the mother goes down to the river with her baby, for some other woman, who is childless +and desires a child, to accompany the mother, and take from her and adopt the baby; and as to this, there is no doubt that, +before doing so, the woman ascertains from the mother whether or not she intends to keep her child, and only goes with her +to the river if she does not intend to keep it. This is done quite openly, with the full knowledge of the second woman’s husband +and friends; and everyone knows that the child is not really hers, and how she acquired it.<a id="d0e4970src" href="#d0e4970" class="noteref">2</a> + + + +<a id="d0e4973"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4973">179</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Cannibalism.</h3> +<p>There is no doubt that the Mafulu people have always been cannibals, and are so still, subject now to the fear in which they +hold the controlling authority of the white man, and which impels such of them as are in close touch with the latter to indulge +in their practice only in secrecy. Their cannibalism has been, and is, however, of a restricted character. They do not kill +for the purpose of eating; and they only eat bodies of people who have been intentionally killed, not the bodies of those +who have been killed by accident, or died a natural death. Also the victim eaten is always a member of another community. +The killing which is followed by eating is always a hostile killing in fight; but this fight may be either a personal and +individual one, or it may be a community battle. The idea of eating the body appears to be a continued act of hostility, rather +than one of gastronomic enjoyment; and I could learn nothing of any belief as to acquiring the valour and power of the deceased +by eating him. I was informed that the man who has killed the victim will never himself share in the eating of him, this being +the case both as regards people killed in private personal fighting and those killed in war.<a id="d0e4979src" href="#d0e4979" class="noteref">3</a> I tried to find out if there were any ceremonies connected with the eating of human flesh; but could learn nothing upon the +subject, the natives being naturally not readily communicative with white men on the matter. + + +<a id="d0e4982"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4982">180</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Warfare.</h3> +<p>Warfare generally occurs between one community or section of a community (probably a clan) and another community or section +of one; it very rarely occurs within a community. Sometimes two communities join together in opposition to a third one; but +alliances of this sort are usually only of a temporary character. War among these people is now, of course, forbidden by the +British authorities, and indulgence in it is a serious punishable offence; but it cannot be said to be abolished. + +</p> +<p>The usual ground for an attack is either that some member of the attacked community or section of a community has by personal +violence or by spirit-supported sorcery killed a member of the attacking community or section, or it is of the matrimonial +character above explained. The underlying idea of the war is a life for a life; and in the matrimonial matter one life is +the sum of vengeance required. Hence the primary object of an attack has usually been accomplished when the attacking party +has killed one of their opponents. If there are two or more persons whose deaths have to be avenged, a corresponding number +of lives is required in the battle. Then the attacking party may suffer loss during the fight, in which case this has to be +added to the account; and loss by the attacked is introduced into the other side of it to their credit. The number killed +in a battle is not, however, often great. + +</p> +<p>When the required vengeance has been accomplished, <a id="d0e4992"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4992">181</a>]</span>the attacking party usually cease fighting and return home, if the enemy allow them to do so. They may retire before their +vengeance has been accomplished; but in that case they are probably doing so as a defeated party, with the intention of renewing +the attack on a subsequent occasion. If the attacking party cease fighting and try to return, the enemy may continue their +counter attack, especially if they have themselves suffered loss in the fighting; but I was told that the enemy would not +as a rule follow the attacking party far into the bush. It may be that what is regarded by the attackers as a correct balance +of lives struck, on which they may retire, is not so regarded by the enemy, in which case the latter may try to prolong the +fight; and, if the attackers get away, there will probably be a retaliatory expedition, in which the position of attackers +and attacked is reversed. The primary idea of a life for a life is, however, generally understood and acknowledged; and if +the enemy recognise the truth of the alleged reason for the attack, and have not lost more life than was required to balance +the account, they usually rest satisfied with the result. + +</p> +<p>No ceremony or taboo appears to be adopted in anticipation of proposed hostilities for the purpose of securing success; but +individual fighters often wear charms, upon whose efficacy they rely. Nor do there appear to be any omens in connection with +them other than certain general ones to be referred to hereafter. The preparations for a fight and its conduct can hardly +be regarded as subjects of much <a id="d0e4996"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4996">182</a>]</span>organisation, as the chiefs are not war chiefs, and there are no recognised permanent leaders or commanders of the forces, +and no recognised war councils or systematic organisation, either of the fighting party or of the conduct of the fight. All +adult males of the community engaged are expected to take part, and the leadership will generally fall upon someone who at +the moment is regarded as a strong and wise fighter. + +</p> +<p>The men start off on their expedition as an armed, but unorganised, body, their arms being spears, bows and arrows,<a id="d0e5000src" href="#d0e5000" class="noteref">4</a> clubs, adzes and shields, and none of their weapons being poisoned. During their progress to the enemy’s community they are +generally singing, and their song relates to the grievance the avenging of which is the object of the expedition. The warriors +do not, I was told, as a rule carry a full supply of provisions, as they rely largely upon what they can find in the bush, +and what they hope to raid from their enemy’s plantations. On reaching the scene of battle they adopt methods of spying and +scouting and sentry duty, though only on simple and unscientific lines. They have apparently no generally recognised systems +of signs of truce or truce envoys or hostages. There are certain recognised cries, which respectively signify the killing +of a man and the taking of a prisoner, by which, when such an event occurs, the fighters on both sides are aware of it. An +enemy wounded on the battlefield <a id="d0e5006"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5006">183</a>]</span>may be killed at once or may be taken prisoner. All prisoners, wounded or otherwise, are taken home by the party that secures +them, and are then killed, apparently without any prior torture, and generally eaten. A prisoner thus carried off would be +regarded as a man killed, which in fact he shortly will be. The women of a community follow their fighting men in the expedition, +their duty being to encourage the fighters on the way out, and during the fight, by their singing; but they remain in the +rear during the battle, and do not actually fight. These women, of course, also run the risk of being killed or wounded or +taken prisoners. + +</p> +<p>Fighting between two communities may go on intermittently for years. Then perhaps the communities may get mutually weary of +it, and decide to make peace. This act is ratified by an exchange between the two communities of ceremonial visits, with feasts +and pig-killing, but no dancing, the pigs and vegetables and fruit distributed by the hosts among the visitors on the return +visit being exactly similar in character and quantity to what the latter have given the former on the prior visit. + +</p> +<p>The Mafulu war spears are made out of a very hard-wooded palm tree and another hard red-wooded tree, the name of which I do +not know. They are round in section, tapering at both ends, and are generally from 10 to 12 feet long, and about three-quarters +of an inch in diameter at the widest part. There are three forms of point. The first (<a href="#d0e17463">Plate 73, Fig. 1</a>) is simply a tapering off in round section. The second <a id="d0e5015"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5015">184</a>]</span>(<a href="#d0e17463">Plate 73, Fig. 2</a>) is made square in section for a distance of 2 to 2½ feet from the tip. The third (<a href="#d0e17463">Plate 73, Fig. 3</a>) is in section a triangle, of which two sides are equal and the other side is a little larger, this triangular form being +carried for a foot or less from the tip, and the larger surface being barbed bilaterally. This last-mentioned form is also +generally decorated with a little tuft of bright-coloured feathers, just above the point where the barbing begins. + +</p> +<p>The bows (<a href="#d0e17476">Plate 74, Fig. 1</a>) are made of split bamboo, the convex side of the bow being the inner section of the split bamboo. These bows are quite short, +generally about 4 feet long when straightened out, and have triangular-shaped knobs at the ends for holding the bowstrings. +The bowstrings are made of what appears to be strong split canes (not sugar-canes). The arrows (<a href="#d0e17476">Plate 73, Fig. 4</a>) are from 6 to 8 feet long, which is extraordinary in comparison with the length of the bows, and are made in two parts, +the shaft being made of a strong reed, and the point, which is inserted into the reed shaft and is generally a foot or more +long, being single and round-sectioned, and made of the same materials as are used for spears. There are no feathers or equivalents +of feathers, and the shaft end of the arrow is cut square and not notched. + +</p> +<p>The clubs (<a href="#d0e17485">Plate 75, Figs, 1 and 2</a>) are stone-headed, the heads being of the pineapple and disc types; but these heads are the same as those used on the plains +and coast, whose people, in fact, get them <a id="d0e5036"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5036">185</a>]</span>from the mountains, and as these are so well-known, it is not necessary for me to describe them. + +</p> +<p>The adzes (<a href="#d0e17485">Plate 75, Fig. 4</a>) are of the usual type, the stone blade being lashed directly on to the handle. There are two common forms. In one, which +is also used for ordinary adze work, the haft is cut from a natural branch, with the angle of the head part set obliquely. +In the other, which is also used for cutting timber, the haft is cut from a branch with the angle of the head part set at +right angles, or nearly so. I do not know to what extent this second form is common in New Guinea. It is not found in Mekeo. + +</p> +<p>The shields (<a href="#d0e17476">Plate 74, Figs. 2 and 3</a>) are thick, heavy, cumbrous weapons, made out of the wood used for making wooden dishes. The outer surfaces are convex, and +the inner ones concave, the natural convexity of the circular trunk of the tree from which they are made being retained. These +shields are 4½ to 5 feet long, and usually about 15 or 16 inches wide in the broadest central part, getting somewhat narrower +towards the two ends, where they are rounded off. Each shield has two strong cane handles in the centre of its internal concave +side, each of which handles is fixed by means of two pairs of holes bored through the shield, and of thongs which are passed +through these holes and attached to the ends of the handles. The shields are carried by passing the left arm through the upper +handle downwards, the left hand holding the lower handle. + + + +<a id="d0e5048"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5048">186</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4954" href="#d0e4954src" class="noteref">1</a></span> But see <a href="#d0e4970">p. 178, note 1</a>. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4970" href="#d0e4970src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Half-a-dozen years ago, before open systematic killing and cannibalism were checked, it was a Kuni custom, when a woman died +in her confinement, to bury the living baby with the dead mother. I have not heard of this custom in Mafulu, and do not know +whether or not it exists, or has existed, there; but as regards matters of this sort the Mafulu and the Kuni are very similar. +My statement that there is no burying alive must be taken subject to the possibility of this custom. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4979" href="#d0e4979src" class="noteref">3</a></span> This custom is found elsewhere. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5000" href="#d0e5000src" class="noteref">4</a></span> From Dr. Haddon’s distribution chart in Vol. XVI. of <i>The Geographical Journal</i>, it will be seen that the Mafulu district is just about at the junction between his spear area and his bow and arrow area. +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e5049"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Hunting, Fishing and Agriculture</h2> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Hunting.</h3> +<p>This is engaged in more or less all the year round, especially as regards wild pigs when wanted for village killing. The animals +chiefly hunted are pigs, kangaroos, wallabies, the “Macgregor bear,”<a id="d0e5057src" href="#d0e5057" class="noteref">1</a> large snakes, cassowaries and other birds. + +</p> +<p>The hunting weapons and contrivances used are spears, bows and arrows, nets and traps; but adzes and clubs are used in connection +with net hunting. The spears are those used for war. The bows and arrows employed for hunting animals and cassowaries are +also the same as those used for war; but these are not much used. For bird-shooting (excluding cassowary-shooting) they generally +use arrows (<a href="#d0e17463">Plate 73, Fig. 5</a>) the points of which are made of four rather fine pieces of bamboo cane, closely bound together at the place of insertion +into the reed shaft, and also bound together further down, <a id="d0e5065"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5065">187</a>]</span>but with a piece of stick or some other material inserted between them inside this second binding, so as to keep them a little +apart and make them spread outwards, thus producing a four-pronged point. The arrows vary in length from 5 to 6 or 7 feet, +and their points vary from 4 to 10 inches. The adzes and clubs are the same as those used for war. + +</p> +<p>The people generally hunt in large parties for pigs (hunted with either spears or nets), kangaroos and wallabies (hunted with +nets only), and Macgregor bears, cassowaries, and big snakes (hunted with spears only). The hunters may be members of a single +village or of a whole community. They generally return home on the same day, except when hunting the Macgregor bear, which +is only found on the tops of high mountains, and so requires a longer expedition. They usually take out with them large numbers +of young boys, who are not armed, and do not take part in the actual killing, but who, when the party reaches the hunting +ground, spread out in the bush, and so find the animals. While doing this the boys bark like dogs. Sometimes dogs are taken +instead, but this is unusual, as they have not many dogs. + +</p> +<p>A preliminary ceremony is performed by a person whose special duty it is, and who, I think, is usually the pig-killer. He +takes a particular kind of fragrant grass, makes an incantation over it, rubs it on the noses of the dogs (if there are any),<a id="d0e5071src" href="#d0e5071" class="noteref">2</a> and then ties it in several <a id="d0e5077"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5077">188</a>]</span>portions to the meshes of the net to be used. If there are dogs, but no net, then, after rubbing the dogs’ noses, he throws +the grass away. If there is a net, but no clogs, then, after making the incantation, he ties the grass on to the net as above +mentioned. This appears to be the only ceremony in connection with hunting; and there is no food or other taboo associated +with it, but some of the charms worn are intended to give success in hunting. + +</p> +<p>In spear hunting, when children and not dogs are employed, the children shout as soon as the animal has been found, and then +retreat; and, when the animal has been found by either children or dogs, the hunting men attack it with their spears, if possible +surrounding it. + +</p> +<p>In net hunting, which of course can only be adopted in fairly open spaces, the hunters place their net by means of pole supports +in the form of a crescent, perhaps as much as 50 or 60 yards long, this length, however, requiring several nets put end to +end together, and 2 or 3 feet high. The net is generally put across the base of a narrow ravine, or across a narrow ridge, +these being the routes along which the animals usually travel. The children or dogs search for the animal, as in spear hunting; +and when it is found, most of the hunters place themselves in a crescent-shaped formation behind the animal, so that it is +between them and the net, and then gradually close in upon it, and so drive it into the net. Behind the net are other hunters, +more or less hidden, who kill the animal with club or adze when it is caught in the <a id="d0e5083"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5083">189</a>]</span>net. They sometimes use spears in the event of an animal jumping over the net, and so trying to escape; though in net hunting +the spears are more especially carried for purposes of self-defence in case of an attack by the animal. + +</p> +<p>There is always an enormous amount of shouting all through the hunt. When the animal has been caught, they generally kill +it then and there, except as regards pigs required alive for village ceremony, and which are disabled, but not killed. The +huntings, except when pigs are specially required, are usually general; and when any sort of animal has been killed the hunters +are content. They surround the beast, and make three loud shouting screams, by which the people of the village or community +know, not only that an animal has been killed, but also what the animal is. It is then brought home, and eaten by the whole +village, if the hunt be a village hunt, or by the community, if it be a community hunt. + +</p> +<p>Individual hunting, in which I include hunts by parties of two or three, is also common. Solitary hunters are generally only +searching for birds (not cassowaries); but parties of two or three will go after larger game, such as pigs, cassowaries, etc. +Such parties hunt the larger game with spears, clubs and adzes, and shoot the birds, other than cassowaries, with bows and +arrows. They kill their victims as they can, and bring them home; and they, and probably some of their friends, eat them. + +</p> +<p>Trap hunting is much engaged in by single individuals. <a id="d0e5091"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5091">190</a>]</span>A common form of trap used for pigs is a round hole about 6 feet deep and 2 feet in diameter, which is dug in the ground anywhere +in the usual tracks of the pigs, and is covered over with rotten wood, upon which grass is spread; and into this hole the +pig falls and cannot get out. The maker of the hole does not necessarily stay by it, but will visit it from time to time in +the hope of having caught a pig. Small tree-climbing animals are often caught by a plan based upon the inclination of an animal, +seeing a continuous line, to go along it. A little pathway of sticks is laid along the ground, commencing near a suitable +tree, and carried up to the base of that tree, and then taken up the trunk, and along a branch, on which it terminates, the +parts upon the tree being bound to it with cane. At the branch termination of this path is either a noose trap, made out of +a piece of native string tied at one end to the branch, and having at the other end a running noose in which the animal is +caught, or a very primitive baitless framework trap, so made that the animal, having once got into it, cannot get out again. +Or instead of a trap, the man will erect a small rough platform upon the same tree, upon which platform he waits, perhaps +all night, until the animal comes, and then shoots it with his bow and arrow. Another form of trap for small animals is a +sort of alley along the ground, fenced in on each side by a palisading of sticks, and having at its end a heavy overhanging +piece of wood, supported by an easily moved piece of stick, which the animal, after passing along the alley, disturbs, so +bringing <a id="d0e5093"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5093">191</a>]</span>down the piece of wood on to the top of it; this trap also has no bait. Large snakes are caught in nooses attached to the +ground or hanging from trees. + +</p> +<p>Birds of all kinds, except cassowaries, are killed with bows and arrows. There is also a method of killing certain kinds of +birds of paradise which dance on branches of trees, and certain other kinds and bower birds, which dance on the ground,<a id="d0e5097src" href="#d0e5097" class="noteref">3</a> by means of nooses as above described, these being tied to the branch of the tree, or, in the case of ground nooses, tied +to a stick or something in the ground. The natives know the spots where the birds are dancing, and place the noose traps there. +Another method of killing birds is adopted on narrow forest-covered ridges of the mountains. An open space or passage about +2 or 3 yards wide is cut in the bush, across the ridge; and across this passage are suspended three parallel nets, the inner +or central one being of a close and impassable mesh, and the two outer ones having a mesh so far open that a bird striking +against it can get through. These nets are made of very fine material, and so are not easily seen, especially as they are +more or less in shade from the trees on each side of the passage. A bird flying from the valley on either side towards the +ridge is attracted by this open passage, and flies into and along it; it strikes against one of the more open outer nets, +and gets through it, but is confused and bewildered, and so is easily <a id="d0e5100"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5100">192</a>]</span>stopped by the central close-meshed net, where it is shot with bow and arrow. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Fishing.</h3> +<p>Fishing is carried on by the Mafulu people by means of weirs placed across streams, the weirs having open sluices with intercepting +nets, and smaller nets being used to catch such fish as escape the big ones. They do not fish with spears, hooks, or bows +and arrows, or with fishing lines, as is done in Mekeo; and even their weir and net systems are different from the Mekeo ones. +Fishing with them is more or less communistic, as it is generally engaged in by parties of ten or twenty men (women do not +fish), and sometimes nearly all the men of a village, or even of a community, join in a fishing expedition; and everyone in +the village or community shares more or less in the spoil. The fishing season is towards the end of the dry season, say in +October or November, when work in the gardens is over, and the rivers are low. I cannot give the names of the fishes caught, +but was told that the chief ones are large full-bodied carp-like fish and eels. + +</p> +<p>The large weir nets are simply ordinary frameless nets about 3 to 5 yards long, and 1 yard wide, with a fairly small mesh. +The smaller ones are hand nets, made in two forms. One of these is made of ordinary fine netting, and is bag-shaped, being +strung on a round looped end of cane, of which the other end is the handle, the net being about the size of a good-sized <a id="d0e5109"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5109">193</a>]</span>butterfly net. The other form is also framed on a looped cane; but the loop in this case is larger and more oval in shape, +and the netting is made of the web of a large spider. To make it they take the already looped cane to where there are a number +of such webs, and twist the looped end round and round among the webs, until there is stretched across the loop a double or +treble or quadruple layer of web, which, though flat when made, is elastic, and when used becomes under pressure more or less +bag-shaped. + +</p> +<p>The fishers first make a weir of upright sticks placed close together among the stones in the river bed, the weir stretching +across the greater part of, or sometimes only half-way across, the river. The side of the river left open and undammed is +filled up with stones to such a height that the water flowing over it is shallow, and the fish do not escape across it. In +the middle of the weir they leave an open space or sluice, behind which they fasten the big net.<a id="d0e5113src" href="#d0e5113" class="noteref">4</a> <a href="#d0e17496">Plate 76</a> shows a weir on the Aduala river, a portion of the open sluice being seen on the left. After forming the weir, but before +fixing the net, the fishers all join in a sort of prayer or invocation to the river. For example, on the Aduala river they +will say, “Aduala, give us plenty of fish, that we may eat well.” This is the only ceremony in connection with the fishing, +and there is no food or other taboo associated with it; but here again charms are often relied upon. The big net <a id="d0e5119"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5119">194</a>]</span>catches most of the fish which are carried down by the rush of water through the opening in the weir; but a group of fishermen +stand round it with their hand nets, with which they catch any fish that leap out of the big net, and would otherwise escape, +the ordinary hand nets being usually used for larger fish, and the cobweb ones for the smaller fish. They often have two or +three of these weirs in the same stream, at some little distance from each other. + +</p> +<p>A fishing party will often stay and live for some days at the place where they are fishing, and eat the fish each day as they +catch it; so that what they bring home for the village or community may only be the result of the last day’s sport. But the +women will sometimes come to the fishers, bring them food, and take some fish back to the village or community. Each community +has waters which it regards as being its own; but disputes as to this apparently do not arise. + +</p> +<p>A solitary individual sometimes goes off to catch fish with one of the hand nets above described or with his hands, and eats +or keeps what he catches; but this is unusual. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Agriculture.</h3> +<p>Agriculture is never communistic, being entirely an individual or family matter, men and households and families having their +own gardens and plantations. The trees and plants chiefly cultivated are those already mentioned as being used for food. +<a id="d0e5130"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5130">195</a>]</span></p> +<p>The clearing of the ground is done by men, and is begun about the end of June. The trees and their branches are used for fencing, +the fencing being also done by men. The clearing away of the undergrowth is done by women, who pile it in small heaps, which +are spread over the cleared space, being so close together that they almost touch one another. When these have got quite dry, +which may be in a few days, or not for some time, they burn them, and the ashes add fertility to the soil. There is no general +digging up of the ground, as distinguished from the digging of holes for individual plants. The clearing of the trees is done +with stone adzes, or in difficult cases by fire; but some of the people now have European axes, of which some have been acquired +from white men, and some from plain and coast natives. In clearing for planting yam and plants of the yam type they leave +the upright stems of some of the trees and shrubby undergrowth for the yams, etc., to trail over. Cultivation of some of the +more usual plants is done as follows. + +</p> +<p>Sweet potatoes and vegetables of similar type are planted by the women in August and September. They make little holes in +the ground about 2 feet apart, and in them plant the potatoes, the roots used being the young sarmentose runners, which they +cut off from the parent plants, the latter being merely cut down to the ground, and the old tubers being left in it. These +runners are left to grow, and in about three or four months the young potatoes are ready for eating, and afterwards there +will be a continuous supply from the runners. The digging up of the day-to-day <a id="d0e5135"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5135">196</a>]</span>supply of potatoes is done by the women, the work in this, and in all other digging, being done with small pointed sticks, +roughly made and not preserved; though now they sometimes have European knives, these knives and axes being the two European +implements which they use in agriculture, if they possess them. + +</p> +<p>Yams and similar vegetables are planted by men in August and September, near to the young tree stems up which they are to +trail, and at distances apart of 2 or 3 yards. In this case, however, there are two plantings. In the first instance the yam +tubers are planted in pretty deep holes, the tubers being long. The yams then grow, and twine over the tree stems, and spread. +After about ten months the men dig up the tubers, which in the meantime have grown larger, and cut away from them all the +trailing green growth, and then hang the tubers up in the houses and <i>emone</i>, to let the new growing points sprout. Then in about another two months the men replant the smaller tubers, while the larger +ones are retained for food. + +</p> +<p>There are two curious Mafulu practices in connection with yam-planting. First, before planting each tuber they wrap round +it an ornamental leaf, such as a croton, which they call the “sweetheart of the yam.” Against this leaf they press a piece +of limestone. They then plant the tuber with its sweetheart leaf around it and the piece of limestone pressing against its +side, and fill in the soil; but as they do the latter they withdraw the piece of limestone, which they use successively for +other yams, and, indeed, keep in their houses for use <a id="d0e5144"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5144">197</a>]</span>year by year. In the villages near the Mafulu Mission Station the limestone used is generally a piece of stalactite, which +they get from the limestone caves in the mountains. The belief is that by planting in this way the yams will grow stronger +and better. Secondly, there is a little small-leafed plant of a spreading nature, only a few inches high, which grows wild +in the mountains, but which is also cultivated, and a patch of which they always plant in a yam plantation. This plant they +also call the “sweetheart of the yam”; and they believe that its presence is beneficial to the plantation. + +</p> +<p>Yams are ready for supplying food eight or ten months after planting. They are not, like the potatoes, dug up from day to +day, as they can be stored. The usual period of digging and storing is about June or July, and this digging is done by both +men and women, the former dealing with the larger yams, which are difficult to get up, and the latter with the smaller ones. + +</p> +<p>The yam is apparently regarded by the Mafulu people as a vegetable possessing an importance which one is tempted to think +may have a more or less superstitious origin-witness the facts that only men may plant it and that it is the only vegetable +in the planting of which superstitious methods are employed, and the special methods and ceremonies adopted in the hanging +of the yams at the big feast. But I fancy this idea as to the yam is not confined to the Mafulu; and indeed Chalmers tells +us of a Motu superstition which attributes to it a human origin;<a id="d0e5150src" href="#d0e5150" class="noteref">5</a> and a perusal <a id="d0e5155"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5155">198</a>]</span>of the chapter on sacrifices in Dr. Codrington’s book, <i>The Melanesians</i>, leaves the impression on one’s mind that among these people the yam is the one vegetable which is specially used for sacrificial +purposes. + +</p> +<p>Taro and similar vegetables are planted by women in August and September among the yams, at distances of 2 or 3 feet apart. +For this purpose they take the young secondary growths which crop up round the main central plants during the year.<a id="d0e5162src" href="#d0e5162" class="noteref">6</a> They are ready for eating in, say, May or June of the following year. They are dug up by women from day to day as wanted, +as they, like the sweet potato, cannot be kept, as the yams are, after being taken up. There is, however, a method when the +taro is ripe and needs digging up, but is not then required for eating, of making a large hole in the ground, filling it with +grass, digging up the taro, putting it on the grass in the hole, covering and surrounding it with more grass, and then filling +up with soil, and so preserving the taro for future use by a sort of ensilage system. I was told that this was not done on +the plains. + +</p> +<p>Bananas are planted by men, this being done every year, and off and on all through the year, generally in old potato gardens. +In this case they take the young offshoots, which break out near the <a id="d0e5167"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5167">199</a>]</span>bases of the stems. The closeness of planting varies considerably. The fruit is gathered all through the year by men. A banana +will generally begin to bear fruit about twelve months after planting, though some sorts of banana take as long as two years. + +</p> +<p>Sugar-cane is planted by men off and on during the whole year, generally in old potato gardens, the growing points at the +tops of the canes being put into the ground at distances of 5 or 6 feet apart. Each plant produces a number of canes, and +these begin to be edible after six or eight months. They are then cut for eating by both men and women. + +</p> +<p>As regards both banana and sugar-cane, the people, after planting them in the potato gardens, allow the potatoes to still +go on growing and spreading; but these potatoes are merely used for the pigs, the people only eating those grown in their +open patches. + +</p> +<p>Beans of a big coarse-growing sort, with large pods from 8 to 18 inches long, are planted by women about September by the +garden fences of the potato and yam gardens, and allowed to creep up these fences. They furnish edible fruit in about three +or four months from the time of planting, and are then gathered by the women. Only the inside seeds are eaten (not the pod); +and even these are so hard that twenty—four hours’ boiling does not soften them—indeed, they are usually roasted. + +</p> +<p>Pandanus trees are grown in the bush and not in the gardens. The <i>ine</i> which is a large form (<a href="#d0e17516">Plate 80</a>), is always grown at a height of not less than 5,000 feet; but there is a smaller one which is grown <a id="d0e5183"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5183">200</a>]</span>by a river or stream. The <i>malage</i> is always grown in the valleys near brooks and rivers. + +</p> +<p>As regards the gardens generally, they may be roughly divided into sweet potato gardens and yam gardens. In the former are +also grown bananas, sugar-cane, beans, pumpkin, cucumber and maize; and in the latter taro and beans, and the reed plant with +the asparagus flavour to which I have already referred. The general tending of the bananas and sugar-canes, and to a certain +extent the yams, is done by men; but in other respects the garden produce is looked after by women, who also attend to the +weeding and keeping of the gardens clean, the men looking after the fences. + +</p> +<p>Having planted a certain crop in a garden, they let it go on until it is exhausted, the period for this being different for +different crops; but afterwards they never again plant the same crop in the same garden. When a crop is exhausted, they may +possibly use the same garden for some other purpose; but as a rule they do not do so, except as regards the use of old potato +gardens for banana and sugar-cane. When fresh gardens are wanted, fresh portions of bush are cleared; and the old deserted +gardens are quickly re-covered by nature with fresh bush, the growth of vegetation being very rapid. Most of the gardens are +bush gardens, and, though these may sometimes be close to the village, you do not find a regular system of gardens within +the village clearing, as you do in the Mekeo district, the situations of the villages being indeed hardly adapted for this. + + + +<a id="d0e5192"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5192">201</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5057" href="#d0e5057src" class="noteref">1</a></span> I have never seen the animal called the “Macgregor bear,” and I do not know what it is. The Fathers assured me it was a bear; +but in view of the great unlikelihood of this, I consulted the authorities at the Natural History Museum, and they think it +is probably one of the marsupials. It is named after Sir William Macgregor. It is found in the mountains, where the forest +is very thick. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5071" href="#d0e5071src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Compare the Motumotu (Toaripi) practice of rubbing the dogs’ mouths with a special plant, referred to by Chalmers (<i>Pioneering in New Guinea</i>, p. 305). +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5097" href="#d0e5097src" class="noteref">3</a></span> The birds of paradise which dance in trees include, I was told, what the Fathers called the “Red,” the “Blue,” the “Black,” +the “Superb” and the “Six-feathered.” Those which dance on the ground include the “Magnificent.” +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5113" href="#d0e5113src" class="noteref">4</a></span> In Mekeo the weir is made with wicker-work, at the openings in which basket fish-traps are placed. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5150" href="#d0e5150src" class="noteref">5</a></span> <i>Pioneering in New Guinea</i>, pp. 3 and 4. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5162" href="#d0e5162src" class="noteref">6</a></span> Dr. Stapf tells me that taro is usually propagated by means of tubers or division of crowns, that is that either the whole +tuber is planted or it is cut up, as potatoes are done, into pieces, each of which has an eye, and each of which is planted. +It would appear that the Mafulu method, as explained to me, amounts to much the same thing, the only difference being that +instead of planting a crown, or a piece with an eye from which a fresh shoot will proceed, they let that shoot first grow +into a young plant and then transplant the latter. +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e5193"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Bark Cloth Making, Netting and Art.</h2> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Bark Cloth Making and Netting.</h3> +<p>I put the two processes of bark cloth making and netting together, as being the only forms in which material is made in pieces +of substantial size. + +</p> +<p>Bark cloth is used for making perineal bands, men’s caps, illness-recovery capes, bark cloth head strings, mourning strings +and dancing aprons and ribbons. Netting is used for fishing and hunting nets, sleeping hammocks, the various forms of carrying +bags and the mourning vests worn by the widows of chiefs. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Bark Cloth Making.</h3> +<p>Bark cloth is made by both men and women out of the bark of three different kinds of tree; but I do not know what these are. +They strip the bark from the tree, and from the bark they strip off the outer layer, leaving the inner fibrous layer, which +is about ⅛th of an inch in thickness. They have no method of fastening two pieces of bark or cloth together, so every garment +has to be a single piece, and the size of the piece to be made depends upon the purpose for <a id="d0e5208"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5208">202</a>]</span>which it is wanted. The cloth is made in the usual way by soaking the prepared bark in water for about twenty-four hours, +and then hammering it with a heavy mallet upon the rounded surface of a cut-down tree trunk (<a href="#d0e17511">Plate 79</a>). + +</p> +<p>The mallet used (<a href="#d0e17333">Plate 51, Fig. 3</a>), however, differs from the wooden mallet of Mekeo and the coast. It is a heavy black roller-shaped piece of stone, tapering +a little at one or both ends, and being broader at the beating end than at the holding end. It varies in length from 10 to +18 inches, and has a maximum width of about 2 or 2½ inches. The beating surface is not flattened, as is the case with the +Mekeo beaters, but it is rather deeply scored with a series of longitudinal and transverse lines, crossing each other at right +angles, or nearly so. This scoring generally covers a surface space of about 3 inches by 1 or 2 inches, and is done with pointed +pieces of similar stone, or with the tusks of wild pigs. + +</p> +<p>As the hammering proceeds the bark becomes thinner and larger in surface, and when this process is finished, the cloth is +hung up to dry. + +</p> +<p>The colouring of the cloth, if and when this is added, is done by men only, and, like body-staining, is nearly always in either +red, yellow, or black. The red stain is obtained from the two sorts of earth used for red face and body-staining, being, as +in the other case, mixed with water or animal fat, so as to produce a paste. Another source of red stain used for cloth is +the fruit of a wild tree growing in the bush, which fruit they chew and spit out. I do not know what the <a id="d0e5222"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5222">203</a>]</span>tree is, but I do not think it is the Pandanus, whose fruit is, I believe, used for body-staining. The yellow stain is obtained +from the root of a plant which I understand to be rather like a ginger. They dry the root in the sun, and afterwards crush +it and soak it in water, and the water so coloured becomes the pigment to be used. The black stain is obtained in the same +way as that used for face-staining. These dyes are put on to the cloth with the fingers, which the men dip into the dye, or +with feathers. In making a design they do not copy from a pattern placed before them, nor do they first trace the design on +the cloth. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Netting.</h3> +<p>In dealing with netting, I should begin with the making of the string; but, as I think the method adopted is not confined +to the mountains, it is perhaps sufficient to refer to my previous description of thread-making in connection with the manufacture +of leg-bands; though in most netting the strings are necessarily very much thicker and stronger than are the threads used +for leg-bands, and they are three-stranded. + +</p> +<p>Hunting and fishing nets are made by men in a simple open form of netting, worked on the common principle of the reef knot, +and having diamond-shaped holes, with a knot at each corner of each hole. I shall refer to this form of netting as “ordinary +network.” The nets are made of thick, strong material, except as regards the hand fishing nets, which are <a id="d0e5231"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5231">204</a>]</span>made of the fine material used for making leg-bands. These nets are never coloured. + +</p> +<p>Hammocks are made by men. They are sometimes done entirely with ordinary network, and are then, I think, similar to Mekeo-made +hammocks; but often only two or three lines of netting are done in this way, the rest of the net being made in a closer and +finer pattern of interlacing knotless network, which is never adopted on the coast and Mekeo plains (all nets of this description +found there having come down from the mountains) and which I will call “Mafulu network.”<a id="d0e5235src" href="#d0e5235" class="noteref">1</a> I have watched the making of one of these nets, and will endeavour to describe the process. The ultimate result of the Mafulu +network part of this is shown in <a href="#d0e17521">Plate 81</a>. + + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e5242" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 8. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/b204.gif" alt="Mafulu Net Making (1st Line of Network)."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Mafulu Net Making (1st Line of Network).</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p>The maker first formed a base line of three strands of native string stretched out horizontally. This base line is marked +<i>a b</i> in <a href="#d0e5242">Fig. 8</a>. He then wound a long length of netting string round a rough piece of stick to be used as a sort of netting shuttle. He next +worked the netting string on to the base line by a series of loops or slip-knots as shown in <a href="#d0e5242">Fig. 8</a>, strand <i>c</i> of each loop bending upwards and becoming <a id="d0e5260"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5260">205</a>]</span>strand <i>d</i> of the next loop to the right, and the series of loops extending for the whole length of the base line, and thus constituting +the first loop line of the net. The hitches of the loops, which appear loose and open in the figure for the purpose of showing +their construction, were really drawn tight on the base line. On to these loops he then worked one line of ordinary network, +as shown in <a href="#d0e5277">Fig. 9</a>, the strings <i>a b c d</i> in this figure being the loops above mentioned, and the knots of this also being, of course, drawn tight, and not made loose +and open, as shown in the figure. The base of this line again formed a series made one of these lines of mesh for my instruction; +but it is usual in the making of hammocks to have two or three of them, as appears in the figure. The next stage commenced +the Mafulu network. The form of this is shown in <a href="#d0e5282">Fig. 10</a>; and here again the actual network was more closely drawn than is shown in the illustration, though it was not drawn tight, +as in the case of the ordinary network. The first line of Mafulu network was worked on to the loops above <a id="d0e5274"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5274">206</a>]</span>it, so as to form a continuous line, in which many loops of Mafulu work were attached to each loop of the line of ordinary +work above, the former being considerably smaller than the latter. The rest of the network is similarly made in the Mafulu +method, each loop of each line being connected with a loop of the line above, until the worker almost reaches the other end +of the hammock, which latter is finished off with ordinary network and a final base line, so as to correspond with the commencing +end. Often there are only four or five loops of Mafulu network attached to each loop of ordinary network above them; and I +have seen hammocks in which the mesh of the ordinary network part is much smaller, so that each loop of the bottom line of +this mesh has attached to it only one loop of the top line of Mafulu mesh; and this last variation is common as regards carrying +bags. + + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e5277" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 9. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/b205.gif" alt="Mafulu Net Making (2nd, 3rd, and 4th Lines of Network)."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Mafulu Net Making (2nd, 3rd, and 4th Lines of Network).</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e5282" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 10. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/b206.gif" alt="Mafulu Net Making (5th Line of Network, to which Rest of Net is similar in Stitch)."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Mafulu Net Making (5th Line of Network, to which Rest of Net is similar in Stitch).</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p>The hammocks are never coloured; but they are sometimes decorated with a few Pandanus or <i>malage</i> seeds hung from their borders. + +</p> +<p>The different forms of carrying bags have already <a id="d0e5293"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5293">207</a>]</span>been referred to. I will now deal with their manufacture and colouring. They are made exclusively by women; and the fibres +used in their manufacture are not the same as those employed for making nets and hammocks. I will deal separately with the +five forms already described by me. + +</p> +<p>Nos. 1 and 2 are made of either ordinary or Mafulu network, and are never coloured. When these, or any other bags, are made +of Mafulu network, their elasticity is very great. No. 3 is always made of Mafulu network, and coloured. No. 4 is made of +Mafulu network, and is sometimes coloured, and sometimes not. No. 5 is made of Mafulu network, and is sometimes coloured. +The string used in making this bag is different from that used for the others, and is obtained from the bark of a small shrub. + +</p> +<p>The question of manufacture introduces another form of bag (<a href="#d0e17355">Plate 53, Fig 3</a>), which I may call No. 6. It is used by men for the purposes of No. 4, and No 5 is also sometimes made in the same way. The +method of manufacture of No. 6 is, I was told, an uncommon one; and, though I was able to procure one of these bags, I had +not an opportunity of observing the process by which it was made. The appearance of the bag, however, suggests a process not +unlike that of knitting. Its outer surface displays a series of thick, strong trie ord-plaited, vertical ridges, all close +together, and looking very like the outside ridges of a knitted woollen stocking; but on the inner surface these ridges are +not to be seen, and the general appearance of this inside is one of horizontal lines. <a id="d0e5302"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5302">208</a>]</span>The material of this bag is much closer, thicker and heavier than is that of any of the others. + +</p> +<p>The colouring of Nos. 3, 4 and 5 is not put into the netting after its manufacture, as is done with bark cloth. The string +itself is dyed beforehand, and the lines of colour are worked into the bag in the process of netting. The colouring is confined +to the front of the bag only, being the part which is visible when the bag is worn hanging over the back or shoulder. Speaking +generally, the colouring is black; but there is often a little red introduced along with the black. The pattern is in the +general form of parallel horizontal lines or stripes, which, however, are in places made to recess or turn downwards or upwards +at right angles, and subsequently turn upwards or downwards again, and then continue horizontally as before, thus giving variety +to the mere design of straight horizontal lines; and these rectangular breaks are often introduced at more or less symmetrical +intervals. There are other details in these patterns, which can be observed in the plate. I have one of these bags the lines +in which are blue, red and yellow; but I think this colouring is not usual. The pigments are obtained from the sources described +above with reference to bark cloth. + +</p> +<p>The colouring of my specimen of No. 6 bag is also worked into the bag in the process of knitting, or whatever that process +should be called. But this colouring merely consists of four faint horizontal lines of pale reddish-brown; and I was told +that these bags are generally uncoloured, or only slightly coloured in thin lines. +<a id="d0e5308"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5308">209</a>]</span></p> +<p>The mourning vests worn by chiefs’ widows are, I believe, made of Mafulu network; but unfortunately I did not see one of these, +and so cannot describe them. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Art, Design, etc.</h3> +<p>Art and design among the Mafulu people are only of a simple and primitive type. There is no carving or other decoration on +their houses, or even on their <i>emone,</i> nor is there any on their stone or wooden implements. Art and design, other than the arrangement of feather ornaments, is, +in fact, apparently confined to the very simple designs scratched upon some of their broad abdominal belts, smoking pipes +and lime gourds and perhaps occasionally on one or two other things, and to the plaited designs displayed in the manufacture +of other abdominal belts and of arm and leg ornaments and plaited forehead ornaments and feather frames, and to the very simple +linear patterns in which some of their network is made, and the ground-staining and pattern-colouring of their perineal bands, +dancing aprons and ribbons. As regards the latter, the designs are of a very simple nature, never apparently representing +anything either realistically or conventionally, and being confined to geometric designs of straight lines and bands, rectangular +and zig-zag patterns with coloured triangles within the zig-zag patterns, and spots. The patterns of the perineal bands and +dancing ribbons are very simple indeed; but those of the dancing aprons are more elaborate, covering a considerable surface +of <a id="d0e5319"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5319">210</a>]</span>cloth, and often displaying a fair variety of design on the same apron. + +</p> +<p>The Mafulu have no visible method of recording events or numbers, or sending messages, either by marks or notches on sticks, +or tying of knots in string, or any other method, and they are quite unable to grasp the meaning of a map. + +</p> +<p>The limited nature of the ideas of artistic design possessed by the Mafulu people is, I think, a matter for surprise. They +are believed to have Papuan or Papuo-Melanesian blood in their veins. But, even if they also have another distinct and more +primitive ancestry of their own, not associated with the Papuo-Melanesian types, or even with the pure Papuan types, found +on the coast and in the plains, one would imagine that contact with these types would have caused the Mafulu people to learn +something of the more advanced art which these other peoples display and that we should not have to record a sudden drop from +artistic designs embodying curves and natural imitative art to a system confined to straight lines, zig-zags, and spots. This +contact with the coast and plain people, or at all events with the latter, has certainly existed for some time back; for, +though the mutual fear and antagonism between coast and mountain natives, which is usually found among savage peoples, has +doubtless existed in this case, and is even now not altogether eradicated,<a id="d0e5325src" href="#d0e5325" class="noteref">2</a> direct or indirect trading <a id="d0e5328"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5328">211</a>]</span>relationship, including in particular the interchange of the stone implements and feathers of the mountains for the shell +decorations of the coast, is not a mere recent development of the last few years only. It seems to me that the existence of +this decorative hiatus points to a rather small inherent sense of design in the Mafulu mind. It may be, however, that the +absence of imitative art, to which I have already referred in connection with totemism and clan badges, is partly due to the +absence of totemism and of the imitative stimulus, which, as Dr. Haddon has more than once pointed out,<a id="d0e5330src" href="#d0e5330" class="noteref">3</a> arises from it. + + + +<a id="d0e5339"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5339">212</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5235" href="#d0e5235src" class="noteref">1</a></span> I have examined at the British Museum some net work of the dwarf people of the interior of Dutch New Guinea, brought home +by the recent expedition organised by the British Ornithologists’ Union, and found it to be similar in stitch to the Mafulu +network. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5325" href="#d0e5325src" class="noteref">2</a></span> The 1910 comet was regarded by some of the Mekeo people with terror, because they thought it presaged a descent of the mountain +natives upon themselves. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5330" href="#d0e5330src" class="noteref">3</a></span> See <i>Evolution in Art</i> (1895), p. 264; and <i>Geographical Journal</i>, Vol. 16, p. 433. +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e5340"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Music and Singing, Dancing and Toys and Games</h2> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Music and Singing.</h3> +<p>The Mafulu people are naturally musical and have good musical ears—much more so than is the case in Mekeo and on the coast, +thus conforming to what I believe to be a general rule that music is usually more indigenous in hill country than it is in +the plains. Their instruments are the drum, the jew’s-harp and a small flute; but the flute is not a true Mafulu instrument, +and has probably been acquired from Mekeo. + +</p> +<p>The drum (<a href="#d0e17485">Plate 75, Fig. 3</a>) is like the Mekeo drum, but smaller, and its open end is cut in deep indentations. The wooden body of the drum is made from +various trees. A pine tree is the favourite one; but others are used, including a tree the native name of which is <i>arive</i>, which word is also the native word for a drum. The membrane is made of the skin of a reptile, probably the “iguana.” The +maker of a drum must climb up the tree from the wood of which he is about to make it, and there, until the drum is finished, +he must remain sitting among the <a id="d0e5356"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5356">213</a>]</span>branches, or, if these are inconvenient for the purpose, he may erect a scaffold around the trunk of the tree, with a platform +on the top of it, and work upon that. Whilst working, he must always keep the upper or tympanic end of his drum facing the +wind, the idea of this being that the wind gets into the drum, and makes it musical. His food is brought to him, whilst in +his tree, by some woman, probably his mother if he is a bachelor, or his wife if he is married, and he lets down a string +by which he hauls it up; but he is under no special restriction as to the food he may eat. There is no superstition, such +as is found among the Roro and Mekeo people, compelling him, in the event of his seeing a woman during the making of the drum, +to throw it away and begin a new one. + +</p> +<p>The jew’s-harp (<a href="#d0e17142">Plate 20, Fig. 2</a>), though seen in Mekeo, is, I was told, as regards its manufacture, an instrument of the mountains. It is made out of bamboo +or palm, or some other tree having a hollow or soft interior, from which is cut a piece about 8 or 10 inches long. A portion +of this piece is cut away longitudinally, leaving for the making of the instrument only two-thirds or half, or even one-third, +of the convex outside stem circumference on one side and the flat surface of the cut-away part on the other, and the latter +is then hollowed out, leaving, however, a solid head an inch or two long at one end. The hollow piece thus produced is cut +into three longitudinal sections or strips, of which the two outside ones are longer than the central one. The two outside +strips are left at their full width from the head downwards to a <a id="d0e5363"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5363">214</a>]</span>distance of 2 or 3 inches from the other end, from which point they are cut away, very much as one would cut away the divided +nib of a quill pen, so that the actual tips of these two strips are quite slender, being no broader than their thickness. +These two ends are tied together with fine vegetable fibre. The centre strip, which is generally narrower than the other two +at its commencement by the head, is further reduced in width by a more immediate and gradual process of paring down, and so +becomes a very slender vibrating tongue or reed, the tip of which goes almost up to, but does not quite reach, the point at +which the tips of the two outer strips are bound together. A hole is bored through the solid head; and through this hole is +passed a thick string of native make from 5 to 10 or 12 inches long, secured at one end by a knot on the flat side of the +head, to keep the string from slipping out, and having at the other end a large, rough, ornamental tassel. The tassel is generally +in part composed of the untwisted fibres of the string itself; but to these is added something else, such as a bunch of feathers, +or two smaller bunches of feathers; and among these may be seen such miscellaneous articles as a fragment of dried-up fruit, +or a part of the backbone of a fish. For playing the instrument, they place its tail end, with the hollow side inwards, to +the mouth, holding the extreme tip of that end in the fingers of the left hand, and keep the tongue of the instrument in a +constant state of vibration, by smart, rapid, jerky pullings of the tasselled string. + +</p> +<p>The flute is merely a small simple instrument made <a id="d0e5367"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5367">215</a>]</span>out of a small bamboo stem, with one or two holes bored in it. + +</p> +<p>All these instruments are played by both men and women; but the jew’s-harp and flute are regarded only as toys. + +</p> +<p>I believe the Mafulu people occasionally sing at dances to the beating of the drums; but this is quite unusual; and they never +sing to the music of the jew’s-harp or flute. Both men and women sing, generally several or many together, not so often alone. +Their songs are all very simple, and are chiefly sung in unison or octaves. I was told that they sometimes accomplish simple +harmonies, the notes of which may simultaneously rise or fall either with the same or different intervals, or may rise and +fall in contrary motion; or the harmony may be produced by one man or part of the group sustaining a note, whilst another +changes it; and I myself heard an example of the latter of these, and also heard singing in which, while a group of men were +singing the same simple air, some of them were occasionally singing one part of it, whilst the others seemed to be singing +another part, thus producing a very simple catch or canon. I am not, however, quite certain as to this. Their songs are both +cheerful and plaintive; but the latter predominate, and are mainly in the minor key. The subjects of their songs are generally +sentimental love, and include ditties by young men about their sweethearts; and I believe that some of their songs are indecent, +though I am not sure of this. They <a id="d0e5373"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5373">216</a>]</span>also have warlike songs; and, when a special event occurs, songs are often composed with reference to it. For example, not +long ago a chief was taken by the authorities to Port Moresby, and died there; and songs about this were sung all through +his district. Anyone will compose a topical song; in fact, a man will begin singing one in the <i>emone,</i> making it up as he goes on, and the others will join. The men have a very pretty custom of singing together very softly when +at the end of the day they have retired to their <i>emone,</i> and have lain down to sleep, the singing being very gentle, and producing what I can only describe as a sort of crooning +sound, like a lullaby or cradle song. I once heard one of these songs sung by my carriers the last thing at night as they +lay beneath the floor of the building in which I was sleeping; and the effect was absolutely charming. + +</p> +<p>As an example of Mafulu music I give the following, which, though not, I fear, quite accurate, is I think a substantially +correct version of the music of a war song sung by the Mambule and Sivu communities in connection with joint hostilities by +them against another community, and I have so far as possible added the song itself. + + +</p> +<p></p> +<div class="divFigure"> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/music1.jpg" alt=""></p> +<p>1st Verse: E! e! e! Si-vu Mambule juju la em u jeka le + +</p> +<p>2nd Verse: E! e! e! Noul e nul em u ieka la bulu iuju le</p> +</div><p> + +<a id="d0e5396"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5396">217</a>]</span></p> +<p>It will be observed that the first line is whistling only. I was informed that it is a common practice to whistle the air +before singing the first verse; though I did not gather that it was always done. It will also be noticed that simple harmonies +occur in the fourth and fifth bars. I cannot say whether the two parts in the music are sustained or taken up by the voices +upon any defined scheme, and, if so, what that scheme is. Nor can I say whether the voices which take the lower notes in the +music are silent after the word <i>la,</i> or repeat that word in the sixth bar, with or without the upper voices, in order to bring the tune to a full close. I have +only given two verses; and, as regards the song in question, I doubt if there were any more. Unfortunately I am unable to +translate the words, and can only give the meanings of the following:— + +</p> +<p><i>E! e! e!</i> are merely meaningless exclamatory sounds, such as we have in civilised songs. <i>Sivu</i> is the name of a Fuyuge community close to the Mission Station, being, in fact, the one referred to by me in my chapter on +communities. <i>Mambule</i> is the name of another of these communities, further away from the station, being, as stated in my introductory chapter, +the name of the community from which the name Mafulu arises. I cannot give verbal explanations of any of the other words; +but I may say that a rough translation of the second verse is “My village, your village is alike (or equal.)” + + + +<a id="d0e5412"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5412">218</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Dancing.</h3> +<p>The Mafulu people, like other New Guinea natives, are fond of dancing, and indulge in it extensively, especially in connection +with feasts and ceremonies. + +</p> +<p>Their dancing is of an exceedingly active and lively character. The movements of the feet are lively and jumping, often half +a hop and half a run; and, whilst dancing, their heads are actively moving backwards and forwards and to both sides. The general +progressive movement of a dancing party is slow, but not a crawl; and the progress along the village enclosure is usually +accomplished by a series of diagonal advances, by which they zig-zag backwards and forwards across the enclosure, and in this +way gradually travel along it. Very often the dancers divide themselves into two parties, which in their zig-zag progress +alternately approach and recede from each other. The dancers are always facing in the direction in which at that moment they +are moving. Men and women never dance together, except at the big feast, where they do so in the way already described. + +</p> +<p>This method of dancing is in striking contrast to that of the Mekeo people, whose movements are generally very gentle and +slow, those of the feet, which are accompanied by a corresponding genuflexion, downwards and outwards, being a slow slight +step, usually barely more than a shuffle, the feet being hardly lifted off the ground, and those of the head being confined +to a slow and sedate backwards and forwards nodding. Also the progress of a party of <a id="d0e5422"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5422">219</a>]</span>Mekeo dancers is generally very slow,—a crawl,—so much so as often to be barely perceptible, perhaps two or three inches being +accomplished at each step, and the line of progress of a dancing party is usually a straight line down the village enclosure; +and more commonly, though not always, the position of each dancer is sideways to the then actual direction of progression. +And in Mekeo women and men often dance together in one group. + +</p> +<p>Another difference between Mafulu and Mekeo dancing is that among the Mafulu, though the drum-beating and dancing go on simultaneously, +the singing, in which all the dancers and non-dancers of both sexes join, does not usually take place during the actual dancing, +but only during periodic pauses, in which the drum-beating and dancing cease; whereas in Mekeo the drum-beating, dancing and +singing all go on continuously and simultaneously. As regards these Mafulu pauses in the dancing, I should explain that these +are quite distinct from the resting pauses (in which there is neither drum-beating, dancing, nor singing) which are customary +both among the Mafulu and the Mekeo people. + +</p> +<p>A further difference arises as regards the dancing decorations. Both Mafulu and Mekeo natives have elaborate high framework +head feather decorations, which are worn by some, but not necessarily all, of the dancers; and they are much ornamented about +their bodies. But the Mafulu people generally wear their finest and most beautiful feathers on their backs, whereas among +the Mekeo natives the head ornament <a id="d0e5428"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5428">220</a>]</span>is the chief feature of the decoration; and in Mekeo any man who has not a framework head decoration generally has sticking +in his hair a tall, upright feather, which sways slowly backwards and forwards in response to the slow nodding movements of +his head. + +</p> +<p>The special dancing ornaments worn by the Mafulu are the aprons worn by women, the ribbons worn by men and women, the forehead +ornaments worn by men, the long shell nose ornaments worn by both, and the huge head feather erections. But for dances the +people generally wear all the decorative finery they possess or are able to borrow; and they usually with special care paint +their faces in various colours, and their bodies red. + +</p> +<p>The comparison above given between the dancing of the Mafulu people and that of the people of Mekeo brings me to a suggestion, +made to me by Father Clauser, that the Mafulu mode of dancing had its origin in an imitation of that of the red bird of paradise, +and the Mekeo mode in an imitation of that of the goura pigeon. In support of this suggestion he gave me the following information +concerning the dancing of these birds, which may be compared with the description given above of the dancing of the Mafulu +and Mekeo natives respectively:— + +</p> +<p>The movements of the red birds of paradise, when dancing, are remarkably lively, the birds hopping and jumping about the tree +branches and from branch to branch, and bobbing their heads backwards and forwards and from side to side, almost as though +they had gone mad. The progression along the branches is <a id="d0e5436"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5436">221</a>]</span>fairly rapid; but there is not apparently any continuous line of progression in any given direction, and the birds seem to +have a curious way of approaching and receding from each other as they do so. The birds always face in the direction in which +they are at the time moving, and do not dance sideways. Moreover, the dance is an alternation of wild dancing and intermittent +pauses; and during the dancing both the males and females are silent, but during the pauses they are uttering their songs +or cries. + +</p> +<p>The dancing movements of the goura pigeons are a gentle slow shuffle, and are accompanied by a slow bowing or nodding of the +head. The progressive movement is exceedingly slow, and is always a continuous one in the same direction, and it is usually +a sideways movement. The dancing and accompanying cooing of the pigeons go on continuously and simultaneously, and the rhythm +of the latter is curiously like the more usual rhythm of the Mekeo drums. + +</p> +<p>I have unfortunately never had opportunities of observing the dancing of either of these birds, and so cannot personally vouch +for the correctness of the above descriptions of them. But Father Clauser has often watched them, and he is undoubtedly a +careful observer, upon whose testimony we may rely; and I may add that my efforts since my return to England to obtain evidence, +confirmatory or otherwise, of these descriptions have produced confirmation of some of the facts stated, and have not produced +any contradictions. + +</p> +<p>Then again attention must be drawn to the fact <a id="d0e5444"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5444">222</a>]</span>that the magnificent feather decoration of the bird of paradise is mainly upon or springing from its back or body, whilst +the goura pigeon’s sole projecting decoration, and perhaps its chief beauty, is the crest upon its head, to which the Mekeo +single upright head feather may be likened. + +</p> +<p>My efforts to obtain light from native sources upon this question of imitation in Mafulu were fruitless, as the natives questioned +knew nothing of it; and on my return from Mafulu to the coast I did not again pass through the Mekeo villages. But on reaching +the coast I made further enquiries upon the subject from the Fathers there of the Mission, and obtained three interesting +pieces of information. First, I was told that the Mekeo clan Inawae of the Mekeo village Oriropetana, whose clan badge is +the goura pigeon, and who are not allowed to kill and eat it, and whose bird totem it appears to be, say that they are descended +from the goura pigeon, and that an ancestor of theirs, though himself a man, had all the powers and faculties of movement +of those birds, and that he used to dance with them, and so learnt the dance and taught it to his people. Unfortunately no +enquiry had been made as to the question of any imitative character in their present dancing, and the information only emanated +from a particular clan with a particular association with the bird. I therefore do not attach undue general importance to +this case.<a id="d0e5448src" href="#d0e5448" class="noteref">1</a> +<a id="d0e5459"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5459">223</a>]</span></p> +<p>Secondly, I was told that the Pokau people, whose dance is practically the same as that of the Mekeo people, themselves say +that their dancing is an imitation of that of the goura pigeon. This certainly tends to support Father Clauser’s suggestion +as regards Mekeo. Thirdly, some natives of Kuni, who are undoubtedly very similar and closely related to the Mafulu, and whose +dancing is very similar to that of the latter, were questioned on the subject in my presence, and under my direction. The +question put was, “When Kuni people are dancing, are they in their dance imitating anything, and if so what?” (no mention +or suggestion being made of a bird or of anything else). The answer was that they were imitating the dance of the <i>goloala</i>, which I was told was not the red bird of paradise, but was another small species of that bird with a yellowish-white body, +yellow head and yellowish-white wings. The leading question was then put to them, whether they were sure the bird was the +yellow one described by them, and not the red one; which question was answered definitely in the affirmative. And subsequently, +when, in order to test their definiteness and certainty in what they had told me, I showed them a few postcard pictures of +birds of paradise, which included the red one and others, but not one such as is above described, and almost invited them +to recognise one of these as being the bird they meant, they were firm in <a id="d0e5465"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5465">224</a>]</span>their insistence that the bird to which they referred was not shown in any of the pictures. This, I think, helps to support +Father Clauser’s suggestion as regards the Mafulu, subject of course to the question of the variety of bird of paradise which +is imitated. + +</p> +<p>Dealing with this question of imitation as a whole, and taking into consideration the apparently marked similarities between +the dancing of the two tribes of natives and the two genera of birds, and the further element, perhaps not so strong, as to +the similarities in distribution upon the bodies of their decorations, and bearing in mind the evidence obtained from native +sources, which, though obviously only fragmentary and insufficient in character, is so far as it goes distinctly confirmatory, +I am impelled to suggest that Father Clauser’s theory is not without foundation, and indeed amounts, subject to the question +of the species of bird of paradise, to a very substantial possibility. And it is undoubtedly an interesting one.<a id="d0e5469src" href="#d0e5469" class="noteref">2</a> + + + +<a id="d0e5486"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5486">225</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Toys and Games.</h3> +<p>The Mafulu children have neither dolls nor other toys, and do not make cat’s-cradles. The young boys amuse themselves with +small bows and arrows and spears, which they make themselves. One common sport is for the boys, armed with their spears, to +stand in a row and for another boy to roll in front of them a ball, made out of the root of a banana tree, with its many rootlets +intertwined, and for the boys to try to hit it with their spears as it passes them. A similar game is played in Mekeo and +on the coast; but there the ball is often made out of the outer fibre of a cocoanut. Small boys and girls amuse themselves +with glissading down the steep grassy slopes. There is also a sort of fighting game for boys, in which young men sometimes +join. A number of them divide themselves into two opposing groups, all armed with little darts, made of reeds on which a few +leaves are left at the head ends; and these two groups mutually attack each other, advancing and retreating, according <a id="d0e5492"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5492">226</a>]</span>to the fortunes of the fight. Boys, and men also, play at tug-of-war, using long canes for ropes; and boys and girls have +swings, constructed either by looping two flexible rope-like tree stems together at the bottom, or with a single rope, with +a loop at the bottom, in which to place their feet. But there are no racing or jumping or gymnastic games, and no group or +singing children’s games. + + + +<a id="d0e5494"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5494">227</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5448" href="#d0e5448src" class="noteref">1</a></span> I would point out, however, that the Inawae clan is part of, and is probably largely representative of, the original Inawae +<i>ngopu</i> group of the great Biofa tribe of Mekeo, and that this Inawae group is rather widely <a id="d0e5453"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5453">223n</a>]</span>scattered over Mekeo (see Seligmann’s <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 321 and pp. 369 to 372); so that the information obtained is probably not really of a merely local character. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5469" href="#d0e5469src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Sir W. Macgregor, in describing (<i>Ann. Rep.</i>, June, 1890, p. 47) the movements and actions of the Kiwai (Fly river mouth) natives prior to a canoe attack by them upon +him, says: “The canoes darted hither and thither, as if performing a circus dance or a Highland reel, and all these movements +were accompanied by the chant of a paean that sounded as if composed to imitate the cooing—soft, plaintive, and melodious—of +the pigeons of their native forests”; and he refers to the performance as a “canoe choral dance.” It was, of course, not a +dance in the sense in which I am dealing with the subject here; but the apparently imitative character of the singing is perhaps +worth noticing in connection with this dancing question. See also the description (<i>Country Life</i>, March 4, 1911) by Mr. Walter Goodfellow, the leader of the recent expedition into Dutch New Guinea, of the dancing and accompanying +singing of the Mimika natives whom he met there, and his suggestion that the final calls of these songs were derived from +that of the greater paradise bird. Mr. Goodfellow has since told me with reference to these Mimika songs that he was forcibly +struck by the resemblance of the termination of <i>most</i> <a id="d0e5480"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5480">225n</a>]</span>of the songs to the common cry of the greater bird of paradise, and said: “They finished with the same abrupt note, repeated +three times (like the birds).” Dr. Haddon has been good enough to lend me the manuscript of his notes on the dances performed +in the islands of Torres Straits, which will probably have appeared in Vol. IV. of the <i>Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits</i> before this book is published. Here again I find interesting records of imitative dancing. One dance imitates the swimming +movements of the large lizard (Varanus), another is an imitation of the movements of a crab, another imitates those of a pigeon, +and another those of a pelican. At a dance which I witnessed in the Roro village of Seria a party from Delena danced the “Cassowary” +dance; and Father Egedi says it is certainly so called because its movements are in some way an imitation of those of the +cassowary. +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e5495"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Counting, Currency and Trade</h2> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Counting.</h3> +<p>Mafulu counting is accomplished by the use of two numerals (one and two) and of the word “another” and of their hands and +feet<a id="d0e5503src" href="#d0e5503" class="noteref">1</a>; and with these materials they have phraseology for counting up to twenty as follows:— + +</p> +<p>1 = <i>Fida</i> (one). + +</p> +<p>2 = <i>Gegedo</i> (two). + +</p> +<p>3 = <i>Gegedo minda</i> (two and another). + +</p> +<p>4 = <i>Gegedo ta gegedo</i> (two and two). + +</p> +<p>5 = <i>Gegedo ta gegedo minda</i> (two and two and another) [or <i>Bodo fida</i> (one hand)]. + +</p> +<p>6 = <i>Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo</i> (two and two and two). +<a id="d0e5545"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5545">228</a>]</span></p> +<p>7 = <i>Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo minda</i> (two and two and two and another) [or <i>Bodo fida ta gegedo</i> (one hand and two) ]. + +</p> +<p>8 = <i>Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo</i> (two and two and two and two) [or <i>Bodo fida ta gegedo minda</i> (one hand and two and another) ]. + +</p> +<p>9 = <i>Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo minda</i> (two and two and two and two and another) [or <i>Bodo fida ta gegedo ta gegedo</i> (one hand and two and two) ]. + +</p> +<p>10 = <i>Bodo gegedo</i> (two hands). + +</p> +<p>11 = <i>Bodo gegedov’ u minda</i> (two hands and another). [Note the “v” at the end of gegedo. The full word is really <i>gegedove</i>; but it is shortened to <i>gegedo</i>, unless the next word is a vowel. Also note the “u.” There are two words for “and,” namely <i>ta</i> and <i>une</i>. The “u” here is the <i>une</i> shortened, and put instead of <i>ta</i> for euphony]. + +</p> +<p>12 = <i>Bodo gegedo ta gegedo</i> (two hands and two). + +</p> +<p>13 = <i>Bodo gegedo ta gegedo minda</i> (two hands and two and another). + +</p> +<p>14 = <i>Bodo gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo</i> (two hands and two and two). + +</p> +<p>15 = <i>Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida</i> (two hands and one foot). + +</p> +<p>16 = <i>Bodo gegedo ta jovari fidari u minda</i> (two hands and one foot and another). [Note the “n” at the end of <i>fida</i>. The full word is really <i>fidane</i>, and the “n” is introduced here for euphony.] +<a id="d0e5629"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5629">229</a>]</span></p> +<p>17 = <i>Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida ta gegedo</i> (two hands and one foot and two). + +</p> +<p>18 = <i>Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida ta gegedo minda</i> (two hands and one foot and two and another). + +</p> +<p>19 = <i>Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida ta gegedo ta gegedo</i> (two hands and one foot and two and two). + +</p> +<p>20 = <i>Bodo gegedo ta jovari gegedo</i> (two hands and two feet). + +</p> +<p>As regards these numerals it will be seen that in some cases alternatives are given, whilst in other cases, where corresponding +alternatives would appear to be equally applicable, they are not given; the reason is that in these latter cases the alternatives +do not in fact appear to be used. + +</p> +<p>There is no numerical phraseology to indicate any number above twenty; and in the ordinary affairs of life, although numeration +can be carried in this cumbrous way up to twenty, they rarely use the numerals beyond ten, and anything over that will be +referred to as <i>tale, tale, tale, tale</i> (which may be translated “plenty, plenty, plenty, plenty”). + +</p> +<p>Important counting, such as that of pigs at a feast, is accomplished by the actual use of the hands and feet. The fingers +stretched open mean nothing; Closing down the thumb of the right hand indicates one; closing down also the first finger of +that hand indicates two; and so on with the other fingers of the right hand, till you reach the closing down of the thumb +and all the fingers of the right hand, which indicates five. Then, keeping all the right hand closed, they begin with the +left hand also. Closing <a id="d0e5659"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5659">230</a>]</span>down only the thumb indicates six; and so on as before, until the thumbs and all the fingers of both hands are closed, which +indicates ten.<a id="d0e5661src" href="#d0e5661" class="noteref">2</a> + +</p> +<p>Then they go to the feet. They keep both hands closed and together, and with the right fist they point to the toes, beginning +with the big toe of the right foot, and so along the other toes of that foot, and then go to the big toe of the left foot, +and so along the other toes of that foot, thus reaching the enumerative total of twenty. They do not, when wishing to indicate +a number, simply place their fingers and hands and feet simultaneously in the requisite position for doing so. They always +go through the whole process of finger and toe counting from the beginning. For example, to indicate eight, they turn in the +thumb and all the fingers of the right hand, and afterwards the thumb and two fingers of the left hand, separately, and one +alter another, until the right position is reached; and similarly as regards numbers over ten, they solemnly turn down all +the fingers one after another, and then point to the toes one after another, until they get to the right one for indicating +the desired number. When the fingers and toes of the person counting are exhausted, he has recourse to those of another person, +if he wishes to count further, although he has then passed the limit of numerical phraseology. For the purpose of counting +big numbers they are always sitting, and as in counting they exhaust hands and <a id="d0e5666"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5666">231</a>]</span>feet, the latter are put together, If, for example, they reach eighty, there are four men sitting, with all their hands and +feet crowded together; and if the number be eighty-three, there is also a fifth man with a thumb and two fingers of his right +hand closed up. Sometimes a number above ten, but not over twenty, is indicated with the hands only by counting up to ten +in the ordinary way, and then opening all the fingers and counting again, until they reach the requisite amount in excess +of ten. + +</p> +<p>I do not think it can be said that these people have in their minds any real abstract idea of number, at all events beyond +twenty. Each finger turned down and toe pointed to, in succession, seems to represent to their minds the article (<i>e.g.</i>, a pig) which is counted, rather than a step in a process of mental addition. But this is a matter upon which I can only +express myself in a very general way; and indeed the mental stage at which the mere physical idea of the objects counted has +developed into the abstract idea of numbers would in any case be exceedingly difficult to ascertain, or even, perhaps, to +define. + +</p> +<p>They never use pebbles or sticks or anything else of that kind, and have no method of recording numbers or anything else by +notching sticks; and they have no weights or measures. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Currency and Trade.</h3> +<p>The Mafulu people have no currency in the true sense, every transaction being one of exchange; but nevertheless some specific +articles, especially some of <a id="d0e5680"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5680">232</a>]</span>the dearer ones, can only be acquired by the offering of certain other specific articles, and certain things have definite +recognised relative values for the purpose of exchange. + +</p> +<p>As examples of the former of these statements, I may say that a pig used to be always paid for in dogs’ teeth—though this +practice is not now, I think, so strict—and that some of their finer head feather dancing ornaments and ornamental nose pieces +can still only be paid for in dogs’ teeth; also that there is a special kind of feather ornament, composed of many small feathers +fixed in a line on a string, which can only be obtained in exchange for a particular sort of shell necklace. + +</p> +<p>As examples of recognised relative values, I may state that the proper payment in dogs’ teeth for a pig is a chain of dogs’ +teeth equal in length to the body of the pig, the latter being measured from the tip of its nose to the base of its tail; +and that the payment for the special feather ornament is its own length of the corresponding shell necklace. + +</p> +<p>Exchange and barter is generally only engaged in between members of different communities, and not between those of the same +community. An apparent exception to this arises in the purchase of pigs at certain ceremonies above referred to; but in this +case it is really a matter of ceremony, and not one of ordinary barter. There are no regular markets, such as exist in some +other parts of the country, the exchange of goods being effected by one or more individuals going with their articles of exchange +to some other community, where they hope to get what <a id="d0e5688"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5688">233</a>]</span>they require. The nearest approach to a market arises intermittently when there is to be a big feast. Then the communities +giving, and invited to, the feast require a large supply of ornaments, especially for those who are going to dance, and probably +do not possess a sufficient quantity. They therefore have to procure these ornaments elsewhere; and the natural place to go +to is some other community, possibly a long way off, which has recently been in the same want of extensive ornaments for a +feast, and has procured and used them, and now has them, so to speak, in stock, and will be glad to dispose of them again. +Thus ornaments used for feasts are sold and resold and travel about the country very extensively. + + + +<a id="d0e5690"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5690">234</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5503" href="#d0e5503src" class="noteref">1</a></span> Compare the Western Papuans, who, according to Dr. Seligmann, also have only two numerals, but who are apparently not able +to count to anything like the extent which can be done by the Mafulu (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 4). According to Mr. Monckton the Kambisi (Chirima valley) people only count on their fingers and up to ten, not on their +toes and up to twenty (<i>Annual Report</i>, June, 1906, p. 89). Father Egedi told me that the Mekeo people only count on their fingers and up to ten. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5661" href="#d0e5661src" class="noteref">2</a></span> I believe that in Mekeo they begin with the left hand and with the small finger, thus reversing the Mafulu order of counting; +but I am not quite certain as to this. +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e5691"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Language</h2> +<p>I have been fortunate in having had some interesting and valuable linguistic material placed at my disposal for publication +by Father Egedi and in having had further material added to it by Dr. Seligmann and Mr. Sidney H. Ray. I have thought it better +to deal with it in five appendices, and I am greatly indebted to Mr. Ray for having undertaken the laborious task of their +compilation. I give the following explanation concerning these appendices. + +</p> +<p>(1) Is a grammar of the Fuyuge language. The original manuscript is the work of Father Egedi, the, materials from which it +was prepared by him having been collected in the Mafulu villages. The appendix is Father Egedi’s Grammar, translated and edited +by Mr. Ray. + +</p> +<p>(2) Is a short note on the Afoa language prepared by Dr. W. M. Strong, when he was Government Agent in Mekeo, and handed by +him to Dr. Seligmann for publication. To this note Mr. Ray has added a footnote. + +</p> +<p>(3) Is a note on the Kovio language prepared by Dr. Strong, and handed by him to Dr. Seligmann. <a id="d0e5702"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5702">235</a>]</span>This note refers to the languages spoken in the neighbourhoods of Inavarene and the Inava valley and of the Upper Lakekamu +river, all of which were found by Dr. Strong to be somewhat similar. The footnote is by Mr. Ray. + +</p> +<p>(4) Is a comparative vocabulary, prepared by Mr. Ray, of the languages of some of the different Papuan-speaking people of +the mountain districts of Central British New Guinea. The words in the “Mafulu” column are taken from a very lengthy MS. vocabulary +compiled by Father Egedi in Mafulu. Those in the “Kambisa” column were all collected by the Rev. P. J. Money in the Kambisa +villages of the Upper Chirima valley during Mr. Monckton’s expedition, referred to in my introductory chapter. Most of these +words are taken from the New Guinea <i>Annual Report</i> for 1905–6; but to them have been added other words, which had been collected by Mr. Money. The words in the “Korona” column +are taken from an MS. vocabulary prepared by Dr. Strong at Korona, also mentioned in my introductory chapter, and handed by +him to Dr. Seligmann. Those in the “Afoa” column are taken from an MS. vocabulary prepared by Dr. Strong in connection with +his Afoa notes, to which are added in square brackets some other words taken from Father Egedi’s vocabulary in <i>Anthropos</i> II., 1907, pp. 1016–1021, this vocabulary being there called by him Tauata. The words in the “Kovio” column are taken from +an MS. vocabulary prepared by Dr. Strong in connection with his Kovio notes, to which are added in square brackets some “Oru-Lopiku” +words <a id="d0e5712"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5712">236</a>]</span>collected by Father Egedi, and published in <i>Anthropos</i> II., 1907, pp. 1016–1021. As regards this column I must explain that Dr. Strong’s words were all collected within the districts +to which his notes refer, but that Father Egedi’s words, though in part collected there, were, I believe, in part collected +further to the east. + +</p> +<p>(5) Is a series of notes by Mr. Ray upon the matter contained in the previous appendices. + +</p> +<p>I am perhaps open to criticism for introducing into a book of my own notes on the Mafulu people such extensive material written +by others, and relating to other mountain districts as well as to that of the Mafulu; but my belief as to the probable similarity +in many respects between the Papuan-speaking natives of these central mountain districts, and the obvious value and importance +of the matter which has been so kindly placed at my disposal, justify me, I think, in introducing it; and indeed I should +be doing but ill service to New Guinea ethnology if I did not take advantage of these opportunities which have been offered +to me. + +</p> +<p>Though I am not qualified to discuss these materials from the grammatical and scientific linguistic point of view, there are +a few matters to which I should like to draw attention, as affecting statements appearing in this book, and which were written +by me before I received this linguistic material. + +</p> +<p>Regarding the question raised in my introductory chapter as to the extension of the Fuyuge linguistic area so far south as +Korona, it will be noticed that a <a id="d0e5725"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5725">237</a>]</span>large number of the words in the Mafulu and Korona columns are the same, or very similar. Dr. Strong, in some unpublished +MS. notes in Dr. Seligmann’s possession, to which I have had access, says as regards the Mafulu and Korona languages that +“there is nothing to show that the two languages may not be for all practical purposes identical,” and Mr. Ray in his concluding +notes classes Mafulu and Korona together as dialects of Fuyuge. The village of Sikube, mentioned by Mr. Ray, is, I believe, +on the Upper Vanapa river and north of Mt. Lilley, and so is well within the Fuyuge-speaking area as defined by the Fathers. + +</p> +<p>Concerning the Kambisa (Upper Chirima valley) column, the similarity of many of the words contained in it to those in either +the Mafulu or the Korona column is obvious; and it is curious that some of these words appear to resemble the Korona words +more than they do those of Mafulu. I also think I may say that the similarity between Kambisa words on the one hand, and those +of either Mafulu or Korona on the other, is almost equal to the similarity between Mafulu and Korona; and Mr. Ray classes +Kambisa along with Mafulu and Korona as dialects of Fuyuge. So the statement in the introductory chapter that the valley of +the Upper Chirima river is included in the Fuyuge area has, I think, stood the test of some detailed linguistic comparison. + +</p> +<p>The note by Dr. Strong upon what he calls the Kovio language and his Kovio vocabulary both relate to a district which is within +the Fathers’ Oru-Lopiku <a id="d0e5731"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5731">238</a>]</span>linguistic area; and I venture to repeat the suggestion, made in my introductory chapter, that for the present should adopt +the term Kovio for the two areas which the Fathers call Oru-Lopiku and Boboi, though eventually we may be able to distinguish +between these two areas. + +</p> +<p>The Afoa or Tauata area is the Fathers’ Ambo area. The Afoa column discloses a very few words which resemble the Fuyuge words; +but it seems obvious that the Afoa language does not belong to the Fuyuge group, and this is the view taken of it by Mr. Ray. + +</p> +<p>There are two matters in Mr. Ray’s classification in the fifth appendix which I wish to mention. It seems to have been already +assumed that the Rev. James Chalmers’ Kabana language could not have been collected on Mt. Victoria; and I would point out +that this mountain is quite outside what now appears to be the Fuyuge area. As regards the Afoa language the references by +Dr. Strong to Mt. Pizoko and Mt. Davidson bring me back to my observations upon the point in my introductory chapter. If the +Fathers are right in putting Mt. Pizoko within the Fuyuge area, it is hardly correct to say (see introductory chapter) that +the Afoa language is spoken in the villages on Mt. Pizoko; but it might well be, as quoted by Mr. Ray, that a Fuyuge native +in a Mt. Pizoko village spoke Afoa fluently, as this mountain is close to the Fathers’ Fuyuge-Afoa boundary. Also Mt. Davidson +is according to the Fathers in the Boboi area; but Dr. Strong seems to have regarded it as Ambo, and to have treated <a id="d0e5737"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5737">239</a>]</span>vocabulary matter collected from a native who came from a village “apparently on the slopes of” that mountain as having been +taken from an Ambo native. In this case, however, there seems to be some doubt as to where this native did in fact come from; +and the eastern slopes of Mt. Davidson are not far from the Fathers’ Afoa boundary. + +</p> +<p>I think that these linguistic materials, taken as a whole, are, so far as they go, well in accord with the delimitation by +the Fathers of the Fuyuge area, except as regards their view concerning Korona, as to which they did not profess actual knowledge, +and merely expressed a doubt, and subject to the point that, for linguistic purposes at all events, the Fathers’ use of the +word “Mafulu” as representing the whole Fuyuge area is perhaps not desirable, and would be better replaced by the term “Fuyuge,” +with subdivisions of “Mafulu,” “Korona,” and “Kambisa,” as given by Mr. Ray; though probably Sikube might be included in either +Mafulu or Korona, as geographically it is evidently between these two. + + + +<a id="d0e5741"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5741">240</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e5742"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Illness, Death, and Burial</h2> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Ailments and Remedies.</h3> +<p>All serious ailments occurring up to certain ages, and except in certain cases, are generally assumed to be the work of someone +acting in connection with a spirit; but, speaking generally, no efforts appear to be made by imprecation or other supernatural +method to propitiate or contend against these spirits, except by the use of general charms against illness, and except, so +far as the propitiation or driving out of the spirit is involved, by one or other of the specific remedies for specific ailments +mentioned below. The natives have, however, for common diseases cures of which some are obviously purely fanciful and superstitious, +but some are probably more or less practical. + +</p> +<p>The chief ailments are colds and complications arising from them, malaria, dysentery, stomach and bowel and similar complaints, +toothache and wounds. + +</p> +<p>Dysentery has recognised and accredited curers, both men and women. The operator chews and crushes with his teeth the root +of a vegetable (I do not know what it is) which they grow in their gardens, and then <a id="d0e5754"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5754">241</a>]</span>wraps it up into a small bundle in a bunch of grass, and gives it to the patient to suck. This remedy does not appear to be +effective. + +</p> +<p>There are men who are specially skilled in dealing with stomach and bowel troubles. The operator takes in his hand a stone, +and with the other hand he sprinkles that stone over with ashes. He then makes over it an incantation, in which, though his +lips are seen to be moving, no sound comes out of them; after which he takes some of the ashes from the stone, which he still +holds in his hand, and with these ashes he rubs the stomach of the patient, who, I was told, generally at once feels rather +better, or says so. + +</p> +<p>There are also women who deal with cases believed to be caused by the presence in the stomach of a snake, which has to be +got out. Here the operator takes a piece of bark cloth, with which she rubs the front of the patient’s body, but without any +incantation. Then, as she removes the cloth from the body, she makes a movement as though she were wrapping up in it something, +presumably the escaped snake; and afterwards she carries the cloth away with her, and the cure is thus effected. + +</p> +<p>A man with toothache will say that “a spirit is eating my teeth.” The people seem to have a knowledge of something inside +the teeth, the nature of which I am not able to state definitely, but which apparently is, in fact, the nerve, and they recognise +that it is in this something that the pain arises; but I could not ascertain the connection between this something and the +spirit which is supposed to cause the <a id="d0e5762"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5762">242</a>]</span>trouble. If the aching tooth can be got at, they adopt a method the native explanation of which was translated to me as being +a drawing or driving out of the mysterious something from the tooth. This is done in some way with an ordinary native comb, +without extracting the tooth itself; but how it is done I could not ascertain. There is no incantation connected with the +operation. Another cure is for the patient to chew the leaf of a certain tree (I do not know what tree), so that the sap of +it gets into the hole in the tooth, and thereby, as they think, draws or drives out this nerve, or whatever the something +may be. The Fathers of the Mission told me that both these two remedies do really appear to be effective. + +</p> +<p>Wounds are the speciality of many healers with special knowledge of the curative properties of various plants, and who gather +the plant, make an incantation over it, boil it in water, and then with that water wash the wound. There are also men who +operate surgically on wounds with knives made of stone or shell or bamboo. + +</p> +<p>Charms, probably of a poisonous nature, are used generally for the warding off of sickness, these being carried in the little +charm bags. + +</p> +<p>A general and universal cure for all ailments is a piece of bark, tied with a piece of string to the neck or head, all neck +ornaments having been first removed. + +</p> +<p>I regret that as regards all these matters I am only able to indicate shortly and generally the methods of cure, and can give +no further explanation concerning them. + + + +<a id="d0e5772"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5772">243</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Death and Burial.</h3> +<p><i>(Ordinary People.)</i> + +</p> +<p>When a man or woman is regarded as dying, he or she is at once attended by a woman whose permanent office it is to do this, +and who has other women and girls with her to assist her, these others including, but not necessarily being confined to, the +females of the dying man’s own family and relatives. The house is full of women; but there is no man there. This special woman +and the others attend the dying man,<a id="d0e5782src" href="#d0e5782" class="noteref">1</a> nursing him, washing him from time to time, and keeping the flies away from him; but they apparently do not attempt any measures +for curing him, their offices only beginning when he is regarded as dying. In the meantime they all wail, and there are also +a number of other women wailing outside the house. + +</p> +<p>The special woman watches the dying person; and when she thinks he is dead she gives him a heavy blow on the side of the head +with her fist, and pronounces him dead. She apparently does not feel his heart, or do more than watch his face; and I should +think it may often be that in point of fact he is not dead when the blow is given, and might perhaps have recovered. + +</p> +<p>Then the women inside the house say to one another that he is dead, and communicate the news to the people outside; whereupon +the men in the village all commence shouting as loudly as they can. <a id="d0e5789"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5789">244</a>]</span>The reason given for this shouting is that it frightens away the man’s ghost; but if so it is apparently only a partial intimidation +of the ghost, who, as will be seen hereafter, is subjected to further alarms at a later stage. The men communicate the news +in the ordinary way adopted by these people of shouting it across the valleys; and so it spreads to other villages, and even +to other communities. The man being dead, the wailing of the women inside and outside the house is changed into a true funeral +wailing song; but this latter only continues for a few minutes. The special woman and some others, probably relatives only, +remain in the house; but they do not touch the body at this stage. The other women, probably non-relatives, go out. The relatives +of the deceased, both men and women, immediately smear their bodies with mud, but no one else in the village does so. + +</p> +<p>This is the situation until the first party of women, generally accompanied by men, begin to come in from other villages of +the same, and probably of one or more other, communities. These people have been laughing and playing and enjoying themselves +on their way to the village, and do so freely until they get close to it. Then they commence wailing (not the funeral song) +and shouting, calling the deceased by a relationship term, such as father, brother, etc., though they may never have heard +of him before; and, doing this, they enter the village, and go to the house. The incoming women, but not the men, all arrive +smeared with mud. The women crowd into and about the house, still wailing as before, but not the funeral song. <a id="d0e5793"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5793">245</a>]</span>They all see the body; and each woman, after seeing it, comes out and sits on the platform of the house or on the ground outside. +The party of outside village women then cease their first wailing, and commence the funeral song, in which they are joined +by the female relatives of the deceased and other women of the village. But again this only lasts for a few minutes, the period +being longer or shorter according to the importance of the person who has died. + +</p> +<p>Other similar parties, coming in from other villages, go through the same performance as they come into the village; and in +each case, as the women of each fresh party come out of the house after seeing the corpse, there is a fresh outburst of the +funeral song on the part of all the women present, but always only for a few minutes. This goes on till the last batch of +visitors has arrived. The people of the village know when this last batch has come, because they have been told by cross-valley +shouting which villages are sending parties. The total number of women in the village is then generally very large. After +the last batch of visitors has arrived, and until the funeral ceremony, all the women again break out into the funeral song +for a few minutes about once an hour in the daytime, but not so often at night. + +</p> +<p>The funeral takes place probably about twenty-four hours after death. The body is now wrapped up by the special woman attendant, +helped by the female relatives of the deceased, in leaves, especially banana leaves, and bark of trees, and remains so wrapped +up in the house. +<a id="d0e5799"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5799">246</a>]</span></p> +<p>It is placed with the knees bent up to the chin, and the heels to the buttocks. In the meantime men of the village dig a grave +2 or 3 feet deep in the village open enclosure. When all is ready the funeral song begins again, the singers this time being +the female relatives of the deceased and the women who have come from outside villages, but not the other women of the village +of the deceased. Men of the village then carry the corpse, wrapped and doubled up, and place it, lying on its back, in the +grave. There is no real procession from the house to the grave, though all the people assemble at the latter; but during the +whole of the time, until the body is in the grave, the singing by the women of the funeral song continues. As soon as the +body is in the grave, all the men, both villagers and visitors, shout again as before, and for the same purpose. The grave +is then filled up, the women in the meantime singing as before; and when this is done the funeral is over. + +</p> +<p>The relatives of the deceased now go into mourning. The widow or widower or other nearest relative wears the mourning string +necklace already described. He or she, and also the other near relatives, smear their faces, and sometimes, but not always, +their bodies, with black, to which, as regards the face, but not the body, is added oil or water. Some more distant relatives, +instead of blackening themselves, wear the mourning shell necklace. And all this will continue, nominally without break, until +the mourning is formally removed, in the way to be explained hereafter. As a matter of fact, the insignia of mourning are +not worn <a id="d0e5804"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5804">247</a>]</span>without interruption, and the black smearing is by no means so retained; but on any special occasion the person would take +care to appear in mourning. There is a custom under which the widow or widower or other nearest relative may, instead of wearing +the mourning string necklace, abstain during the period of mourning from eating some particular food, of which deceased was +most fond.<a id="d0e5806src" href="#d0e5806" class="noteref">2</a> + +</p> +<p>In connection with mourning, I should also mention a curious custom, which I understand is common, though not universal, for +a woman who has lost a child, and especially a first-born or very clear child, to amputate the top end of one of her fingers, +up to the first joint, with an adze. Having done this once for one child, she will possibly do it again for another child; +and a woman has been seen with three fingers mutilated in this way.<a id="d0e5814src" href="#d0e5814" class="noteref">3</a> + +</p> +<p>The family of the deceased invite men and women from some other community, but only one community, to a funeral feast, which +is held after an interval of two or three days from the day of the funeral. On <a id="d0e5822"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5822">248</a>]</span>the day appointed these guests arrive. They are all well ornamented, but, with one exception, they do not wear their dancing +ornaments. One of them, however, usually a chief or the son of a chief of the community invited, comes in his full dancing +ornaments. All the guest men bring with them their spears, and perhaps adzes or clubs. + +</p> +<p>When they arrive the following performances take place, the village enclosure being left by the villagers empty and open:—First +two guest women enter the village enclosure at one end, and run in silence round it, brandishing spears in both hands, as +at the big feast; but they make no hostile demonstration. When these two women have reached their starting point, they again +do the same thing, brandishing their spears as before, and all the guest men, except the specially dressed one, follow them +by advancing with a dancing step along the enclosure, they also brandishing their spears, and also being silent. Thus the +whole group goes to the other end of the village, passing the grave of the deceased as they do so; then they turn round, and +come back again in the same way, but on their return they stop before they reach the grave. + +</p> +<p>Then the specially ornamented guest man enters alone, without his arms, but with his drum, which he beats. He dances up the +village enclosure in a zigzag course, going from side to side of the enclosure, and always facing in the direction in which +he is at the time moving; and during his advance he beats his drum., but otherwise he and all the other <a id="d0e5828"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5828">249</a>]</span>people are silent. When in this way he has reached the grave, the chief of the clan of the village where the funeral takes +place, who does not wear any dancing ornaments, approaches him, and removes his heavy head ornament. This ends the first part +of the ceremony; and the villagers and guests then chat and conduct themselves in the ordinary way. + +</p> +<p>Plates <a href="#d0e17526">82</a> and <a href="#d0e17531">83</a> illustrate scenes at a funeral feast in the village of Amalala. In the former plate the grave is very clear, and the remains +of an older grave are visible behind the post a little to the left. At the upper end of the village enclosure are the visitors, +who are about to dance along the enclosure past the grave, and then back again up to it. The figures in the <i>emone</i> behind are Amalala men, watching the performance. In the latter plate the visitor chief is seen dancing along the village +enclosure towards the grave. + +</p> +<p>In the meantime the members of the family of the deceased bring in one or more village pigs and some vegetables. A number +of sticks are laid upon the ground over the grave, the sticks crossing each other so as to form a rude ground platform (this +is not done by any particular person), and these sticks are covered with banana leaves.<a id="d0e5843src" href="#d0e5843" class="noteref">4</a> The pigs are placed on this platform, and are then killed by the pig-killer and cut up, and the vegetables and pieces of +pig are distributed by the chief of the clan, helped perhaps by the family of the deceased, among the male <a id="d0e5846"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5846">250</a>]</span>visitors. The one specially dressed visitor, being the only one who has really danced, gets much the largest share. For example, +if there be two or more pigs, he will get an entire pig for himself. Then the ceremony is over, and the guests return home. +The wood of the platform is not removed from the grave, but is left to rot there. The killing of the pigs at this ceremony +is regarded as the act which will, they think, finally propitiate or drive away the ghost of the departed. + +</p> +<p>It will be noticed that, though representatives from several communities may be invited and come to the funeral, only one +community is invited to the subsequent funeral feast, just as only one community is invited to the big feast, which latter +we must, I think, associate with the general superstitious idea of laying the ghosts of past departed chiefs and notables. +I cannot say what is the reason for the confinement of these invitations to one community only, but it must, I think, have +had some definite origin<a id="d0e5850src" href="#d0e5850" class="noteref">5</a>; and as to this I am struck by the similarity of the Massim idea, referred to by Dr. Seligmann, that an individual’s death +primarily concerns the dead man’s hamlet and one other hamlet of his clan, with which certain death feasts are exchanged, +other members of the clan being comparatively little affected.<a id="d0e5853src" href="#d0e5853" class="noteref">6</a> + +</p> +<p>As soon as possible after the funeral pig-killing, they catch some wild pig or pigs, and kill and eat them, and <a id="d0e5860"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5860">251</a>]</span>sweep down the village by way of purification ceremony, very much as they do in the case of the big feast, except that it +is on a very much smaller scale, and that the people do not afterwards leave the village. + +</p> +<p>The ceremony of removal of the mourning may take place after an interval of only a week or two, or of so much as six months, +the date often depending upon the occurrence of some other ceremony, at which the removal of the mourning can be carried out +without necessitating a ceremony for itself only. Visitors from some other community attend. The ceremony only applies to +the nearest relative—the person who wears the string necklace; but, on his or her mourning being ceremoniously removed, the +mourning of all others in respect of the same deceased ceases automatically.<a id="d0e5864src" href="#d0e5864" class="noteref">7</a> This nearest relative has to provide a village pig. There is a feast, and dancing and pig-killing and distribution of food +and pig, in the usual way, and this may be in the village of the deceased or in some other village of the community. The pig-killing +is done by the pig-killer under the platform of a chiefs platform grave, or on the site of it. The pig, specially provided +by the nearest relative, is bought and paid for by some person, as in the case of some of the ceremonies already described, +and this person, after the killing of the pig, without special ceremony, cuts off the mourner’s string necklace, dips it in +the blood of the pig, and throws it away; then he takes <a id="d0e5867"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5867">252</a>]</span>some coloured paint, usually red, and with it daubs two lines on each side of the face across the cheek of the mourner, who +of course at this ceremony will still have his black paint. If the mourner has been refraining from food, instead of wearing +the necklace, the ceremony is confined to the paint-daubing. Then the mourner pays this ceremonial pig-buyer for his services, +probably in feathers or dog-teeth, and the mourning is at an end. + +</p> +<p>There will at a later date be a purification ceremony, at which wild pigs will be killed, such as has already been described.<a id="d0e5871src" href="#d0e5871" class="noteref">8</a> + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Death and Burial.</h3> +<p><i>(Chiefs.)</i> + +</p> +<p>A dying chief is attended by the special woman and others in the way above described, except that many women of the clan are +there, and that this special attendance and its accompanying wailing begin earlier, perhaps two or three days earlier, than +in the case of an ordinary person, and that all the women of the clan who are not in the house wail outside it. + +</p> +<p>In this case, however, there is a special ceremony for ascertaining whether or not the chief is in fact going to die—a ceremony +which is usually performed at his own request. Some vegetable food, probably sweet potato, or perhaps sugar-cane or taro, +is given him to eat; and this he will do although he may be <a id="d0e5888"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5888">253</a>]</span>very ill, and may not have been taking food, though of course, if he were insensible or unable to eat, this special ceremony +could not be carried out. The inedible portions of this food, <i>e.g.,</i> the peel of the potato or the hard fibres of the sugar-cane, are then handed to certain magical persons of the community, +whose special duty it is to perform the ceremony about to be described, but as to whom I was unable to ascertain who and what +they are, and whether they have any other special functions besides those of this ceremony. Some of these portions of food +may even be sent to some similar magic person of high reputation in another community, in order that he also may perform the +same ceremony. Each of these magic persons also has handed to him a portion of a perineal band belonging to, and recently +worn by, the ailing chief. + +</p> +<p>Each of the magic men then wraps up the portion of food which has been given to him in the piece of band; and this he again +wraps up in leaves, and continues doing so until the parcel has become a round ball 4 or 5 inches in diameter. The men then +separate, and each of them goes off alone to a spot outside the village, where he collects some very dry firewood, and heaps +it up against the trunk of a tree to a height of, say, 6 feet. He then engages in an incantation, after which he puts the +ball inside the bottom of the wood pile, and lights the pile at the bottom. Then he lies down by this fire and closes his +eyes. After an interval of perhaps two to five minutes he gets up, as though awakening from a bad dream, and hears <a id="d0e5895"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5895">254</a>]</span>the wailing in the adjoining village, and asks himself what all this wailing is about; and he then appears to remember for +what purpose he is there, goes to the fire, and takes out the ball. If the fire has burnt or scorched the food wrapped up +in the ball, it is an indication that the chief is to die. If not, it indicates that he will live. These magic men then return +to the village, and report the result. If their report be that the chief is going to live, the people cease their wailing, +but if it be that he is to die, the wailing continues. + +</p> +<p>Pausing here for a moment, I may admit that, though I have told the tale of this ceremony, with its private cogitations—real +or pretended—of the magic men, as it was told to me, the tale is open to obvious questions. How can a magic man from a distant +community hear the wailing? What would happen if the results of the ceremonies of the various magic men were to differ? What +would be the situation if a chief whose death was indicated by the ceremony lived, or if one whose recovery was foretold became +worse and died? All these points I tried to elucidate without success; but possibly the answer to the query as to divergence +of results may be that the men take care that the results of their experiments shall not differ. + +</p> +<p>It is believed by the natives that, if a hostile community can secure some of the food remnants and band, and hand them to +their own magic man, for him to go through the same ceremony, he may maliciously bring about an unfavourable result, and thus +may cause <a id="d0e5901"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5901">255</a>]</span>the death of the chief. If the belief that such a thing had happened arose, it would be a <i>casus belli</i> with that other community; and a case is known in which an inter-community fight did occur on this ground. + +</p> +<p>If the report be that the chief is to die, the special woman attendant will give him the blow on the head, as in the case +of the ordinary villager. The shouting of the men outside when the chiefs death is announced is much louder than in the case +of a commoner; and as they shout they brandish their spears, and strike the roof of the chiefs house with the spear points, +and some of the men strike it with adzes and clubs. The spreading of the news to other communities is on a wider scale, and +the number of people who respond to the news and come to the funeral is very great, and includes a larger number of chiefs +and prominent men; there are more, and much larger, parties of them. The funeral song of the women, commenced on the announcement +of death, lasts much longer—indeed for hours. In fact, as numerous large bodies of people keep coming in, and some of these +coming from a distance may not arrive until just before the funeral, and as the funeral song has to be recommenced as each +fresh party comes in, and lasts so much longer each time, it follows that this funeral song practically continues without +ceasing from the moment when death is announced until the actual funeral. The immediate smearing by men and women of their +bodies with mud is done by all the members of the entire community. When the guests reach the village, they are all, both +<a id="d0e5908"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5908">256</a>]</span>men and women, smeared with mud, and they loudly call on the dead chief by his title <i>amidi</i>, or as <i>babe</i> (father). Also the various chiefs’ wives among the guests remain in the house after seeing the body, instead of coming out +with the other guest women. + +</p> +<p>The funeral does not take place till thirty-six or forty-eight hours after the death. The various chiefs’ wives take part +in the wrapping up of the body; and to the ordinary wrappings are added large pieces of bark cloth. + +</p> +<p>The grave<a id="d0e5920src" href="#d0e5920" class="noteref">9</a> is quite different from that of a commoner. There are two methods of sepulture adopted for chiefs, the grave being in both +cases in or by the edge of the open village enclosure. + +</p> +<p>The first of these methods is a burial platform, a very rough erection of upright poles from 9 to 12 feet high, the number +of which may be four, or less or more than that, at the top of which erection is a rude wooden box-shaped receptacle, about +2 or 3 feet square, and from 6 inches to a foot deep, and uncovered at the top, in which receptacle the corpse is placed. +Sometimes the supporting structure, instead of being composed of a number of poles, is only a rough tree trunk, on which the +lower ends of the branches are left to support the box. +<a id="d0e5925"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5925">257</a>]</span></p> +<p>The second method is tree burial. The tree in which this is done is a special form of fig tree called <i>gabi</i>, the burial box, similar to the one above described, being placed in its lowest fork, or, if that be already occupied, then +in the next one, and so on.<a id="d0e5931src" href="#d0e5931" class="noteref">10</a> A tree has been seen with six of these boxes in it, one above another. This tree is specially used for such burials. The +natives will never cut it down. In selecting a village site they will often specially choose one where one of these trees +is growing; and indeed the presence of such a tree in the bush raises a probability that there is, or has been, a native village +there.<a id="d0e5937src" href="#d0e5937" class="noteref">11</a> +<a id="d0e5975"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5975">258</a>]</span></p> +<p>If a burial platform afterwards falls down through decay, the people throw away all the bones, except the skull and the larger +bones of the arms and legs; and these they deal with in one of three alternative ways. They either (1) dig a shallow grave +in the ground under the fallen platform, and put the skull and special bones there, and then fill in the grave with soil, +on this put a heap of stones, and on these put the wooden remains of the collapsed platform, planting round them tobacco or +croton, or some other fine-leaved plant, or (2) they put the skull and special bones in a box on the <i>gabi</i> burying tree, or (3) they take them to the <i>emone</i>, and there hang them up till they are wanted for a big feast. In the same way, if a tree box falls, they retain only the +skull and large arm and leg bones, and replace them in a new box in the same tree. + +</p> +<p>We have already seen a chiefs burial platform in the two plates <a href="#d0e17439">69</a> and <a href="#d0e17446">70</a> relating to the big feast at Seluku, and the following plates are additional illustrations:—<a href="#d0e17536">Plate 84</a> is the grave of a chiefs child in the village of Malala. The supports of the grave rise from the village enclosure fence +behind, and are quite distinct from the underground commoner’s grave, which is seen in front. <a id="d0e5995"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5995">259</a>]</span>The positions of the two graves can be seen in the general view of the village (<a href="#d0e17384">Plate 58</a>). <a href="#d0e17541">Plate 85</a> is a group of graves of chiefs and chiefs’ relatives in the village of Tullalave (community of Auga). <a href="#d0e17546">Plate 86</a> shows the grave of a chiefs child in the village of Faribe (community of Faribe). The form of this grave is quite different +from those of the others, and is not, I think, so common, but a grave somewhat resembling it is seen in <a href="#d0e17394">Plate 60</a>. + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e17551">Plate 87</a> is a <i>gabi</i> fig tree, used for tree burial, near to the village of Seluku, and <a href="#d0e17556">Plate 88</a> shows the remains of an old burial box in one of its forks. The bones are still in this box, and indeed one of them may be +just discerned at the extreme left, close to the upright stem of the tree. + +</p> +<p><a href="#d0e17561">Plate 89</a> illustrates what I have said as to what is done when a burial platform falls down from decay. The skull and larger arm and +leg bones of the body have been buried underground, and upon these have been heaped first stones and then the remains of the +collapsed platform, and one little foliage plant and dried-up looking specimens of others can be seen around it. This picture +was taken in the village of Seluku, and the actual position of the grave in the village enclosure is seen in <a href="#d0e17369">Plate 55</a>. <a href="#d0e17566">Plate 90</a>, of an <i>emone</i> in the village of Voitele (community of Sivu) illustrates the alternative plan of hanging the skull and bones up in the <i>emone</i>. + +</p> +<p>At the funeral all the women present, those of the village and of the whole community and the guests, join in singing the +funeral song; but here again there is <a id="d0e6037"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6037">260</a>]</span>no actual procession, and the carrying of the body is not necessarily entrusted to any particular person. When the grave, +whether on a platform or on a tree, is reached, all the men present begin to shout loudly, and there is a terrible noise. +They all have their spears, but there is no brandishing of them. Then some men (anyone may do this) climb up to the box, and +others hand the wrapped body up to them, and they place it lying on its back in the box. This ends the actual burial ceremony. + +</p> +<p>The black mourning face, and sometimes body-staining is then adopted by all the people of the community, and perhaps also +by chiefs from other communities who have been friends of the dead chief. The special string necklace worn by the nearest +relative and the other family emblems of mourning are the same as in the case of an ordinary person, except that the chiefs +widow will probably also wear the special mourning network vest already described, and that the mourning shell necklace, which +in the case of an ordinary man is only worn by distant relatives, is worn by all the married men and women of the clan who +have or can procure it. + +</p> +<p>The subsequent ceremony and feast are in this case held one or two days after the funeral, the acceleration in the case of +a chief being necessary in consequence of the retention of the corpse above ground and the foul smell which immediately begins +to emanate from it. This feast is on a very large scale, though here again only one community is invited. The guests enter +the village just as they do in the case of the death of an <a id="d0e6043"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6043">261</a>]</span>ordinary person; but they are all specially well decorated, and the one guest who comes in full dancing ornaments will certainly +be a chief, or at least a chiefs son. The subsequent part of the ceremony, up to the removal of the head feather ornament +from the dancer, is the same; but this removal is done by the nearest male relative of the deceased chief, who will probably +be the person to whom the chieftainship has descended. Then follows the feast itself. The vegetables and village pigs for +the feast are provided by the whole clan, and are in very large quantities. No platform of sticks is placed on the grave, +the grave in this case not being underground; but the banana leaves are placed around (not under) the supports of the burial +platform, or around the trunk of the burial tree. The pigs are killed upon these banana leaves by the pig-killer and his helpers, +and the killed pigs are then placed in circles around the platform or tree, and are there cut up. The distribution of food +and pig’s flesh is made by the chiefs nearest male relative, with assistance, here again the special dancer getting the largest +share, and the ceremony is then over, and the guests return to their villages. + +</p> +<p>And now a true desertion of the village by its inhabitants takes place, as indeed is necessary, as the putrefying body is +becoming so offensive; and it will be at least two or three weeks before the emission of the smells is over. The villagers +all go off into the bush, with the exception of two unhappy men, more or less close relatives of the dead chief, who have +to remain in <a id="d0e6047"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6047">262</a>]</span>the village. Whilst there alone they are well ornamented, though not in their full dancing decoration, but in particular, +though not themselves chiefs, they wear on their heads the cassowary feathers which are the distinctive decoration of a chief, +and they carry their spears. There they remain amidst the awful stench of the decomposing body and all the mess and smell +of the pigs’ blood and garbage about the village. It is a curious fact that, in speaking of these two men, the natives do +not speak of them as watching over the body of the chief, but as watching over the blood of the killed pigs. + +</p> +<p>When the stench is over, the villagers in the bush are informed, and they then return to the village. Then follow the killing +and eating of wild pigs and sweeping down of the village, as in the case of the death of an ordinary person, but again on +a much larger scale. + +</p> +<p>It will be noticed that, though the desertion of the village after a big feast lasts for six months, that which follows a +chiefs funeral only lasts for a few weeks. + +</p> +<p>The removal of the mourning takes place after an interval which may be anything between one and six months. This is a special +ceremony, and will not be postponed for the purpose of tacking it on to some other ceremony, as in the case of an ordinary +person’s mourning removal; but other ceremonies will often be tacked on to it. The guests invited are from only one other +community. Here again the person actually dealt with is the chief mourner, and the removal of mourning from him or her terminates +the mourning for <a id="d0e6055"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6055">263</a>]</span>everyone. The village pigs for this occasion are provided by the dead man’s family, and not by the whole clan, as in the case +of a chiefs funeral feast. There will probably be two or three of such pigs provided; but, as the ceremony is also available +for various other ceremonies, there may be a considerable number of pigs killed. The dancing and pig-killing and feast are +the same as those of an ordinary mourning-removal ceremony, but on a larger scale. The pig-killing in this case is done round +the platform or tree on which the chief is buried. The buyer of the pig, who cuts off the mourning necklace and daubs the +face of the chief mourner, if not a chief, will at all events be a person of importance; but the ceremonies relating to all +these matters are identical with those already described. There is also the subsequent purification ceremony, at which wild +pigs are killed and eaten as before. + +</p> +<p>The graves of chiefs’ wives and members of their families, and other persons of special importance, are platform or tree graves, +like those of chiefs, and the funeral ceremonies on the deaths of these people are very similar to those of chiefs, though +they are on a scale which is smaller, in proportion to the relative smallness of the importance of the person to be buried; +and they are subject to a few detailed differences, which the difference of the situation involves. The special magic ceremony +for ascertaining if the patient is or is not going to die is not performed in the case of these people. + + + +<a id="d0e6059"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6059">264</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5782" href="#d0e5782src" class="noteref">1</a></span> Though here and afterwards I use the word “man,” it must be understood that the notes apply to deaths of women also. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5806" href="#d0e5806src" class="noteref">2</a></span> This food taboo is with the Mafulu only an optional alternative; but it may be compared with the corresponding food taboo +placed upon all the relatives of the deceased by the Koita (see Seligmann’s <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea,</i> p. 164). +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5814" href="#d0e5814src" class="noteref">3</a></span> I was told of this Mafulu practice as being adopted only on the death of the woman’s child. But the custom is referred to +by the Mekeo Government Agent (Mr. Giulianetti) in the <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1900, pp. 73 and 78; and, according to him, its adoption applies also to deaths of other relatives—husband, father, +and mother being especially mentioned by him—and he suggests that there are rules as regards these amputations, and says he +understood that a mother would cut off the first joint for her children, and the second for her husband, father, or mother. +He also gives information as to the way in which the amputation is effected. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5843" href="#d0e5843src" class="noteref">4</a></span> The sticks are seen in the plates, having been placed on the grave before the photographs were taken. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5850" href="#d0e5850src" class="noteref">5</a></span> I am not aware of any ground for believing that the community invited is one with which intermarriage is specially common. +Indeed, as stated above, I do not think that there are special matrimonial relationships between communities. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5853" href="#d0e5853src" class="noteref">6</a></span> <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea,</i> p. 13. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5864" href="#d0e5864src" class="noteref">7</a></span> I was told that in the Mekeo mourning-removal ceremony each of the persons wearing the insignia of mourning has to go through +the ceremony, which consists of the cutting of his necklace or something else with a shell. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5871" href="#d0e5871src" class="noteref">8</a></span> Compare Dr. Seligmann’s references in <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i> to the mourning removal ceremonies of the Koita (p. 165), the Roro (p. 277), and the Mekeo (p. 359). +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5920" href="#d0e5920src" class="noteref">9</a></span> I recognise that, though the terms “grave,” “bury,” and “burial” are correctly applied to the mode of interment underground +of an ordinary person, the term “grave” is clearly an incorrect one for the overground platform box and tree box in one or +other of which a chiefs body is placed; and the use with reference to this mode of disposal of the dead of the terms “bury” +and “burial” is, I think, at least unsuitable. But with this apology, and for lack of a short and convenient, but more accurate, +substitute adapted to the three methods, I use these terms throughout with reference to all of them. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5931" href="#d0e5931src" class="noteref">10</a></span> This Mafulu practice of tree burial is referred to in the <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1900, p. 63. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5937" href="#d0e5937src" class="noteref">11</a></span> Platform burial in one form or another is not peculiar to the Mafulu district. It is perhaps common among many of the mountain +people. Sir William Macgregor found it in the mountains of the Vanapa watershed (<i>Annual Report</i>, 1897–8, pp. 22 and 23), and Dr. Seligmann regards it, I think, as a custom among the general class of what he calls “Kama-weka” +(<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 32). Mr. J. P. Thomson records its occurrence even in the lower waters of the Kemp Welch river (<i>British New Guinea</i>, p. 53, and see also his further references to the matter on pp. 59 and 67). In view of a suggestion which I make in my concluding +chapter as to the possible origin of the Mafulu people, it is also interesting to note that platform or tree burial is, or +used to be, adopted, for important people only, by the Semang of the Malay Peninsula and the Andamanese. As regards the Semang, +though they now employ a simple form of interment, their more honourable practice was to expose the dead in trees (Skeat and +Blagden, <i>Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula</i>, Vol. II., p. 89); and, though the bodies of the Pangan (East Coast Semang) lay members were buried in the ground, those +of their great magicians were deposited in trees (<i>Ibid.</i>, Vol. II., p. 91); and apparently this was the case among the Semang as regards the bodies of chiefs (<i>Ibid.</i>, Vol. I., p. 587). And concerning the Andamanese it is recorded that the skeleton of a man who, for reasons given, was believed +to have been a chief was found lying on a platform of sticks placed across forks of a tree about 12 feet from the ground, +a mode which was compared with the method of underground burial which had previously been met with (<i>Transactions of the Ethnological Society, New Series</i>, Vol. V. <a id="d0e5960"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5960">258n</a>]</span>p. 42). Mr. Portman records (<i>History of our Relations with the Andamanese</i>, Vol. II., p. 547) similar tree burial of two chiefs and the wife of a chief, and refers to the practice of burying underground +“or, what is more honourable,” on a platform up in a tree (<i>Ibid</i>., Vol. I., p. 43). The practice is also mentioned by Mr. Man, who, after referring (<i>The Andaman Islanders</i>, p. 76) to underground interment and platform burial, of which “the latter is considered the more complimentary,” states +(pp. 76 and 77) that a small stage is constructed of sticks and boughs about 8 to 12 feet above the ground, <i>generally</i> (the italics are mine) between the forked branches of some large tree, and to it the body is lashed. +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e6060"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Religion and Superstitious Beliefs and Practices</h2> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Religion and Superstitions.</h3> +<p>These are subjects which I should hardly have ventured to introduce into this book if I had had to rely exclusively upon enquiries +made only during my stay among the Mafulu villages, without having the benefit of five years’ observation by the Mafulu Fathers +of the Mission. And, notwithstanding this additional facility, my notes on these questions will be found to involve puzzles +and apparent inconsistencies; and there is no part of the book which should be read and accepted with greater reserve and +doubt as to possible misunderstanding. Subject to this caution, I give the information as I have obtained it. + +</p> +<p>I heard nothing to justify the idea of the Mafulu people having any belief in a universal God or All Father; but there is +a general belief among them in a mysterious individual named <i>Tsidibe</i>, who may be a man, or may be a spirit (they appear to be vague as to this), who has immense power, and who once passed through +their country in a direction from east to west. Wherever you may be, if you speak of this <a id="d0e6073"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6073">265</a>]</span>personage, and ask to be told in which direction he travelled, they always point out one which is from east to west. They +believe that it was <i>Tsidibe</i> who taught them all their customs, including dancing and manufacture, and that he ultimately reached and remained in the +land of the white man, where he is now living; and that the superior knowledge of the white man in manufacture, and especially +in the making of clothes, has been acquired from him. The idea of his ultimate association with the white man can hardly, +however, be a very ancient tradition. One of the Fathers was seriously asked by a native whether he had ever seen <i>Tsidibe</i>. They seem to think that he is essentially a beneficent being. They regret his having left their country; but they have no +doubt as to this, and do not regard him as still continuing to exercise any influence over them and their affairs, have no +ceremonies or observances with reference to him, and do not address to him any supplications. As traces of his passage through +their country they will show you extraordinarily shaped rocks and stones, such as fragments which have fallen from above into +the valley, and rocks and stones which have lodged in strange positions. But there are no ceremonies with reference to these +and the natives have no fear of them, and indeed they will proudly point them out to you as evidences of this mysterious being +having been in their country, and of his power. They would not hesitate to touch one of these stones, but they would never +injure it. I learnt nothing about him which would justify me in suggesting that the Mafulu people <a id="d0e6081"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6081">266</a>]</span>deified him as an ancestor, or even regarded him as being one, though some of the matters attributed to him are perhaps not +dissimilar from those often attributed to deified ancestors.<a id="d0e6083src" href="#d0e6083" class="noteref">1</a> + +</p> +<p>They certainly have a lively belief in ghosts of people who have lived and died, and in spirits which have never occupied +human form, all of whom (ghosts and spirits) are evil disposed, and in sorcery. + +</p> +<p>Every human being, male and female, has during life a mysterious ghostly self, in addition to his bodily visible and conscious +self; and this ghostly self will on his death survive him as a ghost. There appears to be no idea of this ghostly self leaving +the body in times of sleeping or dreaming; though, if a man dreams of someone who is dead, he thinks that he has been visited +by that person’s ghost. + +</p> +<p>At death the ghost leaves the body, and becomes, and remains, a malevolent being. There is no idea of re-incarnation, or of +the ghost passing into any animal or plant, though, as will be seen hereafter, it sometimes apparently <i>becomes</i> a plant; and there is no difference in their minds between the case of a person <a id="d0e6110"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6110">267</a>]</span>who has died naturally and one who has been killed in battle or otherwise, or between persons who have or have not been eaten, +or who have or have not been buried, though in case of burial there are the methods of getting rid of the ghost; and there +is no superstitious avoidance of graves or fear of mentioning a deceased person by name, and no superstition as to the shadows +of living persons passing over graves and sacred places. Except as above stated, I found no trace of any belief in a future +state. + +</p> +<p>When on the death of a man or woman or child, the ghostly self leaves the body, or at all events when the funeral pig-killing +has been performed, the ghost goes away to the tops of the mountains, where apparently it exists as a ghost for ever. The +shouting immediately after the death, and afterwards at the funeral, are steps towards driving it there; and the pig-killing +ceremony completes the process. On reaching the mountains the ghost <i>becomes</i> one of two things. The ghost of a young or grown-up person up to, say, forty or forty-five years of age becomes the shimmering +light upon the ground and undergrowth, which occurs here and there where the dense forest of the mountains is penetrated by +the sun’s beams. It is apparently only the light which shimmers on the ground and undergrowth, and not that in the air. The +ghost of an elderly person over forty or forty-five years of age becomes a large sort of fungus, which is indigenous to the +mountains, where alone it is found. Any native who on a hunting expedition or otherwise meets with a glade in which this shimmering +<a id="d0e6117"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6117">268</a>]</span>light occurs will carefully pass round it, instead of going across it; and any native finding one of these fungi will neither +eat nor touch, nor even tread upon it; though indeed, as regards the eating, I understand that this particular fungus is one +of the poisonous non-edible forms. A native who, after the recent death of another, is travelling in the mountains, and there +finds a young fungus of this species only just starting into growth, will think that it is probably the ghost of the recently +departed one. + +</p> +<p>As regards the use by me with reference to both sunbeams and fungi of the word “<i>becomes</i>” I recognise that it may justify much doubt and questioning. The idea of actually <i>becoming</i> the flickering light or the fungus, as distinguished from that of entering into or haunting it, is a difficult one to grasp, +especially as regards the flickering light. I tried to get to the bottom of this question when I was at Mafulu; but the belief +as to actual <i>becoming</i> was insisted upon, and I could get no further. I cannot doubt, however, that there is much room for further investigation +on the point, which is of a character concerning which misapprehension may well arise, especially in dealing with such simple +and primitive people as are the Mafulu natives. + +</p> +<p>The foods of these ghosts in both their forms are the ghostly elements of the usual native vegetable foods (sweet potato, +yam, taro, banana, and in fact every vegetable food) and the ghostly elements of the excrement of the still living natives; +and the ghosts come down from the mountains to the villages and <a id="d0e6132"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6132">269</a>]</span>gardens to procure these foods. Here again the difficulty as to meaning above referred to arises, as they can hardly imagine +that the flickering lights cease to flicker in their mountain glades, or that the fungi cease to exist in their mountain habitats +during these food-seeking incursions; and yet, unless this be so, the superstitious difficulty is increased. A ghost is also +sometimes for some reason or other dissatisfied with his mountain abode; and he will then return to the village (not apparently +in the visible form of a flickering light or a fungus). + +</p> +<p>As the intentions of the ghost towards living humanity are always evil, his visits, whether for procuring food or in consequence +of dissatisfaction with his habitat, are feared by the people; but I could not ascertain what was the nature of the injuries +by the ghost to themselves of which they were afraid, nor could I hear of any actual instance of a disaster or misfortune +which had been attributed to the machinations of such a ghost. When sleeping in their dark enclosed houses, however, the people +fill up all openings by which the ghost might enter (this does not apply to the <i>emone</i>, the entrance openings of which are not closed at night; but perhaps the fact that a number of men are always sleeping together +there gives them confidence); and when the Mission Station at Mafulu was started the natives were amazed at the missionaries +daring to sleep alone in rooms with open doors and windows, through which the ghosts might enter. + +</p> +<p>Having by the shouting prior to and at the dead <a id="d0e6141"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6141">270</a>]</span>man’s funeral wholly or partially driven his ghost to the mountains, and in some way, as it would seem, further placated or +influenced the ghost by the subsequent pig-killing over or by his grave at the funeral feast, there is no method of which +I could gain information by which the people can actually keep him there, or prevent his periodic returns to the village and +gardens for food, or his return from a mountain home with which he is dissatisfied; and there are apparently no prayers, incantations +or other ceremonies for the purpose of placating, or intimidating, or in any way influencing the ghost. This statement is +subject, however, to the existence of the practice of pig-killing at the various other ceremonies before described (always +apparently done under or by or on the site of a chiefs grave), which is evidently superstitious in character, and must have +reference to the ghosts of the departed chiefs and notables, being intended, or having originally been intended, to placate +or influence them in some way or other; and especially it would seem that this must be so as regards the dipping of the mourner’s +string necklace in dead pigs’ blood at the mourning-removal ceremony, and as regards the pig-killing at the big feast, at +which the skulls and bones of all the then departed chiefs and notables are carefully collected, and made the objects of ceremonious +dipping in blood, or touching with bones so dipped, and after which these skulls and bones may be thrown away, as not requiring +further ceremony. And concerning all these ceremonies, if we bear in mind the special fear which many primitive people <a id="d0e6143"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6143">271</a>]</span>seem to have of the ghosts of their great men, as distinguished from those of the unimportant ones, it seems, I think, to +be natural that the graves and the skulls and bones of the great ones should be those which are specially dealt with, and +the dealing with which may possibly, so far as the big feasts are concerned, have been the original purpose for which the +feasts were held. + +</p> +<p>The mental attitude and conduct of the people towards ghosts may have originated in some form of ancestor worship, but I found +nothing now existing to indicate this; and in particular I could learn nothing of any recognition of, or ceremonial observances +with reference to, the individual ghosts of known persons, as distinguished from the ghosts generally. + +</p> +<p>I could find no direct information as to any belief in ghosts of animals or plants; but the fact that the living edible plants +have a ghostly self, upon which the human ghosts feed, seems to involve the idea during the life of those plants; and in that +case one sees no reason why the ghost of the plant should not survive the plant itself, just as the ghost of the living person +survives him at his death. Also the existence of a ghostly element in human excrement opens out a wide field of ghostly possibilities. + +</p> +<p>Spirits which have never been human beings are also malevolent; though when we come to the operations of magic men or sorcerers, +and to incantations and the use of charms, the powers in connection with all of which appear to be ascribed to spirits, it +will be <a id="d0e6151"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6151">272</a>]</span>noticed that these are by no means necessarily and invariably engaged or used for malevolent purposes. + +</p> +<p>I was not able to obtain any satisfactory information as to these spirits, or their supposed attributes, nor, except as regards +illness and death, as to the nature of, and ground for, the fears which the natives feel concerning them; indeed, this is +a subject upon which most natives all over the world are inclined to be reticent, partly or largely from fear. Even as regards +the sacred places which these spirits are supposed to haunt, though the natives are not unwilling to pass them, and will mention +the fact that they are sacred, they are unwilling to talk about them. My notes as to spirits, other than those in connection +with sorcery producing illness and death, must therefore be practically confined to the sacred places haunted by the spirits, +and the demeanour and acts of the natives with reference to, and when they pass, these places. + +</p> +<p>Speaking generally, any place which has something specially peculiar or unusual in its appearance is likely to be regarded +as the abode of a spirit. A waterfall, or a deep still pool in the course of a river (but not the river itself), or a deep +narrow rocky river ravine, or a strangely shaped rock come under this category. There are also certain trees and creepers +which are regarded as implying the presence of a spirit in their vicinity, although that vicinity has in itself nothing unusual. +I can, however, only give a few illustrative examples of this general idea. + +</p> +<p>There are three special trees and two or three <a id="d0e6159"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6159">273</a>]</span>special creepers which imply the presence of a spirit. What the creepers are I could not ascertain; but the trees are a very +large palm which grows on the mountains and not on the coast, a form of pine tree,<a id="d0e6161src" href="#d0e6161" class="noteref">2</a> and the <i>gabi</i> fig-tree, used for burial of chiefs.<a id="d0e6167src" href="#d0e6167" class="noteref">3</a> It does not necessarily follow that every specimen of any one of these trees and creepers is spirit-haunted; but some are +known to be so, and all are apparently so much under suspicion that, though the natives will speak of them and will pass them, +they are afraid to cut them down. + +</p> +<p>At the time when the path near the newly erected Mission Station at Mafulu was being opened some of these creepers had to +be cleared away, and the Mission Fathers had the utmost difficulty with the natives, only two or three of whom could be persuaded +to help in the work, whilst the others stood aloof and afraid. In the same way, when the Fathers wanted to cut down some of +the special palms, only two natives were induced to help in this, and even they only did so on the condition that the Fathers +themselves made the first strokes; and the Fathers were warned by the natives that evil would befall them. It was a curious +coincidence that the Father who did this tree-cutting, being then and having been for a long time past <a id="d0e6184"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6184">274</a>]</span>perfectly well in health, was that evening taken ill with a bad sore, which nearly necessitated his being carried down to +the head Mission Station on the coast. + +</p> +<p>There is a very common ceremony performed when natives, in travelling through the country, pass a spirit-haunted spot. The +leader of the party turns round, and in a low voice tells the others that they are approaching the spot, whereupon they all +become silent, though up to that point they have been chattering. The leader then takes a wisp of grass and ties it in a knot, +and all the others do the same. They then walk on in silence for a period, which may be anything from five to fifteen minutes, +after which, as they pass the spot, the leader turns round and throws his bunch of grass on the ground, and the others do +the same. In this way they avert the danger and afterwards chatter as before.<a id="d0e6188src" href="#d0e6188" class="noteref">4</a> Another somewhat similar ceremony commences, like the former one, with silence; but, instead of throwing grass down as they +pass the haunted spot, the visible sign of which in this case is a hole in the ground, the leader stops and looks round at +the others, and then presses the palm of his hand down into the interior of the hole, and the <a id="d0e6194"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6194">275</a>]</span>others do the same; and after this all is safe and well, as in the former case. In travelling through the country these holes +with numerous impressions of hands in them are to be seen; and you may in one day’s journey pass several of these signs of +haunted places, of either or both sorts, within a comparatively short distance of one another. The hole in which the people +put their hands may not have originally existed, and may have been produced by the oft-repeated pressure of hands on the ground +as natives passed the haunted spot; but on this point I am unable to make any statement. Nor have I been able to ascertain +what the difference, if any, is, or has been, between the places where they put grass and those in which they merely press +the hands. + +</p> +<p>I found no evidence of any general idea of supernatural powers being possessed by natural inanimate objects, such as rivers +or rocks; but, as already stated, fishers are in the habit of addressing the stream in supplication for fish, and it is possible +there are other examples of the same sort of thing, which I did not discover. + +</p> +<p>Magic or sorcery, and those who practise it, and incantations and charms, and those who supply charms, are naturally associated +with either ghosts or spirits, or both. Among the Mafulu people they are, I was assured, associated solely with spirits, and +not with ghosts; and, though I have no confirmatory evidence of the accuracy of this statement, I can only in these notes +assume that it is correct. It may well be, however, that in the minds of the people themselves the <a id="d0e6200"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6200">276</a>]</span>distinction between the ghost of a person who has lived and died and the spirit which has never lived in visible human form +is not really quite clearly defined; or that powers which are now regarded by them as spirits have had an origin, possibly +long ago, in what were then believed to be ghosts. I shall revert to this point at a later stage. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Sorcery.</h3> +<p>The Mafulu magic men or sorcerers are different from those of the Mekeo plains. There is not among the Mafulu, as there is +in Mekeo, a large body of powerful professional sorcerers, who are a source of constant terror to the other people of their +own villages, and are yet to a certain extent relied upon and desired by those people as a counterpoise to the powers of sorcerers +of other villages; and a Mafulu native, unless prevented by a fear of outside hostility in no way connected with the supernatural, +will travel alone outside his own community in a way in which fear of the sorcerers would make a Mekeo native unwilling to +do so. The Mafulu sorcerers are a somewhat less powerful people; but they claim, and are supposed to have, certain powers +of divination, or actual causation, or both, of certain things. So far as I could learn, the sorcerer’s supernatural powers +would never be exercised in a hostile way against anyone of his own village, or indeed of his own clan, or even, as a rule, +of his own community. Apparently the sorcerer’s victim is nearly always a member of some other community; and the sorcerers +<a id="d0e6207"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6207">277</a>]</span>of a community do not appear to be in any way either feared or shunned by the members of that community. And, even as regards +their acts of hostility against members of other communities, these do not seem to be performed to an extent in any way approaching +what is found in Mekeo. + +</p> +<p>It seemed to me at first, as regards these sorcerers, that there was a confusion in the Mafulu mind between divination and +causation. The question as to this arose specially in connection with the ceremony for ascertaining whether a chief was or +was not going to die. The people of a clan and the ailing chief certainly assume that the sorcerers who perform the ceremony +under instructions, whether they be of the same community or of some other community, will by their magical powers merely +divine the death or recovery of the chief; and the idea does not enter their heads that these sorcerers may actually cause +the death. And yet they will accuse a hostile sorcerer of causing the death by an exactly similar ceremony, and will go to +war over the matter. Probably, however, it is rather a question of the sorcerer’s assumed volition—that is, it is assumed +that the friendly sorcerer does not want the chief to die, and the people rely upon him to confine himself to a divination +ceremony, and not to engage in hostile sorcery; whereas a hostile sorcerer might do the latter. I may add that I was led to +suspect that the burning test was regarded as being only a matter of divination, and that the causation, if it occurred, was +effected by means of the previous incantation. +<a id="d0e6211"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6211">278</a>]</span></p> +<p>There are also, besides the sorcerers, a number of specialists, who can hardly perhaps be called true sorcerers, but who have +certain specific powers, or are acquainted with certain specific forms of incantation, and whose services are from time to +time sought by the people. It is impossible for me to point to any definite line of demarcation between the true sorcerers +and these smaller people; and it cannot be doubted that the powers of the latter, like those of the former, are, or have been, +based upon the supernatural, even though they themselves do not claim to be and are not regarded as being magic men in the +highest sense. I think I may regard them as being more or less the Mafulu equivalents of the Roro individuals whom Dr. Seligmann +calls “departmental experts.”<a id="d0e6214src" href="#d0e6214" class="noteref">5</a> + +</p> +<p>Dealing first with the true sorcerers, they undoubtedly include among their number the men who perform the special ceremonial +already described for ascertaining whether a sick chief is or is not destined to die. They also seem to include the makers +or providers of the various charms, including those which are carried in the little charm bags and the love charms used by +young men, as already mentioned. There are also two other matters which are regarded as coming within the province of the +true sorcerers, of which one relates to rain and the other relates to illness and death. I will deal with them separately. + +</p> +<p>The rain sorcerer is apparently merely a diviner. Dr. Seligmann would perhaps include him among the departmental experts, +but the Fathers of the Mission <a id="d0e6223"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6223">279</a>]</span>regard him as being a true sorcerer. He is the man to whom the people go in anticipation of a proposed important event, such +as a big feast, or perhaps a fighting or large hunting expedition, to ascertain and inform them whether the period in which +it is proposed that the event shall occur will be fine or wet; but he does not profess to be able to do more than this, and +they never expect him to prevent or bring about the rain, or in any way hold him responsible for the weather as it may in +fact eventually occur. + +</p> +<p>The sorcery connected with illness and death is not so simple; and there is no doubt that it is not confined to powers of +divination, but includes powers of actual causation. This department of sorcery obviously includes the ceremonial in connection +with the supposed dying chief. But it is not confined to this ceremony, as it is generally believed by the Mafulu people that +sickness, which does not necessarily end in death, and death itself, can be, and commonly is, brought about by the operation +of sorcerers in one way or another through the medium of certain things. The only things of this nature concerning which I +was able to obtain information are (1) the inedible part of some vegetable food which the victim has recently eaten (<i>e.g.,</i> the outside part of a sweet potato or banana or the cane part of a sugar cane), and (2) the victim’s discharged excrement +or urine. I found no trace of any use for purposes of sorcery of the edible remnants of the victim’s food, nor (except as +regards a woman’s placenta, to which I shall refer presently) of any part of his body, such as his hair or nails; and, in +fact, the free way in <a id="d0e6230"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6230">280</a>]</span>which the natives throw away their hair when cut is inconsistent with any belief as to its possible use against them. + +</p> +<p>First, the inedible remnants of recently consumed vegetable food. The use of this as a medium for causing illness and death +is apparently confined to the case of a victim who has passed the stage of very young childhood. Why this is so I could not +learn; though in point of fact a mere infant would hardly be eating such things as a regular practice. A man or woman, however, +never carelessly throws aside his own food remnants of this character; and his reason for this is fear of sorcery. He carefully +keeps them under his control until he can take them to a river, into which he throws them, after which they are harmless as +a medium against him. The fear concerning these remains is that a sorcerer will use them for a ceremony somewhat similar to +that described in connection with the death of a chief, but in a hostile way. No such precautions are taken with reference +to similar food eaten by very young children. + +</p> +<p>Secondly, the discharged excrement and urine. This, for some reason, only applies to the case of an infant or quite young +child. Here again I could not learn the reason for the limitation; but it is confirmed by the fact that grown-up persons take +no pains whatever to avoid the passing of these things into the possession of other people, whereas, as regards little children, +the mothers or other persons having charge of them always take careful precautions. The mother picks up her little child’s +excrement, and wraps it in a leaf, <a id="d0e6236"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6236">281</a>]</span>and then either carefully hides it in a hole in the ground, or throws it into the river, or places it in a little raised-up +nest-like receptacle, which is sometimes erected near the house for this purpose, and where also it is regarded as being safe. +One of these receptacles, shaped like an inverted cone, is shown in <a href="#d0e17571">Plate 91</a>, and a somewhat similar one is seen in <a href="#d0e17414">Plate 64</a>. As regards the urine, she pours upon it, as it lies on the ground or on the house floor or platform, a little clean water +which she obtains from any handy source, or sometimes from a little store which, when away from other water supply, she often +carries about with her for the purpose. I could get no information as to the way in which the sorcerer would use the excrement +or urine as a medium for hostile purposes; though there is apparently no process similar to that of the fire used in connection +with the inedible food remnants of the adult. + +</p> +<p>It will have been noticed that the mode of rendering the inedible food remnants of a grown-up person immune from sorcery, +and one of the methods of making the infants’ excrement immune, is that of throwing them into the river; and even as regards +infants’ urine, which apparently is not, and as a rule hardly could be, actually thrown into the river, the protection is +obtained by pouring water upon it. I think that the belief among the islands of the Pacific in the power of water to protect +against the machinations of spirits or ghosts is not confined to the Mafulu natives, or indeed to those of New Guinea. Dr. +Codrington mentions its existence as regards human excrement in <a id="d0e6246"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6246">282</a>]</span>Melanesia.<a id="d0e6248src" href="#d0e6248" class="noteref">6</a> I would also refer to a custom of the Mafulu women after childbirth of throwing the placenta into the river, a practice which +is similar to that of the Koita women, who drop the placenta into the sea.<a id="d0e6253src" href="#d0e6253" class="noteref">7</a> Probably these practices relating to placenta are also based upon some idea of protection from sorcerers and spirits, although +I was informed that among the Mafulu there is no superstitious fear connected with the matter now. If the custom is in fact +superstitious in origin, the list of media for the use of sorcery already given by me requires enlarging.<a id="d0e6259src" href="#d0e6259" class="noteref">8</a> + +</p> +<p>Serious illness or death of either an adult or an infant, if not caused by visible accident, is by the Mafulu, as by other +natives, generally attributed, subject to limitations, to the sorcerers. The belief of the Mafulu as to this arises if the +victim, being an ordinary person, is comparatively young, or in the strength of life, say under forty or forty-five, or if +the victim, being a chief or a member of a chief’s family or a person of very high position, is even over that age, unless +he is very old, and old age is recognised as the natural cause of his illness or death. + +</p> +<p>If the belief arises that the calamity, especially that of death, has been brought about by spiritualistic <a id="d0e6269"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6269">283</a>]</span>influence, the family will probably go to some person who is believed to be in touch with spirits and able to designate the +culprit. I cannot say whether or not the person so employed is regarded as being a sorcerer in the full sense of the word, +or as merely one of the inferior types of magic men above referred to. Probably he is only the latter, as I do not think there +are any juvenile sorcerers among the Mafulu, and this particular person may be quite a young boy; indeed, there is in a village +near to the Mafulu Mission Station a young boy who is supposed to have this power. As a matter of fact this boy is not quite +right in his head; but this state of mind is not among the Mafulu in any way a necessary, or indeed a usual, qualification +for a sorcerer or magic man of any sort. The person appealed to will perhaps tell them who has done the deed, or will make +some oracular statement which will lead to his identification. The culprit identified by him will in any case be a member +of another clan, and most probably of another community. When he has been discovered, there will probably be a fight, in which +the members of the victim’s clan, or even, especially if the victim be a chief or big person, the whole of his community, +will join the injured relatives, this question of suspected causing of death being, like that of non-repayment of the price +paid for a runaway wife, one of the frequent causes of intercommunity fighting. + +</p> +<p>Reverting here to the matter of ghosts and spirits, one cannot help noting a similarity between, on the one hand, the ghostly +element of living food plants and <a id="d0e6273"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6273">284</a>]</span>the ghostly element of human excrement, which constitute the food of the ghosts, and, on the other hand, the physical inedible +remnants of food recently eaten by an adult victim and the physical excrement and urine of an infant victim, which are the +media used for hostile sorcery through the power of spirits; though, as regards the latter, I have no evidence of a belief +that the spirits eat them. I tried to get further into this matter, but was unable to do so. Again one is struck by the fact +that the special <i>gabi</i> tree, which is the tree used for the interment of chiefs and notables, is one of the trees whose presence is regarded as +indicating a place inhabited by spirits. These elements of similarity tend, I think, to suggest the possibility of some confusion +in the native mind as to the difference between ghosts and spirits, or of some originally ghostly origin in what are now regarded +as spirits. + +</p> +<p>The class of magic men who are something less than sorcerers, and whose powers are perhaps confined to the knowledge of certain +specific forms of incantation, would probably include the person who does the nose-boring, and perhaps the person who detects +the causes of death above referred to. It would also, I think, include the men who ascertain the whereabouts of a stolen article +and discover the thief, and who perform the ceremony in connection with hunting, and the persons who effect, or profess to +effect, cures of a more or less superstitious nature, all of whom are probably not regarded as full sorcerers. + +</p> +<p>The professional pig-killer is not, as such, either a sorcerer or a magic man in the minor sense; and, if <a id="d0e6282"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6282">285</a>]</span>there has originally been anything of a superstitious or magic character associated with him or his functions, I was unable +to find any trace of it, except perhaps as regards the ceremony and incantation in connection with hunting, which apparently +is commonly performed by him. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Charms.</h3> +<p>The Mafulu people believe in charms. I have already referred to those used by young men desirous of marrying. But there are +many other more important charms for various purposes, such as averting illness and death, success in hunting and fishing, +and perhaps preservation in time of war. These charms may be stones, small pieces of different sorts of bark, flowers, or +various kinds of poisons, though the poisons appear to be only used for averting illness and death. They are all procured +from sorcerers, who may be of the same or of some other village, or of another community, and there are sorcerers who have +specialities in certain sorts of charms. These charms are often carried inside the small charm bags already mentioned. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Omens.</h3> +<p>They believe in omens; but of these I was only able to hear of two examples—namely, flying foxes,<a id="d0e6294src" href="#d0e6294" class="noteref">9</a> and fireflies, the latter, though common in the plains, <a id="d0e6300"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6300">286</a>]</span>being rare on the mountains, and both of these are bad omens. Any person or party starting off on a journey, or on a hunting +or fishing expedition, and meeting either of these creatures would probably at once turn back; and I was told that even a +full war party starting off on a punitive expedition would turn back, or at least halt for a time, if it met one or other +of them. I cannot help thinking there must be some other omens, which I have failed to discover. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>General.</h3> +<p>Referring generally to supplications, incantations, and acts of propitiation, the only examples of them which I was able to +discover were the above-mentioned supplication to the river prior to fishing, which is apparently spoken by the fishers themselves, +and not merely by a sorcerer or magic man, and the incantations in connection with nose-piercing, with hunting, with a dying +chief, with the stone operation for stomach complaints, and with the plant remedies for wounds, and the acts of propitiation, +if such they are, in connection with ceremonious pig-killing, and especially with the ceremonies performed at a big feast +and at or following a funeral; and as regards the incantations I could learn nothing as to their nature, nor as to the specific +spiritual powers for the influencing of which they are intended, nor the way in which those powers are moved by them. + +</p> +<p>In fact, concerning the whole question of ghosts, spirits, sorcery, charms, omens and superstitions, I <a id="d0e6309"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6309">287</a>]</span>cannot imagine that I have accomplished more than the mere touching of the fringe of it; and I am sure that, when the Mafulu +people have got rather more into touch with civilisation, and become more accessible and communicative about these things, +there will be much more to be learnt. It may perhaps be that some of the apparently superstitious acts are, like many such +acts performed in England, based upon beliefs which have long since been forgotten, and have themselves become mere formalities, +to which the natives do not attach serious superstitious importance; though their fear of ghosts and spirits is undoubtedly +a very real and general one. + +</p> +<p>There are no secret societies or mysteries, such as are met with in some of the Solomon Islands, and they have no superstition +as to sneezing. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Taboo.</h3> +<p>The subject of taboo may perhaps be referred to under the present heading, for, though there appear to be no totemic taboos, +and though I have no material showing that the Mafulu taboos are based on superstitious ideas, it may, I imagine, be assumed +that, while some of these taboos are possibly partly based on medical common sense, the element of superstition enters more +or less into many of them. I have already referred to a few general restrictions connected with etiquette, and what I now +propose to mention are food taboos. + +</p> +<p>Young men are not supposed to eat wild pig until <a id="d0e6320"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6320">288</a>]</span>they have married, but this is the only food restriction which is put upon them.<a id="d0e6322src" href="#d0e6322" class="noteref">10</a> A woman who is about to give birth to a child must eat no food whatever for a day or rather longer (never more than two days), +before the child is born. I have already referred to the food taboo on persons undergoing the nose-piercing operation, and +the optional food taboo to which the nearest relative of a deceased person may submit, in lieu of wearing the mourning string. +There is also a general taboo against any food other than sweet potato and chewing of betel-nuts, with its condiments of lime +and pepper, upon any male person who intends to take part, either as a dancer or singer, in any ceremonial dance. This latter +term includes the dance at a big feast and the women’s dance on the eve of it, but not the dancing during the six months’ +interval before it. It also includes the dance at any of the various minor ceremonies above described, and at a funeral ceremony. +The period of restriction in the case of the big feast begins when the formal croton-leaf invitation has gone out to the guests, +about a month before the date of the feast. In the case of a funeral it is necessarily only quite short, and in cases of other +ceremonies it varies, being largely dependent on the length of period during which the approach of the ceremony is known. +During the period of restriction the people avail themselves largely of the privilege of betel-chewing, and prior to a big +feast their mouths get very red. In connection with personal ceremonies upon assumption of the <a id="d0e6325"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6325">289</a>]</span>perineal band, admission to the <i>emone</i> (excepting, as regards this, the case of a child of very tender years), qualifying for drumming and dancing, devolution of +chieftainship and nose-piercing, the person concerned, male or female, is under the same food restriction for a day prior +to that of the ceremony, and as regards nose-piercing this taboo is prior to the actual piercing, and is quite distinct from +the subsequent taboo already referred to. There does not appear to be any taboo connected with fishing, hunting or war. + +</p> +<p>The observance of all these taboos is secured only by superstitious belief or public opinion, or both, there being no method +of enforcing them by punishment or by any exercise of authority by the chiefs. + + + +<a id="d0e6332"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6332">290</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6083" href="#d0e6083src" class="noteref">1</a></span> I have been unable to find an account of any spiritual or partly spiritual being associated with the beliefs of Papuans or +Melanesians who can be regarded as being similar to <i>Tsidibe</i>. Perhaps the nearest approach to him will be found in <i>Qat</i> of the Banks Islands, of whom much is told us by Dr. Codrington in <i>The Melanesians</i>, and who apparently is not regarded as having been of divine rank, but is rather a specially powerful, but perhaps semi-human, +spiritual individual, who, though not having originally created mankind and the animal and vegetable world and the objects +and forces of nature as a whole, has had, and it would seem still has, considerable creative and influencing powers over them +all. But I could learn no detailed legends concerning <i>Tsidibe</i>; and the scanty information given to me concerning him differs from what we know of <i>Qat</i>. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6161" href="#d0e6161src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Dr. Stapf thinks it is probably a species of Podocarpus or Dacrydium. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6167" href="#d0e6167src" class="noteref">3</a></span> Dr. Seligmann refers (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 185) to a specimen of <i>Ficus rigo</i>, in which a taboo, having the power of making Koita folk sick, is believed to be immanent. I do not know whether or not the +<i>gabi</i> tree is <i>Ficus rigo</i>, but, if it be so, there is an interesting similarity in this respect between these people and the Mafulu. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6188" href="#d0e6188src" class="noteref">4</a></span> A knotted wisp of grass is, I think, a common form of taboo sign in parts of New Guinea; and Dr. Seligmann refers (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, pp. 136 to 138) to its use by the Koita for the protection of cocoanuts and other trees and firewood, and as part of the +protective sign for new gardens. The use of the wisp by the Mafulu people, as above described, is not a taboo used for the +protection of an object from human interference, being intended to protect the travellers in some way from the spirit or spirits +haunting the spot. But there is, I think, an underlying similarity of superstitious ideas involved by the two purposes for +which the wisps are used. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6214" href="#d0e6214src" class="noteref">5</a></span> <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 281. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6248" href="#d0e6248src" class="noteref">6</a></span> <i>The Melanesians</i>, p. 203. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6253" href="#d0e6253src" class="noteref">7</a></span> Seligmann, <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p.85. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6259" href="#d0e6259src" class="noteref">8</a></span> I imagine a somewhat similar superstitious origin may be assumed as regards the idea of general purification (I of course +do not refer to mere physical surface washing) by bathing: and Father Egedi says (<i>Anthropos</i>, Vol. V., p. 755) that the Kuni people, after a cannibal feast, had to confine themselves until the end of the moon which +commenced before the feast to certain food, and that they then all bathed in running water and returned purified and free +to eat any food. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6294" href="#d0e6294src" class="noteref">9</a></span> Apparently flying foxes are good omens in Tubetube (Southern Massim). See Seligmann’s <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 653. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6322" href="#d0e6322src" class="noteref">10</a></span> This is very different from the extensive food taboo restrictions which Father Egedi told me were placed upon the bachelors +of Mekeo. +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e6333"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Note on the Kuni People</h2> +<p>Father Egedi, who has studied the Kuni people, and has written a series of articles about them in numbers of <i>Anthropos</i>, told me that he regarded them as being a cross between the Papuan-speaking Mafulu and the Melanesian-speaking Papuo-Melanesians +of Mekeo and the adjoining coast. Whether or not this is absolutely and strictly correct is a question upon which I will not +venture to express an opinion. + +</p> +<p>In general physique and appearance the Kuni are distinctly and strongly of the type of the Mafulu, whilst their language is +Melanesian; and, as regards other matters, they in some respects resemble and in other respects differ from the Mafulu. + +</p> +<p>As regards physique, Father Egedi distinguishes the Kuni from the natives of the adjoining coast by their slighter development, +slender limbs and darker colour of skin, in which respects they resemble the Mafulu; but he regards them as being lower-statured +than the tribes of the interior, which term includes the Mafulu,<a id="d0e6345src" href="#d0e6345" class="noteref">1</a><a id="d0e6350"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6350">291</a>]</span>with greater regularity of features, and of lighter colour, all of which tallies, I think, with my own observation of them. +But the fact that they are shorter in stature than the Mafulu, who are themselves shorter than the coast natives, is perhaps +a matter for surprise, if they are a cross between the two. I have not measured any Kuni heads; but I should be disposed from +general observation to say that they are very similar to those of the Mafulu, being predominantly mesaticephalic, with tendencies +to brachycephalism.<a id="d0e6352src" href="#d0e6352" class="noteref">2</a> + +</p> +<p>Many of the Lapeka people, who are Kuni, but are on the borders of the Upper Mekeo district, seemed to me to have distinctly +flattish faces, with remarkably delicately cut features—some of the women in particular being exceedingly pretty in profile—and +very bright sparkling eyes. Where these local characteristics came from I cannot say, as it could hardly be the result of +an intermixture of Mekeo blood.<a id="d0e6360src" href="#d0e6360" class="noteref">3</a> + +</p> +<p>The oblique eye, which is occasionally found on the coast,<a id="d0e6365src" href="#d0e6365" class="noteref">4</a> but which I never saw in Mafulu, is, according to Father Egedi, present, though only rare, among the Kuni. His large amount +of opportunity for observation, and his known care and ability in this respect, compel me to assume his accuracy; but I can +say that I saw a good many of these eyes among them, and indeed once, having about twenty of these Kuni <a id="d0e6371"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6371">292</a>]</span>people squatting in front of me, I observed that about half of them had distinctly oblique eyes. + +</p> +<p>Father Egedi speaks of their hair as being “generally black, rarely bright, and more rarely chestnut”; and as to this, I would +refer to the fact that the predominating colour of hair among the Mafulu is dark or darkish brown, so that in this respect +the Kuni apparently tend more to the black-haired coast type of native than do the Mafulu. + +</p> +<p>Concerning matters other than physique and language, as I only passed through the Kuni district, and did not attempt serious +ethnological investigation there, I can say but little beyond what I learn from Father Egedi’s articles and a few other sources; +and the material thus available only deals with a few questions. + +</p> +<p>It would appear from Father Egedi’s observations that the relationship between villages arising from the splitting up into +two or more of an original family village is not so permanent as I believe it to be among the Mafulu. Dr. Seligmann says<a id="d0e6379src" href="#d0e6379" class="noteref">5</a> that among the Kuni Father Egedi “could find no trace of intermarrying groups, or groups of clans claiming common descent,” +which statement applies to my investigations among the Mafulu. He further says<a id="d0e6384src" href="#d0e6384" class="noteref">6</a> that “The Dilava folk” (Dilava is a Kuni village) “marry into all the surrounding villages; and when a death occurs it is +the head of the family of the deceased who says when mourning shall cease”—<a id="d0e6388"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6388">293</a>]</span>statements of which the former, and I believe the latter, could hardly be correctly made concerning the Mafulu. He also refers<a id="d0e6390src" href="#d0e6390" class="noteref">7</a> to Kuni war chiefs, an office which does not exist among the Mafulu, and apparently understands that the office of these +war chiefs is non-hereditary, a statement which could not be made of any Mafulu chief; and he refers<a id="d0e6395src" href="#d0e6395" class="noteref">8</a> to a funeral ceremony which is quite unknown in Mafulu. But his statement<a id="d0e6398src" href="#d0e6398" class="noteref">9</a> that the <i>kufu</i> (club-house) system seems less developed than in Mekeo would apply very strongly to the Mafulu. + +</p> +<p>The Kuni superstitious remedies for illnesses, as described by Father Egedi, are quite different from those of Mafulu, and +their food restrictions, as enumerated by him, are in some respects substantially distinct from those of the Mafulu, though +some of them are more or less similar. + +</p> +<p>According to him Kuni women, though they may not enter the village <i>kufu</i> or club-house, are allowed upon its platform, which is not the case with the Mafulu <i>emone</i>; and eldest sons of Kuni influential people may not enter into the <i>kufu</i> until their parents have given a specific feast, which custom is apparently not identical with that of the Mafulu above described +by me, and which applies to all sons of all members of the village, and not merely to those of influential people. + +</p> +<p>The Kuni houses differ from those of the Mafulu, being more or less round or oval in apparent <a id="d0e6420"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6420">294</a>]</span>shape, even though the floor is rectangular. Also according to Father Egedi, Kuni <i>kufu</i> are of several various sorts, and some of them are constructed in specific ways, and have specific carved and painted decorations, +some of which are imitative of animals and objects held in veneration; and these different types of club-house, which include +one used only by elderly bachelors and widowers, have specific names—all of which is quite different from what is found in +Mafulu. Among these club-houses Father Egedi includes one built at feast times higher up the ridge, outside the village, for +guests’ accommodation, which, though apparently somewhat similar in purpose to the guests’ houses at a Mafulu feast, differs +from them in form. Indeed, as regards building construction, the only point of strong similarity between the Kuni and the +Mafulu which I can trace is the long fireplace extending from front to back of the building, which with the Kuni is apparently +very like that of the Mafulu. + +</p> +<p>Father Egedi’s statement as to Kuni cannibalism, that speaking generally it appears to be confined to the bodies of people +killed in war or in private vendetta, and that, though other cases are recorded, they are regarded as a violation of a custom +and are detested, might be equally well said of the Mafulu; though I did not actually hear of any known record there of the +other cases mentioned. Again his statement that the actual killer must not share in the feast holds good with the Mafulu; +but I believe that this idea exists elsewhere also. +<a id="d0e6427"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6427">295</a>]</span></p> +<p>Concerning the Kuni implements I can only refer to Dr. Seligmann’s statement,<a id="d0e6430src" href="#d0e6430" class="noteref">10</a> that they do not appear to use bows and shields—which, if correct, is a point of difference between them and the Mafulu—and +to a few other things referred to by Father Egedi in his articles. From his descriptions I should imagine that the Kuni pig-bone +implements and their bamboo cutting knives are similar, and that their wooden vegetable dishes are somewhat similar to those +of the Mafulu. But the Kuni have cooking pots (which they get from the coast), and use forks and spoons and various other +implements and utensils which are not found in Mafulu, and their mode of producing fire is quite different from the Mafulu +mode. + +</p> +<p>I recognise that the above comparative notes on Kuni culture are only of a very fragmentary character; but Father Egedi expresses +the general opinion that, though the language of the Kuni people is Melanesian, their habits and customs “may be considered +as making one with those of the Mafulu people.” + +</p> +<p>On the whole question of Kuni relationship it can, I think, hardly be doubted that the Kuni have some characteristics which +are clearly those of the Mafulu and other central mountain tribes, and others which are obviously those of the Papuo-Melanesians +of the adjacent plains and the coast beyond; and the only question seems to be the nature and origin of the Kuni relationship +to these two types of people. It may be, as suggested by Father Egedi, that they are actually a cross between these two mixed +types; or, if <a id="d0e6439"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6439">296</a>]</span>the suggestion in my concluding chapter as to the possible presence in these Mafulu and other mountain people of Negrito blood +be correct, it may be that the Kuni people are merely another result of the general Negrito-Papuo-Melanesian intercrossing, +in which the Papuan and Melanesian elements have been more predominant than they have been with the Mafulu. + + + +<a id="d0e6441"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6441">297</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6345" href="#d0e6345src" class="noteref">1</a></span> Dr. Seligmann puts their average stature at 60.5 in. (<i>Lancet,</i> Feb. 17th, 1906, p. 427), which is less than the Mafulu average of 61.1 in. given by me above. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6352" href="#d0e6352src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Dr. Seligmann puts their average cephalic index calculated from fifteen measurements at 78 (<i>Geographical Journal</i>, Vol. XXVII., p. 234), which is below the Mafulu average cephalic index of 80 given by me above. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6360" href="#d0e6360src" class="noteref">3</a></span> Father Egedi thinks that the Lapeka people have some Pokau blood in them. Their language is a mixture of Kuni and Mekeo. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6365" href="#d0e6365src" class="noteref">4</a></span> Seligmann’s <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 16. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6379" href="#d0e6379src" class="noteref">5</a></span> <i>Geographical Journal</i>, Vol. XXVI I., p. 235. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6384" href="#d0e6384src" class="noteref">6</a></span> <i>Ibid.</i></p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6390" href="#d0e6390src" class="noteref">7</a></span> <i>Geographical Journal</i>, Vol. XXVII., p. 235. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6395" href="#d0e6395src" class="noteref">8</a></span> P. 236. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6398" href="#d0e6398src" class="noteref">9</a></span> <i>Ibid.</i></p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6430" href="#d0e6430src" class="noteref">10</a></span> <i>Geographical Journal</i>, Vol. XXVII., p. 235. +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e6442"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Conclusion</h2> +<p>What is the origin of these Mafulu people, with their short stature, small and somewhat rounded heads, slight but active build, +sooty brown skin, and frizzly hair, predominantly brown in colour, and with their comparatively primitive ideas of organisation, +and simple arts and crafts? + +</p> +<p>The question is one of no mere local interest, as the answer to it will probably be the answer to a similar question concerning +most, and perhaps all, of the other Papuan-speaking people of the mountainous interior of the Central District of British +New Guinea, and may even be a key to the past early history of the entire island. + +</p> +<p>It has, I think, been hitherto believed that all these mountain people had a mixed Papuan and Melanesian ancestry; but it +was impossible to be among them, as I was, for some time without being impressed by the difference in appearance between them +and the people of the adjacent coast and plains, and suspecting that, though they had Papuan and Melanesian blood in <a id="d0e6451"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6451">298</a>]</span>their veins, there was also some third element there. And the name which obtruded itself upon my mind, whilst in Mafulu, was +Negrito. + +</p> +<p>The dark skin and the comparatively rounded heads, and, I think, some shortness of stature are found elsewhere in British +New Guinea; though shortness of stature and rounded heads are unusual, and, I believe, only local, and I do not know whether +even the Papuan skin is ever quite so dark as that of the Mafulu people. But the almost universal shortness of stature, the +comparatively slight, but strong and active, build and the brown colour of the hair seemed entirely different from anything +that I had ever seen or read of as regards either the Papuans or the Melanesians; and all of these, coupled with the tendency +to roundness of head, were consistent with a partial negrito ancestry. + +</p> +<p>Then on my return to England I learnt that dwarf people had been found by the recent expedition into Dutch New Guinea organised +by the British Ornithologists’ Union. Dr. Haddon has expressed the opinion that these dwarf people and some dwarf people previously +found by Dr. Rudolph Poch in German New Guinea are all negritoes, or negritoes crossed with Papuans.<a id="d0e6457src" href="#d0e6457" class="noteref">1</a> + +</p> +<p>Dr. Keith, to whom I submitted all my notes upon the measurements and physique of the Mafulu people, and who measured and +examined the three skulls which I brought home, wrote to me as follows:— + +</p> +<p>“I have examined the observations you have made on the Mafulu. From your paper one can form, for <a id="d0e6466"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6466">299</a>]</span>the first time, a picture of the physical characters of this tribe; but, when I proceed to assign the tribe to its proper +race, I am at once met by difficulties. In my opinion the short stature, the pigmented skin, and the small heads inclined +to brachycephaly indicate a strong negrito element, which we know is widely distributed in the far east, and certainly, as +we should expect, occurs in certain districts of New Guinea. In the three crania there were characters which one could assign +to Papuan, as well as to a Melanesian stock.... A brown or reddish tinge is seen not infrequently in the hair of negritoes. +You will see that I am inclined to look on the Mafulu as showing a very considerable degree of negrito blood, and to regard +the more primitive tribes of New Guinea as being of this nature. If that were so, the Mafulu might be regarded as belonging +to the older population of New Guinea, both Papuan and Melanesian having added something to their civilisation, as well as +their physical characters.” + +</p> +<p>Dr. Keith then is inclined to agree with my suggestion concerning the origin of the Mafulu; and Dr. Haddon, having seen my +notes upon physique, said that he endorsed the views expressed by Dr. Keith. And if the view suggested be correct as regards +the Mafulu or Fuyuge people, I am prepared to say that from what I have heard of the other mountain Papuan-speaking people +of that part of New Guinea, including the Oru Lopiku (Kovio), Boboi and Ambo people, I am convinced that it must be correct +as regards them <a id="d0e6470"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6470">300</a>]</span>also, though the relative predominance of the three strains may well vary with these different people. + +</p> +<p>I am hardly qualified to enter into the discussion as to the relationship, if any, existing between the principal hitherto +known dwarf races, the Pygmies of Central Africa, the Semang of the Malay Peninsula, the Andamanese and the Aetas of the Philippine +Islands, or to deal with the question whether or not all or some of them are to be grouped together as forming a distinct +and related type, or are to be regarded as unconnected in the sense that each of them is merely a local variation, sharing +a common ancestry with some other taller negroid race. + +</p> +<p>As, however, my suggestion of a partial negrito origin of the Mafulu people necessarily brings me into contact with this wider +question, and the latter is still one upon which opinions differ, I may perhaps briefly tabulate some of the chief physical +characters of the Andamanese, the Semang, the Aetas, the dwarf people recently found in Dutch New Guinea and the Mafulu. I +think I may omit the African pygmies from my tables. + + +</p> +<p><i>Stature.</i> + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Andamanese + +</td> +<td valign="top">4′ 10½″ + +</td> +<td valign="top">This is the figure given by Mr. Portman (<i>Journal of Anthropological Institute</i>, vol. 25, p. 366) and by Dr. Haddon (<i>Races of Man and their Distribution</i>, p. 9), and is very near the 4′10¾″ given by Mr. Man (<i>The Andaman Islanders</i>, p. 5), and adopted by Messrs. Skeat and Blagden (<i>Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula</i>, p. 573). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Semang + +</td> +<td valign="top">4′ 10¾″ + +</td> +<td valign="top">Skeat and Blagden (<i>Pagan Races</i>, &c., p. 573) and Haddon (Races of Man, &c., p. 9). +<a id="d0e6510"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6510">301</a>]</span> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Aetas + +</td> +<td valign="top">4′ 10″ + +</td> +<td valign="top">This is Dr. Haddon’s figure (<i>Races of Man, &c.</i>, p. 9), and it is within half an inch of the 4′ l0½″ given by Dr. Semper (<i>Journal of Anthropology</i> for October, 1870, p. 135). Dr. Meyer gives a number of varying measurements (see <i>Journal of Anthropological Institute,</i> vol. 25, p. 174), and Reed gives the average of 48 males, some of whom were not pure types, only 4′ 9” (<i>Negritos of Zambales</i>, p. 32). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Dutch New Guinea dwarfs + +</td> +<td valign="top">4′ 9″ + +</td> +<td valign="top">Captain Rawling (<i>Geographical Journal</i>, vol. 38, p. 245). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Mafulu + +</td> +<td valign="top">5′ 1″ + +</td> +<td valign="top">It is merely suggested by me that they are <i>partly</i> negrito, which, if correct, would explain the somewhat higher stature. +</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p><i>General Physique.</i> + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Andamanese + +</td> +<td valign="top">Well proportioned, and with good muscular development (Man, <i>Journal of Anthropological Institute</i>, vol. 12, pp. 72 and 73). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Semang + +</td> +<td valign="top">Sturdily built (Haddon, <i>Races of Man, &c.</i>, p. 9). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Aetas + +</td> +<td valign="top">Well formed and sprightly (Earle, <i>Papuans</i>, p. 123), and with limbs which, corresponding to their stature, are uncommonly slender, but well formed (Semper, <i>Journal of Anthropology</i> for October, 1870, p. 135). Well-built little men with broad chests, symmetrical limbs, and well-developed muscles (Reed, +<i>Negritos of Zambales,</i> p. 34). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Dutch New Guinea dwarfs + +</td> +<td valign="top">Of sturdy build (Rawling, <i>Geographical Journal</i>, vol. 38, p. 241). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Mafulu + +</td> +<td valign="top">Fairly strong and muscular, but rather slender and slight in development.</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p><i>Cephalic Index.</i> + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Andamanese + +</td> +<td valign="top">82 + +</td> +<td valign="top">This is Dr. Haddon’s figure (<i>Races of Man, &c.</i>, p. 9). Messrs. Skeat and Blagden say they are decidedly brachycephalic (<i>Pagan Races, &c.</i>, p. 573). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Semang + +</td> +<td valign="top">78.9 + +</td> +<td valign="top">Dr. Haddon’s figure (<i>Races of Man, &c.</i>, p. 9). Skeat and Blagden describe them as brachycephalic to mesatecephalic (<i>Pagan Races, &c.</i>, p. 34). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Aetas + +</td> +<td valign="top">80 + +</td> +<td valign="top">Dr. Haddon’s figure (<i>Races of Man, &c.</i>, p. 9). Skeat and Blagden describe them as decidedly brachycephalic (<i>Pagan Races, &c.</i>, p. 573). Reed gives 82 as the average (<i>Negritos of Zambales</i>, p. 34). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Dutch New Guinea dwarfs + +</td> +<td valign="top">80.2 + +</td> +<td valign="top">This figure is calculated by me from the actual length and breadth given by Captain Rawling (<i>Geographical Journal</i>, vol. 38, p. 245). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Mafulu + +</td> +<td valign="top">80</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +<a id="d0e6664"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6664">302</a>]</span></p> +<p><i>Nasal Index.</i> + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Andamanese + +</td> +<td valign="top">? + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Semang + +</td> +<td valign="top">101 + +</td> +<td valign="top">Calculated by me from average of actual measurements of 5 people given by Skeat and Blagden (<i>Pagan Races, &c.</i>, p. 577). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Aetas + +</td> +<td valign="top">? + +</td> +<td valign="top">Reed records highly varying indices, the bulk of which were hyperplatyrhine (87.9–108.8), and nearly all the others of which +were ultraplatyrhine (109 and over) (<i>Negritos of Zambales</i>, pp. 34, 35). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Dutch New Guinea dwarfs + +</td> +<td valign="top">80.9 + +</td> +<td valign="top">Calculated by me from Captain Rawling’s actual figures. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Mafulu + +</td> +<td valign="top">84.3</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p><i>Colour of Skin.</i> + +</p> +<p>Descriptions of this are so general, and so much depends in each case upon the relative meanings attached by each writer to +the terms used by him, that I prefer to depend as regards the Andamanese, Semang, and Aetas upon Dr. Haddon’s descriptions, +which are doubtless based upon his comparison of those given in previous literature. + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Andamanese + +</td> +<td valign="top">Very dark (<i>Races of Man, &c.</i>, p. 9). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Semang + +</td> +<td valign="top">Dark chocolate brown, approximating to black. (<i>Ibid.</i>). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Aetas + +</td> +<td valign="top">Dark sooty brown (<i>Ibid.</i>). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Dutch New Guinea dwarfs + +</td> +<td valign="top">Brown (Rawling, <i>Geographical Journal</i>, vol. 38, p. 245). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Mafulu + +</td> +<td valign="top">Dark sooty brown.</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p><i>Texture of Hair.</i> + +</p> +<p>This is frizzly in all cases, as with other negroids, the word “woolly” often used being, I imagine, intended to imply frizzly. +<a id="d0e6759"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6759">303</a>]</span></p> +<p><i>Colour of Hair.</i> + +</p> +<p>This being a point which seems to me to be rather interesting, I propose to quote various descriptions. + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Andamanese + +</td> +<td valign="top">Varies from sooty black to dark brown, old gold, red and light brown; and, though these may be the colours of individual hairs, +the general appearance is sooty black or yellowish-brown. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Portman (<i>History of our Relations with the Andamanese</i>, p. 30). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Varies between black, greyish-black and sooty, the last perhaps predominating. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Man (<i>The Andaman Islanders</i>, p. II). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Black, with a reddish tinge. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Haddon (<i>Races of Man, &c.</i>, p. 9). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Semang + +</td> +<td valign="top">Brownish-black, not a bluish-black like that of the Malays. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Skeat and Blagden (<i>Pagan Races, &c.,</i> p. 46). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Brownish-black. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Haddon (<i>Races of Man, &c.,</i> p. 9). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Aetas + +</td> +<td valign="top">Brown-black, shining. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Semper (<i>Journal of Anthropology</i> for October, 1870, p. 135). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Rich dark brown. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Writer of article on Semper’s work (<i>Id</i>.). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Varying from a dark seal-brown to black. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Meyer (<i>Journal of Anthropological Institute</i>, vol. 25, p. 174). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Dirty black colour, in some instances <i>sun-burned at top to</i> a reddish-brown. [The italics are mine.] + +</td> +<td valign="top">Reed (<i>Negritos of Zambales</i>, p. 35). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Black, sometimes tinged with red. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Haddon (<i>Races of Man</i>, &c., P. 9). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Dutch New Guinea dwarfs. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Black. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Rawling (<i>Geographical Journal</i>, vol. 38, p. 245). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">The hair of some of the pygmies was decidedly <i>dark</i> brown. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Statement made to me by Mr. Walter Goodfellow. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Hair of 3 men (out of 24) distinctly not black, a sort of dirty rusty brown or rusty black colour; all others black-haired. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Extract supplied to me by Dr. Wollaston from his Diary. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Mafulu. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Generally dark brown, often quite dark, approaching to black, and sometimes perhaps quite black. But frequently lighter, and +often not what we in Europe should call dark. + +</td> +<td valign="top"></td> +</tr> +</table><p> +<a id="d0e6904"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6904">304</a>]</span></p> +<p>I think that the above tables indicate that, though there are differences, there are elements of similarity between (i) the +Mafulu people, (2) the Dutch New Guinea dwarfs, and (3) one or more of the Andamanese, Semang and Aetas; but in my comparison +of the Mafulu and the dwarfs of Dutch New Guinea with the other previously known dwarf races I would specially draw attention +to their similarity in shortness of stature and (as regards most of the Mafulu and a few of the Dutch New Guinea people) colour +of hair; and this impels me to venture to say a few words on the larger question. + +</p> +<p>I have searched through much existing literature concerning the various hitherto discovered dwarf races of the world with +reference to the question whether, even assuming that these people have an original primary ancestry from which the taller +negroid races also are descended, they must be regarded as having become a related type, separate and distinct from the latter, +as now existing, or whether they must all be treated as merely separate local variations, each of them having failed to develop, +or retrograded, and in other respects become different in type from taller negroid races among or near to whom they are found. +And I am struck by the fact that, though the natural tendency to local variation in stature, shape of head, colour and other +matters is brought forward in support of the latter theory, no one seems, in connection with the general question, to have +noted the fact that, whilst the hair colour of negroes, Papuans and Melanesians is black, the hair of all these various dwarf +people <a id="d0e6909"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6909">305</a>]</span>seems to be predominantly brown, and that this variation explanation, if regarded as applying to these dwarf races separately +and independently of one another, involves a remarkable coinciding double variation (in stature and predominant colour of +hair) exhibited by all these dwarf people as compared with the taller negroids. + +</p> +<p>On the other hand, if there has been an original separation of descendants of common primary ancestors of all the negroid +races, which, through variation, has resulted in two main types, one predominantly full-sized and always black-haired, and +the other always short and predominantly brown-haired, and the pygmies (negritoes and negrilloes) are to be regarded as being +all descendants of the latter type, who have since for some reason become geographically separated, there would appear to +be nothing remarkable in the double variation. + +</p> +<p>But in that case we are, I take it, justified in regarding the dwarf races as being a separate type, to be distinguished from +the taller races; and, if that be so, there appears to be substantial ground for thinking that the Dutch New Guinea dwarf +people and the Mafulu people are in part descended from people of that type. + +</p> +<p>I may also draw attention (for what they are worth as points of detail) to the facts already noted, that the Semang and Andamanese, +who bury their ordinary folk under ground, adopt tree burial, and apparently, as regards the Semang, platform burial not on +trees also, as a more honourable method of disposing of the bodies <a id="d0e6917"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6917">306</a>]</span>of important people and chiefs; and that as regards these matters the Mafulu custom is similar. + +</p> +<p>Also the very simple ideas of the Mafulu, as compared with Papuans and Melanesians, in matters of social organization, implements, +arts and crafts, religion and other things may well, I think, be associated with a primitive negrito origin. + +</p> +<p>If the Mafulu people may be properly regarded as having a negrito ancestry, distinct in type from that of either the Papuans +or the Melanesians, the negrito element would presumably be the earlier one, Papuan and Melanesian infusion having occurred +subsequently. Indeed it may well be believed that the negrito element is derived from an original ancestry who were probably +the earlier inhabitants of New Guinea. + + + + +</p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6457" href="#d0e6457src" class="noteref">1</a></span> <i>Nature</i>, 9 June, 1910, p. 434. +</p> +</div> +</div> +<div class="backmatter"><a id="d0e6924"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6924">307</a>]</span><p class="div1"><a id="d0e6925"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>A Grammar of the Fuyuge Language</h2> +<p>Translated and Edited by <span class="smallcaps">Sidney H. Ray</span>, M.A., from the Manuscript of the <span class="smallcaps">Rev. Father Egedi</span>, S.C. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Phonology.</h3> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>I. Alphabet.</h4> +<p>Vowels: <i>a, e, i, o, u</i>. + +</p> +<p>Consonants: <i>k, g; t, d; p, b, f, v; m, n; r, l; s; y</i>. + +</p> +<p>The vowels are pronounced as in Italian, the consonants as in English. The sound of the Italian <i>c</i> is also found, but is rare. + +</p> +<p>It is sometimes difficult to distinguish between <i>o</i> and <i>u</i>. Ex. <i>ombo(le)</i> or <i>umbo(le)</i>, belly. + +</p> +<p><i>G, b</i>, and <i>d</i>, are often preceded by a nasal, sometimes constant (and then marked in the vocabulary), sometimes variable according to the +pronunciation of individuals. For the nasals <i>m</i> is employed before <i>p</i> and <i>b</i>, and <i>n</i> before other consonants. + +</p> +<p>The <i>i</i> and <i>y</i> are very difficult to distinguish, especially when they follow one another. Ex. <i>iye</i> or <i>ye</i>, or <i>ie</i>, tree; <i>iangolo</i> or <i>yangolo</i>, ear. Father Egidi wrote <i>j</i> for <i>y</i>. + +</p> +<p>The <i>l</i> and <i>r</i> are very difficult to determine. Ex. <i>aliete</i> or <i>ariete</i>, to salute; <i>naul’i</i> and <i>naur’i</i>, my eye. In the vocabulary <i>l</i> is used generally. + +</p> +<p>The <i>s</i> is often <i>ts</i>. Ex. tsivu and sivu; su(le) and tsu(le grass. Also in the future suffix <i>t</i> or <i>ts</i>. Ex. <i>nati</i> or <i>natsi</i>, I will eat. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>II. Elision.</h4> +<p>A great number of Fuyuge words terminate in an open syllable of which the vowel is generally <i>e</i>. This <a id="d0e7070"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e7070">308</a>]</span>syllable is usually omitted at the end of a phrase, and nearly always when the following word commences with a consonant. +But if the following word begins with a vowel the final <i>e</i> only falls away. Thus the complete form of a word is rarely used, except to avoid confusion, or for the sake of emphasis. +The following are examples: + +</p> +<p><i>ovo(le),</i> pig: <i>ovol’ ovoge,</i> boar, <i>ovo momombe,</i> sow. + +</p> +<p><i>ifa(ne),</i> beautiful: <i>ifa ta,</i> very fine, <i>ifan’ aka,</i> less fine. + +</p> +<p><i>da(le),</i> who? <i>nu da?</i> who art thou? <i>dal’ aua?</i> who is this? + +</p> +<p><i>i(nde),</i> to give: <i>ne i,</i> give me, <i>ne ind’ u,</i> give it to me. + +</p> +<p><i>-a(le)</i>, with: <i>andal’ a?</i> with what? <i>indiv’ al’ ongai</i>, cut with the knife. + +</p> +<p><i>a(le),</i> here: <i>a mo ma?</i> must I put it here? <i>al’ itatsi,</i> he will sleep here. + +</p> +<p><i>u(ne),</i> and: <i>kitoval’ u kene,</i> black parroquet and white, <i>amb’ un’ ale,</i> banana and sugar cane. + +</p> +<p>Note (1). The <i>b</i> in an elision sometimes changes to <i>p.</i> Ex. <i>obe,</i> bud, <i>op’indie,</i> to bud. + +</p> +<p>(2). Sometimes two syllables are elided: Ex. <i>taume, tame,</i> from which comes <i>ovo ta,</i> a tame pig, and <i>ovo taum’ ifa,</i> the tame pig is good. + +</p> +<p>(3). Words which do not end in <i>e,</i> rarely elide a final vowel, and never the last syllable. Ex. <i>kuku,</i> tobacco, <i>kuk’ oko nei,</i> give me a little tobacco; <i>na,</i> I, <i>nu,</i> thee, <i>ongo</i> at the foot of, <i>na n’ ong’ ando,</i> I am at thy feet; <i>umbubi, wash, umbub’ u,</i> wash him. + +</p> +<p>(4). Some verbs in <i>-ri</i> or <i>-li</i> however often omit this syllable. Ex. <i>ivo(ri)</i> to wipe, <i>na ga kodig’ ivo,</i> I have wiped the plates; <i>tsimi(li),</i> to lick, <i>ama tsimi,</i> lick the salt; <i>itu(lili)</i> to split, <i>ol’ itu,</i> split the wood. + +</p> +<p>In the grammar and vocabulary the syllable which may be elided is enclosed in a bracket, and in compound words and phrases +the elision is marked with an apostrophe, as in the preceding examples. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>III. Vowel Changes.</h4> +<p>1. A final <i>o</i> sometimes changes to <i>u</i> if the word following begins with a vowel. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>oko,</i> some, a little, <i>kuk’ oku ind’ uno,</i> give him some tobacco to smoke. + +</p> +<p>2. An initial <i>o,</i> on the other hand, sometimes changes to <i>u</i> when the preceding word begins with <i>a.</i> + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>ongo,</i> under; <i>na</i> ungo ando, remain at my feet. +<a id="d0e7262"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e7262">309</a>]</span></p> +<p>3. The final <i>a</i> of the word <i>na,</i> I, becomes <i>e</i> when it is followed by the verb <i>indi</i> in the imperative. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>ne i, ne inde,</i> give me, but <i>nuga na indi,</i> thou hast given me. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Nouns.</h3> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>I. Gender.</h4> +<p>There is no modification or grammatical difference to mark gender. + +</p> +<p>Sex is indicated by separate words in the case of human beings: <i>an(e)</i> man, <i>me(le)</i> boy, <i>ena(ne)</i> brother, <i>amu(le)</i> woman, <i>ame(le)</i> girl, <i>eta(de)</i> sister. + +</p> +<p>For mammals the words <i>avoge,</i> male, or <i>momobe,</i> female, follow the noun: <i>ovol’ avoge,</i> boar, <i>ovo’ momobe,</i> sow. + +</p> +<p>Dr. Strong notes that the sex of birds is sometimes denoted by the adjective <i>ifa(ne),</i> good, <i>i.e.,</i> “ornamented,” for the male bird, and <i>ifan’ ul’ amu,</i> the “wife of the ornamented” for the female: <i>uruv’ ifa,</i> the male hornbill; <i>uruv’ ifan ul’ amu,</i> the female hornbill. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>II. Number.</h4> +<p>Only nouns indicating persons have been found with plurals. These are formed by changing the final <i>e</i> to <i>i.</i> Sometimes the <i>e</i> is changed to <i>a;</i> this may indicate the dual. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>amu(le)</i> woman, plur. amuli and amula; <i>so(le),</i> young man, plur. <i>soli</i> and <i>sola; me(le),</i> child, plur. <i>meli</i> and <i>mela.</i> + +</p> +<p>Note (1). The word <i>a(ne)</i> man, has a double plural in two different meanings: <i>ani,</i> the men; <i>ake(da)</i> the married men. + +</p> +<p>(2). The shortened form of the word is often used in the plural. This naturally is the same as the singular. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>III. Case.</h4> +<p>1. There is no modification of the noun to express case, but the equivalents of cases are shown by suffixes. The vocative +alone often takes a final <i>a</i> as in the interrogative form. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>Tayova, a tsia!</i> Tayo, come here! + +</p> +<p>The subject, direct object, and indirect object are however easily recognised by their position in the sentence. The subject +comes first, followed by the direct object, then the indirect object if there be one, <a id="d0e7409"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e7409">310</a>]</span>with the verb at the end. If there are complements they immediately precede the word which governs them. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>naga kuku nu inde,</i> I tobacco to thee gave; <i>Baiv’ u mega nembe u fod’ al’ ema,</i> Baiva’s child bird his bow-with killed; <i>nuni ake mu letsi gatsi,</i> thou men their village-to will-go. + +</p> +<p>2. The genitive is expressed by means of the possessive adjective. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>ovo’u ma,</i> hair of the pig, lit. pig his hair. + +</p> +<p>3. Persons belonging to a place sometimes omit the adjective. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>A Kotsi,</i> a man of Kotsi; <i>An’Alol’,</i> a man of Alole; <i>Alol’ amu,</i> a woman of Alole; <i>Ambov’amu,</i> a woman of Ambove; <i>Tseluku ul’ akeda,</i> men of Tseluku. + +</p> +<p>4. Position in a place, or motion to or from a place is shown in the following ways. When the noun has a shortened for <i>-tsi</i> is suffixed. If there is no short form the final <i>e</i> of the noun is changed to <i>i</i> and <i>-tsi</i> is added. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>nani etsi ando,</i> I am in the house; <i>nuni bulitsi gatsi,</i> thou wilt go to the garden; <i>naga Mambutsi l’a tela,</i> I have come here from Mambo. + +</p> +<p>Note (1). Some proper names of places do not take the suffix <i>-tsi.</i> Ex. <i>amul’ Alol’ itatsi,</i> the woman will sleep at Alole. + +</p> +<p>(2). Other proper names, especially those of mountains and the villages built on them, take the suffix <i>-tu</i> (upon) instead of <i>-tsi.</i> Ex. <i>Falitu gatsi,</i> I will go to Faliba, lit. I will go upon Faliba. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>IV. Interrogative Nouns.</h4> +<p>The noun in Fuyuge has a special form to indicate the interrogative. If the noun ends in <i>e,</i> this vowel is changed to <i>a.</i> If already ending in <i>a,</i> the <i>a</i> takes a strong accent. To any other vowel ending <i>a</i> is added. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>ovo(le)</i> pig: interrog. <i>ovola?</i> is it a pig? + +</p> +<p><i>bulomakao,</i> cow, &c.: interrog. <i>bulomakaoa?</i> is it a cow? + +</p> +<p><i>kuku,</i> tobacco: interrog. <i>kukua?</i> is it tobacco? + +</p> +<p><i>kupa,</i> sweet potato: interrog. <i>kupa?</i> is it a sweet potato? + + +<a id="d0e7541"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e7541">311</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>V. Demonstrative Nouns.</h4> +<p>These are similar to the Interrogative Nouns and are formed by the addition of the syllables <i>-aua, -ana,</i> or <i>-ala</i> instead of <i>a.</i> This form is both affirmative and interrogative. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>oyand’ aua?</i> is it a flower? or, it is a flower. + +</p> +<p><i>Tayov’ aua,</i> it is Tayo; <i>kuku aua,</i> it is tobacco; <i>an’ ala,</i> it is a man; <i>Ambov’ ana,</i> it is Ambo. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Adjectives.</h3> +<p>I. Adjectives have no Gender. In the expression of Case, Interrogative and Demonstrative forms they are the same as Nouns. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>a baibe, amu baibe,</i> man tall, woman tall; <i>uli baibitsi mau,</i> pot big-in put it, put it in the big pot; <i>ifana?</i> is it good? <i>ifan’ ala,</i> it is good. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>II. Adjectives of Quality.</h4> +<p>1. Number. + +</p> +<p>Number is expressed as with nouns by changing <i>e</i> to <i>i.</i> Some adjectives in <i>-a</i> add <i>i.</i> There are no adjectives with the plural in <i>-a.</i> Some adjectives in <i>-a(ne)</i> have the plural <i>-ai.</i> + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>kakava(ne)</i> strong, plur. <i>kakavani; safa(le),</i> plur. <i>safa(li); isosonga,</i> idle, plur. <i>isosongai; aka(ne)</i> small, plur. <i>akai.</i> + +</p> +<p>2. Agreement. + +</p> +<p>The adjective always follows the noun which it qualifies, and takes the suffix of the noun. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>a sesada,</i> fence long; <i>emo gai,</i> house old; <i>kodige kisiakatsi,</i> plate little-in: <i>indiv’ amoja(le)</i> knife blunt-with; <i>koua baibitu,</i> box big-on. + +</p> +<p>Sometimes the pronoun <i>u(ne),</i> his, is placed between the noun and the adjective. + +</p> +<p>The meaning of this is uncertain, but it appears to be more emphatic, as <i>e.g.</i> “the road which is good,” “the house which is bad.” + +</p> +<p>Ex, <i>enamb’ un’ ifa,</i> the good road, <i>em’ u koi,</i> the bad house. +<a id="d0e7678"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e7678">312</a>]</span></p> +<p>The adjective used as predicate immediately follows the noun, without a substantive verb. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>an’ ala gududuba,</i> that man (is) stingy; <i>nuni sesada,</i> thou (art) tall; <i>amu safali,</i> the women (are) weak. + +</p> +<p>Note.—When the subject is represented by a pronoun of the first or second person dual or plural, the predicate remains singular. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>dini kakava(ne)</i> we (are) strong; <i>yani kapape,</i> you two (are) weak; but, <i>muni isosongai,</i> they (are) idle. + +</p> +<p>When the predicate expresses a negation the word expressing the quality is followed by the adverb <i>ua(ne)</i> not. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>sesad’ ua, onov’ aka,</i> it is not long, it is short. + +</p> +<p>3. Comparison. + +</p> +<p>There is no special form for comparisons. Two positive statements are made, or a superlative may be used. + +</p> +<p>Ex. My house is larger than yours may be translated: <i>naul’ e baibe, nul’ a kisiaka,</i> my house is large, yours is small, or <i>nul’e baibe, naul’a baibe ta,</i> your house is large, mine is large much. + +</p> +<p>Equality is expressed by the suffix <i>-umba</i> or <i>-yakala.</i> + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>naul’ e, nul’ em’ umba,</i> my house is like your house; <i>nuni sesada, nauyekala,</i> you are tall like me. + +</p> +<p>A superlative is expressed by the prefix <i>ande,</i> or the suffix <i>-ta.</i> But if the adjective in the superlative expresses a lessening of the quality then <i>-aka(ne)</i> is suffixed. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>baibe,</i> large, <i>ande baibe,</i> larger; <i>ifa,</i> fine, <i>ifata,</i> finer; but <i>ono(ve),</i> short, <i>onov’aka,</i> shorter. + +</p> +<p>The prefix <i>ande</i> is used only with adjectives which express an idea of extension. + +</p> +<p>When the adjective expresses an actual state rather than a passive, it is preceded by the sign of past tense, the particle +<i>ga.</i> + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>ant g’ifa,</i> the breeches are (have become) good; <i>ena ga ko,</i> the road (is) bad. + + +<a id="d0e7792"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e7792">313</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>III. Demonstrative Adjectives.</h4> +<p>The demonstrative adjectives in Fuyuge are represented by the suffixes -<i>ana</i>, this, -<i>ala</i>, this, here, -<i>vala</i> that, there. The same expressions translate the French “le voici,” “le voilà.” + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>indiv’ana</i>, this knife; <i>eni’ala</i>, this house; <i>enavala</i>, that road. + +</p> +<p>There is no article, but the expression <i>u mane</i> is used in reference to any thing which has been previously spoken about. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>enamb’ ifa</i>, or <i>enamb’ un’ ifa</i>, it (is) a good road; but <i>enamb u man’ ifa</i>, the road (which has been mentioned) is good. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>IV. Interrogative Adjectives.</h4> +<p>For these. <i>See</i> <a href="#d0e7978">Pronouns</a>. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>V. Indefinite Adjectives.</h4> +<p>The indefinite adjectives are <i>oko</i>, some, a little, part of; <i>tale(le)</i>, several, many; <i>korio</i>, several; <i>gegeto</i>, a few, several; <i>alu(ve)</i>, all; <i>urambe</i>, another; <i>none</i>, together, one with the other; <i>dovavemunge</i>? <i>domamai</i>? how many? + +</p> +<p>Note.—When <i>oko</i> is followed by a word beginning with <i>i</i>, it becomes <i>oku</i>. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>Kuku oko nei</i>, give me some tobacco; <i>nemb’ oko ematsi</i>, they will spear the birds; <i>bodol’ oko tsia</i>, take one of his hands; <i>indiv’ oko ya</i>, take a knife; <i>kuk oko ua</i>, (there is) no tobacco; <i>indiv’ oku i</i>, give him a knife; <i>ake talel’ ando</i>, there are many men; <i>kupa korio inde</i>, give several potatoes; <i>me’ gegeto indiatsi</i>, some children will come; <i>aked’ aluvi etsi ando</i>, all the men are in the village; <i>nau mel’ alu</i>, all my children; <i>indiv’ urambe ya</i>, take another knife; <i>Pitsoke non’ ade</i>, the Pitsoke strike one another; <i>oye non’ ongete</i>, the dogs keep beside each other; <i>kokol’ ul’ ombo dovavemunge?</i> how many eggs? <i>nu sise domamai?</i> how many dog’s teeth? + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>VI. Possessive Adjectives.</h4> +<p><i>See</i> <a href="#d0e8274">Possessive Pronouns</a>. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Numerals.</h3> +<p>I. There are only two numerals: <i>fida (ne)</i>, one, and <i>gegeto</i>, two. <i>Gegeto</i> is also used for a small number, and <i>gegetom’inda</i>, is little used for three. For more <a id="d0e7965"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e7965">314</a>]</span>than three, <i>gegeto</i>, meaning “a few,” or <i>tale(le)</i>, “many” is used. + +</p> +<p>II. There are no ordinals and the only distributive is <i>fida fida</i>, one by one. + +</p> +<p class="div2"><a id="d0e7978"></a></p> +<h3>Pronouns.</h3> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>I. Personal Pronouns. Simple.</h4> +<p>Singular. + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">lst Person </td> +<td valign="top"><i>na, nave, nani,</i> +</td> +<td valign="top">I, me</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">2nd Person </td> +<td valign="top"><i>nu, nove, nuni,</i> +</td> +<td valign="top">thou, thee</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">3rd Person </td> +<td valign="top"><i>u(ne), ove, uni,</i> +</td> +<td valign="top">he, she, it, him, her</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p>Dual. + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">lst Person </td> +<td valign="top"><i>da, dani,</i> +</td> +<td valign="top">we, or us two</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">2nd Person </td> +<td valign="top"><i>ya, yani,</i> +</td> +<td valign="top">you two</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">3rd Person </td> +<td valign="top"><i>tu, tuni,</i> +</td> +<td valign="top">they, or them two</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p>Plural. + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">1st Person </td> +<td valign="top"><i>di, dini,</i> +</td> +<td valign="top">we, us</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">2nd Person </td> +<td valign="top"><i>yi yini,</i> +</td> +<td valign="top">you</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">3rd Person </td> +<td valign="top"><i>mu, muni,</i> +</td> +<td valign="top">they, them</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p>1. The first form <i>na, nu, u(ne)</i> etc., is used either as subject or object of the verb, the meaning being only indicated by the position of the word. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>na kuku nu inditsi,</i> I will give thee tobacco; <i>na un’ adatsi,</i> I will strike him; <i>ya di ong’ ando,</i> you two are beside us. + +</p> +<p>When used before the imperative of the verb <i>indi,</i> to give, <i>na</i> becomes <i>ne.</i> + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>ne i, ne inde,</i> give me. + +</p> +<p><span class="corr" title="Source: ">2. </span>The forms <i>nave</i> and <i>ove</i> are rarely used. The commonest use is with the words <i>ete,</i> to say, <i>ende,</i> also. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>nav’ elete,</i> I said; <i>ov’ elete,</i> he said; <i>nav’ ende, nov’ ende, ov’ ende,</i> I also, thou also, he also. + +</p> +<p>3. The forms <i>nani, nuni,</i> etc., are employed when the verb is understood, or to indicate opposition or emphasis. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>da gatsi? dini;</i> who will go? we (will); <i>nuni kakape ta, nani kakava,</i> you are weak, but I am strong; <i>nani a baibe,</i> I am a great man. + +</p> +<p>4. The dual is generally observed by the natives. Adjectives used with the dual pronoun take the singular form. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>dani sosonga,</i> we (are) idle, +<a id="d0e8159"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e8159">315</a>]</span></p> +<p>5. The dual is often employed with two subjects one of which is plural. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>Kakao tu, tsimani u g’anga</i>, Kakao they two, with the policemen, have started. + +</p> +<p>When <i>dani</i> is used alone it is generally inclusive of the person addressed, and means “I and thou.” If the third person is intended +the name is used: <i>dani Okomi’ u da gatsi</i>, we two Okomi with we will go. <i>Yani</i> is used in a similar way, when one of the persons referred to is not present: <i>ya, Dun’u yani natsi</i>, you two Dune with you will go. The use of the conjunction <i>u(ne)</i> with the second member of the subject does not appear to be constant. + +</p> +<p>6. The pronoun of the third person singular <i>u(ne)</i> when it is the direct object of the verb usually follows, and often takes the form -<i>unde</i>. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>kodigitsi mau</i>, put it in the dish; <i>nag’ al’ unde</i>, I have seen him. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>II. Personal Pronouns. Compound.</h4> +<p>From the pronouns <i>na, nu</i>, etc., are derived by means of the suffix -<i>muku</i>, alone, the forms <i>namuku, numuku</i>, etc., with the meanings, “I alone, without company,” etc. + +</p> +<p>The suffix -<i>mule</i>, is equivalent to self, <i>namule, numule</i>, etc., myself, thyself, etc. + +</p> +<p>From <i>nani, nuni</i>, etc., come the forms: <i>naniende</i>, or <i>nanienge</i>, etc., meaning myself in person, etc.; <i>nanieke, nunieke</i>, etc., from -<i>eke</i>, alone; <i>naniova</i>, etc., it is my business, <i>nanibila</i>, I by myself, without help. <i>Nani endebila</i> is more emphatic than <i>nanibila</i>. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>numuku andola</i>? art thou quite alone? <i>da gatsi? uniende</i>; who will go? he himself; <i>nu da? nanienge</i>; who art thou? it is myself; <i>amed’ unieke ando</i>, the chief is alone; <i>ake muniova</i>, it is the men’s business; <i>dinieke al’ andetsi</i>, we will stay here alone; <i>isong’ unibila</i>, his own rainbow appears. + +</p> +<p class="div3"><a id="d0e8274"></a></p> +<h4>III. Possessive Pronouns.</h4> +<p>1. These are formed from the simple forms of the personal pronouns by suffixing -<i>ula(ne)</i> literally “his thing.” + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Singular.</td> +<td valign="top">Dual.</td> +<td valign="top">Plural.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">1. <i>naula(ne)</i></td> +<td valign="top">1. <i>daula(ne)</i></td> +<td valign="top">1. <i>diula(ne)</i></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">2. <i>nula(ne)</i></td> +<td valign="top">2. <i>yaula(ne)</i></td> +<td valign="top">2. <i>yula(ne)</i></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">3. <i>ula(ne)</i></td> +<td valign="top">3. <i>tula(le)</i></td> +<td valign="top">3. <i>mula(ne)</i></td> +</tr> +</table><p> +<a id="d0e8330"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e8330">316</a>]</span></p> +<p>They translate the English mine, thine, etc. Sometimes in compounds the final <i>n</i> becomes <i>nd</i>. Ex. <i>nauland’ aua</i>, here is mine. + +</p> +<p>2. The adjectival forms appear without the syllable <i>la</i>. + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Singular.</td> +<td valign="top">Dual.</td> +<td valign="top">Plural.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">1. <i>nau</i>(<i>le</i>) +</td> +<td valign="top">1. <i>dau</i>(<i>le</i>) +</td> +<td valign="top">1. <i>diu</i>(<i>le</i>) +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">2. <i>nu</i>(<i>le</i>) +</td> +<td valign="top">2. <i>yau</i>(<i>le</i>) +</td> +<td valign="top">2. <i>yu</i>(<i>le</i>) +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">3. <i>u</i>(<i>le</i>) +</td> +<td valign="top">3. <i>tu</i>(<i>le</i>) +</td> +<td valign="top">3. <i>mu</i>(<i>le</i>) +</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p>These adjectives precede the noun which they govern. With personal nouns the forms <i>naula</i>, etc., are sometimes used. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>nau me</i> and <i>naula me</i>, my son; <i>diu vase</i> and <i>diula vase</i>, our guest. + +</p> +<p>Note.—The form <i>nulu</i> is heard in the phrase <i>nulu babe</i>, thy father. + +</p> +<p>The suffix <i>mule</i> is also used in the sense of “own.” + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>numul’ ul’ i to, n’ alo</i>, your own name, which I know; <i>namul’ ul i</i>, my own name. These suggest that the true possessive is simply <i>ul</i>(<i>e</i>) or <i>ula</i>(<i>ne</i>). + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>IV. Interrogative Pronouns.</h4> +<p>1. These are: <i>Da</i>(<i>le</i>)? <i>dau</i>(<i>ne</i>)? who, which? <i>anda</i>(<i>le</i>)? what? <i>unau</i>? which? They are used also as adjectives. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>Nu da</i>? who art thou? <i>dau ga ne</i>? who has eaten it? <i>anda l’ elete</i>? what did he say? <i>Ivi: unau</i>? Ivi: which one? + +</p> +<p>2. When the verb is preceded by the particle <i>ga</i>, <i>dau</i>(<i>ne</i>) must be used instead of <i>da</i>(<i>le</i>). + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>V. Indefinite Pronouns.</h4> +<p>These are the same as the Indefinite Adjectives. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>VI. Relative Pronouns.</h4> +<p>The suffix <i>niu</i>(<i>ne</i>) or <i>u</i>(<i>ne</i>) takes the place of a relative pronoun. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>A yaigegemune</i>, the man who descends; <i>audati itedemu bulitsi jalo tolom elota</i>, in the garden which they are cutting now when the food is ripe; <i>ovo jamun’ imbade</i>, the meat taken from the pig; <i>fal’ itamun’ akeda</i>, the men who have dug the ground. + + +<a id="d0e8576"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e8576">317</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Verbs.</h3> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>I. Conjugation.</h4> +<p>The Fuyuge verb is conjugated by modifications of the terminal syllables, or by a particle added to the subject. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>II. The Particle, Ga.</h4> +<p>The particle <i>ga</i> (often <i>g’</i> before a vowel) is generally used with the past tense, and is rarely absent in the positive form of the verb. But it may +be used also with the present and future. With the present it seems to indicate reference to a preceding action in the sense +of “being on the point of,” “ready to.” With the future it has almost the sense of “go.” + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>Ake ga nembe na,</i> the men have eaten the bird; <i>amu g’anga</i> the women are gone; <i>naga bulitsi gatsi,</i> I am going to go away to the garden; <i>naga sue,</i> I am going away. + +</p> +<p>Note (1). <i>Ga</i> always immediately follows the subject, except with the past of the verb <i>ange(ge),</i> to go, which always has <i>g’anga.</i> + +</p> +<p>(2). When the subject is not a pronoun, the pronoun of the 3rd pers. sing. is often expressed. + +</p> +<p>(3). <i>Ga</i> never appears to be used in a negative expression. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>Naga ipitsial’ uruv’ ema,</i> I have killed with the gun a toucan; <i>mel ul’ etsi g’anga,</i> the child to his village has gone; <i>Okom’ ug’ nemb’ ema,</i> Okome has killed a bird; <i>ake kupa me na,</i> the men have not eaten the potatoes. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>III. Person and Number.</h4> +<p>These are not expressed by the verb in Fuyuge. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>IV. Tense and Mode.</h4> +<p>1. There are three principal tenses, present, past and future. The present is found in the indicative and imperative modes, +the past in the indicative only, and the future in the indicative and subjunctive. Besides these, there is a method of expressing +the infinitive, a passive participle, and two forms of verbal adjectives. +<a id="d0e8652"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e8652">318</a>]</span></p> +<p>2. <i>Paradigm of tenses and modes.</i> + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"></td> +<td valign="top"><i>ememe</i>, pierce +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>umbubi</i>, wash +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>isiei</i>, follow +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Indicative present</td> +<td valign="top"><i>ememe</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>umbubi</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>isiei</i></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Indicative past (1)</td> +<td valign="top"><i>ema(me)</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>umbubi(ne)</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>isia</i></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Indicative past (2)</td> +<td valign="top"><i>emo(ne)</i></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Indicative future</td> +<td valign="top"><i>ematsi(me)</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>umbubitsi(me)</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>isiatsi</i></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Imperative (1)</td> +<td valign="top"><i>ema</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>umbubi</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>isia</i></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Imperative (2)</td> +<td valign="top"><i>emau</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>umbubu</i></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Subjunctive (1)</td> +<td valign="top"><i>emo(le)</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>umbubi(ne)</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>isio(me)</i></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Subjunctive (2)</td> +<td valign="top"><i>emo(me)</i></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Infinitive</td> +<td valign="top"><i>ema(me)</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>umbubi(me)</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>isie(me)</i></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Past participle</td> +<td valign="top"><i>emam(ane)</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>umbubim(ane)</i></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Verbal adjective (1)</td> +<td valign="top"><i>emabul(ane)</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>umbubibul(ane)</i></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Verbal adjective (2)</td> +<td valign="top"><i>ememond(ana)</i></td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p>If the Imperative be regarded as the stem, there appear to be three Conjugations, but Dr. Strong gives four based on past +tense, thus: i. Verbs with monosyllabic roots, 2. Verbs with roots in <i>a</i>, 3. Verbs with roots in <i>i</i>, 4. Verbs with roots in <i>e</i>. + +</p> +<p>His examples are:— + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"></td> +<td valign="top">1.</td> +<td valign="top">2.</td> +<td valign="top">3.</td> +<td valign="top">4.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"></td> +<td valign="top"><i>nen</i>, eat +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>itede</i>, cut +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>ongai</i>, break +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>bole</i>, leave +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Present</td> +<td valign="top"><i>nene</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>itede</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>ongai</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>bolo</i></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Past</td> +<td valign="top"><i>na</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>ita</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>ongai</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>bole</i></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Future</td> +<td valign="top"><i>natsi</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>itatsi</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>ongaitsi</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>bolatsi</i></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Imperative</td> +<td valign="top"><i>nu</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>ito</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>ongai</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>bo(le)</i></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Subjunctive</td> +<td valign="top"><i>no</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>ito</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>ongai</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>bolo</i></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Infinitive</td> +<td valign="top"><i>namubabe</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>itamubabe</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>ongaimubabe</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>bolamane</i></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Past participle</td> +<td valign="top"><i>namane</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>itaname</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>ongaimane</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>bolamane</i></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Adjectival</td> +<td valign="top"><i>nab’ula(ne)</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>itedondona</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>ongaibula(ne)</i></td> +<td valign="top"><i>bolabula(ne)</i></td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p>3. <i>Notes on the foregoing paradigms.</i> + +</p> +<p><i>a.</i> Indicative present. + +</p> +<p>Most verbs double the last syllable of the stem, which in the first conjugation always ends in <i>e</i>. There are, however, some exceptions, especially among verbs in <i>i</i>, and those which have a verbal suffix. The syllable <i>-te</i> when doubled is always <i>-tede</i>. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>Nag alili</i>, I see; <i>nani e gadi</i>, I build (tie up) the house; <i>nani okid’ atede</i>, I light the fire. + +</p> +<p><i>b.</i> Indicative past. + +</p> +<p>The difference between the two forms, both of which are preceded by the particle <i>ga</i>, is not yet clearly made out. The ending <i>e</i> seems to refer to the time when the action finished, whilst <i>-a</i> has a more general signification. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>Naga ne</i>, I have eaten, <i>naga kupa na</i>, I ate the potatoes. There is another form which replaces the final syllable of the present tense by <i>-ua</i>. Verbs in <i>-i</i> add <i>-ua</i> to the final syllable. But it is uncertain whether this expresses the near past, or includes an idea of movement. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>na bul’ elelua</i>, I have just worked in the garden; <i>nu a gadi ua</i>, you have just tied up the fence. +<a id="d0e9030"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e9030">319</a>]</span></p> +<p><i>c</i>. Indicative future. + +</p> +<p>If the syllables preceding the suffix <i>-tsi</i> also contain <i>-tsi-ti</i>. In monosyllabic verbs especially, a second form of the future is often found, which retains the doubling of the present +tense. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>etsiati</i>, will come; <i>nenetsi</i>, will eat; <i>yeyetsi</i>, will take. For <i>ga</i> with the future, see below. + +</p> +<p><i>d</i>. Imperative. + +</p> +<p>The first form of the imperative has less force than the second. In the first conjugation the second form always terminates +in <i>-au</i>, even when the first form is irregular. The last syllable of the imperative is often lost, especially when the ending is +<i>-li</i>. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>aitodede</i>, runs, imperat. <i>aitode</i> and <i>aitodau</i>; <i>itulili</i>, ward off, imperat. <i>itu</i>; <i>bole</i>, leaves, imperat. <i>bole</i>, <i>bo</i>, and <i>bolau</i>; <i>ameme</i>, puts, imperat. <i>a</i> and <i>ama</i>. + +</p> +<p>The imperative is only used for the second person. In the first and third (sometimes even in the second) it is replaced by +the subjunctive. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>di ango</i>, let us go; <i>to n’alo</i>, speak, that I may know; <i>go di go</i>, go that we may go. + +</p> +<p><i>e</i>. Subjunctive. + +</p> +<p>The two forms of the subjunctive are distinguished only in composition, and have not yet been clearly understood. The last +syllable besides is rarely heard except in questions, and refers then to the interrogative form. The subjunctive without a +conjunction is used in simple phrases consisting only of subject and object. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>kuku gadi, di no</i>, roll the tobacco (make cigarette), that we may smoke (eat). + +</p> +<p><i>f</i>. Infinitive. + +</p> +<p>The forms given as infinitive are uncertain. They may be verbal nouns. They are used in phrases such as: <i>nam’ u babe</i>, father of eating, for ’a great eater’: <i>tsimilim’ u babe</i>, father of licking, cf. <i>andaval’ u babe</i>, father of crying, one who causes crying. + +</p> +<p><i>g</i>. Past Participle. + +</p> +<p>This does not easily lose the final syllable when it ends a sentence. In other cases, when it is followed by the word it qualifies +it loses <i>-ane</i>, if the qualified word begins with a vowel, and <i>-ne</i> in other cases. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>iy’ ongaimane</i>, the cut tree, <i>indiv’ ongaima ya</i>, or <i>ongaim’ indi’ ya</i>, take the broken knife, <i>g’usangaman’ ul’ ande</i>, the thing of death. + +</p> +<p>The past participle of some verbs has not yet been ascertained. + +</p> +<p><i>h</i>. Verbal Adjectives. + +</p> +<p>The exact difference between the two forms is not accurately ascertained. The first seems to indicate an instrument, and is +<a id="d0e9180"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e9180">320</a>]</span>equivalent to the phrase “used for,” the second appears to indicate habitual rather than momentary use. When qualifying persons +<i>-onde</i> is used for <i>-ondana</i>. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>indi kupa fifitabula</i>, knife for scraping potatoes; <i>ai safatsilibula</i>, a yam which has rotted; <i>kulule iy’ adedondona</i>, a hammer for striking wood; <i>nuni oyatonde</i>, you are only joking; <i>nani falawa me nonde</i>, I don’t eat bread. + +</p> +<p>In composition <i>-ande</i>, or at least <i>-nde</i>, is lost when the word qualified follows. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>ai filibulanda</i>, a yam for planting, <i>filibula’ ai ne i</i>, give me the yam for planting; <i>ambe nenondana</i>, the eatable banana, <i>nenond’ ambe ya</i>, take the eatable banana. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>V. Negation.</h4> +<p>The negative of the verb is formed by the particle <i>me</i> or <i>mi</i> preceding. In the imperative it also precedes, but when emphasis is laid upon the negation <i>mi</i> follows. The difference between <i>me</i> and <i>mi</i> is not clear, but <i>me</i> appears to be used only before verbs beginning with a consonant, and <i>mi</i> with other verbs. + +</p> +<p>A negative participle or infinitive does not appear. For the verbal adjective the suffix <i>-ua(ne)</i> is used. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>Na mi alele</i>, I do not understand; <i>nani matsine mi engatsi</i>, I will not put on the (shell) bracelet; <i>mi unde</i>, do not fear; <i>kolose mi</i>, do not play; <i>me ya</i>, do not take; <i>nenond’ an’ ua</i>, what is not eaten. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>VI. Interrogative.</h4> +<p>The interrogative is only employed with reference to the verb itself, not to the complements. It changes with the conjugation +and varies for present, past and future tense. + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Present. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Past 1. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Past 2. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Future 1. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Future 2. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><i>ememoma?</i> + +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>emama?</i> + +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>emena?</i> + +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>emolà?</i> + +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>emómà?</i> + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><i>umbubima?</i> + +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>umbibia?</i> + +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>umbubina?</i> + +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>umbubila?</i> + +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>umbubima?</i></td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p>The present in the first conjugation keeps the reduplication of the stem, and changes the final <i>e</i> to <i>-oma</i>. The second conjugation simply adds <i>-ma</i>. The interrogative in the past simply changes the <i>e</i> of <a id="d0e9351"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e9351">321</a>]</span>the positive indicative to <i>a</i> in both forms. The future is formed in the same way from the subjunctive with a stress upon the final <i>a</i> in the first conjugation. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>Nuga malele yera?</i> have you taken the book? <i>uga nemb’ emama?</i> has he killed the bird? <i>nu aiti golà?</i> would you start to-morrow? <i>kupa g’ilama?</i> are the potatoes cooked? + +</p> +<p>Note (1). The future interrogative replies to the question, “Can I...”? or “Should I...”? + +</p> +<p>(2). The interrogative of the near past (<i>cf.p.</i> 318, 3, <i>b</i>) is formed by substituting <i>-una</i> for <i>-ua</i>. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>nug’ em’ aliluna?</i> Have you just come to see the village? + +</p> +<p>(3). The form of the second future as <i>umbibia</i> is rarely heard, except with the verb <i>alili</i>, see, from which comes <i>’Aria?</i> see? + +</p> +<p>(4). The negative interrogative is formed like the simple negative by <i>me</i> or <i>mi</i> preceding the verb. + +</p> +<p>The questions “What should I do?” “What should I say,” How should I begin it?” are translated by the expression <i>do(le)... maiti</i>, from <i>do(le)?</i> where? + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>dotamaiti?</i> how should I say? <i>dol’ imaiti?</i> what should I do? <i>do yela maiti?</i> how shall I call? + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>VII. Substantive Verb.</h4> +<p>1. In the present tense there is no substantive verb. The predicate and subject are combined as in the examples already given +(cf. p. 312, 2). But when the present indicates a state in opposition to one preceding it, <i>ga</i> is used before the adjective, or if in opposition to a future state, the verb <i>ando</i> follows. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>Kuku ga ko</i>, the tobacco is bad; <i>balava ga ua</i>, the bread is finished; <i>indi ga kouatu</i>, the knife is on the box; <i>ambe g’ifa</i>, the banana is good; <i>ambe gos’ ando</i>, the banana is (still) green (not ripe). + +</p> +<p>The past is more difficult to express. It always requires an adverb of time. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>Mele maleke ifa, audati ga ko</i>, the child formerly was good, now he is bad. + +</p> +<p>3. For other tenses the verb is translated only by the auxiliaries <i>-elele</i> and <i>-angege</i>, for which cf. p. 322, 7. +<a id="d0e9475"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e9475">322</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>VIII. Auxiliary Verbs.</h4> +<p>1. The particle <i>ga</i> may be used to make any expression whatever attributive. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>Yu g’ua</i>, the water is finished (<i>i.e</i>., is not); <i>malele ga kouatsi</i>, the book is in the box. + +</p> +<p>In such examples there is almost the sense of a past action, as if it were “The water (has become) nothing,” “the book has +been put (is already in) the box.” + +</p> +<p>2. The verbs <i>ete, tede</i>, to say, or to do, and <i>elele</i>, to become, are often used to form a noun stem into a verb. <i>Ete</i> and <i>tede</i> give the sense of <i>sounding</i>, <i>elele</i> gives the sense of <i>using</i> whatever the noun expresses. + +</p> +<p>Ex. + +</p> +<p><i>fioli</i>, flute, <i>fioliete</i>, to play the flute.<br> +<i>yuve</i>, water, <i>yuv’ elele</i>, to bathe.<br> +<i>ule</i>, thunder, <i>ulonete</i>, to thunder.<br> +<i>ivule</i>, dye, <i>ivul’ elele</i>, to paint one’s self.<br> +<i>andavale</i>, crying, <i>andav’ ete</i>, to weep.<br> +<i>bule</i>, earth, <i>bul’ elele</i>, to cultivate. + +</p> +<p>3. The Tenses, etc., of these verbs are found as follows: + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">1 </td> +<td valign="top">2 </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">1 </td> +<td valign="top">2</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Pres. indic. </td> +<td valign="top">ete or tede. </td> +<td valign="top">elele. </td> +<td valign="top">Imperative. </td> +<td valign="top">ta. </td> +<td valign="top">elau, ele, e.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Past indic. </td> +<td valign="top">te(ne). </td> +<td valign="top">elame. </td> +<td valign="top">Subjunctive. </td> +<td valign="top">to(me), to(le). </td> +<td valign="top">elo(me), elo(le).</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Past indic. </td> +<td valign="top">ta(me). </td> +<td valign="top">elene. </td> +<td valign="top">Infinitive. </td> +<td valign="top">ta(me). </td> +<td valign="top">ela(me).</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Future indic. </td> +<td valign="top">tatsi(me). </td> +<td valign="top">elatsi(me). </td> +<td valign="top">Verbal adj. </td> +<td valign="top">tond(ana). </td> +<td valign="top">?</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p>4. The negative is formed regularly by <i>mi</i>. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>nani yu mi elatsi</i>, I shall not bathe; <i>degu mi e</i>, don’t get dirty. + +</p> +<p>5. The interrogative is regular. + +</p> +<p>Pres. or past, <i>tena?</i> or <i>tama? elena?</i> or <i>elama?</i> Fut. <i>toma?</i> and <i>tola? eloma?</i> and <i>elola?</i> + +</p> +<p>6. The auxiliaries <i>ete, tede, elele</i>, should be distinguished from the regular verb, <i>tede</i> or <i>ta</i>, to make. The latter is a distinct verb used when the result of the action is to produce a new thing. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>Sambari tatsi</i>, will make a wall; <i>ombo tatsi</i>, will make a sieve. + +</p> +<p>7. The verbs <i>elele</i> and <i>angege</i>, both meaning “to become,” may be regarded as auxiliary verbs when they are used with adjectives, often taking the place +of a substantive verb. In this use <i>elele</i> is never, and <a id="d0e9711"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e9711">323</a>]</span><i>angege</i> very rarely used in the past tense, the particle <i>ga</i> taking their place. + +</p> +<p>Both are regular except in the imperative, which has respectively <i>ela</i> and <i>elau</i>, <i>ange</i> and <i>angau</i>. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>Ifan’ eloma?</i> will he become handsome? <i>ifa mi elatsi?</i> he will not be handsome? <i>indi g’ ifa</i>, the knife is good; <i>yuv’ uan angatsi</i>, the water will cease (become nothing); <i>mel g’ us’ anga</i>, or <i>me g’ use</i>, the child is dead. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>IX. Verbal Suffixes.</h4> +<p>1. The suffix <i>-i</i>, added to a noun stem, forms generally a neuter verb. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>abe</i>, work, <i>abi</i>, to work; <i>iso</i>(<i>ne</i>), smoke, <i>isoni</i>, to give forth smoke; <i>kese</i>, a clean vegetable, <i>kesi</i>, to clean vegetables. + +</p> +<p>2. The suffix <i>-tede</i>, added to a noun stem, forms usually an active verb. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>foye</i>, ashes, <i>foitede</i>, to cook in ashes; <i>gurube</i>, neck, <i>gurutede</i>, to hang at the neck. + +</p> +<p>3. The suffix of manner defining the verb, is formed by adding the adjective with the final syllable changed to <i>-i</i>. + +</p> +<p>Note (1). The suffix of manner is always added to the infinitive form of the preceding verb. + +</p> +<p>(2). In the negative these compound verbs are considered a single word. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>te</i>, say, <i>ifane</i>, good, <i>tam’ ifani</i>, to say well. <i>i</i>, do, <i>koye</i>, bad, <i>i’koi</i>, to do badly. <i>ilele</i>, cook, <i>akane</i>, small, <i>ilam’akani</i>, to half-cook. + +</p> +<p>4. The suffix <i>-matede</i> appears to have a causative signification. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>ga koda</i> (perhaps the past of <i>kodede</i>,) pierced, <i>komatede</i>, to pierce (of a man); <i>ga siuda</i>, extinguished, <i>siumatede</i>, to extinguish. + +</p> +<p>Note. This suffix appears in some examples as a separate verb in the same sense. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>yuv’ olola mata</i>, warm up the water; <i>indi koi matatsi</i>, the knife will become bad. + +</p> +<p>The negative is not known. + +</p> +<p>5. The suffixes <i>-meme</i> and <i>-ngo</i> are added to neuter <a id="d0e9882"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e9882">324</a>]</span>verbs. The first has an active meaning, the second is passive. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>yu</i>, to be upright, <i>yuma</i>, to put upright, <i>yungo</i>, to be upright. <i>yari</i>(?), <i>yarima</i>, to hang, <i>yaringo</i>, to be hanging. + +</p> +<p>Note (1). <i>Meme</i> is regularly conjugated; <i>-ngo</i> is imperfectly known. + +</p> +<p>(2). Negative forms are <i>me yumatsi</i>, will not place upright, <i>mi yaringo</i>, not hanging. + +</p> +<p>6. The auxiliary verbs, except <i>ga</i>, may perhaps be included among the suffixes (<i>see</i> p. 322, VIII.). + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>X. Verbal Prefixes.</h4> +<p>The prefix <i>ya-</i> renders a neuter verb active or causative. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>yaigege</i>, to go down, <i>yeyaigege</i>, to carry down. <i>faikadede</i>, to come back, <i>yefaika(dede)</i>, to give back. <i>yu</i>, to stand up, <i>yeyu</i>, to set up. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>XI. Irregular Verbs.</h4> +<p>1. Many verbs are irregular in the imperative. + +</p> +<p>Ex. +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><i>angege</i>, imperat. +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>ange</i>, go. +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><i>atede</i>, imperat. +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>ade</i>, kindle, burn. +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><i>ende</i>, imperat. +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>ende</i>, undo. +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><i>etsie</i>, imperat. +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>etsie</i>, come up (ladder). +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><i>faikadede</i>, imperat. +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>faika(dede)</i>, go back. +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><i>idede</i>, imperat. +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>de</i>, gather, pluck. +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><i>isie</i>, imperat. +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>isia</i>, follow; +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><i>itede</i>, imperat. +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>ide</i>, sting, bite. +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><i>itulili</i>, imperat. +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>itu(li)</i>, split. +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><i>ivori</i>, imperat. +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>ivo(ri)</i>, wipe. +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><i>kosisi</i>, imperat. +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>kose</i>, turn. +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><i>telele</i>, imperat. +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>te(le)</i>, come. +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><i>yelele</i>, imperat. +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>ye(le)</i>, call. +</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p>2. Other irregular verbs are the following. Only those forms known are entered. + +</p> +<p><i>Aitodede</i>, to run: imperat. <i>attode</i>, infin. <i>aitode(me)</i>.<br> +<i>ando</i> and <i>ande</i>, to be there: fut. <i>andetsi</i>, imperat. <i>ande</i>, subj. <i>ando</i>, and <i>ande</i>.<br> +<i>bole</i>, to leave: past, <i>bo(le)</i>, imperat. <i>bo(le)</i>.<br> +<i>ete</i>, to tell: past, <i>ete</i> and <i>elete</i>, imperat. <i>eta</i> and <i>ta</i>.<br> +<i>faduatsiete</i>, to ache (head): fut. <i>faduatatsi</i>.<br> +<i>iei</i>, to throw: fut. <i>iatsi</i>, imperat. <i>ia</i>.<br> +<i>indi</i>, to give;, imperat. <i>i(nde)</i>, subj. <i>i(ndi)</i>.<br> +<i>ingale</i>, to carry (on shoulder): past, <i>ingala</i> and <i>inge</i>, imperat. <i>inga</i>, subj. <i>ingo</i>.<br> +<i>itede</i> and <i>ito</i>, to lay down: past, <i>ito</i> and <i>ita</i>, near past, <i>itova</i>, imperat. <i>ito</i>.<a id="d0e10245"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e10245">325</a>]</span><br> +<i>songe</i>, to go: pres. and past, <i>se</i>, near past, <i>sova</i>, imperat. <i>so(nge)</i>, subj. <i>so</i>, interrog. <i>sona?</i><br> +<i>sue</i>, to walk, go: pres. <i>sue</i>, fut. <i>susuetsi</i>.<br> +<i>utsisi</i>, to draw: fut. <i>utsist</i>, imperat. <i>ude</i>. + +</p> +<p>Note (1). The verbs <i>ando</i> and <i>ito</i> are not yet accurately understood. + +</p> +<p>(2). The verb <i>ete</i> has a double conjugation, the initial <i>e</i> being retained or omitted at will. The past <i>elete</i> is used in reporting the words of another person. + +</p> +<p>(3). The verb <i>faduatsiete</i> is a type of several verbs which end in <i>ete</i>, preceded by the syllable <i>tsi</i>. All these appear to lose <i>tsi</i> in the future, although some have both forms. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>kiovatsiete</i>, to cry (of black parrot): fut. <i>kiovatatsi</i> and <i>kiovatsitatsi</i>.<br> +<i>puatsiete</i>, to make a cracking noise: fut. <i>puatatsi</i> and <i>puatsiatsi</i>. + +</p> +<p>(4). The verb <i>sue</i> in the meaning “go away” always has <i>ga</i>. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>nu ga sua? na ga sua</i>, are you going away? I am going away. + +</p> +<p>The verb <i>angege</i>, to go, in the past tense has the particle ga prefixed to the verb instead of suffixed to the pronoun. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>na nul etsi ganga</i>, I went to your village. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>XII. Notes on Some Verbs.</h4> +<p>1. <i>Tede</i> and <i>i</i>. + +</p> +<p>There is a difference in the meaning of the verbs <i>tede</i>, (<i>ete</i>) and <i>i</i>, both used for “do” or “make.” The first is used when the object by which one obtains the action is indicated, the second +is used when the action only is expressed, and might then be translated by the phrase “to go to work, to set about.” + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>olon’ete</i>, to snore, make a sound with the <i>olo</i>(<i>ne</i> hole, <i>i.e.</i>, the nostrils, <i>ung’ul ’olo. na (melauk’) i koitsi</i>, I shall do the thing wrong. + +</p> +<p>2. <i>Gege, angege, engege, songe.</i> + +</p> +<p>All of these have the general meaning of “go.” Their differences are not yet clearly understood. <i>Engege</i> appears to mean “go up.” <i>Songe</i> is specially employed when the following phrase indicates a final <a id="d0e10417"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e10417">326</a>]</span>proposition, or an answer to the questions “Where do you come from?” or “Where are you going?” + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>nuni o’ gega</i>, thou hast passed down there; <i>di engo</i>, let us go up; <i>na song’ em’ aritsi</i>, I am going to see the village; <i>nu do sona</i>? where have you been? (or, where do you come from?); <i>na bulitsi sova</i>, I have been in the garden (or, I have come from the garden). + +</p> +<p>3. <i>Idede</i>. + +</p> +<p>This verb has a general meaning besides the special one “to gather.” + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>fang’ idede</i>, to set a trap; <i>di yu molots’ idoma</i>? should we make a water-pipe? + +</p> +<p>4. <i>Ameme</i>. + +</p> +<p>This verb has the general meaning of passing, or making anything pass, through an opening. The object which has the opening +does not take suffixes. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>kupa ulin’ ama</i>, put the potatoes in the pot; <i>na ul’ olol’ amene</i>, I passed it through the hole; <i>iso nu emana? andavete</i>, does the smoke irritate you? you are weeping. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Adverbs.</h3> +<p>I. Adverbs generally precede the verb which they modify. The exceptions are the interrogative na? (is it not so?) which always +comes at the end of the sentence, and <i>-ta</i> (at first), which follows the verb. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>aiti balava natsi</i>, to-morrow bread I shall eat; <i>aiti nu inditsi na</i>? to-morrow I will give it you, shall I not? <i>kuku neta</i>, I eat the tobacco at first. + +</p> +<p>Note.—This <i>ta</i> appears to be almost a conjunction, and the phrase might be translated “when I shall have smoked (eaten) the tobacco.” + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>II. Adverbs of Place.</h4> +<p><i>do(le)?</i> where.<br> +<i>a(le)</i>), here.<br> +<i>va(ie)</i>, there.<br> +<i>ombatsi</i>, underneath.<br> +<i>gisa(le)</i>, far.<br> +<i>ime(li)?</i> far.<br> +<i>kugume</i>, near.<br> +<i>tsi</i>, inside.<br> +<i>val’enga</i>, outside.<br> +<i>tu</i>, on, over<br> +<i>ibe(le)</i>, down there.<br> +<i>o(me)</i>, up there.<br> +<i>yo(le)</i>, there above. +<a id="d0e10560"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e10560">327</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>III. Adverbs of Time.</h4> +<p>The adverbs of time are not very definite. For example <i>audati</i>, “to-day, now,” means also “in a few days” or “a few days ago.” The latter meaning is also attributed to <i>arima</i>, and the former to <i>aiti</i>. + +</p> +<p><i>aida</i>? when?<br> +<i>vomarima</i>, day before yesterday.<br> +<i>arima</i>, yesterday.<br> +<i>male(ke)</i>, formerly.<br> +<i>malieke)</i>, formerly.<br> +<i>audali)</i>, to-day, now.<br> +<i>aiti(me)</i>, to-morrow.<br> +<i>vomaiti</i>, day after to-morrow.<br> +<i>talele</i>, often, for ever.<br> +<i>dedi</i>, just now, later (near).<br> +<i>ido(ve)</i>, not yet (with fut.) immediately.<br> +<i>ulsienga</i>, later on, in the future.<br> +<i>utsimata</i>, later on, in the future.<br> +<i>utsinenga</i>, later on, in the future.<br> +<i>kelavalage</i>, for a time.<br> +<i>-ta</i>, at first.<br> +<i>vo(ye</i>, again. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>IV. Adverbs of Quantity.</h4> +<p><i>dovavemunge</i>? how much? how many?<br> +<i>domamai</i>? how much? how many?<br> +<i>avevemunge</i>, as much, so much, as many, so many.<br> +<i>tale(le)</i>, many.<br> +<i>apa(le)</i>, enough.<br> +<i>kisiaka</i>, few, little.<br> +<i>oko</i>, few, little.<br> +<i>-ta</i>, very.<br> +<i>ande</i>, very.<br> +<i>boboi</i>, entirely, quite.<br> +<i>gegeto</i>, few. + +</p> +<p>Note. When <i>apa</i> is used with a numeral it precedes it. Ex. <i>apa gegeto</i>, two are sufficient. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>V. Adverbs of Affirmation, Negation and Interrogation.</h4> +<p><i>e</i>, yes.<br> +<i>akai(ge)</i>, truly.<br> +<i>g’akai</i>, truly.<br> +<i>me</i>! what! certainly!<br> +<i>ila</i>! I who knows?<br> +<i>ua(ne)</i>, not, no.<br> +<i>nà</i>? is it not (French, n’est ce pas?).<br> +<i>óuo</i>! not at all, by no means.<br> +<i>andal’ai(me)</i>? why? + +</p> +<p>Note. <i>Me</i>, <i>óuo</i>, and <i>ila</i> are almost interjections. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>VI. Adverbs of Manner and Likeness.</h4> +<p>The adverbs of manner are often replaced by noun suffixes attached to the verb, with the final <i>i</i>. (See Verbal Suffixes, p. 323). + +</p> +<p><i>unoi</i>, together.<br> +<i>akaumai(nge)</i>, further, beyond, besides.<br> +<i>uneke</i>, only.<br> +<i>ende</i>, also.<br> +<i>elele</i>, quickly.<br> +<i>dedi</i>, slowly<br> +<i>fidefide</i>, continually.<br> +<i>kela</i>, without reason, gratis. + +</p> +<p>Note. When <i>ende</i> modifies a verb with subject in the third person, it is preceded by the pronoun <i>ove</i>. Ex. <i>nau fud’ ov’ ende fufuli</i>, my bones (they) also ache. +<a id="d0e10844"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e10844">328</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Prepositions and Postpositions.</h3> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>I. Prepositions.</h4> +<p>Only two prepositions are found in Fuyuge. These are <i>ise</i>, near, and <i>ga</i>, by. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>aked’ is’ okid’ ando</i>, the men are near the fire; <i>ganda</i>? <i>ga ma</i>! by what do you swear? by the thread. + +</p> +<p>Note. <i>Ga</i>, in the sense of “by,” is much used, and corresponds to a kind of oath. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>II. Postpositions.</h4> +<p>1. All the postpositions are used as suffixes to the words which they govern. When the noun to which they are suffixed has +a double form, the postposition is added to the short form. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>uli-tsi</i> from <i>uli(ne)</i> pot: <i>fatsi</i> from <i>fa(le)</i>, ground. + +</p> +<p>There are however some exceptions. + +</p> +<p>2. When the postposition begins with a consonant, the final <i>e</i> of a noun changes to <i>i</i>. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>kodigi-tsi</i> from <i>kodige</i>, plate; <i>bulitsi</i> from <i>bule</i>, garden. + +</p> +<p>3. The postpositions are often used as nouns. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>balava u tsi ido asi</i>, the inside of the loaf is still raw. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>III. List of Postpositions.</h4> +<p><i>-ai(me)</i>, because of, for: <i>ovol’ aim’ andavete</i>, I weep for the pig. + +</p> +<p><i>-a(le)</i>, with, by (instrumental): <i>isong’ al’ oki ya -andal’ a? isong’ ale</i>, take the fire with the tongs—with what? with the tongs; <i>amul’ al’ ul’ese</i>, the woman with her child; <i>uli sond’ al’ ale</i>, a pot with a handle. + +</p> +<p><i>-ala</i>, to, adherent to, along: <i>yo’ ata yarima</i>, hang it on the rattan; <i>enamb’ ata malele yatsi</i>, I will take it along the road. + +</p> +<p><i>-fendateme</i>, near (within bounds): <i>Sivu Alo fendatem’ ando</i>, Sivu is near Alo. +<a id="d0e10965"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e10965">329</a>]</span></p> +<p><i>-noi</i>, with (?): <i>yini danoi gatsi</i>, you will go with us two. + +</p> +<p><i>-ongo</i>, before, at the side of (with an idea of inferiority): <i>na nu ongo ando</i>, I am before thee (at thy service); <i>non’ ongo</i>, one beside the other. + +</p> +<p><i>-enga</i>, from the side of, towards: <i>nani Ambov’enga g’anga</i>, I have been (gone) towards Ambove. + +</p> +<p><i>-kaine</i>, towards: <i>dedi yi kaine tsiati</i>, later on I will come towards you. + +</p> +<p><i>teti</i>, under: <i>sosoeteti ando</i>, he is under the bed. + +</p> +<p><i>tsi</i>, to (movement, and time, rest), at, at the place of (Fr. chez): <i>nani etsi andota, u bulitsi g’anga</i>, I am in the house, he has gone into the garden; <i>naga Mambutsil’ a tela</i>, I am come here from Mambo; <i>kouatsi ma</i>, put it in the box; <i>tutsi etsiati</i>, he will come in the night; <i>nu datsi sona</i>? who has he been with? + +</p> +<p><i>-tu</i>, upon (to or at places on mountains): <i>kulumitu, ma</i>, put it on the table; <i>Falitu g’anga</i>, he is gone to Faliba. + +</p> +<p>Note. <i>Ale</i> in the sense of “with” is used when the second substantive is considered as an accessory to the first. Ex. <i>an’ al amu</i>, a married man (man with a wife); <i>uli sondal’ ale</i>, pot with a handle. There are not yet enough examples to distinguish the two forms. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>IV. Prepositional Phrases.</h4> +<p><i>u mome</i>, above: <i>kurum’ u mome yarime</i>, hang it over the table; <i>u bane</i>, behind; <i>mel’ an’ u ban’ ando</i>, the child is behind the man; <i>ul’ umbo(le)</i>, in the middle of; <i>Veke ul’ umbol’ ando</i>, he is at Vee. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Conjunctions.</h3> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>I. Copulative.</h4> +<p><i>-u(ne)</i>, and, with; <i>naga kitoval’ u kene’ ema</i>, I killed a black and white parrot. + +</p> +<p><i>Une</i> is generally only used to connect two nouns, and is placed between the two. But sometimes it comes after the second, especially +when meaning “with,” and the first noun is then followed by the <a id="d0e11083"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e11083">330</a>]</span>personal pronoun. There are a few doubtful examples of <i>une</i> joining two phrases: <i>ake tale mu, Augustin’ un’ ando</i>, many men are with Augustin. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>II. Adversative.</h4> +<p><i>-ta</i>, yet, but: <i>nuni safa’ ta nani kakava</i>, you are weak but I am strong. + +</p> +<p><i>Ta</i>, meaning “but,” precedes the phrase which it governs: <i>nuni natsi, ta nani fema</i>, you will eat, but I do not. + +</p> +<p class="div3"></p> +<h4>III. Sequence.</h4> +<p><i>-ta</i>, when (when a fact is accomplished, or will certainly happen), lest: <i>aked’ indiota, dinoi gatsi</i>, when the men arrive, we will go together. + +</p> +<p><i>Ta</i> in this sense follows the verb, which is in the past if the action depends on the person who speaks or is spoken to, in other +cases in the subjunctive: <i>kuku neta, etsi gatsi</i>, when I (or you) have eaten, I will (or you will) go to the village; <i>mulamula angetota, gadiu</i>, lest the medicine fall, tie it up. + +</p> +<p><i>-tamai</i>, when (uncertain event): <i>oki finolitamai, na natatsi</i>, when the fire blazes, warn me. + +</p> +<p><i>Tamai</i> always requires the subjunctive. + +</p> +<p><i>-mai</i>, if: <i>Augusto bubulimai, dimuku e gaditsi</i>. If Augusto delays, we ourselves will build the house. + +</p> +<p><i>-umba</i>, so, like: <i>an’ umba ne i</i>, give me (one) like that. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Interjections.</h3> +<p><i>mamu(la)</i>! admiration.<br> +<i>ile</i>! sadness.<br> +<i>fanimo(le)</i>, commiseration.<br> +<i>fanikoe</i>! commiseration.<br> +<i>-e</i> (suffix), commiseration.<br> +<i>segoa</i>! joy at another’s misfortune.<br> +<i>biu</i>! contempt.<br> +<i>alaila</i>! a command for silence.<br> +<i>faiamela</i>! expresses the recognition of an error. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>Notes on Dependent Clauses.</h3> +<p>1. A final proposition with the future is expressed in four ways. + +</p> +<p>a. By the infinitive preceding the verb which it governs: <i>na nul’ em’ arim’ an gatsi</i>, I will go to see thy village, lit, I thy village to-see will-go. +<a id="d0e11210"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e11210">331</a>]</span></p> +<p>b. By the simple future preceded by the verb: <i>na songe, Tsekari aritsi</i>, I go, I shall see Tseka. + +</p> +<p>c. By the future preceding the verb: <i>ake Mambutsi itatsi m’ ando</i>, the men remain to sleep at Mambo. + +</p> +<p>d. By the suffix <i>-du(le]: Pe’ Egidi yol’ itadul andemai, puatsitatsi,</i> If Père Egidi stays to sleep up there, he will fire a gun; <i>ake Baidane (gatsi) ame boladu</i>, the men will go to Baidane to leave the girl; <i>muto yetadu, Labao gatsi</i>; I will go to Yule Is to take the sheep, (<i>muto</i>, Fr. mouton). The use of the verb “to go” is not certain. + +</p> +<p>2. A dependent sentence with the past is expressed in two ways. + +</p> +<p>a. By the simple past: <i>na so, fang’ an</i>, I went to see the trap. + +</p> +<p>b. By the suffix <i>-ua</i>, with the omission of the verb: <i>Tsekan’ alilua</i>, I went to see Tseka, which might also be translated: <i>na sova, Tsekan’ ari</i>. + +</p> +<p>3. Causative sentences appear to be governed by the same rules as the preceding. + +</p> +<p>Ex. <i>ame nu arim’ undede</i>, the girl is afraid to see you; <i>andal’ un’ arim’ ete</i>, what has he seen to talk about. + +</p> +<p>4. Conditional sentences precede the principal and have their verb in the subjunctive with the conjunction <i>-mai</i> or <i>-tamai</i>. (See p. 330, III.). + +</p> +<p>5. A dependent sentence expressing time also precedes the principal sentence. It has its verb in the subjunctive or indicative, +followed by the conjunction <i>-ta</i> or sometimes <i>-tamai</i>. (See p. 330, III.). + + + + +<a id="d0e11279"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e11279">332</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e11280"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Note on the Afoa Language</h2> +<p>By Dr. W. M. Strong + +</p> +<p>The vocabulary recorded below was obtained from a Fuyuge native who spoke the Afoa language. He had travelled with me to the +Afoa-speaking villages on Mount Pitsoko and I could assure myself that he spoke the language fluently. In spite of the vocabulary +having been obtained through a Fuyuge native there is very little similarity between this and the Fuyuge vocabulary. It should +be noted that the words for “I” and for “thou” are substantially the same in the two languages. + +</p> +<p>I also obtained a short vocabulary from a native who came down the coast to me, and found that this was substantially the +same as the Pitsoko vocabulary. The native had come from a village which appeared to be situated on the slopes of Mount Davidson +and on the inland side of it. According to native accounts the Afoa language is spoken in numerous villages which stretch +from Mount Davidson to the head of the St. Joseph River in the Mafulu district. All the Afoa villages are situated north of +the St. Joseph and its main branches. + +</p> +<p>[Dr. Strong gives only the pronoun: <i>nui,</i> thou; and the numerals: <i>koane,</i> one; <i>atolowai,</i> two; <i>atolowai-itima,</i> three; <i>atolowai-atolowai,</i> four; <i>atolowai-atolowai-itima,</i> five. +<a id="d0e11309"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e11309">333</a>]</span></p> +<p>The Pronouns given by Father Egidi for Tauata (“Anthropos,” II. 1907, pp. 1009–1015) are:— + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Singular. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Plural. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Dual. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">lst Person, <i>nai</i>, <i>na</i>. + +</td> +<td valign="top">lst Person, <i>nanei</i>, <i>nane</i>. + +</td> +<td valign="top">lst Person, <i>nonei</i>, <i>none</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">2nd Person, <i>nui</i>, <i>nu</i>. + +</td> +<td valign="top">2nd Person, <i>nunei</i>, <i>nune</i> + +</td> +<td valign="top">2nd Person, <i>nuvei</i>, <i>nuve</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">3rd Person, <i>omei</i>, <i>ome</i>. + +</td> +<td valign="top">3rd Person, <i>otei</i>, <i>ote</i>. + +</td> +<td valign="top">3rd Person, <i>olei</i>(?). +</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p>The Possessives are:— + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Singular. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Plural. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Dual. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">lst Person, <i>ne</i>, <i>neve</i>. + +</td> +<td valign="top">lst Person, <i>nane</i>,<i>nanene</i>. + +</td> +<td valign="top">lst Person, <i>none</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">2nd Person, <i>ni</i>, <i>nie</i>. + +</td> +<td valign="top">2nd Person, <i>nune</i>. + +</td> +<td valign="top">2nd Person, <i>nuvene</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">3rd Person, <i>ote</i>, <i>otene</i>. + +</td> +<td valign="top">3rd Person, <i>otene</i>. + +</td> +<td valign="top">3rd Person, <i>olene</i>. +</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p>The Interrogatives are: <i>te</i>? who? <i>te</i>? <i>teile</i>? what thing? <i>te</i>? <i>tue</i>? which? + +</p> +<p>The Numerals, according to Father Egidi, are, <i>kone</i>, one; <i>atolo</i>(<i>ai</i>), two; <i>atoloai-laina</i>, three; <i>talele</i>, <i>memene</i>, many; <i>konekone</i>, few. + +</p> +<p>S. H. R.] + + + +<a id="d0e11506"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e11506">334</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e11507"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Note on the Kovio Language.</h2> +<p>By Dr. W. M. Strong. + +</p> +<p>Substantially the same language is spoken in the whole of the neighbourhood of Mount Yule. I have travelled all around this +mountain and the same interpreter was able to make himself understood everywhere. The vocabulary recorded below was collected +by means of the Motuan from a native of Lopiko in the Inava valley. I have also collected short vocabularies from the village +of Inavarene in the same valley, and from the Kwoifa district of the upper part of the Lakekamu river. These vocabularies +show close similarities with that of Lopiko. The natives around the Pic Eleia also speak much the same language. + +</p> +<p>The vocabulary of the language bears no resemblance to any other language I am acquainted with. It is peculiar in that a word +often ends in a consonant preceded by a short vowel. There is also an unusual consonant sound in the language. This sound +seems to vary between a “ch” and a “tch” sound. + +</p> +<p>The pronouns are as follows;— + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">First person: </td> +<td valign="top"><i>na</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Second person: </td> +<td valign="top"><i>ni</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Third person: </td> +<td valign="top"><i>pi</i>. +</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p>These were obtained without much difficulty as well as the corresponding possessives <i>nemai</i>, <i>nimai</i>, and <a id="d0e11549"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e11549">335</a>]</span><i>pimai</i>; but plurals could not be obtained. Possibly the above are both singular and plural. The possessive precedes the noun, <i>e.g.</i>, <i>nemai tupumagi</i>, my house.<a id="d0e11559src" href="#d0e11559" class="noteref">1</a> A binary system of counting is shown in the following numerals:— + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">One: + +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>uniuni</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Two: + +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>karaala</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Three: + +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>naralavievi napuevi</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Four: + +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>naralavievi naralavievi</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Five: + +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>naralavievi naralavievi napuievi</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Ten: + +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>kowa</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Eleven: + +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>kowa uniuni</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Twelve: + +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>kowa karaala</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Twenty: + +</td> +<td valign="top"><i>kowakowa</i>. +</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p>Seven, eight, and nine were also translated by saying <i>naralavievi</i> for each two, and <i>napuevi</i> for one over. The numeral follows the noun, e.g., <i>inai karaala</i>, two spears.<a id="d0e11731src" href="#d0e11731" class="noteref">2</a> + + + +<a id="d0e11749"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e11749">336</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e11559" href="#d0e11559src" class="noteref">1</a></span> The Rev. Father Egedi’s Vocabulary of Oru Lopiko gives the pronouns thus: + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Singular. + +</td> +<td valign="top">Plural. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">1st Person, <i>na</i>, <i>naro</i>. + +</td> +<td valign="top">lst Person, <i>dae</i>, <i>daro</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">2nd Person, <i>ni</i>, <i>niro</i>. + +</td> +<td valign="top">2nd Person, <i>ali</i>, <i>alero</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">3rd Person, <i>pi</i>, <i>piro</i>. + +</td> +<td valign="top">3rd Person, <i>valo</i>, <i>valoro</i>. +</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p class="footnote">The Possessives are formed with <i>ma</i>: <i>nema</i>, <i>nima</i>, <i>pima</i>, <i>daema</i>, <i>lima</i>, <i>valoma</i>. + +</p> +<p class="footnote">The Interrogatives are: <i>tsia</i>? who? <i>itara</i>? <i>vaina</i>? what thing? (S.H.R.) +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e11731" href="#d0e11731src" class="noteref">2</a></span> These numerals differ from the Oru Lopiko of Father Egidi. He gives: <i>konepu</i>, one; <i>kalotolo</i>, two; <i>konekhalavi</i>, three; <i>maimitara</i>, many; <i>onionipu</i>, few. (S.H.R.) +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e11750"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>A Comparative Vocabulary of the Fuyuge, Afoa, and Kovio Languages</h2> +<p>Prepared by Sidney H. Ray, M.A. + +</p> +<p>[From the MSS. of Rev. Father Egedi, Rev. P.J. Money, and Dr. W.M. Strong. Words in square brackets from “Antropos,” II., +pp. 1016–1021. <i>Cf</i>. Appendix V.] + + + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"><b> </b></td> +<td valign="top"><b>Mafulu +</b></td> +<td valign="top"><b>Kambisa +</b></td> +<td valign="top"><b>Korona +</b></td> +<td valign="top"><b>Afoa +</b></td> +<td valign="top"><b>Kovio</b></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Adze + +</td> +<td valign="top">so(ve) + +</td> +<td valign="top">so(nda) + +</td> +<td valign="top">itau + +</td> +<td valign="top">kealeve + +</td> +<td valign="top">labian)ed</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Ankle + +</td> +<td valign="top">sog’ u’ kodabe<a id="d0e11792src" href="#d0e11792" class="noteref">1</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">segikanan<a id="d0e11797src" href="#d0e11797" class="noteref">2</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Areca-nut + +</td> +<td valign="top">kese + +</td> +<td valign="top">kesi + +</td> +<td valign="top">soroma + +</td> +<td valign="top">iluve; [vonuve] + +</td> +<td valign="top">koveo; [auliri-koyo]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Arm + +</td> +<td valign="top">bodo(le); matange (<i>shoulder</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">ia; kosa (<i>shoulder</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">ya + +</td> +<td valign="top">kalab; [kala(pe)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">malau; [malao]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Armlet + +</td> +<td valign="top">koio(ne) (<i>cane</i>); matsi(ne) (<i>shell</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">ino (<i>cane</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[torite; litsi] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[loria]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Arrow + +</td> +<td valign="top">fod’ u’ komome + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">fode + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[kilelupa]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Ashes + +</td> +<td valign="top">foye + +</td> +<td valign="top">hoi + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">enamiro<a id="d0e11887src" href="#d0e11887" class="noteref">3</a>; pita; [sepe] + +</td> +<td valign="top">iziuvate; [itekamite]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Backbone + +</td> +<td valign="top">bane + +</td> +<td valign="top">bano + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[momo(pe) (<i>back</i>)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Bad + +</td> +<td valign="top">ko(ye) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">ko + +</td> +<td valign="top">k=o=ali + +</td> +<td valign="top">kep)ip; [amifu]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Bag, Basket + +</td> +<td valign="top">anon(ne) + +</td> +<td valign="top">ha(<i>netted</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[lamui] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[lamui]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Bamboo + +</td> +<td valign="top">bione; e(re) (<i>pipe</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">e + +</td> +<td valign="top">tobo<a id="d0e11949src" href="#d0e11949" class="noteref">4</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">ila; [vioni; ila (<i>pipe</i>)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">nelele; [pidele; nerele (<i>pipe</i>)] +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Banana + +</td> +<td valign="top">ambe + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">haba + +</td> +<td valign="top">pelai + +</td> +<td valign="top">teri; [teli]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Barter + +</td> +<td valign="top">davani + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">tvatava<a id="d0e11989src" href="#d0e11989" class="noteref">5</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Beard + +</td> +<td valign="top">anama(le) + +</td> +<td valign="top">hanama + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Belly + +</td> +<td valign="top">ombo(le) + +</td> +<td valign="top">hombo (<i>stomach</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">obo + +</td> +<td valign="top">aniami; [aniame (<i>abdomen</i>); kutote (<i>belly</i>)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">dapoale; [data]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Belt (waist string) + +</td> +<td valign="top">ganinge; ganingame (<i>bark</i>); tafade (<i>ratan</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">misu + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[terite; afafe; teupe] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[tabatsio; talakota]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Bird + +</td> +<td valign="top">nembe + +</td> +<td valign="top">neba + +</td> +<td valign="top">nebe + +</td> +<td valign="top">kile + +</td> +<td valign="top">id)ep; [ite]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Bite + +</td> +<td valign="top">angale (<i>of men</i>); itede (<i>of dog</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">kanaiva + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Black + +</td> +<td valign="top">dube + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">duba + +</td> +<td valign="top">lumatu + +</td> +<td valign="top">alolamala; [tumuta].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Blood + +</td> +<td valign="top">tana(le) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">tana + +</td> +<td valign="top">ilive + +</td> +<td valign="top">uiau-toro; [ueho].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Boat + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">asi<a id="d0e12121src" href="#d0e12121" class="noteref">6</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Body + +</td> +<td valign="top">mule + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[kotsi(pe)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">ulan-utoro ; [koki].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Bone + +</td> +<td valign="top">fude + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">ufudi + +</td> +<td valign="top">kemiabi + +</td> +<td valign="top">kateleru.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Bow, <i>n</i> + +</td> +<td valign="top">fode + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">fode + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Bowels + +</td> +<td valign="top">taride; gige + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[kimu(ve)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[tsikamaki].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Branch + +</td> +<td valign="top">bodo(le); gobe (<i>young</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">uga + +</td> +<td valign="top">ietami + +</td> +<td valign="top">litaud</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breast + +</td> +<td valign="top">ouba + +</td> +<td valign="top">duda; kononda<a id="d0e12209src" href="#d0e12209" class="noteref">7</a> (<i>chest</i>); bononga (<i>breast-bone</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">talate [opipe] + +</td> +<td valign="top">apiteu; [apetei (<i>woman’s</i>)]. +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Bring + +</td> +<td valign="top">yetsia (<i>up</i>); yayeitsie (<i>down</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">neda + +</td> +<td valign="top">ainakava + +</td> +<td valign="top">[boale?].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Bury + +</td> +<td valign="top">mudi + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">alota + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Butterfly + +</td> +<td valign="top">keneke + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">kaneke + +</td> +<td valign="top">gotaubi + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">By an Bye + +</td> +<td valign="top">dedi; ido(ve) (<i>not yet</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">gadavi + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[epe (<i>not yet</i>)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cane + +</td> +<td valign="top">yokome; seene (<i>ratan</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">ongo + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Charcoal + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">urugum + +</td> +<td valign="top">orugu + +</td> +<td valign="top">(ena)imiti<a id="d0e12321src" href="#d0e12321" class="noteref">8</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cheek + +</td> +<td valign="top">omenge + +</td> +<td valign="top">hanan + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Chest + +</td> +<td valign="top">kavale + +</td> +<td valign="top">kononda + +</td> +<td valign="top">konode + +</td> +<td valign="top">kaluvi + +</td> +<td valign="top">lipat; [ulako].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Chief + +</td> +<td valign="top">ame(de) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Child + +</td> +<td valign="top">mele; ese (<i>son</i>); ame(le) (<i>girl</i>); ayame(le) (<i>small</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">isa; isoko (<i>boy</i>); amuri (<i>girl</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">isia + +</td> +<td valign="top">lu [lu; pie (<i>boy</i>); epi (<i>girl</i>)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">nekeotoro; [koemala; feimala (<i>boy</i>); nalemala; etaofu (<i>girl</i>)]. +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Chin + +</td> +<td valign="top">ana + +</td> +<td valign="top">ana + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[natau(pe)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[akumare].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Claw (<i>of bird</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">fodo(le) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">bodo<a id="d0e12430src" href="#d0e12430" class="noteref">9</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">kila karabe + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cloth (<i>native</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">kogo(ve) + +</td> +<td valign="top">hudo + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[etape] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[tsimika].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cloud + +</td> +<td valign="top">unu(me) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">ulua; [ponive] + +</td> +<td valign="top">unida; [lariatsi].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Club + +</td> +<td valign="top">gilise (<i>pineapple</i>); gadaibe (<i>disc</i>); kongomu (<i>wood</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">hadufa (<i>wood</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">hadoga (<i>pine-apple</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">yetikwi + +</td> +<td valign="top">ineri (<i>stone</i>) +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Coconut + +</td> +<td valign="top">fofo(ne) + +</td> +<td valign="top">bao + +</td> +<td valign="top">fofo + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">teri.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cold + +</td> +<td valign="top">yuyuma + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">dudure + +</td> +<td valign="top">loola + +</td> +<td valign="top">delea; [abatata].<a id="d0e12523"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e12523">338</a>]</span></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Come + +</td> +<td valign="top">tsia + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">yeterun + +</td> +<td valign="top">lai + +</td> +<td valign="top">[imaro]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Crocodile + +</td> +<td valign="top">fua + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">fuai + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cuscus + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">ano<a id="d0e12557src" href="#d0e12557" class="noteref">10</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Darkness + +</td> +<td valign="top">tu(be) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">gerenama + +</td> +<td valign="top">guviti + +</td> +<td valign="top">dubare</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Daylight + +</td> +<td valign="top">ev’ ul’ aveve<a id="d0e12584src" href="#d0e12584" class="noteref">11</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Die + +</td> +<td valign="top">usangege + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">usaga + +</td> +<td valign="top">lae-elu; [kelui] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[nusuaka]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Dig + +</td> +<td valign="top">tsie + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">amatita + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Digging-stick + +</td> +<td valign="top">itsive + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">iti + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Dog + +</td> +<td valign="top">oi(e) + +</td> +<td valign="top">hu + +</td> +<td valign="top">ho + +</td> +<td valign="top">kovela + +</td> +<td valign="top">gad)ep; [katefu]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Door + +</td> +<td valign="top">akonimbe + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Dress (<i>man’s</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">ganinge + +</td> +<td valign="top">haninga + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Dress (<i>woman’s</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">yangile (<i>petticoat</i>); yamba(le) + +</td> +<td valign="top">iambaro + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Drink + +</td> +<td valign="top">nene + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">eu’ naida + +</td> +<td valign="top">kwaiana + +</td> +<td valign="top">[naro]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Ear + +</td> +<td valign="top">yangolo(me) + +</td> +<td valign="top">gadoro + +</td> +<td valign="top">i + +</td> +<td valign="top">kepapi + +</td> +<td valign="top">katoli</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Earring + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">kemang + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Earth (ground) + +</td> +<td valign="top">bu(le), fa(le) + +</td> +<td valign="top">hoa + +</td> +<td valign="top">fa(la) + +</td> +<td valign="top">amati + +</td> +<td valign="top">kamad; [amatsi]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Eat + +</td> +<td valign="top">nene + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">adako’ naida + +</td> +<td valign="top">na)nai<a id="d0e12758src" href="#d0e12758" class="noteref">12</a>; [nai] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[naro]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Egg + +</td> +<td valign="top">ombo(le) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">obo + +</td> +<td valign="top">kile’ mutube + +</td> +<td valign="top">nekeo</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Elbow + +</td> +<td valign="top">bodol’u’ kodabe<a id="d0e12783src" href="#d0e12783" class="noteref">13</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">hukanan<a id="d0e12788src" href="#d0e12788" class="noteref">14</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">ya’ koba + +</td> +<td valign="top">oma’ kaluve + +</td> +<td valign="top">mala-gagoboro</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Eye + +</td> +<td valign="top">i(me) + +</td> +<td valign="top">i(ng) + +</td> +<td valign="top">yago + +</td> +<td valign="top">tabe; [va(pe)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">ita-kwaru; [itau]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Eyebrow + +</td> +<td valign="top">ingob’ u’ male<a id="d0e12818src" href="#d0e12818" class="noteref">15</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">ing’ ode<a id="d0e12823src" href="#d0e12823" class="noteref">16</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">ita-dunali</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Eyelash + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">ing’ uba + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">ita-kalam</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Face + +</td> +<td valign="top">mede + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">yodoge + +</td> +<td valign="top">keuwil [keu(ve)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">tara-ata; [kawasata]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Far off + +</td> +<td valign="top">gisa(le) + +</td> +<td valign="top">busara + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">ainioari [ainiole] + +</td> +<td valign="top">waladekatch; [lulusivelaka]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Father + +</td> +<td valign="top">ba(be) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">bane + +</td> +<td valign="top">ati + +</td> +<td valign="top">papai; [fafae; vavafu]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Fear + +</td> +<td valign="top">undede + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">nu)kela<a id="d0e12895src" href="#d0e12895" class="noteref">17</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Feather + +</td> +<td valign="top">ma(le); pame (<i>of wing</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">wasa (<i>cassowary plum</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">kili’ amute + +</td> +<td valign="top">atch; [akoatsi]<a id="d0e12921"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e12921">339</a>]</span></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Finger + +</td> +<td valign="top">bodol’ u’ gobe<a id="d0e12927src" href="#d0e12927" class="noteref">18</a> (<i>index</i>); bodol’ u’ feneme<a id="d0e12933src" href="#d0e12933" class="noteref">19</a> (<i>middle and ring</i>); bodol’ u’ talave<a id="d0e12941src" href="#d0e12941" class="noteref">20</a> (<i>little finger</i>); bodol’ u’ mame<a id="d0e12950src" href="#d0e12950" class="noteref">21</a> (<i>thumb</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">naria (<i>thumb</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">yaro’ goba<a href="#d0e12927" class="noteref">18</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">lelevai; [kalaopue (<i>index and ring</i>); kimataliope (<i>middle</i>); leleva (<i>little</i>); amo(te) <i>thumb</i>] + +</td> +<td valign="top">mala-tiporotch; [obido (<i>index</i>); upurau; kaitaita (<i>middle</i>); upurau; gitaguruita (<i>ring</i>); itarao; taravalara (<i>little</i>); banoe (<i>thumb</i>)] +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Fire + +</td> +<td valign="top">oki(de) + +</td> +<td valign="top">uki + +</td> +<td valign="top">oke + +</td> +<td valign="top">)enami + +</td> +<td valign="top">iziradi; [iti]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Fish + +</td> +<td valign="top">garume + +</td> +<td valign="top">garung + +</td> +<td valign="top">unuma (?) + +</td> +<td valign="top">gapila; [kapita] + +</td> +<td valign="top">rapiamala; [kavila]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Flea + +</td> +<td valign="top">yo(le) + +</td> +<td valign="top">kasin + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Flesh + +</td> +<td valign="top">mise + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">misa + +</td> +<td valign="top">miluti + +</td> +<td valign="top">[muditsi]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Flower + +</td> +<td valign="top">sive; oyande + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">unida<a id="d0e13058src" href="#d0e13058" class="noteref">22</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">iadaude + +</td> +<td valign="top">[ulatu]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Fly, <i>n.</i> + +</td> +<td valign="top">sungulu(me) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">sigurum + +</td> +<td valign="top">tainanu; [tainamu] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[muni]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Fly, <i>v.</i> + +</td> +<td valign="top">iyei + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Fog + +</td> +<td valign="top">unu(me) + +</td> +<td valign="top">hunu + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Food + +</td> +<td valign="top">imbade (<i>animal</i>); yalove (<i>vegetable</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[nifite (<i>animal</i>); valive; kalai (<i>vegetable</i>)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[muditsi (<i>animal</i>); taraj (<i>vegetable</i>)] +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Foot + +</td> +<td valign="top">yovali, so(ge); sog’ u’ tobo (<i>sole</i>)<a id="d0e13149src" href="#d0e13149" class="noteref">23</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">suga; hu tobo’ (<i>sole</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">sogo + +</td> +<td valign="top">lomineti; [lo(ape)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">ina-tiporotch; [teporotsi]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Forehead + +</td> +<td valign="top">mede; ingobe (<i>bone of eyebrow</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">anone (<i>temple</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">mida + +</td> +<td valign="top">miavi + +</td> +<td valign="top">[tavatau]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Forest + +</td> +<td valign="top">mavane (<i>hunting-ground</i>); siu(le), tsiu(le) (<i>bush</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">bu<a id="d0e13197src" href="#d0e13197" class="noteref">24</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">sule; [kalite] + +</td> +<td valign="top">yaped; [buloka]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Fowl + +</td> +<td valign="top">kokole + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Fruit + +</td> +<td valign="top">dede + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">ietaube; [eadauda] + +</td> +<td valign="top">ulau; [kalitu; ulata]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Garden + +</td> +<td valign="top">bu(le) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[volomala; volofu]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Ghost + +</td> +<td valign="top">sila(le) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Give + +</td> +<td valign="top">indi + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">ide + +</td> +<td valign="top">nu)inie<a id="d0e13267src" href="#d0e13267" class="noteref">25</a>; [ini] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[nanara]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Go + +</td> +<td valign="top">gege + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">hego + +</td> +<td valign="top">lo; [la] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[taro]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Good + +</td> +<td valign="top">ifa(ne) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">ifi + +</td> +<td valign="top">ladi; [kato] + +</td> +<td valign="top">aupumara; [tsimafu]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Great + +</td> +<td valign="top">baibe + +</td> +<td valign="top">mataka + +</td> +<td valign="top">baibe + +</td> +<td valign="top">kalowo + +</td> +<td valign="top">aputep; [tovenaetsi]<a id="d0e13313"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e13313">340</a>]</span></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Hair (of head) + +</td> +<td valign="top">alome + +</td> +<td valign="top">ha; makoko (<i>dressed</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">auwataute; [voto(pe)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">nanalĕd; [manala; manalreta].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Hair (of body) + +</td> +<td valign="top">ma(le) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">auwuti; [avute] + +</td> +<td valign="top">ada; [akoatsi]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Hand + +</td> +<td valign="top">bodo(le); bodol’ u’-tobo (palm)<a id="d0e13348src" href="#d0e13348" class="noteref">26</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">ia; ia’tobo (<i>palm</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">yaro’ uba + +</td> +<td valign="top">galatopute [kalaopue] + +</td> +<td valign="top">mala-kapunatch; [mala=tu portosi]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Hard + +</td> +<td valign="top">kakava(ne) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">avava + +</td> +<td valign="top">maradi; [unamane]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Head + +</td> +<td valign="top">ade(de) + +</td> +<td valign="top">hondu + +</td> +<td valign="top">ha + +</td> +<td valign="top">ni)adi; [ade]<a id="d0e13386src" href="#d0e13386" class="noteref">27</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">gagau; [kakao]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Head-wrap + +</td> +<td valign="top">ogoupe + +</td> +<td valign="top">suno + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Hear + +</td> +<td valign="top">alele + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">lanita + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Hill + +</td> +<td valign="top">kume + +</td> +<td valign="top">kumo + +</td> +<td valign="top">bunga + +</td> +<td valign="top">itavi; [maive; lavave (<i>uninhabited</i>); itave (<i>crest</i>)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">la-ôâ-uta; [laoaka]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Hip + +</td> +<td valign="top">ol’u’ga(ye)<a id="d0e13443src" href="#d0e13443" class="noteref">28</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">huru + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Hook + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">kimai<a id="d0e13463src" href="#d0e13463" class="noteref">29</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Hot + +</td> +<td valign="top">olola + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">giganfe + +</td> +<td valign="top">nunali + +</td> +<td valign="top">midilamolamo</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">House + +</td> +<td valign="top">e(me); emo(ne) (<i>communal</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">e(m) + +</td> +<td valign="top">e + +</td> +<td valign="top">geade; [kia(te); tumute (<i>communal</i>)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">tupumagi; [dema(ki); dubumaki (<i>communal</i>)] +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Husband + +</td> +<td valign="top">a(ne) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">omen)iva; [vale; mu]<a id="d0e13519src" href="#d0e13519" class="noteref">30</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">anawab</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Iron + +</td> +<td valign="top">tavili<a id="d0e13531src" href="#d0e13531" class="noteref">31</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">nani + +</td> +<td valign="top">nai + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Kill + +</td> +<td valign="top">adede; ememe + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[amui] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[mavemara]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Knee + +</td> +<td valign="top">amia + +</td> +<td valign="top">amiang + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top"></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Knife + +</td> +<td valign="top">indi(ve) + +</td> +<td valign="top">indi(fa) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[tiveja(ve)]<a id="d0e13578src" href="#d0e13578" class="noteref">32</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">[vesti]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Know + +</td> +<td valign="top">tsitsiva + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">nu)ali; [ni] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[edemaka]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Leaf + +</td> +<td valign="top">tu(le) + +</td> +<td valign="top">idu + +</td> +<td valign="top">utu + +</td> +<td valign="top">valupi + +</td> +<td valign="top">aukwata; [aufu; aubota]</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Leg + +</td> +<td valign="top">yovali; fande (shin); mude (thigh); mise (<i>calf</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">furo (<i>shin</i>); muda (<i>thigh</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">mude (<i>thigh</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">wolupi (<i>thigh</i>); [keniame; kupuame (<i>thigh</i>)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">alile (<i>thigh</i>); [inako; apota (<i>thigh</i>)] +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Lime + +</td> +<td valign="top">abe + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">hava + +</td> +<td valign="top">[kaute] + +</td> +<td valign="top">wati.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Lip + +</td> +<td valign="top">ude + +</td> +<td valign="top">uba + +</td> +<td valign="top">udu + +</td> +<td valign="top">gĕtapi + +</td> +<td valign="top">ridokalule (<i>upper</i>); akoitale (<i>lower</i>); [kijtakorutsi] +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Live + +</td> +<td valign="top">asilando (<i>be alive</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">asihera + +</td> +<td valign="top">kajli + +</td> +<td valign="top">[watara (<i>alive</i>)] +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Liver + +</td> +<td valign="top">dube + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">hade + +</td> +<td valign="top">kimaule + +</td> +<td valign="top">—<a id="d0e13712"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e13712">341</a>]</span></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Long + +</td> +<td valign="top">sesada + +</td> +<td valign="top">busa + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[tsyani] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[tovenaemita].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Louse + +</td> +<td valign="top">i(ye) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">hi + +</td> +<td valign="top">iate + +</td> +<td valign="top">[inepu]. + +</td> +<td valign="top"></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Male + +</td> +<td valign="top">avoge + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Man + +</td> +<td valign="top">a(ne) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">a + +</td> +<td valign="top">woale;[vale] + +</td> +<td valign="top">kalauotoro;[abo(te); mala; abofu].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Many + +</td> +<td valign="top">tale; taluvi + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">harut + +</td> +<td valign="top">tatele;[talele] + +</td> +<td valign="top">maimitara.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Mat + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">unite + +</td> +<td valign="top">tau-ud.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Milk + +</td> +<td valign="top">oubatsinge; oub’indidi<a id="d0e13797src" href="#d0e13797" class="noteref">33</a> (<i>to suckle</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">obo + +</td> +<td valign="top">mulape + +</td> +<td valign="top">apiteu.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Mirror + +</td> +<td valign="top">aveve + +</td> +<td valign="top">idida + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Moon + +</td> +<td valign="top">one + +</td> +<td valign="top">hama + +</td> +<td valign="top">hoana + +</td> +<td valign="top">oani;[one] + +</td> +<td valign="top">nonitch;[onea, nonitsi].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Morning + +</td> +<td valign="top">tutsi + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">laliate’ govelai [kuwitue] + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Mosquito + +</td> +<td valign="top">maingogo + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">igogesa + +</td> +<td valign="top">nipope + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Mother + +</td> +<td valign="top">ma(me) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">uma + +</td> +<td valign="top">aumen)ini<a id="d0e13874src" href="#d0e13874" class="noteref">34</a>; [ine] + +</td> +<td valign="top">nei; [nei, nonofu].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Mouth + +</td> +<td valign="top">ambode + +</td> +<td valign="top">gobang + +</td> +<td valign="top">adinu + +</td> +<td valign="top">nautabe; [natave, yolote] + +</td> +<td valign="top">akwot;[khidatsi]. + +</td> +<td valign="top"></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nail (<i>finger</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">fodo(le); koko (<i>of cassowary</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">bodong (<i>of toe</i>)<a id="d0e13911src" href="#d0e13911" class="noteref">35</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[viloipe] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[tevetsi].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Name + +</td> +<td valign="top">i(ve) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">apete + +</td> +<td valign="top">nitiab;[vitane].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Navel + +</td> +<td valign="top">kombolu + +</td> +<td valign="top">kumburu + +</td> +<td valign="top">koboro + +</td> +<td valign="top">oatobe; [otove] + +</td> +<td valign="top">autau; [koto].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Near + +</td> +<td valign="top">kugume + +</td> +<td valign="top">kuguraga + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">amauli;[amavola] + +</td> +<td valign="top">kauwari.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Neck + +</td> +<td valign="top">gurube; kalolo (<i>throat</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">indu (<i>back</i>); aroro (<i>throat</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[kumulute] + +</td> +<td valign="top">neneviro;[nelevio].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Necklace + +</td> +<td valign="top">sale, sambu (<i>shell</i>); tsiba, [Dog’s incisors] sise [Dog’s canine] (<i>dogs’ teeth</i>); yakeva (<i>pearl</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">sa (<i>shell</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[telenate [Dog’s incisors]; lulate [Dog’s canine] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[kulolobotsi[Dog’s incisors]; kitetsi[Dog’s canine]].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Night + +</td> +<td valign="top">tu(be) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">guve’teletai[kuvite] + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nipple + +</td> +<td valign="top">ouba’ ul’ unge<a id="d0e14026src" href="#d0e14026" class="noteref">36</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">oalube; [okobe] + +</td> +<td valign="top">apiteu.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">No + +</td> +<td valign="top">mi, ua(ne) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">muinu + +</td> +<td valign="top">[nai].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nose + +</td> +<td valign="top">unge + +</td> +<td valign="top">unga + +</td> +<td valign="top">unga + +</td> +<td valign="top">kiti [ki(te)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">watarupu;[wata(rube)].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nostril + +</td> +<td valign="top">ung’ ul’ olo<a id="d0e14068src" href="#d0e14068" class="noteref">37</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">urorong + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"><a id="d0e14082"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e14082">342</a>]</span></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Paddle + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">bara<a id="d0e14092src" href="#d0e14092" class="noteref">38</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Pig + +</td> +<td valign="top">ovo(le) (<i>wild</i>); ovota (<i>tame</i>); oleda (<i>large</i>); foilange (<i>wild boar</i>). + +</td> +<td valign="top">sika + +</td> +<td valign="top">o’o + +</td> +<td valign="top">polu + +</td> +<td valign="top">woromala; [voro(mala)].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Pot + +</td> +<td valign="top">uli(ne); kodige (<i>dish</i>); + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[kapite; lua(pe) (<i>dish</i>); nau(pe) (<i>earthen dish</i>)]<a id="d0e14147src" href="#d0e14147" class="noteref">39</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">kaivitch; [apitsi; kuetsi; kapaitsi (<i>earthen dish</i>)]. +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Pumpkin + +</td> +<td valign="top">botame; tobo(le) (<i>goard</i>). + +</td> +<td valign="top">bata + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Rain + +</td> +<td valign="top">yangose + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">yagosa + +</td> +<td valign="top">iti + +</td> +<td valign="top">uteli.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Rat + +</td> +<td valign="top">giliminde + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">sui + +</td> +<td valign="top">keni + +</td> +<td valign="top">keniani.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Red + +</td> +<td valign="top">ilalama + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">boratu; [polatu] + +</td> +<td valign="top">lolalumala.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Rib + +</td> +<td valign="top">auale + +</td> +<td valign="top">awari + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[malupe] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[elavotsi].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">River + +</td> +<td valign="top">yu(ve) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">ipe + +</td> +<td valign="top">everi.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Road + +</td> +<td valign="top">enambe; foida (<i>along flank of mountain</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">enambo + +</td> +<td valign="top">enaba + +</td> +<td valign="top">kani + +</td> +<td valign="top">abatu.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Root + +</td> +<td valign="top">okasili + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">okusi + +</td> +<td valign="top">kilu’ mute + +</td> +<td valign="top">mudene.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Rope + +</td> +<td valign="top">knoage + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">yu + +</td> +<td valign="top">pumave; [pumave inate] + +</td> +<td valign="top">pemarap; [leka; vilape].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Sago + +</td> +<td valign="top">balck’ u; ta(ye)<a id="d0e14286src" href="#d0e14286" class="noteref">40</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Salt + +</td> +<td valign="top">ama(ne) + +</td> +<td valign="top">hanamo + +</td> +<td valign="top">ama + +</td> +<td valign="top">limanevi + +</td> +<td valign="top">[yota].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Sand + +</td> +<td valign="top">sanga(ve) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">soana + +</td> +<td valign="top">nunu + +</td> +<td valign="top">[utsiaio].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Scratch + +</td> +<td valign="top">fifiete; sisilimi (<i>one’s self</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">malitana + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Sea + +</td> +<td valign="top">ise + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">isa + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">tapala.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">See + +</td> +<td valign="top">ariri + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">na)nukava<a id="d0e14363src" href="#d0e14363" class="noteref">41</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">[italara].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Shadow + +</td> +<td valign="top">sove; abebe; avevene (<i>of object</i>); + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">ala + +</td> +<td valign="top">utupapu.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Sit + +</td> +<td valign="top">tegid’ ande<a id="d0e14391src" href="#d0e14391" class="noteref">42</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">na)navi<a href="#d0e14363">9</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">[ularo].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Skin + +</td> +<td valign="top">ode + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">hode + +</td> +<td valign="top">gotipe; [kotsi(pe)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">komotoro; [kalukalutsi].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Sky + +</td> +<td valign="top">asolo(ne) + +</td> +<td valign="top">asoro + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[manape] + +</td> +<td valign="top">abat; [abatsi].</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Sleep + +</td> +<td valign="top">imaritade + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">utewu; [utevoi] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[voile; waro (<i>rest</i>)]. +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Small + +</td> +<td valign="top">kisi; aka(ne); kisiaka(ne) (<i>very</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">ami’aga + +</td> +<td valign="top">kisibaga + +</td> +<td valign="top">eveeve + +</td> +<td valign="top">peipu; [utsiaitsi].<a id="d0e14463"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e14463">343</a>]</span></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Smoke + +</td> +<td valign="top">iso(ne) + +</td> +<td valign="top">isong + +</td> +<td valign="top">isōā + +</td> +<td valign="top">etaivi + +</td> +<td valign="top">[itiaulo]. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Snake + +</td> +<td valign="top">tsivili + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">hemai<a id="d0e14486src" href="#d0e14486" class="noteref">43</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">nai; [kovo] + +</td> +<td valign="top">toiepe; [toepo]. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Soft + +</td> +<td valign="top">safe(le) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">tamenu; [oluolue] + +</td> +<td valign="top">ketitau; [peopeo]. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Sour + +</td> +<td valign="top">beekoi (<i>bitter</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Speak + +</td> +<td valign="top">ave(te) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">tananipa; [te] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[wade]. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Spear + +</td> +<td valign="top">eme(le); idika (<i>with barbs of cassowary claws</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">himi(ra) + +</td> +<td valign="top">hemi + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">inari. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Spit + +</td> +<td valign="top">sabete + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">luiteta + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Spittle + +</td> +<td valign="top">sabe + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Stand + +</td> +<td valign="top">yu + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">lugila; [kilai] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[lavaka]. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Star + +</td> +<td valign="top">alile + +</td> +<td valign="top">duba<a id="d0e14601src" href="#d0e14601" class="noteref">44</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">harira + +</td> +<td valign="top">tui; [imuli] + +</td> +<td valign="top">kapu. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Stay + +</td> +<td valign="top">vayu + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">loia + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Stone + +</td> +<td valign="top">bute + +</td> +<td valign="top">io + +</td> +<td valign="top">butia + +</td> +<td valign="top">eviti; [evi(te)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">geleo; [kile]. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Sugar-cane + +</td> +<td valign="top">ale + +</td> +<td valign="top">teba<a id="d0e14645src" href="#d0e14645" class="noteref">45</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">tu(ami) + +</td> +<td valign="top">apiu; [api]. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Sun + +</td> +<td valign="top">eve + +</td> +<td valign="top">ewu(ri) + +</td> +<td valign="top">eurima + +</td> +<td valign="top">wati; [vata(ve)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">stamari; [kita]. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Sweet + +</td> +<td valign="top">bebena + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Sweet potato + +</td> +<td valign="top">kupa + +</td> +<td valign="top">kupe + +</td> +<td valign="top">gupe + +</td> +<td valign="top">gupe; [kupeame; vetoe] + +</td> +<td valign="top">kouwai; [vetore]. + + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Taro + +</td> +<td valign="top">munde + +</td> +<td valign="top">munda + +</td> +<td valign="top">mude + +</td> +<td valign="top">ku(we) + +</td> +<td valign="top">gamach; [gimale]. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Taste, <i>v.</i> + +</td> +<td valign="top">tovogi + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Thick + +</td> +<td valign="top">kakava(ne) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[evoevotupi] + +</td> +<td valign="top">inĕp. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Thin + +</td> +<td valign="top">fafale; garibe + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[itape] + +</td> +<td valign="top">krawida. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Tobacco + +</td> +<td valign="top">vilu (<i>native</i>); kuku (<i>foreign</i>); matsika (<i>stick</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">ewuta + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[emuna(te) (<i>native</i>)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">[munamuna (<i>native</i>)]. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">To-day + +</td> +<td valign="top">audati + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">kailili + +</td> +<td valign="top">[tetefa; vae]. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Tomohawk + +</td> +<td valign="top">so(ve) + +</td> +<td valign="top">so(nda) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">[amu(te)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">To-morrow + +</td> +<td valign="top">aiti + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">kila + +</td> +<td valign="top">[kavokae]. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Tongue + +</td> +<td valign="top">usese + +</td> +<td valign="top">asisino + +</td> +<td valign="top">asiesa + +</td> +<td valign="top">aivi + +</td> +<td valign="top">tananio; [tzinao]. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Tooth + +</td> +<td valign="top">ato(le) + +</td> +<td valign="top">usi<a id="d0e14840src" href="#d0e14840" class="noteref">46</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">atu + +</td> +<td valign="top">noto(ab); [noto(ape)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">kitira; [rita (tsi)]. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Tree + +</td> +<td valign="top">i(ye) + +</td> +<td valign="top">i (<i>wood</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">i + +</td> +<td valign="top">enade; [ea(te)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">ida.<a id="d0e14870"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e14870">344</a>]</span></td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Valley + +</td> +<td valign="top">ole (<i>below</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">horo + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Village + +</td> +<td valign="top">e(me) + +</td> +<td valign="top">haru + +</td> +<td valign="top">eda + +</td> +<td valign="top">geade; [kia(te); mai(te)] + +</td> +<td valign="top">deata; [dela]. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Water + +</td> +<td valign="top">yu(ve) + +</td> +<td valign="top">iu + +</td> +<td valign="top">eu(wa) + +</td> +<td valign="top">i(pe) + +</td> +<td valign="top">eweo; [eveo; evori]. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Weep + +</td> +<td valign="top">andavel’ete; availili + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">kowaitai + +</td> +<td valign="top">[inivade]. + + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">White + +</td> +<td valign="top">kogola; fofoye (<i>ash colour</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">foa + +</td> +<td valign="top">ilitu + +</td> +<td valign="top">unimala; [aela]. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Wife + +</td> +<td valign="top">amu(le) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">omen)iva<a id="d0e14953src" href="#d0e14953" class="noteref">47</a>; [iva] + +</td> +<td valign="top">anamara. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Wind + +</td> +<td valign="top">gubu(le) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">gubu(ra) + +</td> +<td valign="top">kavi; [oive] + +</td> +<td valign="top">tamara; [tsinu]. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Wing + +</td> +<td valign="top">geoge; fala(le) (<i>feathers</i>); pilulupe (<i>of bat</i>) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Woman + +</td> +<td valign="top">amu(le) + +</td> +<td valign="top">mamo<a id="d0e14999src" href="#d0e14999" class="noteref">48</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">amu + +</td> +<td valign="top">iva + +</td> +<td valign="top">anakave; [anatemada, anakave; anafu]. + + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Wrist + +</td> +<td valign="top">bodul’ u’ gurube<a id="d0e15015src" href="#d0e15015" class="noteref">49</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">ia’ u’ gidiba + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Yam + +</td> +<td valign="top">ai(ne) + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">hain + +</td> +<td valign="top">loite + +</td> +<td valign="top">darai; [tarae]. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Yellow + +</td> +<td valign="top">yangogona<a id="d0e15044src" href="#d0e15044" class="noteref">50</a> + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">yarem + +</td> +<td valign="top">epe + +</td> +<td valign="top">katech.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Yes + +</td> +<td valign="top">e + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">namoade + +</td> +<td valign="top">—</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Yesterday + +</td> +<td valign="top">arima + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +<td valign="top">kila + +</td> +<td valign="top">[orivafari].</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + + +<a id="d0e15084"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e15084">345</a>]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e11792" href="#d0e11792src" class="noteref">1</a></span> Foot’s joint. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e11797" href="#d0e11797src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Cf. M. <i>kon(on)de</i>, knot in wood. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e11887" href="#d0e11887src" class="noteref">3</a></span> Cf. Fire. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e11949" href="#d0e11949src" class="noteref">4</a></span> Cf. M. <i>tobo</i>, gourd. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e11989" href="#d0e11989src" class="noteref">5</a></span> Probably introduced. Mekeo <i>avaava</i>, Pokau <i>tavatava</i>, buy. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12121" href="#d0e12121src" class="noteref">6</a></span> Introduced. Motu <i>asi</i>. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12209" href="#d0e12209src" class="noteref">7</a></span> Cf. M. <i>kon(on)de</i>, knot in wood. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12321" href="#d0e12321src" class="noteref">8</a></span> Cf. Fire. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12430" href="#d0e12430src" class="noteref">9</a></span> Cf. Finger. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12557" href="#d0e12557src" class="noteref">10</a></span> Cf. bag. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12584" href="#d0e12584src" class="noteref">11</a></span> Sun its light. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12758" href="#d0e12758src" class="noteref">12</a></span> <i>Na,</i> I. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12783" href="#d0e12783src" class="noteref">13</a></span> Arm’s joint. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12788" href="#d0e12788src" class="noteref">14</a></span> Cf. M. <i>kon(on)de,</i> knot in wood. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12818" href="#d0e12818src" class="noteref">15</a></span> Eyebrow’s hair. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12823" href="#d0e12823src" class="noteref">16</a></span> Eye-skin. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12895" href="#d0e12895src" class="noteref">17</a></span> <i>Nu,</i> thou. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12927" href="#d0e12927src" class="noteref">18</a></span> Cf. Branch. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12933" href="#d0e12933src" class="noteref">19</a></span> <i>Feneme</i>, eel. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12941" href="#d0e12941src" class="noteref">20</a></span> Cf. <i>tala(pe)</i>, sp. thread. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12950" href="#d0e12950src" class="noteref">21</a></span> Finger’s mother. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13058" href="#d0e13058src" class="noteref">22</a></span> Cf. Earth. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13149" href="#d0e13149src" class="noteref">23</a></span> Foot’s hollow. Cf. Pumpkin. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13197" href="#d0e13197src" class="noteref">24</a></span> Cf. Earth. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13267" href="#d0e13267src" class="noteref">25</a></span> <i>Nu</i>, thou. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13348" href="#d0e13348src" class="noteref">26</a></span> Hand’s hollow. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13386" href="#d0e13386src" class="noteref">27</a></span> <i> Ni</i>, you. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13443" href="#d0e13443src" class="noteref">28</a></span> Side’s tongue. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13463" href="#d0e13463src" class="noteref">29</a></span> Introduced (Motu, <i>Kimai</i>). +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13519" href="#d0e13519src" class="noteref">30</a></span> <i>omen</i>, his. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13531" href="#d0e13531src" class="noteref">31</a></span> Also handcuffs. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13578" href="#d0e13578src" class="noteref">32</a></span> <i>Nu</i>, thou. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13797" href="#d0e13797src" class="noteref">33</a></span> To give the breast. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13874" href="#d0e13874src" class="noteref">34</a></span> <i>aumen</i>, his?. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13911" href="#d0e13911src" class="noteref">35</a></span> <i>Cf.</i> Finger. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14026" href="#d0e14026src" class="noteref">36</a></span> Breast, its nose. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14068" href="#d0e14068src" class="noteref">37</a></span> Nose, its hole. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14092" href="#d0e14092src" class="noteref">38</a></span> Introduced (Kabadi, Motu, <i>bara</i>). +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14147" href="#d0e14147src" class="noteref">39</a></span> Kabadi, &c., <i>nau</i>. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14286" href="#d0e14286src" class="noteref">40</a></span> Sagopalm’s important part. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14363" href="#d0e14363src" class="noteref">41</a></span> <i>Na</i>, I. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14391" href="#d0e14391src" class="noteref">42</a></span> Sit and Stay. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14486" href="#d0e14486src" class="noteref">43</a></span> <i>Cf.</i> M. ememe, <i>pierce.</i></p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14601" href="#d0e14601src" class="noteref">44</a></span> <i>Cf.</i> Night, Darkness, Black. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14645" href="#d0e14645src" class="noteref">45</a></span> <i>Cf.</i> M. <i>tsibe</i>, a reed. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14840" href="#d0e14840src" class="noteref">46</a></span> <i>Cf.</i> M. <i>usi(le</i>), tusk. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14953" href="#d0e14953src" class="noteref">47</a></span> <i>Omen</i>, he, his. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14999" href="#d0e14999src" class="noteref">48</a></span> <i>Cf</i>. Mother. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15015" href="#d0e15015src" class="noteref">49</a></span> Hand’s neck. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15044" href="#d0e15044src" class="noteref">50</a></span> <i>Yango(ne</i>) a plant of which the roots give a yellow stain +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><a id="d0e15085"></a><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2 class="label">Appendix V</h2> +<h2>Notes on the Papuan Languages spoken about the Head Waters of the St. Joseph River, Central Papua</h2> +<p>By Sidney H. Ray, M.A. + +</p> +<p>The grammars and vocabularies collected by the Rev. Father Egedi, the Rev. E. P. Money and Dr. W. M. Strong illustrate the +languages spoken in the higher hill country extending from the district about Mount Yule to Mount Albert Edward and the Upper +Vanapa River. They form three distinct groups. + +</p> +<p>1. Fuyuge, comprising the dialects of Mafulu, Kambisa, Korona and Sikube. + +</p> +<p>2. Afoa or Ambo, including Tauata. + +</p> +<p>3. Kovio, including Oru Lopiko. + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>I. Classification.</h3> +<p>1. Fuyuge:—The first specimen of any lanugage of the Fuyuge group was collected by the Rev. James Chalmers in 1879. This was +called by him Kabana, and was printed in a collection of vocabularies in 1888.<a id="d0e15105src" href="#d0e15105" class="noteref">1</a> From a note on the original MS., the vocabulary was assumed to be the dialect of a village on Mount Victoria (called by Chalmers +Mount Owen Stanley).<a id="d0e15110src" href="#d0e15110" class="noteref">2</a> But as Sir William MacGregor pointed <a id="d0e15115"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e15115">346</a>]</span>out,<a id="d0e15117src" href="#d0e15117" class="noteref">3</a> there are no villages on that mountain, hence Chalmers, in assigning a locality to the vocabulary some time after its collection, +must have been mistaken. The language of Chalmers’ Kabana is nearly the same as that of a vocabulary collected by Mr. A. Giulianetti +at the village of Sikube in the Upper Vetapa or Vanapa valley, north of Mount Lilley. This was published in 1898.<a id="d0e15122src" href="#d0e15122" class="noteref">4</a> + +</p> +<p>A few words from the village of Kambisa, in Sirima (Chirima) valley were published in the Annual Report on British New Guinea +for 1905–6,<a id="d0e15129src" href="#d0e15129" class="noteref">5</a> and I have since been favoured by the compiler, the Rev. P. J. Money, with a fuller list. The Rev. Father Egedi published +in 1907 a vocabulary of Fuyuge along with his account of the Tauata or Afoa tribe.<a id="d0e15134src" href="#d0e15134" class="noteref">6</a> Dr. Strong collected a vocabulary from the natives of Korona, a village situated close to the head of Galley Reach. This +was collected with the help of a Motu-speaking native, and contains a few apparently Melanesian words. Dr. Strong was spontaneously +told that these had been introduced from the coast in quite recent times. (<i>Cf</i>. § III.) + +</p> +<p>The words in the comparative vocabulary are taken from an extensive collection in Mafulu by the Rev. Father Egedi. They represent +the same dialect as the Grammar in <a href="#d0e6925">Appendix I</a>. + +</p> +<p>That Mafulu, Kambisa, and Korona, with Sikube and Kabana, represent the same language is plain. + +</p> +<p>The Kabana pronoun <i>nahu</i>, I, the Sikube <i>na(nio</i>) I, <i>nu</i>(<i>ni</i>) thou, and the Kambisa <i>na</i>, I, <i>nu</i>, thou, <i>hu</i>, he, agree with the Fuyuge <i>na, na(ni</i>), I, <i>nu, nu(ni</i>) thou, <i>u</i>, he. The Kabana <i>nauera</i>, mine, is the Fuyuge <i>naula</i>. The Kambisa <i>nara-ndo</i>, mine, <i>nura-ndo</i>, thine, <i>hura-ndo</i> his, also show a suffix <i>ndo</i> corresponding to Mafulu <i>ne</i> in <i>naula(ne</i>), mine, <i>nula(ne</i>) thine, <a id="d0e15208"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e15208">347</a>]</span><i>ula(ne</i>) his, and in the vocabulary the Kambisa suffix <i>nda</i> corresponds to the Korona <i>de</i> in the word for “chest.” There is, however, no evidence that the Korona <i>de</i> is equivalent to the Mafulu <i>ne</i>. The word given in Sikube for “woman,” <i>amuri</i>, is the Fuyuge plural <i>amuli</i>, “women.” + +</p> +<p>A few other likenesses appear, as <i>e.g.</i>, Kambisa suffix <i>ng</i> represents Mafulu <i>me, ne</i>; Kambisa <i>fa</i>, the Fuyuge <i>ve</i>; Kambisa <i>a</i>, Korona <i>la</i>, Mafulu <i>le</i>. + +</p> +<p>The following extract shows the likeness of the vocabulary.<a id="d0e15258src" href="#d0e15258" class="noteref">7</a> + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Mafulu. </td> +<td valign="top">Kambisa. </td> +<td valign="top">Sikube. </td> +<td valign="top">Kabana. </td> +<td valign="top">Korona. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Adze </td> +<td valign="top">so </td> +<td valign="top">so </td> +<td valign="top">cho </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">itau + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Arm, hand </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">ia </td> +<td valign="top">ia </td> +<td valign="top">ia </td> +<td valign="top">ya + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Belly </td> +<td valign="top">ombo </td> +<td valign="top">hombo </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">habe </td> +<td valign="top">obo + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Bird </td> +<td valign="top">nembe </td> +<td valign="top">neba </td> +<td valign="top">membe </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">nebe + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cassowary plume </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">wasa </td> +<td valign="top">vasa </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Child, son </td> +<td valign="top">me, ese </td> +<td valign="top">isa </td> +<td valign="top">me </td> +<td valign="top">ese </td> +<td valign="top">isia + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Club </td> +<td valign="top">gilise </td> +<td valign="top">hadufa </td> +<td valign="top">adufa, girishia </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">hadoga + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Dog </td> +<td valign="top">oi </td> +<td valign="top">hu </td> +<td valign="top">hu, fu </td> +<td valign="top">hoa </td> +<td valign="top">ho + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Ear </td> +<td valign="top">yangolo </td> +<td valign="top">gadoro </td> +<td valign="top">gaderu </td> +<td valign="top">gadero </td> +<td valign="top">i + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Eye </td> +<td valign="top">i </td> +<td valign="top">i </td> +<td valign="top">i </td> +<td valign="top">e </td> +<td valign="top">yago + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Forest </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">bu = garden </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">bu + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Father </td> +<td valign="top">ba </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">ba </td> +<td valign="top">ba + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Fire </td> +<td valign="top">oki </td> +<td valign="top">uki </td> +<td valign="top">okia </td> +<td valign="top">okia </td> +<td valign="top">oke + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Foot </td> +<td valign="top">soge </td> +<td valign="top">siga </td> +<td valign="top">suku </td> +<td valign="top">suge </td> +<td valign="top">sogo + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Go </td> +<td valign="top">gege </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">henga </td> +<td valign="top">inga </td> +<td valign="top">hego + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Ground </td> +<td valign="top">bu, fa </td> +<td valign="top">hoa </td> +<td valign="top">bu = garden </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">fa + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Hair, head </td> +<td valign="top">ade </td> +<td valign="top">ha </td> +<td valign="top">ha </td> +<td valign="top">ha </td> +<td valign="top">ha + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">House </td> +<td valign="top">e </td> +<td valign="top">e </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">e </td> +<td valign="top">e + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Knife </td> +<td valign="top">indi </td> +<td valign="top">indi </td> +<td valign="top">indi </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Leaf </td> +<td valign="top">tu </td> +<td valign="top">idu </td> +<td valign="top">itu </td> +<td valign="top">idu </td> +<td valign="top">utu + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Lip, mouth </td> +<td valign="top">ude </td> +<td valign="top">uba </td> +<td valign="top">ude </td> +<td valign="top">ude </td> +<td valign="top">uau + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Moon </td> +<td valign="top">one </td> +<td valign="top">hama </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">hama </td> +<td valign="top">hoana + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Navel </td> +<td valign="top">kombolu </td> +<td valign="top">kumburu </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">habera = belly </td> +<td valign="top">koboro + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nose </td> +<td valign="top">unge </td> +<td valign="top">unga </td> +<td valign="top">hunge </td> +<td valign="top">unuga </td> +<td valign="top">unga + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Pig </td> +<td valign="top">ovo </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">obu </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">o’o + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Rain </td> +<td valign="top">yangose </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">iangushe </td> +<td valign="top">iangose </td> +<td valign="top">yagosa + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Smoke </td> +<td valign="top">iso </td> +<td valign="top">iso </td> +<td valign="top">ishio </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">isoa + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Stone </td> +<td valign="top">bute </td> +<td valign="top">io </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">io </td> +<td valign="top">butia + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Sun, day </td> +<td valign="top">eve </td> +<td valign="top">ewuri </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">evurima </td> +<td valign="top">eurima + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Sugar-cane </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">teba </td> +<td valign="top">tebe </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Taro </td> +<td valign="top">munde </td> +<td valign="top">munda </td> +<td valign="top">mude </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">mude + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Thigh </td> +<td valign="top">mude </td> +<td valign="top">muda </td> +<td valign="top">mude </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">mude + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Tongue </td> +<td valign="top">usese </td> +<td valign="top">asisino </td> +<td valign="top">asese </td> +<td valign="top">asese </td> +<td valign="top">asiesa + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Tooth </td> +<td valign="top">ato </td> +<td valign="top">usi </td> +<td valign="top">ado </td> +<td valign="top">ado </td> +<td valign="top">atu + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Village </td> +<td valign="top">e </td> +<td valign="top">haru </td> +<td valign="top">e </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">eda + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Water </td> +<td valign="top">yu </td> +<td valign="top">iu </td> +<td valign="top">iu </td> +<td valign="top">iu </td> +<td valign="top">eu + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Woman </td> +<td valign="top">amu </td> +<td valign="top">?mamo = mother </td> +<td valign="top">amu </td> +<td valign="top">amu </td> +<td valign="top">amu</td> +</tr> +</table><p> +<a id="d0e15757"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e15757">348</a>]</span></p> +<p>The numerals show similar agreements. These will be illustrated in the next section. + +</p> +<p>2. Afoa.—The Afoa vocabulary was collected by Dr. Strong in the villages on Mount Pitsoko from a Fuyuge native who spoke Afoa +fluently. Dr. Strong also obtained a short vocabulary from a native who came from a village apparently on the slopes of Mount +Davidson. The language is substantially the same as the Tauata or Tauatape of which Rev. Father Egedi has published a Vocabulary +and Grammar.<a id="d0e15762src" href="#d0e15762" class="noteref">8</a> There are, however, a few slight differences which seem to confirm Father Egedi’s statement that there is probably a difference +of pronunciation in the various Afoa villages.<a id="d0e15770src" href="#d0e15770" class="noteref">9</a> Father Egedi writes: <i>p, v, k, t, l, ts</i> where Dr. Strong has: <i>b, w, g, d, r, t</i>. The latter also has final <i>i</i> for <i>e</i>, <i>ōā</i> for <i>a</i> or <i>o</i>, <i>ia</i> for <i>ea</i>, <i>u</i> for <i>oi</i> <i>ai</i> for <i>ei</i>. Sometimes <i>b</i> represents <i>m</i> or <i>v</i>. Some of Dr. Strong’s words show marks of Afoa grammar, as, <i>e.g.</i>, the words for eat, see, sit, give, head, husband or wife, mother, are: <i>na nai</i>, I eat; <i>na nu kava</i>, I thee see; <i>na navi</i>, I sit; <i>nu inie</i>, thou givest; <i>ni adi</i>, your head; <i>omen iva</i>, his wife or her husband; <i>aumen ini</i>, his mother. The Tauata words are added to the Afoa Vocabulary in square brackets. + +</p> +<p>3. Kovio.—The language called Kovio by Dr. Strong is substantially the same as the Oru Lopiko of Rev. Father Egedi.<a id="d0e15849src" href="#d0e15849" class="noteref">10</a> The same or a similar language is said to be found in four places, viz.— + +</p> +<p>1. Lopiko in the Inava valley. + +</p> +<p>2. Inavarene in the Inava valley. + +</p> +<p>3. Kwoifa district on upper Lakekamu River. + +</p> +<p>4. Villages round Pic Eleia. + +</p> +<p>Details of these dialects are not given. + + +<a id="d0e15864"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e15864">349</a>]</span></p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>II. Comparison.</h3> +<p>The three groups of languages illustrated in these vocabularies present the usual Papuan characteristics of great differences. +A certain amount of resemblance may be found in some of the pronouns, and possibly in a few other words, but generally speaking +the languages are not only quite unconnected with each other, but are also distinct from the known Papuan languages surrounding +them. + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">I. </td> +<td valign="top">Thou. </td> +<td valign="top">He. </td> +<td valign="top">We. </td> +<td valign="top">You. </td> +<td valign="top">They. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top" rowspan="4"> I. </td> +<td valign="top">Fuyuge </td> +<td valign="top">na, nani </td> +<td valign="top">nu, nuni </td> +<td valign="top">u, uni </td> +<td valign="top">di, dini </td> +<td valign="top">yi, yini </td> +<td valign="top">tu, tuni + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Kambisa </td> +<td valign="top">na </td> +<td valign="top">nu </td> +<td valign="top">u </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">ha-ru + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Sikube </td> +<td valign="top">na-nio </td> +<td valign="top">nu-ni </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Kabana </td> +<td valign="top">nau </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top" rowspan="2"> II. </td> +<td valign="top">Afoa </td> +<td valign="top">na </td> +<td valign="top">nu-i </td> +<td valign="top">ome </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Tauata </td> +<td valign="top">na, nai </td> +<td valign="top">nu, nu-i </td> +<td valign="top">ome, ome-i </td> +<td valign="top">nane, nane-i </td> +<td valign="top">nune, nunei </td> +<td valign="top">ote, ote-i + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top" rowspan="2">III. </td> +<td valign="top">Kovio </td> +<td valign="top">na </td> +<td valign="top">ni </td> +<td valign="top">pi </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Oru-Lopiko </td> +<td valign="top">na, naro </td> +<td valign="top">ni, niro </td> +<td valign="top">pi, piro </td> +<td valign="top">dae, daro </td> +<td valign="top">ali, alero </td> +<td valign="top">valo, valoro + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top" rowspan="3"> West </td> +<td valign="top">Toaripi </td> +<td valign="top">ara-o </td> +<td valign="top">a-o </td> +<td valign="top">are-o </td> +<td valign="top">ela-o </td> +<td valign="top">e-o </td> +<td valign="top">ere-o + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Namau </td> +<td valign="top">na-i </td> +<td valign="top">ni-i </td> +<td valign="top">u </td> +<td valign="top">ene-i </td> +<td valign="top">noro </td> +<td valign="top">oro + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Kiwai </td> +<td valign="top">mo </td> +<td valign="top">ro </td> +<td valign="top">nou </td> +<td valign="top">nimo </td> +<td valign="top">nigo </td> +<td valign="top">nei + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">North-east, </td> +<td valign="top">Binandele </td> +<td valign="top">na </td> +<td valign="top">imo </td> +<td valign="top">owa </td> +<td valign="top">kaena, nakare </td> +<td valign="top">imomae </td> +<td valign="top">owawa + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> East, </td> +<td valign="top">Koita </td> +<td valign="top">da </td> +<td valign="top">a </td> +<td valign="top">au </td> +<td valign="top">no </td> +<td valign="top">yai </td> +<td valign="top">yau + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">South-east, </td> +<td valign="top">Mailu </td> +<td valign="top">ia </td> +<td valign="top">ga </td> +<td valign="top">noa </td> +<td valign="top">gea </td> +<td valign="top">aea </td> +<td valign="top">omoa</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + + +</p> +<p>It is interesting here to note the agreement in the forms of the first and second persons singular, with a wide difference +in the other pronouns. Similar words for these two pronouns occur in other Papuan languages as <i>e.g.</i>, Kai (Finschhafen) <i>no</i>, Kelana Kai <i>nai</i>, “I,” and Bongu and Bogadjim (Astrolabe Bay), <i>ni</i>, Kelana Kai <i>ne</i>, “thou.” + +</p> +<p>The widespread use of a suffix, used when the pronoun is emphatic, is noteworthy. The possessive case also is formed as in +some other Papuan languages by a suffix added to the root of the pronoun. <i>Cf.</i>— + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">My. </td> +<td valign="top">Thy. </td> +<td valign="top">His. </td> +<td valign="top">Our. </td> +<td valign="top">Your. </td> +<td valign="top">Their. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top" rowspan="2">Fuyuge </td> +<td valign="top">nau(le) </td> +<td valign="top">nu(le) </td> +<td valign="top">u(le) </td> +<td valign="top">diu(le) </td> +<td valign="top">yu(le) </td> +<td valign="top">ta(le) + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">naula(ne) </td> +<td valign="top">nula(ne) </td> +<td valign="top">ula(ne) </td> +<td valign="top">diula(ne) </td> +<td valign="top">yula(ne) </td> +<td valign="top">tala(ne) + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Kambisa </td> +<td valign="top">narando </td> +<td valign="top">nurando </td> +<td valign="top">hurando </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">haruando + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Tauata </td> +<td valign="top">neve </td> +<td valign="top">nie </td> +<td valign="top">omene </td> +<td valign="top">nanene </td> +<td valign="top">nuvene </td> +<td valign="top">otene + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Kovio </td> +<td valign="top">nemai </td> +<td valign="top">nimai </td> +<td valign="top">pimai </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">— </td> +<td valign="top">— + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Oru-Lopiko </td> +<td valign="top">nema </td> +<td valign="top">nima </td> +<td valign="top">pima </td> +<td valign="top">daema </td> +<td valign="top">alima </td> +<td valign="top">valoma + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Toaripi </td> +<td valign="top">arave </td> +<td valign="top">ave </td> +<td valign="top">areve </td> +<td valign="top">elave </td> +<td valign="top">eve </td> +<td valign="top">ereve + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Binandele </td> +<td valign="top">nato </td> +<td valign="top">ito </td> +<td valign="top">ounda, owanda </td> +<td valign="top">kaenato </td> +<td valign="top">itomane </td> +<td valign="top">omida</td> +</tr> +</table><p> +<a id="d0e16270"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e16270">350</a>]</span></p> +<p>Sometimes the simple form of the pronoun is prefixed to the noun in Tauata to indicate the possessive, as in Namau and Koita. +Tauata <i>na ate</i>, Koita <i>di omote</i>, Namau, <i>na uku</i>, “my head.” + +</p> +<p>The numerals also show great differences. As far as “three” they appear as follows: + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Fuyuge. </td> +<td valign="top">Korona. </td> +<td valign="top">Sikitbe. </td> +<td valign="top">Afoa. </td> +<td valign="top">Tauata. </td> +<td valign="top">Kovio. </td> +<td valign="top">Oru Lopiko. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">1. </td> +<td valign="top">fida(ne) </td> +<td valign="top">fida(ne) </td> +<td valign="top">fidana </td> +<td valign="top">koane </td> +<td valign="top">kone </td> +<td valign="top">uniuni </td> +<td valign="top">konepu + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">2. </td> +<td valign="top">gegeto </td> +<td valign="top">gegeda </td> +<td valign="top">iuara </td> +<td valign="top">atolowai </td> +<td valign="top">atoloai </td> +<td valign="top">karaala </td> +<td valign="top">kalotolo + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">3. </td> +<td valign="top">gegeto m’inaa </td> +<td valign="top">gegeda-fidane </td> +<td valign="top">iuara-minda </td> +<td valign="top">atolowai-itime </td> +<td valign="top">atoloai-laina </td> +<td valign="top">naralavievi-napuevi </td> +<td valign="top">konekhalavi</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p>Some of these words have other meanings. Thus Fuyuge 2, <i>gegeto</i> is given also as “few.” In Tauata 1, <i>kone</i> duplicated as <i>konekone</i> is “few,” whilst <i>onioni</i>, means “alone.” In Oru Lopiko 1, <i>konepu</i> compares with <i>onionipu</i>, “few.” + +</p> +<p>These numerals are all different from Mailu, Koita, Binandele, Toaripi and Namau. + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Mailu. </td> +<td valign="top">Koita. </td> +<td valign="top">Binandele. </td> +<td valign="top">Toaripi. </td> +<td valign="top">Namau. </td> +<td valign="top">Kiwai. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">1. </td> +<td valign="top">omu </td> +<td valign="top">kobua, igagu </td> +<td valign="top">da </td> +<td valign="top">farakeka </td> +<td valign="top">monou </td> +<td valign="top">nao + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">2. </td> +<td valign="top">ava </td> +<td valign="top">abu </td> +<td valign="top">tote </td> +<td valign="top">orakoria </td> +<td valign="top">morere </td> +<td valign="top">netowa. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">3. </td> +<td valign="top">aiseri </td> +<td valign="top">abi-gaga </td> +<td valign="top">tamonde </td> +<td valign="top">oroisoria </td> +<td valign="top">morere-monou </td> +<td valign="top">netowa-naobi</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p>The vocabulary shows very few agreements, and there is very little evidence in support of a connection of any one of these +dialects with its neighbours. The following correspondences may be purely accidental. + + +</p> +<p>Bamboo. Afoa, <i>ila</i>; Namau, <i>ina</i>. + +</p> +<p>Banana. Korona, <i>haba</i>; Iworo, <i>sabari</i>. + +</p> +<p>Barter. Afoa, <i>tavatava</i>; Toaripi, <i>tavatava</i>. + +</p> +<p>Belly. Oru Lop., <i>data</i>; Sogeri, Koiari, <i>detu</i>. + +</p> +<p>Black. Fuyuge, <i>dube, duba</i>; Neneba, <i>aduve</i>; Koiari, Koita, <i>dubu</i>. + +</p> +<p>Blood. Fuyuge, <i>tana</i>; Koiari, Koita, <i>tago</i>. + +</p> +<p>Bone. Fuyuge, <i>fude, &c.</i>; Toaripi, <i>uti</i>. + +</p> +<p>Child. Fuyuge, <i>me(le</i>); Binandele, <i>mai</i>; Berepo, <i>me</i>. + +</p> +<p> Fuyuge, <i>isia</i>; Kambisa, <i>isa</i>; Ubere, <i>esi</i>; Neneba, <i>eche</i>. + +</p> +<p>Coconut. Kambisa, <i>bao</i>; Koiari, <i>bagha</i>. + +</p> +<p>Crocodile. Fuyuge, <i>fua, fuai</i>; Koiari, <i>fuie</i>. + +</p> +<p>Dig. Fuyuge, <i>etsia</i>; Toaripi, <i>isei</i>. + +</p> +<p>Dog. Fuyuge, <i>oi, ho</i>; Agi, Ubere, <i>o</i>; Koiari, &c., <i>to</i>. + +</p> +<p>Eat, Drink. Fuyuge, <i>na, nene</i>; Namau, <i>na</i>. + +</p> +<p>Fire. Tauata, <i>ena</i>; Koiari, <i>vene</i>; Koita, <i>veni</i>. + +</p> +<p>Foot. Fuyuge, &c., <i>soge, suga</i>; Amara, <i>joka</i>. + +</p> +<p>Male. Tauata, <i>mu</i>; Toaripi, <i>mo</i>. Oru Lopiko, <i>vitapu</i>; Toaripi, <i>vita</i>. + +</p> +<p>Man. Fuyuge <i>a(ne</i>); Neneba, <i>ana</i>; Koiari, Koita, <i>ata</i>. + +</p> +<p>Mother. Oru Lopiko, Kovio, <i>nei</i>, Uberi, <i>neia</i>; Koita, <i>neina</i>; Tauata; <i>ine</i>; Koiari, <i>ine</i>. + +</p> +<p>Pig. Kambisa, <i>sika</i>; Musa River, <i>siko</i>. +<a id="d0e16638"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e16638">351</a>]</span></p> +<p>Fuyuge, <i>avo</i>; Koiari, <i>ofo</i>; Koita, <i>oho</i>. + +</p> +<p>Rope. Fuyuge, <i>konange</i>; Gosisi, <i>goda</i>; Koiari, Koita,<i>gote</i>. + +</p> +<p>Salt. Fuyuge, <i>ama(ne</i>); Neneba, Iworo, <i>amani</i>. + +</p> +<p>Taro. Fuyuge, &c., <i>munde</i>, <i>muda</i>; Neneba, <i>muda</i>. + +</p> +<p>Tree. Fuyuge, <i>i</i>, <i>iye</i>; Kovio, <i>ida</i>; Koiari, Koita, <i>idi</i>. + +</p> +<p>Water. Fuyuge, &c., <i>yu</i>; Afoa, <i>i(pe</i>); Neneba, <i>ei</i>; Ubere, <i>e</i>. + +</p> +<p>Woman. Fuyuge, <i>amu</i>; Iworo, Neneba, <i>amuro</i>, wife. + + + +</p> +<p class="div2"></p> +<h3>III. Papuan and Melanesian.</h3> +<p>Three Melanesian languages are spoken in the country around the lower courses of the St. Joseph and Aroa rivers, and are thus +in immediate contact with the Papuan languages spoken about the upper waters. These Melanesian languages are the Mekeo, Kuni +and Pokau. It is, therefore, of some importance to note whether any apparently non-Melanesian elements in these languages +may be traced to the influence of the neighbouring Papuan tongues. + +</p> +<p>In Grammar the only non-Melanesian characteristic which appears is the preceding of the substantive by the genitive, but in +the vocabularies a few correspondences are found. + +</p> +<table width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Bamboo </td> +<td valign="top">Pokau, <i>ileile</i>; Fuyuge, <i>ele</i>; Afoa, <i>ila</i>. Sinaugoro, <i>tobo</i>; Korono, <i>tobo</i>. Kuni, <i>bioni</i>; Mekeo, <i>piengi</i>; Fuyuge, <i>bione</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Big </td> +<td valign="top">Kuni, <i>galoa</i>; Afoa, <i>kalowo</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Bird </td> +<td valign="top">Mekeo, <i>inei</i>; Afoa, <i>kile</i>; Oru Lopiko, <i>ite</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breast </td> +<td valign="top">Pokau, <i>pede</i>; Oru Lopiko, <i>apetei</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Chest </td> +<td valign="top">Mekeo, <i>olanga</i>; Oru Lopiko, <i>ulako</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Couch </td> +<td valign="top">Kuni, <i>itsifu</i>; Tauata, <i>itsifu</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Crocodile </td> +<td valign="top">Roro, <i>puaea</i>; Kabadi, <i>ua</i>; Fuyuge, <i>fua</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Dog </td> +<td valign="top">Pokau, <i>oveka</i>; Kuni, <i>ojame</i>, <i>obeka</i>; Fuyuge, <i>oi(e</i>); Afoa, <i>kovela</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Fork </td> +<td valign="top">Kuni, <i>ini</i>; Tauata, <i>ini</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Girdle </td> +<td valign="top">Kuni, <i>afafa</i>; Tauata, <i>afafe</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Hammock </td> +<td valign="top">Kuni, <i>totoe</i>; Fuyuge, <i>sosoe</i>; Tauata, <i>totolo</i>; Oru Lopiko, <i>totoki</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Head </td> +<td valign="top">Mekeo, <i>kangia</i>; Oru Lopiko, <i>kakuo</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Hill </td> +<td valign="top">Mekeo, <i>iku</i>; Fuyuge, <i>ku(me</i>). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">House </td> +<td valign="top">Mekeo, <i>ea</i>; Fuyuge, <i>e(me</i>). + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Knife </td> +<td valign="top">Mekeo, <i>aiva</i>; Kuni, <i>atsiva</i>; Tauata, <i>tiveya</i>; Oru Lopiko, <i>vetsi</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Many </td> +<td valign="top">Kuni, <i>talelea</i>; Afoa, <i>talele</i>; Fuyuge, <i>talele</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Rope </td> +<td valign="top">Mekeo, <i>ue</i>; Korona, <i>yu</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Spoon </td> +<td valign="top">Kuni, <i>nima</i>; Tauata, <i>dima</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Sweet Potato </td> +<td valign="top">Kuni, <i>gubea</i>; Fuyuge, <i>kupa</i>, <i>gupe</i>; Afoa, <i>gupe</i>. + +</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">White </td> +<td valign="top">Mekeo, <i>foenga</i>; Korona, <i>foa</i>. +</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p>But there are many apparently non-Melanesian words in Mekeo, Kuni and Pokau, which are different in each language, and cannot +be traced to the neighbouring <a id="d0e17001"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e17001">352</a>]</span>Papuan. The inference is that such words may be remnants of other Papuan tongues spoken in the St. Joseph and Aroa Basins, +which have been absorbed by the immigrant Melanesian speech. + +</p> +<p>Only three Melanesian words in the list appear to have been adopted by the Papuans. These are: Tauata <i>nau</i> (<i>pe</i>), earthen dish, which is Kuni, Motu, Pokau, &c., <i>nau</i>; Fuyuge asi boat, Pokau and Motu asi; and Fuyuge <i>bara</i>, paddle, the Motu, Kabadi <i>bara</i>, Mekeo <i>fanga</i>, oar. The Fuyuge <i>kokole</i> fowl is also probably the Mekeo <i>kokolo</i>. + + + +</p> +<div class="footnotes"> +<hr class="fnsep"> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15105" href="#d0e15105src" class="noteref">1</a></span> <i>British New Guinea Vocabularies</i>. London: The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15110" href="#d0e15110src" class="noteref">2</a></span> <i>A Comparative Vocabulary of the Dialects of British New Guinea</i>. Compiled by Sidney H. Ray. London, 1895. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15117" href="#d0e15117src" class="noteref">3</a></span> <i>Annual Report on British New Guinea</i>. 1896–7, p. 13. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15122" href="#d0e15122src" class="noteref">4</a></span> <i>Annual Report on British New Guinea</i>. 1897–8, p. 35. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15129" href="#d0e15129src" class="noteref">5</a></span> <i>British New Guinea. Annual Report for the Year ending 30th June</i>, 1906. p. 93. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15134" href="#d0e15134src" class="noteref">6</a></span> <i>Anthropos II, Heft</i> 6. pp. 1016–1021. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15258" href="#d0e15258src" class="noteref">7</a></span> In comparing I have omitted the non-essential syllable. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15762" href="#d0e15762src" class="noteref">8</a></span> <i>Anthropos</i>, II. <i>Heft</i> 6, pp. 1009–1021. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15770" href="#d0e15770src" class="noteref">9</a></span> <i>Op. cit.</i>, p. 1009. +</p> +<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15849" href="#d0e15849src" class="noteref">10</a></span> <i>Op. cit.</i>, pp. 1016–1021. +</p> +</div> +<p class="div1"><span class="pagenum"> +[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>] +</span></p> +<h2>Plates</h2> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17033" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 1. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p001.jpg" alt="Kuni Scenery."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Kuni Scenery.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17038" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 2. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p002.jpg" alt="Mafulu Scenery."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Mafulu Scenery.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17043" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 3. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p003.jpg" alt="Skull A."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Skull A.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17048" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 4. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p004.jpg" alt="Skull C."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Skull C.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17053" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 5. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p005.jpg" alt="Husband, Wife and Child."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Husband, Wife and Child.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17058" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 6. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p006.jpg" alt="Man and Two Women."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Man and Two Women.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17063" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 7. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p007.jpg" alt="Man, Young Man and Boy."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Man, Young Man and Boy.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17068" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 8. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p008.jpg" alt="Man, Young Man and Boy."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Man, Young Man and Boy.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17073" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 9. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p009.jpg" alt="Different Types of Men."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Different Types of Men.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17078" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 10. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p010.jpg" alt="An Unusual Type."></p> +<p class="figureHead">An Unusual Type.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17083" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 11. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p011.jpg" alt="Two Unusual Types."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Two Unusual Types.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17088" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 12. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p012.jpg" alt="Two Unusual Types."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Two Unusual Types.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17093" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 13. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p013.jpg" alt=""></p> +<p>Fig. 1. Section of Man’s Perineal Band. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 2. Decoration near end of Woman’s Perineal Band. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 3. Section of Woman’s Perineal Band. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 4. Section of Man’s or Woman’s Dancing Ribbon.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17104" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 14. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p014.jpg" alt=""></p> +<p>Fig. 1. Belt No. 1. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 2. Belt No. 3. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 3. Belt No. 4.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17113" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 15. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p015.jpg" alt=""></p> +<p>Fig. 1. Belt No. 5 (one end only). + +</p> +<p>Fig. 2. Belt No. 6 (one end only). + +</p> +<p>Fig. 3. Belt No. 7.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17122" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 16. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p016.jpg" alt="A General Group."></p> +<p class="figureHead">A General Group.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17127" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 17. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p017.jpg" alt="A Young Chief’s Sister decorated for a Dance."></p> +<p class="figureHead">A Young Chief’s Sister decorated for a Dance.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17132" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 18. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p018.jpg" alt="Women wearing Illness Recovery Capes."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Women wearing Illness Recovery Capes.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17137" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 19. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p019.jpg" alt="Women wearing Illness Recovery Capes."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Women wearing Illness Recovery Capes.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17142" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 20. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p020.jpg" alt=""></p> +<p>Fig. 1. Ear-rings. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 2. Jew’s Harp. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 3. Hair Fringe.</p> +</div><p> + + + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17151" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 21. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p021.jpg" alt="Man, Woman, and Children."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Man, Woman, and Children.</p> +</div><p> + + + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17156" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 22. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p022.jpg" alt="A Little Girl with Head Decorations."></p> +<p class="figureHead">A Little Girl with Head Decorations.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17161" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 23. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p023.jpg" alt="A Little Girl with Head Decorations."></p> +<p class="figureHead">A Little Girl with Head Decorations.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17166" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 24. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p024.jpg" alt=""></p> +<p>Figs. 1, 2, 5, and 6. Women’s Hair Plaits decorated with European Beads, Shells, Shell Discs, Dog’s Tooth, and Betel Nut Fruit. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 3. Man’s Hair Plait with Cane Pendant. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 4. Man’s Hair Plait with Betel Nut Pendant.</p> +</div><p> + + + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17175" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 25. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p025.jpg" alt=""></p> +<p>Fig. 1. Leg Band. + +</p> +<p>Figs. 2 and 4. Women’s Hair Plaits decorated with Shells and Dogs’ Teeth. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 3. Bone Implement used (as a fork) for Eating.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17184" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 26. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p026.jpg" alt="Group of Women."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Group of Women.</p> +<p>(The one at the end to the right has the mourning string necklace, worn by the nearest relative.)</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17191" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 27. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p027.jpg" alt="A Young Woman."></p> +<p class="figureHead">A Young Woman.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17196" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 28. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p028.jpg" alt="Two Women."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Two Women.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17201" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 29. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p029.jpg" alt="Two Women."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Two Women.</p> +<p>(Mourning shell necklace worn by woman to right.)</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17208" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 30. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p030.jpg" alt=""></p> +<p>Fig. 1. Mourning String Necklace. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 2. Comb. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 3. Pig’s Tail Ornament for Head. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 4. Whip Lash Head Ornament. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 5. Forehead Ornament.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17221" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 31. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p031.jpg" alt="Necklaces."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Necklaces.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17226" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 32. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p032.jpg" alt="A Necklace."></p> +<p class="figureHead">A Necklace.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17231" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 33. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p033.jpg" alt="Necklaces."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Necklaces.</p> +<p>(The middle one is the mourning shell necklace.)</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17238" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 34. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p034.jpg" alt=""></p> +<p>Fig. 1. Armlet No. 5. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 2. Armlet No. 4. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 3. Armlet No. 2. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 4. Armlet No. 1.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17249" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 35. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p035.jpg" alt="Woman wearing Dancing Apron."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Woman wearing Dancing Apron.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17254" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 36. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p036.jpg" alt="Decoration of Dancing Apron."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Decoration of Dancing Apron.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17259" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 37. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p037.jpg" alt="Decoration of Dancing Apron."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Decoration of Dancing Apron.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17264" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 38. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p038.jpg" alt="Decoration of Dancing Apron."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Decoration of Dancing Apron.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17269" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 39. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p039.jpg" alt="Decoration of Dancing Apron."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Decoration of Dancing Apron.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17274" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 40. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p040.jpg" alt="Decoration of Dancing Apron."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Decoration of Dancing Apron.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17279" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 41. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p041.jpg" alt="Decoration of Dancing Apron."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Decoration of Dancing Apron.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17284" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 42. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p042.jpg" alt="Decoration of Dancing Apron."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Decoration of Dancing Apron.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17289" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 43. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p043.jpg" alt="Decoration of Dancing Apron."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Decoration of Dancing Apron.</p> +<p>(Plate 43 is of an unusual form.)</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17296" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 44. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p044.jpg" alt="Head Feather Ornaments."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Head Feather Ornaments.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17301" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 45. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p045.jpg" alt="Head Feather Ornaments."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Head Feather Ornaments.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17306" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 46. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p046.jpg" alt=""></p> +<p>Fig. 1. Head Feather Ornament. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 2. Back Feather Ornament.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17313" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 47. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p047.jpg" alt="Plaited Head feather Frames."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Plaited Head feather Frames.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17318" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 48. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p048.jpg" alt="Mother and Baby."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Mother and Baby.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17323" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 49. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p049.jpg" alt="At the Spring."></p> +<p class="figureHead">At the Spring.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17328" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 50. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p050.jpg" alt="A Social Gathering."></p> +<p class="figureHead">A Social Gathering.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17333" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 51. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p051.jpg" alt=""></p> +<p>Fig. 1. Small Smoking Pipe (an unusual form). + +</p> +<p>Fig. 2. Pig-bone Scraping Implement. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 3. Stone Bark Cloth Beater. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 4. Drilling Implement. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 5. Bamboo Knife. + +</p> +<p>Figs. 6 and 7. Lime Gourds (used for betel chewing).</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17348" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 52. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p052.jpg" alt=""></p> +<p>Fig. 1. Wooden Dish. + +</p> +<p>Figs. 2 and 3. Water-Carrying Gourds.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17355" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 53. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p053.jpg" alt=""></p> +<p>Fig. 1. Bag No. 3. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 2. Bag No. 4. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 3. Bag No. 6.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17364" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 54. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p054.jpg" alt="Village of Salube and Surrounding Country."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Village of Salube and Surrounding Country.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17369" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 55. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p055.jpg" alt="Village of Seluku, with Chief’s Emone at End and Remains of Broken-down Burial Platform in Middle."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Village of Seluku, with Chief’s Emone at End and Remains of Broken-down Burial Platform in Middle.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17374" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 56. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p056.jpg" alt="Village of Amalala, with Chief’s Emone at End."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Village of Amalala, with Chief’s Emone at End.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17379" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 57. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p057.jpg" alt="Village of Amalala (looking in other direction) with Secondary Emone at End."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Village of Amalala (looking in other direction) with Secondary Emone at End.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17384" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 58. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p058.jpg" alt="Village of Malala, with Secondary Emone at End and Ordinary Grave and Burial Platform of Chief’s Child in Right Foreground."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Village of Malala, with Secondary Emone at End and Ordinary Grave and Burial Platform of Chief’s Child in Right Foreground.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17389" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 59. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p059.jpg" alt="Village of Uvande, with Chief’s Emone at End."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Village of Uvande, with Chief’s Emone at End.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17394" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 60. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p060.jpg" alt="Village of Biave, with Chief’s Emone at End and Burial Platform of Chief’s Child in Middle."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Village of Biave, with Chief’s Emone at End and Burial Platform of Chief’s Child in Middle.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17399" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 61. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p061.jpg" alt="Chief’s Emone in Village of Amalala."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Chief’s Emone in Village of Amalala.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17404" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 62. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p062.jpg" alt="Chief’s Emone in Village of Malala."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Chief’s Emone in Village of Malala.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17409" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 63. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p063.jpg" alt="House in Village of Malala."></p> +<p class="figureHead">House in Village of Malala.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17414" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 64. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p064.jpg" alt="House in Village of Levo, with Child’s Excrement Receptacle to Left."></p> +<p class="figureHead">House in Village of Levo, with Child’s Excrement Receptacle to Left.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17419" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 65. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p065.jpg" alt="Suspension Bridge over St. Joseph River (form used for broad rivers)."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Suspension Bridge over St. Joseph River (form used for broad rivers).</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17424" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 66. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p066.jpg" alt="Bridge over Aduala River (form used for narrow rivers)."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Bridge over Aduala River (form used for narrow rivers).</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17429" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 67. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p067.jpg" alt="Scene at Big Feast in Village of Amalala."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Scene at Big Feast in Village of Amalala.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17434" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 68. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p068.jpg" alt="Row of Killed Pigs at Big Feast at Village of Amalala."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Row of Killed Pigs at Big Feast at Village of Amalala.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17439" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 69. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p069.jpg" alt="Scene at Village of Seluku during Preparations for Big Feast."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Scene at Village of Seluku during Preparations for Big Feast.</p> +<p>(Platform graves of Chief and Chief’s child in middle.)</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17446" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 70. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p070.jpg" alt="Scene at Big Feast at Village of Seluku."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Scene at Big Feast at Village of Seluku.</p> +<p>(Showing head feather erections and back feather ornaments.)</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17453" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 71. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p071.jpg" alt="Young Girl Ornamented for Perineal Band Ceremony."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Young Girl Ornamented for Perineal Band Ceremony.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17458" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 72. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p072.jpg" alt="Feast at Perineal Band Ceremony."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Feast at Perineal Band Ceremony.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17463" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 73. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p073.jpg" alt=""></p> +<p>Fig. 1. Point of War Spear (round in section). + +</p> +<p>Fig. 2. Point of War Spear (square in section). + +</p> +<p>Fig. 3. Point of War Spear (triangular in section and barbed). + +</p> +<p>Fig. 4. Point of War Arrow. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 5. Point of Bird Shooting Arrow.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17476" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 74. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p074.jpg" alt=""></p> +<p>Fig. 1. Bow. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 2. Shield (outside). + +</p> +<p>Fig. 3. Shield (inside).</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17485" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 75. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p075.jpg" alt=""></p> +<p>Fig. 1. Club (pineapple type of head). + +</p> +<p>Fig. 2. Club (disc type of head). + +</p> +<p>Fig. 3. Drum. + +</p> +<p>Fig. 4. Adze.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17496" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 76. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p076.jpg" alt="Fishing Weir."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Fishing Weir.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17501" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 77. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p077.jpg" alt="Planting Yams in Garden."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Planting Yams in Garden.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17506" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 78. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p078.jpg" alt="Collecting Sweet Potatoes in Garden."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Collecting Sweet Potatoes in Garden.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17511" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 79. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p079.jpg" alt="Hammering Bark Cloth."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Hammering Bark Cloth.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17516" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 80. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p080.jpg" alt="The Ine Pandanus."></p> +<p class="figureHead">The Ine Pandanus.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17521" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 81. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p081.jpg" alt="Mafulu Network."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Mafulu Network.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17526" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 82. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p082.jpg" alt="Funeral Feast (not of Chief). Guest Assembled to commence Dance down Village Enclosure."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Funeral Feast (not of Chief). Guest Assembled to commence Dance down Village Enclosure.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17531" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 83. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p083.jpg" alt="The same Funeral Feast. Guest Chief Dancing down Village Enclosure."></p> +<p class="figureHead">The same Funeral Feast. Guest Chief Dancing down Village Enclosure.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17536" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 84. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p084.jpg" alt="Platform Grave of Chief’s Child at Back. Ordinary Grave in Front."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Platform Grave of Chief’s Child at Back. Ordinary Grave in Front.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17541" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 85. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p085.jpg" alt="Group of Platform Graves of Chiefs and their Relations."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Group of Platform Graves of Chiefs and their Relations.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17546" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 86. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p086.jpg" alt="Platform Grave of a Chief’s Child."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Platform Grave of a Chief’s Child.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17551" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 87. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p087.jpg" alt="The Gabi Fig Tree, in which Chiefs’ Burial Boxes are Placed and which is Generally Believed to be Haunted by Spirits (the tree)."></p> +<p class="figureHead">The Gabi Fig Tree, in which Chiefs’ Burial Boxes are Placed and which is Generally Believed to be Haunted by Spirits (the +tree). +</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17556" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 88. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p088.jpg" alt="The Gabi Fig Tree, in which Chiefs’ Burial Boxes are Placed and which is Generally Believed to be Haunted by Spirits (the remains of a box in its branches)."></p> +<p class="figureHead">The Gabi Fig Tree, in which Chiefs’ Burial Boxes are Placed and which is Generally Believed to be Haunted by Spirits (the +remains of a box in its branches). +</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17561" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 89. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p089.jpg" alt="The Remains of a Chief’s Burial Platform which has Collapsed, and beneath which his Skull and Some of His Bones are interred Underground."></p> +<p class="figureHead">The Remains of a Chief’s Burial Platform which has Collapsed, and beneath which his Skull and Some of His Bones are interred +Underground. +</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17566" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 90. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p090.jpg" alt="An Emone to which are hung the Skulls and some of the Bones from Chiefs’ Burial Platforms which have Collapsed."></p> +<p class="figureHead">An Emone to which are hung the Skulls and some of the Bones from Chiefs’ Burial Platforms which have Collapsed.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17571" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Plate 91. + +</h3> +<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p091.jpg" alt="A House with Receptacle for Child’s Excrement."></p> +<p class="figureHead">A House with Receptacle for Child’s Excrement.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p></p> +<div id="d0e17576" class="divFigure"> +<p class="legend"><a href="images/maph.jpg"><img border="0" src="images/map.jpg" alt=""></a></p> +</div><p> + +</p> +</div> + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Mafulu, by Robert W. 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