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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Mafulu, by Robert W. Williamson
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Mafulu
+       Mountain People of British New Guinea
+
+Author: Robert W. Williamson
+
+Release Date: March 4, 2006 [EBook #17910]
+Last updated: January 27, 2009
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MAFULU ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+                           The Mafulu
+             Mountain People of British New Guinea
+
+
+                      Robert W. Williamson
+
+                      With an Introduction
+
+                               by
+
+                  A. C. Haddon, Sc.D., F.R.S.
+
+
+                   With Illustrations and Map
+
+                   Macmillan and Co., Limited
+                  St. Martin's Street, London
+                              1912
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+This book is the outcome of an expedition to British New Guinea
+in 1910, in which, after a short stay among the people of some of
+the western Solomon Islands, including those of that old centre
+of the head hunters, the Rubiana lagoon, and a preparatory and
+instructive journey in New Guinea among the large villages of the
+Mekeo district, I struck across country by a little known route,
+via Lapeka, to Ido-Ido and on to Dilava, and thus passed by way of
+further preparation through the Kuni country, and ultimately reached
+the district of the Mafulu villages, of whose people very little was
+known, and which was therefore the mecca of my pilgrimage.
+
+I endeavoured to carry out the enquiries of which the book is a record
+as carefully and accurately as possible; but it must be remembered
+that the Mafulu people had seen very few white men, except some
+of the Fathers of the Catholic Mission of the Sacred Heart, the
+visits of Government officials and once or twice of a scientific
+traveller having been but few and far between, and only short; that
+the mission station in Mafulu (the remotest station of the mission)
+had only been established five years previously; that the people
+were utterly unaccustomed to the type of questioning which systematic
+ethnological enquiry involves, and that necessarily there was often
+the usual hesitation in giving the required information.
+
+I cannot doubt, therefore, that future enquiries and investigations
+made in the same district will bring to light errors and
+misunderstandings, which even with the greatest care can hardly be
+avoided in the case of a first attempt on new ground, where everything
+has to be investigated and worked up from the beginning. I hope,
+however, that the bulk of my notes will be found to have been correct
+in substance so far as they go.
+
+I regret that my ignorance of tropical flora and fauna has made it
+impossible for me to give the names of many of the plants and animals
+to which I refer.
+
+There are many people, more than I can mention here, to whom I owe my
+grateful thanks. Prior to my departure for the South Seas Dr. Haddon
+took great trouble in helping and advising me, and, indeed, I doubt
+whether I should have ventured upon my solitary expedition if I had
+not had his stimulating encouragement.
+
+In New Guinea I had the never-failing hospitality and kindness
+of my good friend Monseigneur de Boismenu (the Bishop of the
+Mission of the Sacred Heart) and the Fathers and Brothers of the
+Mission. Among the latter I would specially mention Father Egedi
+and Father Clauser. Father Egedi (whose name is already familiar
+to students of New Guinea Ethnology) was my friend and travelling
+companion during a portion of my journeyings through the Mekeo and
+Kuni districts, and his Mekeo explanations proved invaluable to me
+when I reached my Mafulu destination. And dear good Father Clauser
+was a pillar of help in Mafulu. He placed at my disposal all his
+existing knowledge concerning the people, and was my intermediary
+and interpreter throughout all my enquiries. And finally, when having
+at some risk prolonged my stay at Mafulu until those enquiries were
+completed, I was at last compelled by the serious state of my health
+to beat a retreat, and be carried down to the coast, he undertook
+to do the whole of my photographing and physical measurements, and
+the care and skill with which he did so are evidenced by the results
+as disclosed in this book. [1] I must also add that the frontispiece
+and plates 17, 67, 68, 69 and 70 are taken from previous photographs
+which Father Clauser kindly placed at my disposal. My remembrance of
+His Lordship the Bishop, and of the Reverend Fathers and the Brothers
+of the Mission will ever be one of affectionate personal regard, and
+of admiration of the spirit of heroic self-sacrifice which impels
+them to submit cheerfully to the grave and constant hardships and
+dangers to which their labour of love necessarily exposes them.
+
+Since my return home Dr. Seligmann has given me immense help, advising
+me upon my notes, placing material at my disposal, and afterwards
+reading through a considerable portion of my manuscript. Mr. T.A. Joyce
+and Mr. J. Edge Partington helped me in arranging and dealing with
+the things which I had brought back to the British Museum. Dr. Keith
+examined and reported upon some skulls which I had obtained,
+and advised me upon my notes on physique. Dr. Stapf helped me in
+matters of botanical identification; Mr. S.H. Ray has given me the
+full benefit of his wide knowledge of South Pacific linguistics,
+and has written the appendices to the book. And, finally, Dr. Haddon
+has very kindly read through my proof sheets.
+
+In conclusion, I would add that there is still an immense amount
+of detailed work to be done among the Mafulu people, and that
+the districts of the Ambo and Boboi and Oru Lopiku people, still
+further back among the mountains, offer an almost virgin field for
+investigation to anyone who will take the trouble to go there.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+
+Introduction, by Dr. A.C. Haddon
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+Introductory
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+Physique and Character
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+Dress and Ornament
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+Daily Life and Matters Connected with It
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+Community, Clan, and Village Systems and Chieftainship
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+Villages, Emone, Houses and Modes of Inter-Village Communication
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+Government, Property and Inheritance
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+The Big Feast
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+Some Other Ceremonies and Feasts
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+Matrimonial and Sexual
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+Killing, Cannibalism and Warfare
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+Hunting, Fishing and Agriculture
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+Bark Cloth Making, Netting and Art
+
+CHAPTER XIV
+
+Music and Singing, Dancing, and Toys and Games
+
+CHAPTER XV
+
+Counting, Currency and Trade
+
+CHAPTER XVI
+
+Language
+
+CHAPTER XVII
+
+Illness, Death and Burial
+
+CHAPTER XVIII
+
+Religion and Superstitious Beliefs and Practices
+
+CHAPTER XIX
+
+Note on the Kuni People
+
+CHAPTER XX
+
+Conclusion
+
+APPENDIX I
+
+A Grammar of the Fuyuge Language
+
+APPENDIX II
+
+Note on the Afoa Language
+
+APPENDIX III
+
+Note on the Kovio Language
+
+APPENDIX IV
+
+A Comparative Vocabulary of the Fuyuge, Afoa, and Kovio Languages
+
+APPENDIX V
+
+Notes on the Papuan Languages Spoken about the Head Waters of the
+St. Joseph River, Central Papua
+
+
+
+
+
+
+PLATES
+
+
+        Mafulu Women Decorated for a Dance. ... _Frontispiece_
+ 1      Kuni Scenery.
+ 2      Mafulu Scenery.
+ 3      Skull A.
+ 4      Skull C.
+ 5      Husband, Wife and Child.
+ 6      Man and Two Women.
+ 7, 8   Man, Young Man and Boy.
+ 9      Different Types of Men.
+10      An Unusual Type.
+11, 12  Two Unusual Types.
+13      Fig. 1. Section of Man's Perineal Band. Fig. 2. Decoration
+        near end of Woman's Perineal Band. Fig. 3. Section of Woman's
+        Perineal Band. Fig. 4. Section of Man's or Woman's Dancing
+        Ribbon.
+14      Fig. 1. Belt No. 1. Fig. 2. Belt No. 3. Fig. 3. Belt No. 4.
+15      Fig. 1. Belt No. 5 (one end only). Fig. 2. Belt No. 6
+        (one end only). Fig. 3. Belt No. 7.
+16      A General Group.
+17      A Young Chief's Sister decorated for a Dance.
+18, 19  Women wearing Illness Recovery Capes.
+20      Fig. 1. Ear-rings. Fig. 2. Jew's Harp. Fig. 3. Hair Fringe.
+21      Man, Woman and Children.
+22, 23  A Little Girl with Head Decorations.
+24      Figs. 1, 2, 5, and 6. Women's Hair Plaits decorated
+        with European Beads, Shells, Shell Discs, Dog's Tooth,
+        and Betel Nut Fruit. Fig. 3. Man's Hair Plait with Cane
+        Pendant. Fig. 4. Man's Hair Plait with Betel Nut Pendant.
+25      Fig. 1. Leg Band. Figs. 2 and 4. Women's  Hair Plaits
+        decorated with Shells and Dogs'   Teeth. Fig. 3. Bone Implement
+        used (as a Fork) for Eating.
+26      Group of Women.
+27      A Young Woman.
+28      Two Women.
+29      Two Women.
+30      Fig. 1. Mourning String
+        Necklace. Fig. 2. Comb. Fig. 3. Pig's Tail Ornament for
+        Head. Fig. 4. Whip Lash Head Ornament. Fig. 5. Forehead
+        Ornament.
+31      Necklaces.
+32      A Necklace.
+33      Necklaces.
+34      Fig. 1. Armlet No. 5. Fig. 2. Armlet No. 4. Fig. 3. Armlet
+        No. 2. Fig. 4. Armlet No. 1.
+35      Woman wearing Dancing Apron.
+36, 37  Decoration of Dancing Aprons.
+38, 39  Decoration of Dancing Aprons.
+40, 41  Decoration of Dancing Aprons.
+42, 43  Decoration of Dancing Aprons.
+44      Head Feather Ornaments.
+45      Head Feather Ornaments.
+46      Fig. 1. Head Feather Ornament. Fig. 2. Back Feather
+        Ornament.
+47      Plaited Head Feather Frames.
+48      Mother and Baby.
+49      At the Spring.
+50      A Social Gathering.
+51      Fig. 1. Small Smoking Pipe. Fig. 2. Pig-bone Scraping
+        Implement. Fig. 3. Stone Bark Cloth Beater. Fig. 4. Drilling
+        Implement. Fig. 5. Bamboo Knife. Figs. 6 and 7. Lime Gourds.
+52      Fig. 1. Wooden Dish. Figs. 2 and 3. Water-Carrying Gourds.
+53      Fig. 1. Bag No. 3. Fig. 2. Bag No. 4. Fig. 3. Bag. No. 6.
+54      Village of Salube and Surrounding Country.
+55      Village of Seluku, with Chiefs _Emone_ at End and Remains
+        of Broken-down Burial Platform in Middle.
+56      Village of Amalala, with Chiefs _Emone_ at End..
+57      Village of Amalala (looking in other direction), with
+        Secondary _Emone_ at End.
+58      Village of Malala, with Secondary _Emone_ at End and
+        Ordinary Grave and Burial Platform of Chief's Child in Right
+        Foreground.
+59      Village of Uvande, with Chief's _Emone_ at End.
+60      Village of Biave, with Chief's _Emone_ at End and Burial
+        Platform of Chief's Child in Middle.
+61      Chief's _Emone_ in Village of Amalala.
+62      Chief's _Emone_ in Village of Malala.
+63      House in Village of Malala.
+64      House in Village of Levo, with Child's Excrement Receptacle
+        to Left.
+65      Suspension Bridge over St. Joseph River.
+66      Bridge over Aduala River.
+67      Scene at Big Feast in Village of Amalala.
+68      Row of Killed Pigs at Big Feast at Village of Amalala.
+69      Scene at Village of Seluku during Preparations for Big
+        Feast.
+70      Scene at Big Feast at Village of Seluku.
+71      Young Girl Ornamented for Perineal Band Ceremony.
+72      Feast at Perineal Band Ceremony.
+73      Figs, 1, 2, and 3. Points of War Spears. Fig. 4. Point of
+        War-Arrow. Fig. 5. Point of Bird-Shooting Arrow.
+74      Fig. 1. Bow. Fig. 2. Shield (outside). Fig. 3. Shield
+        (inside).
+75      Fig. 1. Club (pineapple type of head). Fig. 2. Club (disc
+        type of head). Fig. 3. Drum. Fig. 4. Adze.
+76      Fishing Weir.
+77      Planting Yams in Garden.
+78      Collecting Sweet Potatoes in Garden.
+79      Hammering Bark Cloth.
+80      The Ine Pandanus.
+81      Mafulu Network.
+82      Funeral Feast (not of Chief). Guests assembled to commence
+        Dance down Village Enclosure.
+83      The same Funeral Feast. Guest Chief Dancing down Village
+        Enclosure.
+84      Platform Grave of Chief's Child at Back. Ordinary Grave
+        in Front.
+85      Group of Platform Graves of Chiefs and their Relations.
+86      Platform Grave of a Chief's Child.
+87, 88  The _Gabe_ Fig Tree, in which Chiefs' Burial Boxes
+        are placed and which is Generally Believed to be Haunted
+        by Spirits.
+89      The Remains of a Chiefs Burial Platform which has collapsed,
+        and beneath which his Skull and some of his Bones are interred
+        Underground.
+90      An _Emone_ to which are hung the Skulls and some of the
+        Bones from Chiefs' Burial Platforms which have Collapsed.
+91      A House with Receptacle for Child's Excrement.
+
+        Map.
+
+
+
+
+ILLUSTRATIONS IN TEXT
+
+
+ 1.     Leg band making (commencing stage)
+ 2.     Ancient Mortar
+ 3.     Illustrative Diagram of a Mafulu Community of Villages
+ 4.     Diagram of Front of _Emone_ (Front Hood of Roof and Front
+        Platform and Portions of Front Timbers omitted, so as to
+        show Interior)
+ 5.     Diagram of Transverse Section across Centre of Emone
+ 6.     Diagrammatic Sketch of Apse-like Projection of Roof of
+        _Emone_ and Platform Arrangements
+ 7.     Diagram Illustrating Positions of People during Performance
+        at Big Feast
+ 8.     Mafulu Net Making (1st Line of Network)
+ 9.     Mafulu Net Making (2nd, 3rd, and 4th Lines of Network)
+10.     Mafulu Net Making (5th Line of Network, to which Rest of
+        Net is similar in Stitch)
+
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+By Dr. A.C. Haddon
+
+
+It is a great pleasure to me to introduce Mr. Williamson's book to
+the notice of ethnologists and the general public, as I am convinced
+that it will be read with interest and profit.
+
+Perhaps I may be permitted in this place to make a few personal
+remarks. Mr. Williamson was formerly a solicitor, and always had a
+great longing to see something of savage life, but it was not till
+about four years ago that he saw his way to attempting the realisation
+of this desire by an expedition to Melanesia. He made my acquaintance
+in the summer of 1908, and seeing that he was so keenly interested,
+I lent him a number of books and all my MS. notes on Melanesia;
+by the help of these and by the study of other books he gained a
+good knowledge of the ethnology of that area. In November, 1908, he
+started for Oceania for the first time and reached Fiji, from which
+place he had intended to start on his expedition. Circumstances
+over which he had no control, however, prevented the carrying out
+of his original programme; so he went to Sydney, and there arranged
+modified plans. He was on the point of executing these, when he was
+again frustrated by a telegram from England which necessitated his
+immediate return. It was a sad blow to him to have his long-cherished
+schemes thus thwarted and rendered abortive, but, undaunted, he set
+about to plan another expedition. Accordingly, in January, 1910, he
+once more set sail for Australia as a starting place for the Solomon
+Islands and British New Guinea, and this time achieved success; the
+book which he now offers to the public is the result of this plucky
+enterprise. In justice to the author it should be known that, owing
+to climatic and other conditions, he was unwell during the whole of
+his time in New Guinea, and had an injured foot and leg that hurt him
+every step he took. The only wonder is that he was able to accomplish
+so large and so thorough a piece of work as he has done.
+
+It is interesting to note the different ways by which various
+investigators have entered the field of Ethnology. Some have approached
+it from the literary or classical side, but very few indeed of
+these have ever had any experience in the field. The majority of
+field workers have had a previous training in science--zoology not
+unnaturally has sent more recruits than any other branch of science. A
+few students have been lawyers, but so far as I am aware Mr. Williamson
+is the first British lawyer who has gone into the field, and he has
+proved that legal training may be a very good preliminary discipline
+for ethnological investigation in the field, as it gives invaluable
+practice in the best methods of acquiring and sifting of evidence. A
+lawyer must also necessarily have a wide knowledge of human nature
+and an appreciation of varied ways of thought and action.
+
+It was with such an equipment and fortified by extensive reading in
+Ethnology, that Mr. Williamson was prepared for his self-imposed
+task. Proof of his powers of observation will be found in the
+excellent descriptions of objects of material culture with which he
+has presented us.
+
+I now turn to some of the scientific aspects of his
+book. Mr. Williamson especially set before himself the work of
+investigating some tribes in the mountainous hinterland of the Mekeo
+district. This was a most happy selection, though no one could have
+foreseen the especial interest of these people.
+
+Thanks mainly to the systematic investigations of Dr. Seligmann and to
+the sporadic observations of missionaries, government officials and
+travellers, we have a good general knowledge of many of the peoples
+of the eastern coast of the south-eastern peninsula of New Guinea,
+and of some of the islands from the Trobriands to the Louisiades. The
+Ethnology of the fertile and populous Mekeo district has been mainly
+made known to us by the investigations of various members of the
+Sacred Heart Mission, and by Dr. Seligmann. What little we know of
+the Papuan Gulf district is due to missionaries among the coastal
+tribes, Mr. James Chalmers and Mr. W. Holmes. Dr. G. Landtman is at
+present investigating the natives of the delta of the Fly river and
+Daudai. The natives of the Torres Straits islands have also been
+studied as fully as is possible. But of the mountain region lying
+behind the Mekeo district very little indeed has been published; so
+Mr. Williamson's book fills a gap in our knowledge of Papuan ethnology.
+
+We have as yet a very imperfect knowledge of the ethnological history
+of New Guinea. Speaking very broadly, it is generally admitted that
+the bulk of the population belongs to the Papuan race, a dark-skinned,
+woolly-haired people who have also spread over western Oceania; but,
+to a greater or less extent, New Guinea has been subject to cultural
+and racial influences from all sides, except from Australia, where the
+movement has been the other way. Thus the East Indian archipelago has
+directly affected parts of Netherlands New Guinea, and its influence
+is to be traced to a variable degree in localities in the Bismarck
+archipelago, German New Guinea (Kaiser Wilhelm's Land), Western
+Oceania, and British New Guinea or Papua, as it is termed officially.
+
+The south-eastern peninsula of New Guinea--or at all events the
+coastal regions--has been largely affected by immigrants, who were
+themselves a mixed people, and who came later at various times. It is
+to these immigrants that Mr. Ray and I applied the term Melanesian
+(Ray, S. H., and Haddon, A. C., "A Study of the Languages of Torres
+Straits," _Proc. Roy. Irish Acad._, 3rd ser., IV., 1897, p. 509). Early
+in 1894, Mr. Ray read a paper before the Anthropological Institute
+(_Journ. Anth. Inst._, XXIV., p. 15), in which he adhered to our former
+discrimination of two linguistic stocks and added a third type of
+language composed of a mixture of the other two, for which he proposed
+the name Melano-Papuan. These languages, according to Mr. Ray, occur
+in the Trobriands, Woodlarks and the Louisiades, and similar languages
+are found in the northern Solomon Islands. For some years I had been
+studying the decorative art of British New Guinea, and from physical
+and artistic and other cultural reasons had come to the conclusion
+that the Melanesians of British New Guinea should be broken up into
+two elements: one consisting of the Motu and allied Melanesians,
+and the other of the inhabitants of the Massim district--an area
+extending slightly beyond that of Mr. Ray's Melano-Papuans ("The
+Decorative Art of British New Guinea," _Cunningham Memoirs_, X.,
+_Roy. Irish Acad._, 1894, pp. 253-269). I reinforced my position
+six years later ("Studies in the Anthropo-geography of British New
+Guinea," _Journ. Roy. Geog. Soc._, 1900, pp. 265, 414). Dr. Seligmann,
+in his valuable paper "A Classification of the Natives of British
+New Guinea" (_Journ. Roy. Anth. Inst._, XXXIX., 1909, pp. 246, 315)
+corroborated these views and designated the two groups of "Melanesians"
+as the Eastern and Western Papuo-Melanesians. The following year he
+published the great book to which Mr. Williamson so frequently refers,
+and in which this classification is maintained, and these two groups
+together with the Papuans, are termed Papuasians.
+
+The Motu stock of the Western Papuo-Melanesians have extended
+their dispersal as far as the Mekeo district, where they came
+into contact with other peoples. It has been shown that the true
+Papuans are a narrow-headed people, but there are some puzzling
+exceptions, the explanation of which is not yet ascertained. The
+Papuo-Melanesians contain a somewhat broad-headed element, and
+there is a slightly broad-headed population in the central range
+of the south-east peninsula, the extent of which has not yet been
+determined. The questions naturally arise: (1) Is the true Papuan a
+variable stock including both long- broad-headed elements? or (2)
+Does the broad-headed element belong to an immigrant people? or,
+again (3) Is there an hitherto unidentified indigenous broad-headed
+race? I doubt if the time is ripe for a definite answer to any of
+these questions. Furthermore, we have yet to assign to their original
+sources the differences in culture which characterise various groups
+of people in New Guinea. Something has been done in this direction,
+but much more has yet to be learnt.
+
+So far I have not referred to a Negrito element in the Ethnology of
+New Guinea. From time to time we have heard rumours of pygmy people,
+and German travellers have recorded very short individuals in Kaiser
+Wilhelm's Land; but it was not till the expedition to Netherlands New
+Guinea of the British Ornithological Union of 1910-11 that a definite
+pygmy race was demonstrated. I think this can be no longer denied,
+and the observations made by German ethnologists show that the race in
+a more or less modified state is widely spread. Now Mr. Williamson,
+whose work in New Guinea was contemporaneous with that of the
+Netherlands New Guinea expedition, adduces evidence that this is
+also the case in British territory. It is worth recalling that de
+Quatrefages and Hamy (_Crania Ethnica_, 1882, pp. 207-210, 253-256)
+distinguish a "Negrito-Papuan" and a "Papuan" element in the Torres
+Straits. This problem will be discussed in Vol. I. of the Reports of
+the Cambridge Expedition to Torres Straits. I feel little doubt that
+Mr. Williamson has shown strong evidence that the Mafulu and probably
+other adjacent mountain tribes are essentially a pygmy--that is to say
+a Negrito--people who have been modified to some extent by Papuan and
+possibly Papuo-Melanesian influence, both physical and cultural. He
+has marshalled his data with great skill, and has dissected out, as it
+were, the physical and cultural elements of the Negrito substratum. It
+only remains for other observers to study Negritos in other parts of
+New Guinea to see how far these claims can be substantiated. It is
+evident therefore that, apart from the valuable detailed information
+which Mr. Williamson has given us concerning a hitherto unknown tribe,
+he has opened up a problem of considerable interest and magnitude.
+
+A.C. Haddon.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+THE MAFULU MOUNTAIN PEOPLE OF BRITISH NEW GUINEA
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+Introductory
+
+
+The map appended to this volume is (with the exception of the red
+lines and red lettering upon it) a reproduction of a portion of the map
+relating to the explorations and surveys of Dr. Strong, Mr. Monckton
+and Captain Barton, which was published in the _Geographical Journal_
+for September, 1908, and the use of which has been kindly permitted
+me by the Royal Geographical Society. I have eliminated the red route
+lines which appear in the original map, so as to avoid confusion with
+the red lines which I have added. The unbroken red lines and the red
+lettering upon my map are copied from a map, also kindly placed at
+my disposal, which has been recently prepared by Father Fillodean
+of the Mission of the Sacred Heart, and these lines mark roughly
+what the Fathers of the Mission believe to be the boundaries of the
+several linguistic areas within the district covered by their map. It
+will be observed that some of these lines are not continued so as to
+surround and complete the definition of the areas which they indicate;
+but this defect is unavoidable, as the Fathers' map only covered a
+relatively small area, and even in that map the lines were not all
+carried to its margin. It will also be noticed that, though the Fathers
+introduce the two names Oru Lopiku and Boboi as being linguistically
+distinct, they have not indicated the boundary line between the two
+areas. Father Egedi, however, informed me that this boundary passes
+along the ridge of hills south of the Ufafa river as far as Mt. Eleia,
+and thence along the Ukalama river to the Kuni boundary. The Ukalama
+river is not shown in the Geographical Society's map; but I may
+say that it is shown in the Fathers' map as rising in Mt. Eleia,
+and flowing thence in a south-easterly direction, and so joining the
+St. Joseph river close to Dilava. The broken red line upon my map does
+not appear in the Fathers' map, but has been added by me to indicate
+what, I understand, the Fathers believe to be a continued boundary,
+so far as ascertained, of the Fuyuge linguistic area, called by them
+the Mafulu area, to which I am about to draw attention.
+
+The term Mafulu is the Kuni pronunciation of Mambule, which is the
+name, as used by themselves, of the people who live in a group of
+villages within and near the north-westerly corner of the area of the
+Fuyuge-speaking people, whose Papuan language, so far as ascertained,
+appears, subject to local dialectal differences, to be the same, and
+may, I was informed, be regarded as one common language throughout
+the Fuyuge area.
+
+The Fathers of the Mission have adopted the name Mafulu in a wider
+sense, as including all the people with whom they have come in
+contact of the Fuyuge-speaking area; and, though my investigations,
+which form the subject-matter of this book, have been conducted only
+in the neighbourhood of Mafulu itself, I was assured that, so far as
+the Fathers have been able to ascertain, all these Fuyuge people not
+only have similar languages, but also are substantially similar in
+physique and in culture. My observations concerning the Mafulu people
+may therefore, if this statement is correct, be regarded as applying,
+not only to the inhabitants of the portion of the north-westerly corner
+of the Fuyuge area in which the Mafulu group of villages is placed,
+but to those of the whole of the north-westerly portion of the area,
+and generally in a greater or less degree of accuracy to those of
+the northerly and north-easterly parts of the area, and possibly the
+southerly ones also.
+
+The boundaries of this Fuyuge-speaking area can hardly be regarded
+as definitely ascertained; and the discrepancies, even as regards
+the courses of the rivers and the positions of the mountains, which
+appear in the few available maps make it difficult to deal with the
+question. The area, so far as actually ascertained by the Fathers
+of the Mission, roughly speaking, covers, and seems to extend also
+some distance to the south or south-west of a triangle, the western
+apex of which is the junction of the river Kea with the river Aduala
+(a tributary of the St. Joseph), [2] whose north-eastern apex is
+Mt. Albert Edward, and whose south-eastern apex is Mt. Scratchley. It
+includes the valley of the Aduala river and its streams (except those
+flowing into it from the north in the region of the western apex of the
+triangle) within its northern boundary, and the valley of the upper
+Vanapa river and its rivers and streams in the neighbourhood of its
+eastern boundary; but this eastern boundary has been found to extend
+also so as to include the upper valley of the river Chirima. How far
+the area extends to the south or south-west of the triangle above
+mentioned appears to be uncertain.
+
+The linguistic area to the north of the Mafulu or Fuyuge people is
+that of the Ambo people, who are somewhat similar in appearance to
+the Mafulu, and whose language is also Papuan, and, though differing
+from the Mafulu language, is, I was told, somewhat similar to it in
+grammatical construction and as regards a few of its words. The area
+to the west is that of the Kuni people, whose language is Melanesian,
+but whose ordinary modes of life are, I was informed, more like those
+of the Mafulu than are those of the Papuan-speaking Ambo. The areas
+to the east and south cannot be so definitely stated, but are dealt
+with below.
+
+As regards these Ambo people I may, in view of divergences of names
+which appear in maps, explain that Ambo is a contraction of Ambore,
+and is the name given to the people by their Mafulu neighbours, whilst
+Afoa is the name given to them by the Kuni people, and is adopted
+in the Geographical Society's map. [3] As regards the Kuni people,
+their name is the one adopted by themselves.
+
+Concerning the boundaries of the Fuyuge linguistic area as above
+indicated, and the people whose districts adjoin that area, I propose
+here to draw attention to four names, and to refer to some observations
+bearing on the subject of the probable Fuyuge boundary which are to
+be found in existing literature.
+
+The term Kovio, though primarily the name of Mt. Yule, and properly
+applicable to the people living in the neighbourhood of that mountain,
+is now, I think, often used to express all the mountain tribes
+of the hinterland of the Mekeo and Pokau, and perhaps the Kabadi,
+districts. But the use of this name has not, I believe, been generally
+associated with any question of linguistics.
+
+The area in the map which is called by the Fathers Boboi is occupied
+by people whose language, I was told by the Fathers, is Papuan,
+but is distinct from the languages of the Ambo and the Fuyuge areas.
+
+Kamaweka is a name which appears in several of Dr. Seligmann's
+publications. It seems to have been originally used by Captain
+Barton to designate the natives of the district of which Inavaurene,
+to the north-east of the Mekeo plains, is the centre, but to have
+been afterwards regarded as a somewhat more general term; and I think
+Dr. Seligmann uses it in a very general sense, almost, if not quite,
+equivalent to the wide application above referred to of the term Kovio,
+and which might include the Papuan-speaking Boboi and Ambo people, and
+even perhaps the people of the northern Mafulu villages. [4] But here
+again the use of the name has, I think, no reference to linguistics.
+
+If the Fathers' linguistic boundary lines are substantially correct,
+each of the two terms Kovio and Kamaweka, as now used, would appear
+to cover more than one linguistic area; and in any case these terms
+seem to have widened and to have become somewhat indefinite. It will
+be seen on reference to the map and to Father Egedi's information
+as to the Oru Lopiku and Boboi boundaries that both Mt. Yule and
+Inavaurene are within the area which the Fathers call Oru Lopiku, but
+that Inavaurene is not far from their Boboi area. I suggest that it
+would be convenient for the present, pending further investigation
+and delimitation on the spot, and until we know something of the
+difference between the languages of the Oru Lopiku and Boboi people,
+to adopt the term Kovio as a general name for, and confine it to,
+the two areas Boboi and Oru Lopiku; though for linguistic purposes
+the names Boboi and Oru Lopiku, which at present indicate very little
+to us, may eventually be accepted and come into general use.
+
+The Koiari people of the foothills and lateral spurs behind the Motu
+area, also referred to from time to time in Dr. Seligmann's writings,
+must be eastern next door neighbours of the Fuyuge-speaking people,
+the western boundary of these Koiari being stated by him to be the
+Vanapa river, [5] and they being in fact regarded by him as being
+the eastern neighbours of the natives of "the mountains inland of
+Mekeo Nara and Kabadi," [6] and being referred to by him as being
+the people from whose district the Kamaweka and Kuni are reached by
+"passing westward"--the word used is "eastward," but this is obviously
+a printer's error--"in the mountains, keeping roughly parallel with
+the coast." [7]
+
+Turning to the question of the Fuyuge boundary, Dr. Strong says that
+the Fuyuge people occupy the upper waters of the St. Joseph river,
+[8] and he is quoted by Dr. Seligmann as having stated that the Afoa
+language "is spoken in the villages on Mt. Pizoko and the northern
+slopes of Mt. Davidson," and that "the Afoa villages lie to the north
+of the Fuyuge-speaking communities, stretching westward for an unknown
+distance behind Mt. Davidson." [9] If the information given to me
+verbally by the Fathers of the Mission of the Sacred Heart and the
+red linguistic boundary lines roughly drawn by them, and introduced
+into my map, be correct, these statements require modification, for
+according to the Fathers the Mafulu or Fuyuge-speaking area does not
+include any part of the St. Joseph river, as its extreme north-westerly
+corner lies to the east of the junction--close to the boundary line
+between the Afoa (Ambo) and the Kuni areas--of the rivers Alabula
+and Aduala, and Mt. Pizoko is within the Fuyuge area, and not within
+that of the Afoa, and Mt. Davidson is within the Boboi area. I think
+that, though the Fathers' lines are admittedly not exact, they and
+the information supplied by the Fathers to me are likely to be more
+trustworthy in these respects, especially as regards boundaries near to
+the actual Mafulu villages, than the earlier statements of Dr. Strong,
+as they are the outcome of recent and careful investigation; and,
+as regards Mt. Pizoko, I may mention that Dr. Strong himself seems to
+have subsequently regarded that mountain as being within the Mafulu
+district, [10] which brings it into the Fuyuge area.
+
+The inclusion of the upper valley of the river Chirima within the
+Fuyuge or Mafulu-speaking area is perhaps surprising, as this valley is
+separated from the general Fuyuge area by one of the southern ridges
+of Mt. Albert Edward, and more or less so by the ridges of Mt. Stone
+Wigg and the Wharton range, and as the Chirima is a tributary flowing
+into the Mambare river, which is one of the great watercourses of
+Northern New Guinea. The Mafulu Fathers, however, had no doubt as
+to the correctness of the inclusion, which seems to open out the
+possibility of some, at all events, of the Fuyuge people having
+northern associations; and indeed Monseigneur de Boismenu told me
+that he believed that the Mafulu people were in touch with Northern
+New Guinea, and got some of their shell ornaments, or the shells from
+which they were made, from the northern coast.
+
+It is interesting, therefore, to turn for the purpose of comparison
+to the report of Mr. Monckton's expedition to Mt. Albert Edward by
+way of the Upper Chirima valley in 1906 [11] and the illustrations
+accompanying it, with which I incorporate a description of the people
+of this valley given to Dr. Seligmann by Mr. Money, who was with
+Mr. Monckton. [12]
+
+From these it appears that the Upper Chirima people are short in
+stature and sturdily built. Both sexes wear the perineal band,
+the front of which is made (I am not sure whether this applies to
+women as well as to men) to bulge out by padding. In some cases the
+men's hair is tied up in a bunch with string, and in others it is
+bound up in various styles with native cloth. Some of the men have
+their hair done up in small plaits over the forehead. All the above
+descriptions, except that of the padding of the band, are applicable to
+the Mafulu. Some of the Chirima houses have a curious apse-like roof
+projection over the front platform, which is a specially distinctive
+feature of a Mafulu house, and one with this projection figured by
+Mr. Monckton is indistinguishable from a typical Mafulu house. The
+Chirima people place the bodies of their dead on raised platforms,
+and apparently sometimes put the body of an infant on the platform
+erection of an adult, but below the latter. This also is a practice
+of the Mafulu; and, though the latter people confine platform burial
+(if such it may be called) to chiefs and their families and important
+persons, it is possible that some such limitation of the custom exists
+in the Chirima valley also, but did not come under Mr. Monckton's
+notice. A burial platform figured by him might well be a Mafulu burial
+platform, except that the curious cone-shaped receptacle for the child
+is a form for which I cannot vouch as regards the Mafulu. The Chirima
+have a special and peculiar form of netting, which Mr. Monckton's
+illustration shows to be identical with the special form of Mafulu
+netting. On the other hand, as regards the Chirima weapons, implements
+and utensils, a comparison of Mr. Monckton's verbal descriptions and
+figures with what I have seen in Mafulu, and describe in this book,
+leads me to the conclusion that, though many of these are similar to
+those of Mafulu, some of them are different. As examples of this I may
+say that the drill implements of the Chirima people are very similar
+to, and their stone cloth-beaters appear to be identical with, those
+used by the Mafulu; whilst on the other hand their war bows are much
+longer, [13] and their method of producing fire seems to be totally
+different; also they apparently have bull-roarers, which to the best
+of my knowledge are unknown among the Mafulu. Again some of the Chirima
+weapons, as figured by Mr. Monckton, disclose ideas of artistic design,
+including that of the curved line and a rude representation of a man,
+which I have not met with among the Mafulu. As regards this last
+point I draw attention to Mr. Monckton's figures of carving on a bow
+and on wooden clubs. I think, however, that in such matters as these
+local differences might well arise between people who are really
+more or less identical, especially if their respective districts
+are on opposite sides of the main mountain range of the country, and
+still more so if the people of one of the districts (in the present
+case I refer to the Chirima people) may perhaps have been subject to
+the influence of other people beyond them. As to this latter point,
+however, I should say that these Chirima people seem to be, so far as
+dress, ornaments, &c., are concerned, much nearer to the Mafulu than
+they are to the natives of the Mambare river itself, as described
+by Sir William Macgregor. [14] It is curious also that the dogs of
+the Chirima people are not yellow dingoes, but are black and white,
+as is the case in Mafulu.
+
+I notice that Dr. Seligmann suggests that these Chirima valley people
+are related to the natives of the neighbourhood of Mt. Yule, [15] a
+statement which, though probably intended broadly, is in accord with
+the suggestion that they are connected with the Mafulu-speaking people.
+
+The natives of Mt. Scratchley (apparently the eastern or south-eastern
+side), visited by Sir William Macgregor in 1896, appear from his
+description of them [16] to show a few points of resemblance to the
+Mafulu people. In particular I refer to their "dark bronze" colour,
+to the wearing by women of the perineal band (to which, however, is
+added a mantle and "in most cases" a grass petticoat, which is not done
+in Mafulu), to the absence of tattooing or cicatrical ornamentation,
+to their "large earrings made out of tails of lizards covered by
+narrow straps of palm leaves dyed yellow" (which, though not correctly
+descriptive of the Mafulu earring, is apparently something like it),
+to their use of pigs' tails as ear ornaments, to their plaiting of the
+hair and the decoration of the plaited hair with teeth and shells, to
+their small charm bags and to the shortness of their bows. Also to the
+construction of their houses, with the roof carried down to the ground,
+with a fireplace about 2 feet wide extending down the centre of the
+building from one end to the other, and having an inclined floor on
+each side, and especially to the curious apse-like roof projections
+in front of these houses (Dr. Haddon calls them "pent roofs" [17]),
+Sir William's figure of which is, like that of the Chirima villages,
+identical, or nearly so, with that of a Mafulu house. But Sir William's
+description of the physique of these Mt. Scratchley people and other
+matters make it clear, I think, that they belong to a type different
+from that of the Mafulu, though they must be next door neighbours of
+the Fuyuge-speaking people. Dr. Seligmann, in commenting upon this
+description of these people, expresses the opinion that they are
+Papuo-Melanesians. [18]
+
+The natives in the region of Mt. Musgrave and Mt. Knutsford, as
+described by Mr. Thomson, [19] appear, at all events so far as dress
+is concerned, to be utterly different from the Mafulu.
+
+Dr. Seligmann states that Dr. Strong has informed him that the
+southern boundary of the Fuyuge-speaking area is the Kabadi country,
+[20] and he had previously referred to Korona, immediately behind
+the Kabadi and Doura districts, as being within the area, [21] and,
+indeed, the Geographical Society's map shows the Fuyuge area as
+at all events extending as far south as Korona. I do not know how
+far inland the Kabadi and Doura people extend; but I may say that
+the Mafulu Fathers expressed grave doubt as to the extension of the
+Fuyuge area so far south as is indicated by the map.
+
+If the Fuyuge area does in fact reach the Kabadi boundary, and if my
+notes on the Mafulu people are, as suggested, broadly descriptive of
+the natives of the whole Fuyuge area, there must be a very sudden
+and sharp differentiation, as the Kabadi people are apparently an
+offshoot from Mekeo, [22] with apparently other Papuo-Melanesian blood
+(especially Roro) introduced. [23]
+
+The contour and appearance of the country in the actual Mafulu district
+of the Fuyuge area is strikingly different from that of the immediately
+adjoining Kuni country, the sharp steep ridges and narrow deep-cut
+valleys of the latter, with their thick unbroken covering of almost
+impenetrable forest, changing to higher mountain ranges with lateral
+ridges among them, and with frequent gentle undulating slopes and
+wider and more open valleys; while, interspersed with the forests,
+are small patches and great stretches of grass land, sometimes thinly
+covered or scattered with timber and sometimes quite open and devoid
+of trees. [24] And this condition continues, I was told, over the
+greater part of the triangular area above referred to.
+
+Plates 1 and 2 give, I think, a fair illustration of what I mean,
+the steep contours and thickly wooded character of the foreground and
+nearer middle distance shown by Plate 1 being typical Kuni scenery,
+and the more open nature of the country displayed by Plate 2 and the
+comparative freedom from forest of its foreground being typical of
+the higher uplands of Mafulu. [25]
+
+It will be noticed that the physical character of the Mafulu country
+is more favourable to continued occupation than is that of the Kuni
+country; and it is a fact that the Mafulu people are not so restless
+and ready to move as are the Kuni folk; and, even when they do migrate,
+it is generally to a spot comparatively near to their old villages.
+
+The geological formation of the lower hills on which the actual Mafulu
+villages are placed and the intervening valleys is partly limestone;
+and I was told that limestone formation was also found further to
+the east.
+
+Throughout this book I shall use the term "Mafulu" as including,
+not only the little group of villages near the north-westerly corner
+of the Fuyuge linguistic area actually known by that name, but also
+the other groups of Fuyuge villages in the north-western portion of
+that area; and, as above indicated, it is believed by the Fathers of
+the Mission that I should be substantially correct if I included the
+whole of the northern and north-eastern, and probably the southern
+portions of the known part of that area, and possibly the entire area.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+Physique and Character
+
+
+Physique.
+
+The Mafulu people are of short stature, though perhaps a trifle taller
+than the Kuni.
+
+They are as a rule fairly strong and muscular in build, the women
+in particular having very strongly developed thighs; but, speaking
+generally, their limbs are more slender, and their general development
+is slighter, than is usually the case among the Roro and Mekeo people.
+
+They appear to be usually mesaticephalic, but to have a very marked
+tendency to brachycephaly.
+
+Their noses seemed to me to be generally strong, and of prominent
+size, varying considerably in width of bridge, but usually having
+rather widely distending nostrils; and sometimes the width of the
+nose was equal to its length, or nearly so.
+
+Referring to the above matters, the following are the results of
+twenty measurements of Mafulu men. These were obtained from men of
+upwards of six different communities or groups of villages, so as to
+avoid the possible misleading character of measurements made in only
+one village or group of villages, in which some family relationship
+between the persons measured might militate against the true average
+character of the figures obtained.
+
+
+No.
+|   Stature in cm.
+|   |       Length of head in cm.
+|   |       |       Breadth of head in cm.
+|   |       |       |       Cephalic index
+|   |       |       |       |       Cranial index (2 units deducted
+|   |       |       |       |       from cephalic index).
+|   |       |       |       |       |       Nose length in cm.
+|   |       |       |       |       |       |       Nose breadth in cm.
+|   |       |       |       |       |       |       |       Nasal index
+
+ 1  150     18.5    14.7    79.5    77.5    4.9     4.4      89.8
+ 2  155     18.8    15.1    80.3    78.3    4.8     4.8     100.0
+ 3  155     19.5    14.8    75.9    73.9    5.3     4.3      81.1
+ 4  157     18.5    15.4    83.2    81.2    4.3     4.3     100.0
+ 5  153     18.9    14.6    77.2    75.2    4.8     4.4      91.7
+ 6  151     18.6    14.3    76.9    74.9    4.9     3.8      77.6
+ 7  151     19.3    15.2    78.8    76.8    5.4     4.4      81.5
+ 8  163     19.4    14.5    74.7    72.7    5.6     4.4      78.6
+ 9  162     18.8    15.2    80.9    78.9    5.3     4.0      75.5
+10  163     17.4    15.1    86.8    84.8    5.5     4.6      83.6
+11  155     18.0    14.0    77.8    75.8    5.3     4.4      83.0
+12  157     17.4    14.6    83.9    81.9    4.6     4.0      87.0
+13  158     19.7    14.8    75.1    73.1    5.3     4.3      81.1
+14  160     17.9    14.4    80.4    78.4    5.1     4.3      84.3
+15  153     17.7    14.7    83.1    81.1    5.2     4.1      78.8
+16  156     18.5    14.8    80.0    78.0    5.5     4.5      81.8
+17  152     17.7    14.9    84.2    82.2    5.6     4.0      71.4
+18  154     18.6    14.9    80.1    78.1    5.2     4.5      86.5
+19  150     17.8    15.2    85.4    83.4    4.9     3.9      79.6
+20  147     18.8    14.5    77.1    75.1    4.6     3.8      82.6
+
+
+Analysing these figures, we get the following results:--
+
+
+                    Highest number. Lowest number.  Average.
+
+    Stature [26]    163 cm.         147 cm.         155.1 cm.
+                    (64.2 ins.)     (57.9 ins.)     (61.1 ins.)
+    Head length     19.7 cm.        17.4 cm.        18.5 cm.
+    Head breadth    15.4 cm.        14.0 cm.        14.8 cm.
+    Cephalic index  86.8            74.7            80.0
+    Cranial index   84.8            72.7            78.0
+    Nose length     5.6 cm.         4.3 cm.         5.1 cm.
+    Nose breadth    4.8 cm.         3.8 cm.         4.3 cm.
+    Nasal index     100.0           71.4            84.3 [27]
+
+
+    Number of cranial indices under 75 = 4 (20 per cent.).
+    Number of cranial indices between 75 and 80 = 10 (50 per cent.).
+    Number of cranial indices over 80 = 6 (30 per cent.).
+
+
+There are a few points in connection with these figures to which I
+would draw attention. The very short man (No. 20--height, 147 cm.) has
+a cranial index of 75.1, on the border line between dolichocephaly
+and mesaticephaly. He has also a short nose (4.6 cm.), and is one
+of the two with the narrowest noses (3.8 c.m.). The very tall man
+(No. 8--height, 163 cm.) has a long head (19.4 cm.), and the lowest
+dolichocephalic cranial index of 72.7, and is one of two with the
+longest noses (5.6 cm.). The other very tall man (No. 10--height,
+163 cm.) has one of the two shortest heads (17.4 cm.), and the highest
+brachycephalic cranial index of 84.8, and has a long nose (5.5 cm.) The
+man (No. 2) whose nasal index is 100 has the mesaticephalic cranial
+index of 78.3 (almost the average index). The other man (No. 4)
+whose nasal index is 100 has a head of exactly the average length
+(18.5 cm.) and the greatest breadth (15.4 cm.), and the brachycephalic
+cranial index of 81.2. The man (No. 17) with the lowest nasal index
+of 71.4 has a very short head (17.7 cm.), and the brachycephalic
+cranial index of 82.2.
+
+The following tables, however, illustrate the fact that the
+measurements of these twenty men do not appear to indicate, as
+regards them, any marked connection between stature, cranial index,
+and nasal index.
+
+Order in stature (beginning with the shortest):
+
+20--1--19--6--7--17--5--15--18--2--3--11--16--4--12--13--14--9--8--10.
+
+Order in progress upwards of cranial indices:
+
+8--13--3--6-20--5--ll--7--1--16--18--2--14--9--15--4--12--17--19--10.
+
+Order in progress upwards of nasal indices:
+
+17--9--6--8--15--19--3--13--7--16--20--11--10--14--18--12--1--5--2--4.
+
+I brought home three Mafulu skulls, which Dr. Keith kindly had measured
+at the Royal College of Surgeons, with the following results [28]:--
+
+
+    Skull
+    |       Length in cm.
+    |       |       Breadth in cm.
+    |       |       |       Height in cm.
+    |       |       |       |       Cranial Index.
+    |       |       |       |       |       Proportion of
+    |       |       |       |       |       height to length.
+
+    A       17.6    14.0    12.2    79.5    69.3
+    B       18.2    14.1    13.2    77.5    72.5
+    C       17.3    12.7    12.5    73.4    72.3
+
+
+It will be observed that the lowest of these three cranial indices is
+a trifle higher than the lowest of those of the head measurements,
+that the highest of them is much lower than the highest of those
+of the head measurements, and that their average (76.8) is a little
+below the average of those of the head measurements.
+
+Dr. Keith had further measurements made of these skulls from the
+point of view of prognathism and characters of noses and orbits,
+with the following results:
+
+
+    Skull.
+    |       Basi-nasal length.
+    |       |       Basi-alveolar length.
+    |       |       |       Height of nose.
+    |       |       |       |       Width of nose.
+    |       |       |       |       |       Height of orbit.
+    |       |       |       |       |       |       Width of orbit.
+
+            mm.      mm.    mm.     mm.     mm.     mm.
+    A       98      102     48      26      40      35
+    B       99       96     49      25      42      35
+    C       97      102     47      26      38      35
+
+
+Dr. Keith, referring to these skulls, says that they disclose
+relatively small brains, the cranial capacity of A being 1,230 c.c.,
+that of B being 1,330 c.c., and that of C being 1,130 c.c. He compares
+these figures with the average cranial capacity of the male European,
+which he puts at 1,500 c.c.
+
+The eyes of the Mafulu people are dark brown and very bright. I never
+saw among them those oblique eyes, almost recalling the Mongolian,
+which, according to Dr. Seligmann, are found, though rarely only,
+on the coast, [29] and of which I saw many instances among the
+Kuni people.
+
+Their lips are usually not so thick as are those of the Mekeo and
+Roro people, and are generally finer and more delicate in shape.
+
+In view of their Papuan language I kept a sharp look out for the
+curious backward sloping foreheads and projecting brow ridges and
+Jewish-looking noses which are so often found among the Western
+Papuans; but, although I saw a few examples of these, they were rare,
+and I did not observe any noticeable tendency in these directions in
+the faces of the people generally. [30]
+
+A curious characteristic with them is the big toe, which is usually
+much developed, and projects outwards at a larger angle than is the
+case with the Roro and Mekeo people, and is much used for holding on
+to roots, &c., whilst travelling along their rough mountain paths.
+
+Their general colour is a dark sooty brown, a trifle darker, perhaps,
+than that of the Kuni people, and contrasting forcibly with the
+varying shades of chocolate which you find among the Roro and Mekeo
+people. They are smooth-skinned.
+
+Their hair is frizzly, and generally dark brown, often quite dark,
+almost even approaching to black, and sometimes perhaps quite
+black. But it is frequently lighter; and indeed I was often, when
+observing men's hair lit up by sunshine, impressed by the fact that
+its brown colour was not even what we should in Europe call dark. [31]
+I often saw marked variations in the depth of hair colour on the
+head of the same individual. I saw no examples of the comparatively
+straight or curly type of hair which is found in the Pokau district
+and elsewhere. [32]
+
+Plate 3 gives front and side views of the mesaticephalic (almost
+brachycephalic) skull A and Plate 4 gives similar views of the
+dolichocephalic skull C. All the photographs were made as nearly as
+possible exactly half the sizes of the originals; but the photographer
+has made the front view of skull A about an eighth of an inch too
+narrow (with, of course, a corresponding deficiency in height), so
+that the tendency to roundness of this skull is not quite sufficiently
+shown, and the proportion of its height to its length is reduced,
+in the plate. I am not a craniologist, and so I do not attempt to
+discuss the more detailed points of interest which arise in connection
+with these skulls.
+
+A good idea of the somewhat varying characters of the general physiques
+and features of the people will be obtained from my plates; but there
+are a few of these plates which I may mention here.
+
+The people shown in Plates 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 and 16 may, I think, be
+regarded as fairly typical, and I would draw attention to the somewhat
+Melanesian tendency of feature which is disclosed by the faces of
+the man in Plate 6, the young man in the middle in Plate 7 and the
+fourth and sixth men from the left in Plate 9; also to the great
+diversity shown in Plate 9. The man shown in Plate 10, with his thick
+and strong muscular development, is of a type which is occasionally
+seen, but which is, I believe, unusual. The two men figured in Plates
+11 and 12 are, I think, specially interesting. The one to the right,
+with his somewhat backward sloping forehead, and slightly arched nose,
+shows a distinct tendency towards the type of the Western Papuan, to
+which I have already referred. The other one is in general shape of
+head and appearance of features not unlike some of the dwarf people
+found by the recent expedition into Dutch New Guinea (see the man to
+the left in Plate 4 of the page of illustrations in _The Illustrated
+London News_ for September 2, 1911), and indeed there is almost an
+Australian tendency in his face. It is noticeable that he has a beard
+and moustache, which is quite unusual among the Mafulu. A somewhat
+similar type of face may be noticed in one or two of the other plates.
+
+
+Character and Temperament.
+
+It is difficult to speak with any degree of definiteness on this
+question. It must be borne in mind that the Mafulu people have been
+very little in touch with white people, the missionaries, who have only
+been there since 1905, and on rare occasions a Government official or
+scientific traveller, being almost the only white men whom the bulk
+of them have ever seen; and they have been but slightly affected by
+the outside influences which for some years past have been constantly
+brought to bear upon the natives of the adjoining coast line and the
+people of the Mekeo plains; so that comparisons of these people with
+their more up-to-date neighbours as regards their relative natural
+characters may well be in some respects misleading.
+
+Subject, however, to this caution I would say that they are lazy
+and easy-going (though not so much so as the Roro and Mekeo people),
+lively, excitable, cheerful, merry, fairly intelligent (this being
+judged rather from the young people), very superstitious, brave,
+with much power of enduring pain, cruel, not more revengeful perhaps
+than is usual among uncivilised natives, friendly one with another,
+not quarrelsome, but untrustworthy and not over-faithful even in
+their dealings with one another, though honest as regards boundaries
+and property rights and in the sense of not stealing from one another
+within their own communities (this being regarded as a most shameful
+offence), and of very loose sexual morality.
+
+A difference between them and the Mekeo and Roro natives is that
+they appear to be not so conservative as the latter, being more
+ready to abandon old traditions and adopt new ideas; though this
+characteristic is one which shows itself in the young people rather
+than in the elders with their formed habits.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+Dress and Ornament
+
+
+Dress.
+
+The perineal band, made of bark cloth, is the one article of dress
+which is universally worn by both men and women.
+
+These bands are made by both men and women, but are coloured by men
+only. They are commonly unstained and undecorated; but some of them,
+and especially those worn for visiting and at dances, are more or
+less decorated. Some that I have noticed are stained in one colour
+covering the whole garment; others in two colours arranged in alternate
+transverse bands, sometimes with narrow spaces of unstained cloth
+between; and again others have bands of one colour alternating with
+bands of unstained cloth. Some are decorated with lines or groups
+of lines of one colour, or alternating lines or groups of lines of
+two colours, painted transversely across the cloth. Others, while
+simply stained in one colour or stained or decorated in one of the
+ways above described, have another simple terminal design near the
+end of the garment.
+
+The men's bands are usually small and narrow, as compared with those
+worn by the Roro and Mekeo people; and the women's bands seemed to me
+to be generally even narrower than those of the men, particularly in
+front. Men's bands, which I have measured, were about 6 inches wide at
+one end, narrowing down to about 3 inches at the other; and the widths
+of women's bands were 4 or 5 inches or less at one end, narrowing
+down to about 2 inches at the other. But the bands of both men and
+women, especially those of the latter, often become so crumpled up and
+creased with wear that the portion passing between the legs dwindles
+down to about an inch or less in width. One is tempted to think, as
+regards both men and women, that, from the point of view of covering,
+the bands might be dispensed with altogether. This remark applies
+still more strongly to the case of young boys and unmarried girls,
+including among the latter big full-grown girls, who are in fact
+fully developed women, whose bands can hardly be regarded as being
+more than nominal, and who, especially the girls and young women,
+and even sometimes married women who are nursing their babies, can
+really only be described as being practically naked.
+
+Plate 13 (Figs, 1, 2, and 3) illustrates the staining and decoration
+of perineal bands. [33] Fig. 1 is a section of a man's band about
+6 inches wide. The transverse lines, which extend along the whole
+length of the band, are in alternate groups of black and red. The
+background is unevenly stained yellow behind the black lines; but the
+background behind the red lines and the spaces intervening between the
+groups of lines are unstained. Fig. 2 is the pattern near the end of
+a woman's band about 5 inches wide. The lines are coloured red. There
+is no pattern on the rest of the band; but the whole of the band,
+including the background of the pattern, is stained yellow. Fig. 3 is
+a section of a woman's band about 2 1/2 inches wide. The colouring
+is in alternate bands of red and yellow with irregular unstained
+spaces between.
+
+I was struck with the gradual reduction of the women's dress as I
+travelled from the coast, with its Roro inhabitants, through Mekeo,
+and thence by Lapeka and Ido-ido to Dilava, and on by Deva-deva to
+Mafulu. The petticoats of the Roro women gave way to the shorter
+ones of Mekeo, and these seemed to get shorter as I went further
+inland. Then at Lapeka they were still shorter. At Ido-ido, which
+is Kuni, the petticoats ceased, and there was only the perineal
+band. Then, again, at Dilava (still Kuni) this band was narrower,
+and at Deva-deva, and finally at Mafulu, it was often, as I have said,
+almost nominal.
+
+I was told that the age at which a boy usually begins to wear his
+band is about 10 or 12, or in the case of a chief's son 16 or 17;
+but that girls assume their bands at a somewhat earlier age, say at
+7 or 8. So far as my personal observation went I should have thought
+that the usual maximum age of nakedness for both boys and girls was
+rather younger, and I never saw a naked boy of an age anything like 16.
+
+The assumption of the perineal band is the subject of a ceremony
+which will be dealt with hereafter.
+
+Caps are very often worn by men, but not by women or children. These
+are simply pieces of plain unstained bark cloth about 9 inches wide,
+which are coiled and twisted on the head. The result is often a
+shapeless mass; but there are methods of arranging the cloth in
+definite ways which produce describable results. Sometimes the cloth
+is merely coiled several times around the head, so as to produce
+a tall thin turban-shaped band, the crown of the head being left
+uncovered. Often this plan is extended by turning the end of the
+cloth over, so as to cover the top of the head, thus producing in
+some cases a result which resembles a fez, and in other cases one
+which looks more like a tight skullcap. Again the cap often has its
+centre terminating in an end or tassel hanging over, thus making it
+look like a cap of liberty; and yet again I have seen the cap look
+almost like the square paper caps often worn by certain artisans at
+home. These caps are seen in several of the plates.
+
+Abdominal belts are commonly worn by both men and women, but not as
+a rule by children. There are several distinct forms of these:--
+
+(1) A thick strong dark-coloured belt (Plate 14, Fig. I) made of tree
+bark; made and worn by men only. The belt is about 3 or more inches
+wide and is often so long that it passes twice round the body, the
+outer end being fastened to the coil beneath it by two strings. This
+form of belt is sometimes ornamented with simple straight-lined
+geometric patterns carved into the belt, but it is never coloured. The
+process of manufacture is as follows: they cut off a strip of bark
+large enough for one, two, three, or four belts, and coil it up in
+concentric circles, like the two circles of the belt when worn. They
+then place it so coiled into water, and leave it there to soak for
+a few days, after which they strip off the outer part, leaving the
+smooth inner bark, which they dry, and finally cut into the required
+lengths, to which they add the attachment strings made of native fibre.
+
+(2) A belt made of a material looking like split cane and thin strips
+from the fibre of what I was told was a creeping plant [34]; made
+and worn by men only. The latter material is obtained by splitting
+the fibre into thin strips. These strips and the strips of split
+cane-like material are rather coarse in texture. The former are of
+a dull red-brown colour (natural, not produced by staining) and the
+latter are stone-yellow. The two are plaited together in geometric
+patterns. The width of the belt is about 2 inches. It only passes once
+round the man's body; and the plaiting is finished with the belt on
+the body, so that it can only afterwards be removed by unplaiting or
+cutting it off.
+
+(3) A belt (Plate 14, Fig. 2) made of stone-yellow unsplit cane;
+made and worn by both men and women. This is the simplest form of
+belt, being merely a strip of cane intertwined (not plaited) so as
+to form a band about half an inch wide, and left the natural colour
+of the cane. Both men and women, when short of food, use this belt
+to reduce the pain of hunger, by tightening it over the stomach. It
+is, therefore, much worn during a period of restricted diet prior to
+a feast. Women also use it, along with their other ordinary means,
+to bring about abortion, the belt being for this purpose drawn very
+tightly round the body. Often two, or even three, such belts are
+worn together.
+
+(4) A belt (Plate 14, Fig. 3) made of coarse, sometimes very coarse,
+stone-yellow split cane or cane-like material; made and worn by men
+only. This belt is left the natural colour of the material, which is
+plaited so as to form a band from half an inch to 2 inches broad, the
+two ends of which are bound together with cane. It also, like No. 2,
+is finished on the body. A man will often wear two or three of these
+belts together.
+
+(5) A belt (Plate 15, Fig. i) made out of the inner fibre of a creeping
+plant [35]; made and worn by men only. The fibre threads used for
+this belt are very fine, so the plaiting is minute, instead of being
+coarse like that of No. 2; but it is generally done rather loosely
+and openly. The belt is usually about 2 inches wide or a trifle less
+and is often plaited in slightly varying geometric patterns. It is
+not stained in manufacture, but the natural stone-grey colour of the
+fibre soon becomes tinted as the result of wear and the staining of
+the wearer's body, and in particular it often becomes an ornamental
+red. This belt also is finished on the man's body.
+
+(6) A belt (Plate 15, Fig. 2) made of the inner fibre of what I was
+told was another creeping plant [36] and the stem of a plant which
+I believe to be one of the Dendrobiums [37]; made and worn by men
+only. The fibres of the former plant are stained black; the reedy stems
+of the other plant are put in short bamboo stems filled with water,
+and then boiled. They are then easily split up into flattish straws,
+and become a colour varying from rather bright yellow to brown. For
+making the belt these two materials, looking rather like black and
+bright yellow straw, are plaited together in various geometrical
+patterns. The width of the belt is 2 inches, or a trifle more. It is
+tied at the ends with fibre string.
+
+(7) A rather special form of belt (Plate 15, Fig. 3) used mainly for
+visiting and dancing; made and worn by both men and women. The belt is
+made out of a hank of loose separate strands between 4 and 5 feet long,
+tied together with string or bark cloth at two opposite points, so as
+to form a belt of between 2 feet and 2 feet 6 inches in length. For
+better description I would liken it to a skein of wool, as it looks
+when held on the hands of one person for the purpose of being wound
+off into a ball by someone else, but which, instead of being wound
+off, is tied up at the two points where it passes round the hands of
+the holder, and is then pulled out into a straight line of double the
+original number of strands, and so forms a single many-stranded belt
+of 2 feet or more in length. It is fastened round the waist with a
+piece of bark cloth attached to one of the points where the hank has
+been tied up. [38]
+
+The number of strands is considerable. Belts examined by me and counted
+gave numbers varying from eighteen to thirty-five, and the number of
+strands of the belt round the body would be double that. Each strand
+is made of three parts plaited together, and is one-eighth of an inch
+or less in width. Various materials, including all the materials
+used for armlets (see below), are employed for making these belts,
+some for one and some for another. Sometimes a belt has its strands
+all plaited out of one material only, in which case the belt will
+be all of one colour. Sometimes its strands are plaited out of two
+different coloured materials. There is no colouring of the belt,
+except that of its strands.
+
+Belt No. 1, as worn, is seen in Plates 9 and 11. Belt No. 3 is worn by
+the man at the extreme right in Plate 16. It is worn by many of the
+women figured in the plates, and several of them have two belts. One
+of the women figured in Plates 18 and 19 has three of them. Belt No. 4
+is worn by one of the men figured in Plates 7 and 8 (he has three of
+them). Belt No. 7 is worn by one or two of the women figured in the
+frontispiece, the one to the extreme right having a many-stranded belt,
+and it is excellently illustrated in Plate 17.
+
+Capes made of bark cloth are made and worn by men and women. They are
+only put on after recovery from an illness by which the wearer has
+been laid up, including childbirth. The cape is simply a plain long
+narrow piece of undyed bark cloth. The corners of one end are fastened
+together, and the whole of that end is bunched up into a sort of hood,
+which is placed over the head, whilst the rest of the cloth hangs
+down as a narrow strip behind. The cape in no way covers or conceals
+any part of the body when viewed from the front or side. It is only
+worn for a few days; but whilst wearing it the wearer discards all,
+or nearly all, his or her ornaments. I could learn no reason for the
+custom. Plates 18 and 19 show these capes, and the way in which they
+are worn.
+
+Mourning strings (Plate 30, Fig. 1) are made and worn by both men and
+women. These are plain undecorated necklaces varying much in size and
+appearance; sometimes they are made of undyed twisted bark cloth, and
+vary in thickness from one-sixteenth of an inch to an inch; sometimes
+they are only made of string, and are quite thin. There is always
+an end or tassel to the necklace, made out of the extremities of the
+neck part, and hanging in front over the chest; and, if the necklace
+is of string, and not of bark cloth, some bark cloth is twisted round
+this tassel. This sign of grief is after a death worn by the widow or
+widower or other nearest relative (male or female) of the deceased;
+and at times two people of equal degree of relationship will both wear
+it. It is worn until the formal ending of the mourning. The woman to
+the extreme right in Plate 26 is wearing one of these.
+
+Widows' vests. These are mourning garments, only worn by the widows of
+chiefs. The garment, which is made by women, is a vest made of string
+network (like a string bag), the mesh of which is the special Mafulu
+mesh, which will be described hereafter, and it is not coloured. It
+is plainly and simply made, with openings at the top for the neck,
+and at the sides for the arms (no sleeves), and coming down to
+about the waist, without any other opening either in front or at the
+back. This garment is also worn until the formal end of the period
+of mourning. [39] I was unable to secure a picture of one of these.
+
+There is no special dress for chiefs to distinguish them from other
+people.
+
+European calico clothing has not been adopted by these people, even
+in the district where they are in touch with the missionaries. Indeed
+I may say that the people, happily for their own health, show no
+inclination to wear more clothing; and no doubt as a result of their
+conservatism in this respect they escape many a fatal cold and attack
+of pneumonia, and the spread of infectious skin diseases is somewhat
+reduced. I may also add that the Bishop and Fathers of the Mission
+do not attempt, or seem to desire, to urge the people who come under
+their influence to endanger their health and their lives for the sake
+of conforming to views as to clothing which have played such havoc
+with tropical natives in many parts of the globe. [40]
+
+
+Physical Body Decoration, &c.
+
+Tattooing and body-scarring are not practised by either men or women
+among the Mafulu.
+
+Depilation. When a young man's beard begins to grow, the hairs
+of the beard and moustache and eye-brows are extracted. No other
+depilation is practised by men, and none whatever by women; and none
+of them shave any part of the body. The depilation is effected with
+two fibre threads twisted round each other, the hair to be extracted
+being inserted between the threads. Anyone can do this, and there is
+no ceremony connected with it.
+
+Nose-piercing. The septa of the noses of both men and women are
+pierced at or after the age of 15 or 18, and either before or after
+marriage. This is done for men by men, and for women by women. There
+is no special person whose duty it is to do it, but he or she must
+be one who knows the incantations which are required. There is no
+restriction as to diet or otherwise placed upon the operator prior
+to the operation, but there is a day's food restriction imposed upon
+the person whose nose is to be pierced.
+
+Two instruments are used for the operation, one being a piercing
+instrument made of pig bone and sharpened, and the other being a small
+wooden plug, also sharpened. The operator first visibly, but silently,
+engages in two incantations, during the former of which he holds up
+the thumb and first finger of his right hand, and during the latter
+of which he holds up the two instruments. He then with the thumb
+and first finger of his right hand holds the septum of the nose of
+the person to be operated upon, whom I will call the "patient," and
+with the left hand pierces the septum with the bone instrument. He
+next inserts the wooden plug into the hole, so as to make it larger,
+and leaves the plug there. Then he takes a blade of grass, which he
+also inserts through the hole, by the side of the plug, and, holding
+the grass by the two ends, he makes it rotate round and round the
+plug. This is a painful process, which frequently causes tears and
+cries from the patient. He then probably goes through the same process
+with various other patients, as it is the custom to operate on several
+persons at the same time.
+
+The patients are then all lodged in houses built for the purpose, one
+house being for men and one for women. These are not houses which are
+kept permanently standing, but are specially built on each occasion
+on which the nose-boring operation is going to be performed. A great
+swelling of the patients' noses develops, and this spreads more or
+less over their faces. The patients are confined in the special houses
+until the holes in their noses are large enough and the wounds are
+healed. During this confinement each patient has himself to do what
+is requisite to further enlarge the hole by the insertion into it from
+time to time of pieces of wood and by putting in rolled up leaves and
+pushing pieces of wood inside these leaves. During all this period he
+is not allowed to come out of the house, at all events not so as to be
+seen, and his diet is confined to sweet potato, cooked in a certain
+way. The cooking for all the patients, men and women, is done by the
+woman nose-piercing operator, assisted by other women. The potatoes
+are wrapped up in leaves (usually banana), each potato being generally
+wrapped up separately in one or more leaves; and, when so wrapped up,
+they are cooked in red-hot ashes, and then taken to the houses where
+the patients are.
+
+When the hole in any patient's nose has reached the requisite size,
+and the wound is healed, he inserts a large croton leaf [41] into
+the hole; he may then come out and return to his own house, retaining
+the croton leaf in his nose. He must next occupy himself in searching
+for a black non-poisonous snake about 12 or 18 inches long, which is
+commonly found in the grass. I cannot say what snake this is, but
+I am advised that it is probably _Tropidonotus mairii_. Its native
+name is _fal' ul' obe_, which means "germ of the ground." Until he
+finds this snake he must keep the croton leaf in his nose, and is
+still under the same restriction as to food, which is cooked in the
+same way and by the same persons as before. On finding the snake,
+he secures it alive, removes the croton leaf from the hole in his
+nose, and inserts into it the tail end of the living snake; then,
+holding the head of the snake in one of his hands, and the tail in
+the other, he draws the snake slowly through the hole, until its head
+is close to the hole. He then lets the head drop from his hand, and
+with a quick movement of the other hand draws it through the nose,
+and throws the snake, still living, away. [42] This completes the
+nose-piercing; but there still rests upon the patient the duty of
+going to the river, and there catching an eel, which he gives to the
+people who have been feeding him during his illness.
+
+The nose-piercing is generally done at one of the big feasts; and,
+as these are rare in any one village, you usually find in the villages
+many fully-grown people whose noses have not been pierced; though as
+to this I may say that nose-piercing is more generally indulged in by
+chiefs and important people and their families than by the village rank
+and file. It commonly happens, however, that a good many people have
+to be done when the occasion arises. Each person to be operated upon
+has to provide a domestic pig for the big feast. I have been unable
+to discover the origin and meaning of the nose-piercing ceremony. [43]
+
+Ear-piercing is done to both men and women, generally when quite young,
+say at seven or twelve years of age. Both the lower and the upper lobes
+are pierced, sometimes only one or the other, and sometimes both;
+but the lower lobe is the one more commonly pierced. They can do it
+themselves, or can get someone else to do it. There is no ceremony. The
+piercing is done with the thorn of a tree, and the hole is afterwards
+gradually widened by the insertion of small pieces of wood. They never
+make large holes, or enlarge them greatly afterwards, as the holes are
+only used for the hanging of pendants, and not for the insertion of
+discs. After the piercing the patient must, until the wound is healed,
+abstain from all food except sweet potato; but there is no restriction
+as to the way in which this food is to be cooked, or the person who
+is to cook it. There is as regards ear-piercing no difference between
+the case of chiefs' children and those of other people.
+
+Body-staining is usual with both men and women, who do it for
+themselves, or get others to help them. There is no ceremony
+in connection with it. The colours generally adopted are red,
+greyish-yellow and black. The red stain is procured from an earth,
+which is obtained from the low countries; but they themselves also
+have an earth which is used, and produces a more bronzy red. The
+yellow stain is also got from an earth. All these coloured earths
+are worked into a paste with water, or with animal fat, if they can
+get it. I think they also get a red stain from the fruit of a species
+of Pandanus; but I am not quite clear as to this. The black stain is
+obtained from crushed vegetable ashes mixed with fat or water. The
+staining of the face is usually of a simple character. It may cover
+the whole face all in one colour or in different colours, and often
+one side of the face is stained one colour, and the other side another
+colour. They also make stripes and spots or either of them of any
+colour or colours on any part of the face. The red colour (I think
+especially that obtained from the Pandanus fruit) is also often applied
+in staining the whole body, this being especially done for dances and
+visiting; though a young dandy will often do it at other times. The
+black is the symbol of mourning, and will be referred to hereafter.
+
+Hairdressing may be conveniently dealt with here. The Mafulu
+hairdressing is quite simple and rough, very different from the
+big, spreading, elaborately prepared and carefully combed mops of
+Mekeo. This is a factor which a traveller in this part of New Guinea
+may well bear in mind in connection with his impedimenta, as he has
+no difficulty in getting the Kuni and Mafulu people to carry packages
+on their heads, which the Mekeo folk are unwilling to do.
+
+The modes in which the men dress their hair, so far as I was able to
+notice, may be roughly divided into the following categories:--(_a_)
+A simple crop of hair either cut quite close or allowed to grow fairly
+long, or anything between these two, but not dressed in any way,
+and probably uncombed, unkempt and untidy. This is the commonest
+form. (_b_) The same as (_a_), but with a band round the hair,
+separating the upper part of it from the lower, and giving the former
+a somewhat chignon-like appearance, (_c_) The hair done up all over
+the head in three-stranded plaits a few inches long, and about an
+eighth of an inch thick, having the appearance of short thick pieces
+of string, (_d_) The top of the head undressed, but the sides, and
+sometimes the back, of the head done up in plaits like (_c_). (_e_)
+A manufactured long shaped fringe of hair, human, but not the hair
+of the wearer (Plate 20, Fig. 3), is often worn over the forehead,
+just under the wearer's own hair, so as to form, as it were, a part
+of it, pieces of string being attached to the ends of the fringe
+and passed round the back of the head, where they are tied. These
+fringes are made by tying a series of little bunches of hair close
+to one another along the double string, which forms the base of the
+fringe. Specimens examined by me were about 12 inches long and 1 1/4
+inches wide (this width being the length of the bunches of hair),
+and contained about twenty bunches. It is usual to have two or three
+of these strings of bunches of hair tied together at the ends, thus
+making one broad fringe. These fringes are often worn in connection
+with styles (_c_) and (_d_) of hairdressing; but I never noticed them
+in association with (_a_) and (_b_).
+
+I was told that men who have become bald sometimes wear complete
+artificial wigs, though I never saw an example of this.
+
+The hairdressing of the women seemed to be similar to that of the men,
+except that I never saw the chignon-producing band, that they do not
+wear fringes, and that the entire or partial plaiting of the hair is
+more frequently adopted by them than it is by the men. I do not know
+whether the women ever indulge in entire wigs.
+
+Method (_a_) is seen in many of the plates. Method (_b_) is
+illustrated, though not very well, in Plate 9 (the fourth and
+fifth man from the left) and in Plate 21 (the young man to the
+left, behind). Method (_c_) is adopted by four of the women in the
+frontispiece, by some of the women in Plate 16, by the woman in Plate
+17, and by the little girl in Plates 22 and 23. Method (_d_) is well
+illustrated by the second woman from the right in the frontispiece.
+
+The cutting of the hair of both men and women is effected with sharp
+pieces of stone of the sort used for making adze blades, or with
+sharp pieces of bamboo or shell.
+
+Infant deformation is not practised in any form by the Mafulu people;
+nor do they circumcise their children.
+
+
+Ornaments.
+
+The string-like plaits in which men and women arrange their
+hair, and especially those of the women, are often decorated with
+ornaments. Small cowrie and other shells, or native or European beads,
+or both, are strung by women on to these plaits, sometimes in a line
+along all or the greater part of the length of the plait, sometimes
+as a pendant at the end of it, and sometimes in both ways; and any
+other small ornamental object may be added. Dogs' teeth are also
+used by both men and women in the same way; but these are, I think,
+more commonly strung in line along the plaits, rather than suspended
+at the ends of them. Both men and women wear suspended at the ends
+of these plaits wild betel-nut fruit, looking like elongated acorns;
+and men, but not women, wear in the same way small pieces of cane, an
+inch or two long, into which the ends of the plaits are inserted. All
+these forms of decoration may be found associated together. They are
+in the case of men usually confined to the plaits at the sides, being
+also often attached to the side ends of the artificial fringes; but
+they are sometimes used for the back of the head also. The women often
+wear them also at the top of the head, and in wearing them at the sides
+sometimes have them hanging in long strings reaching to the shoulders.
+
+Plate 24 (Figs. 1, 2, 5, and 6) and Plate 25 (Figs. 2 and 4) are
+ornamented plaits cut off the heads of women. The ornaments shown
+include beads, shells, discs made out of shells, dogs' teeth and
+betel-nut fruit. Plate 24 (Figs. 3 and 4) are ornamented plaits cut
+off the heads of men, one of them having a cane pendant, and the
+other a pendant of betel-nut.
+
+The appearance of these things, as worn, is seen in Plates 16, 26,
+27, 28 and 29 (the habit of wearing a single dog-tooth at each side
+of the head, as shown by 27, being a common one, and 28 showing
+the equally common habit of wearing a couple of betel-nuts at each
+side). Their appearance, when worn in abundance for a festal dance,
+is excellently shown in the frontispiece and in Plate 17; and the
+little girl in Plates 22 and 23, though too young to be a dancer,
+is decorated for an occasion.
+
+Pigs' tails are a common head decoration for women, and are also worn,
+though not so frequently, by men. These tails are covered with the
+natural hair of the tail, and are brown-coloured. They are suspended
+by strings passing round the crown of the head or from the plaits at
+the sides of the head. They are generally only about 6 inches long;
+but sometimes the ornaments into which they are made are much longer,
+and I have seen them worn by women hanging down as far as the level
+of the breast. These pigtails are sometimes worn hanging in clusters
+of several tails. They are also often, in the case of women, decorated
+with shells, beads, dogs' teeth, etc., which are attached like tassels
+to their upper ends. [44]
+
+Plate 30, Fig. 3 shows a pigtail ornament for hanging over the head,
+with the tails suspended on both sides and strings of beads and dogs'
+teeth hanging from the upper ends of the tails. The ornament is worn
+by the middle man in Plate 9 and by the little girl figured in Plates
+22 and 23, and it is seen more extensively worn by women decorated
+for dancing in the frontispiece and in Plate 17, and by the girl in
+Plate 71.
+
+A peculiar and less usual sort of head ornament (Plate 30, Fig. 4),
+worn by both men and women, is a cluster of about a dozen or less of
+bark cloth strings, about 1 1/2 feet long, fastened together at the
+top, and there suspended by a string tied round the top of the head,
+so as to hang down like the lashes of a several-thonged whip over the
+back. The individual strings of the cluster are quite thin, but they
+are decorated with the yellow and brown straw-like material above
+referred to in connection with abdominal belt No. 6 (being prepared
+from the same plant, apparently Dendrobium, and in the same way),
+the material being twisted in a close spiral round the strings, and
+making them look, when seen from a short distance off, like strings
+of very small yellow and brown beads, irregularly arranged in varying
+lengths of the two colours, shading off gradually from one to the
+other. Even when so bound round, these strings are only about 1/16
+to 1/8 of an inch thick.
+
+The Mafulu comb (Plate 30, Fig. 2) differs in construction from
+the wooden combs, all made in one piece, which are commonly used in
+Mekeo. It is made of four, five, or six thin pieces of wood, which are
+left blunt at one end, but are sharpened to points at the other. These
+are bound together with straw-like work, sometimes beautifully done,
+the binding being nearly always near to the blunt ends, though it
+is sometimes almost in the middle. [45] The combs so made are flat,
+with the blunt ends converging and generally fastened together, and
+the long sharp ends, which are the ends to be inserted into the hair,
+spreading outwards. The bound-up blunt ends are in fact a point, or,
+say, half an inch or less (occasionally more) across. The spread of
+the sharp ends varies from 1 to 2 inches or more. The straw-like
+binding may be light or dark brown, or partly one and partly the
+other. Sometimes only the two outside prongs meet together at the blunt
+end, and the inner prongs do not extend much, or at all, beyond the
+upper edge of the straw-like work binding. The fastening together of
+the blunt converging tips is done sometimes with native thread just
+at the tips, and sometimes with a little straw work rather further
+down; occasionally it is missing altogether. The comb figured is not
+so converging at the blunt ends or so spreading at the sharp ends
+as is usual, and its blunt ends are not bound together. These combs
+are only worn by men; they are commonly worn in front, projecting
+forwards over the forehead, as is done in Mekeo; but they are also
+worn at the back of the head, projecting sideways to either right or
+left. A feather (generally a white cockatoo feather), or sometimes two
+feathers, are often inserted into the straw-like work of the comb,
+so as to stand up vertically when the comb is worn, and there wave,
+or rather wag, backwards and forwards in the wind. I could not learn
+any significance in these feathers, such as applies to many of the
+upright head feathers worn by the young men of Mekeo. The comb is
+worn by several of the men figured in Plate 9, one of them wearing
+it in front and the others having it standing out sideways at the back.
+
+The almost universal type of earring (Plate 20, Fig. 1), varying
+from 2 to 3 inches in circumference, is made out of the tail of the
+cuscus. The ring is made by removing the hair from the animal's tail,
+drying the tail, and fastening the pointed end into or on to the blunt
+cut-off stump end, tying them firmly together. The ring is then bound
+closely round with the yellow and brown material (Dendrobium) of belt
+No. 6; but a space of 1 or 2 inches is generally left uncovered at the
+part where the two ends of the tail are fastened together. The simplest
+form is a single earring, which passes through the hole in the ear;
+but I have seen two rings hanging to the ear; and frequently a second
+ring is hung on to the first, and often a third to the second, and
+sometimes a fourth to the third; or perhaps, instead of the fourth
+ring, there may be two rings hanging to the second one. In fact,
+there are varieties of ways in which the fancy of the wearer and the
+number of rings he possesses will cause him to wear them. They are
+worn by both men and women. [46] They may be seen in several plates,
+but unfortunately are not very clear. The most distinct are, I think,
+those worn by the second woman from the left in Plate 26 and the
+woman on the left in Plate 28. The second woman from the left in the
+frontispiece has two of them hanging from her right ear.
+
+Pigs' tails, similar to those worn from the hair, are also worn by
+both men and women, especially the latter, suspended from the ears;
+and here again they vary much in length, and are often decorated with
+tassel-like hanging ornaments of shells, beads, etc.
+
+Forehead ornaments (Plate 30, Fig 5) are made by men and worn by them
+at dances. This ornament is a band, very slightly curved, which is
+worn across the forehead, just under and surrounding the basis of the
+dancing feathers. It is generally about 16 inches long and between
+4 and 5 inches broad in the middle, from which it narrows somewhat
+towards the ends. Its manufacture consists of a ground basis of the
+material of belt No. 5, into which are interplaited in geometric
+patterns the two black and yellow and brown materials which are used
+for belt No. 6. It is fixed on to the forehead by means of strings
+attached to its two ends, and passing round, and tied at the back of,
+the head.
+
+Nose ornaments. These are straight pencil-shaped pieces of shell,
+generally about 6 inches long, which are passed through the hole in
+the septum of the nose. They are only worn at dances and on special
+occasions; but the people from time to time insert bits of wood or
+cane or bone or some other thing into the hole for the purpose of
+keeping it open. There are temporary pegs in the noses of the fifth
+man to the left in Plate 9 and the man in Plate 10. The nose ornament
+is worn by the woman to the extreme right in the frontispiece.
+
+Necklaces and straight pendants, suspended from the neck and
+hanging over the chest, are common, though they are not usually
+worn in anything approaching the profusion seen in Mekeo and on
+the coast. These are made chiefly of shells of various sorts (cut
+or whole), dogs' teeth and beads, as in Mekeo. The shells include
+the cowries and the small closely packed overlapping cut shells so
+generally used in Mekeo for necklaces, and the flat disc-like shell
+sections, which are here, as in Mekeo, specially used for straight
+hanging pendants; also those lovely large crescent-shaped discs of
+pearl shell, which are well known to New Guinea travellers. The shells
+are, of course, all obtained directly or indirectly from the coast;
+in fact, these are some of the chief articles for which the mountain
+people exchange their stone implements and special mountain feathers,
+so the similarity in the ornaments is to be expected; but it is only
+within a quite recent time that the pearl crescents have found their
+way to Mafulu. I do not propose to describe at length the various
+forms of shell ornament, as they are very similar to, and indeed I
+think practically the same as, those of Mekeo. Some of the necklaces
+are figured in Plates 31, 32 and 33, and they are worn by many of
+the people figured in other plates, especially the frontispiece and
+Plate 17. Straight pendant ornaments are seen in the frontispiece and
+in Plates 6, 17, 26 and others. The crescent-shaped pearl ornaments
+are seen in the frontispiece and in Plates 6, 7, 16, 28 and others,
+a very large one being worn by the little girl in Plate 71.
+
+There is, however, one shell necklace which is peculiar to the
+mountains, and, I think, to Mafulu (I do not know whether the Kuni
+people also wear it), where it is worn as an emblem of mourning
+by persons who are relatives of the deceased, but who are not
+sufficiently closely related to him to stain themselves with black
+during the period of mourning. This necklace is made of white cowrie
+shells varying in size from half an inch to an inch long, each of
+which has its convex side ground away, so as to show on one side the
+untouched mouth of the shell and on the other an open cavity. The
+shells are strung, sometimes closely and sometimes loosely, on to a
+double band of thin cord. Specimens of this type of necklace measured
+by me varied in length from 36 inches (with 97 shells) to 20 inches
+(with 38 shells). It is worn until the period of mourning is formally
+terminated. The middle necklace in Plate 33 is a mourning shell
+necklace, and it is seen on the neck of the woman to the right in
+Plate 29.
+
+Pigs' tail ornaments similar to those already described are also worn
+suspended by neck-bands over the chest.
+
+Armlets and wrist-bands are worn by both men and women, and more or
+less by children, including quite young ones, at the higher end of
+the upper arm and just above the wrist. They are made by men only,
+and vary in width from half an inch to 5 or 6 inches, the wider ones
+being generally worn on the upper arm. There are several common forms
+of these: (1) The more usual form (Plate 34, Fig. 4) is made of the
+thin and finely plaited stone-grey material described in abdominal
+belt No. 5, and is made in the same way, subject to the difference
+that the plaiting is more closely done. Measured specimens of this
+armlet varied in width from 1 to 2 1/4 inches, and displayed different
+varieties of diagonal twill stitch. (2) Another common form (Plate 34,
+Fig. 3) is made of the coarser-plaited black and yellow and brown
+materials described concerning No. 6 belt, and is made in the same
+way. Specimens of this armlet varied in width from 1 to 5 inches. (3)
+There is another form which in fineness of material and plait is
+between Nos. 1 and 2. I was told that this is made out of another
+creeping plant, and is left in its own natural unstained colour, which,
+however, in this case is a dull brown red. (4) Another form (Plate
+34, Fig. 2) is made of the coarse dull red-brown and stone-yellow
+materials described with reference to belt No. 2, and is made in
+the same way. A specimen of this armlet was 2 1/4 inches wide. (5)
+Another form (Plate 34, Fig. 1) is in make something like No. 4, but
+the two materials used are the stone-yellow material of belt No. 2
+and the black material of belt No. 6, and the plaiting materials are
+much finer in thickness than are those of armlet No. 4. Specimens
+of this armlet varied in width from 3/4 to 1 1/4 inches. (6) The
+beautiful large cut single-shell wrist ornament, commonly worn on
+the coast and plains, whence the Mafulu people procure it. Armlets
+will be seen worn by many of the people figured in the plates.
+
+There is no practice of putting armlets on young folk, and retaining
+them in after life, so as to tighten round and contract the arm.
+
+Leg-bands (Plate 25, Fig. 1) and anklets are worn by both men and
+women, and also by children, just below the knee and above the ankle.
+
+There is a form of plaited leg-band somewhat similar in make to armlet
+No. 5, and between half-an-inch and an inch in width, though the
+colour of this leg-band is a dull brown. But the usual form of leg-band
+and anklet is made by women only out of thread fibre by a process of
+manufacture quite distinct from the stiff plait work adopted for some
+of the belts and for the armlets. They make their thread out of fine
+vegetable fibre as they proceed with the manufacture of the band,
+rolling the individual fibres with their hands upon their thighs,
+and then rolling these fibres into two-strand threads, and from time
+to time in this way making more thread, which is worked into the open
+ends of the then working thread as it is required--all this being
+done in the usual native method.
+
+I had an opportunity of watching a woman making a leg-band, and I think
+the process is worth describing. She first made a thread 5 or 6 feet
+long by the method above referred to, the thread being a two-strand
+one, made out of small lengths about 5 or 6 inches long of the
+original fibre, rolled together and added to from time to time until
+the full length of 5 or 6 feet of thread had been made. The thread
+was of the thickness of very coarse European thread or exceedingly
+fine string. She next wound the thread into a triple loop of the size
+of the proposed leg-band. This triple loop was to be the base upon
+which she was to make the leg-band, of which it would form the first
+line and upper edge. It was only about 11 inches in circumference, and
+thus left two ends, one of which (I will call it "the working thread")
+was a long one, and the other of which (I will call it "the inside
+thread") was a short one. Both these threads hung down together from
+the same point (which I will call "the starting point"). She then,
+commencing at the starting point, worked the working thread round the
+triple base by a series of interlacing loops in the form shown (very
+greatly magnified) in Fig. 1; but the loops were drawn quite tight,
+and not left loose, as, for the purpose of illustration, I have had to
+make them in the figure. This process was carried round the base until
+she had again reached the starting point, at which stage the base,
+with its tightly drawn loop work all around it, was firm and strong,
+and there were still the two ends of thread hanging from the starting
+point. Here and at subsequent stages of the work she added to the
+lengths of these two ends from time to time in the way above described
+when they needed it, and the two ends of thread were therefore always
+present. Then began the making of the second line. This was commenced
+at the starting point, from which the two ends of thread hung,
+and was effected by a series of loops made with the working thread
+in the way already described, except that these loops, instead of
+passing round the whole of the base line, passed through holes which
+she bored with a thorn, as she went on, in the extreme bottom edge of
+that line, and also that, in making this second line, she passed the
+inside thread through each loop before she drew the latter tight; so
+that the second line was itself composed of a single internal thread,
+around which the loops were drawn. The second line was continued in
+this way until she again reached the starting point (but, of course,
+one line lower down), from which the two ends of thread hung down as
+before. The third and following lines were made by a process identical
+with that of the second one, the holes for each line being pricked
+through the bottom of that above it. I did not see the completion of
+the band, but I may say that the final line is similar to the second
+and subsequent ones, and is not a triple-threaded line like the first
+one. It was amazing to see this woman doing her work. She was an old
+woman, but she did the whole of the work with her fingers, and she must
+have had wonderful eyesight and steadiness of hand, as she made the
+minute scarcely visible prick holes, and passed the end of her working
+thread through them, with the utmost apparent ease and quickness.
+
+The band thus produced is of very small, close, fine work, and is
+quite soft, flexible and elastic, like European canvas, instead of
+being stiff and hard, like the plaited belts and armlets. The band
+is generally about an inch (more or less) in width. It is not dyed
+or coloured in any way, but is often decorated with beads, which
+are worked into the fabric in one or more horizontal lines, but as
+a rule, I think, only at irregular intervals, and not in continuous
+lines. These bands and anklets are seen in many of the plates. In
+Plates 10, 11 and 12 the bead decorations are seen.
+
+Dancing aprons are made out of bark cloth by both men and women,
+but coloured by men only. The apron, which is worn at dances by women
+only, is about 6 to 12 inches wide. It is worn, as shown in Plate 35,
+in front of the body, being passed over the abdominal belt or a cord
+so as to hang over it in two folds, one behind the other; and the
+front fold, which is the part which shows (the back fold being more
+or less concealed), and is generally 18 inches to 2 feet in length,
+has at its base a fringe made by cutting the end of the cloth up into
+strips, equal or unequal in width, the number of which may be only six
+or less, or may be fifteen or twenty. The front fold is often wholly
+or partly stained, the colour of the stain being usually yellow, and
+is always more or less covered with a decorative design, the colours
+of which are usually black and red. The back fold is generally stained
+yellow, but never has any design upon it. The fringe is also usually
+stained yellow, and is without design, except occasionally perhaps
+a few horizontal lines of colour.
+
+I may say here, as regards these colours, that, so far as my
+observation went, the colours of the decorative patterns were always
+black and red, and the general staining was always yellow; and indeed
+the last-mentioned colour does not show up against the natural colour
+of the cloth sufficiently clearly to adapt it for actual design
+work. I am not, however, prepared to say that this allocation of
+the colours is in fact an invariable one; and, as I know that red
+is used for general staining of perineal bands and dancing ribbons,
+it is possible that it, as well as yellow, is used for aprons.
+
+Numerous variations of design are to be found in these garments;
+and indeed I may say that it is in these and in the feather head
+decorations that the Mafulu people mainly indulge such artistic powers
+as they possess.
+
+Plates 36 to 43 are examples of decoration of the front folds of
+these dancing aprons [47]; and I give the following particulars
+concerning them, first stating that, subject to what may appear in
+my particulars, the darker lines and spots represent black ones in
+the apron, and the lighter ones represent red ones.
+
+
+Plate.
+|       Average width of apron in inches.
+|       |       Notes on ground staining and other matters.
+
+36      6 1/2   Background of design unstained, but back fold of
+                apron and fringe stained yellow.
+37 [48] 7 3/4   Ditto    ditto      ditto
+38      5 1/4   Only a little irregular yellow staining behind the
+                design. Back fold of apron and fringe stained yellow.
+39      6       Background of design (except fringe part) unstained,
+                but back fold of apron and fringe stained yellow.
+40      7       Background of upper (zig-zag) part of design unstained,
+                but that of lower (rectangular) part and whole of
+                back fold of apron and fringe stained yellow.
+41      10 1/2  Faintly tinted broad horizontal and vertical lines
+                and triangles in figure represent yellow stain. No
+                other staining in the apron.
+42      6 3/4   Background of design unstained, but back fold end of
+                apron and fringe stained yellow.
+43      6 3/4   No background staining in the apron. The smallness
+                of the amount of decoration and the substitution of
+                two tails for a fringe are, I think, unusual.
+
+
+Dancing ribbons are made out of bark cloth by both men and women,
+but are coloured by men only. These are worn by both men and women at
+dances, the ribbons hanging round the body from the abdominal belt or a
+cord, three or four or five of them being worn by one person, and one
+of these commonly hanging in front. They are generally 2 or 3 inches
+wide and about 4 feet long, but a portion of this length is required
+for hitching the ribbon round the belt. I think their ornamentation
+is confined to staining in transverse bands of alternating colour or
+of one colour and unstained cloth. Plate 13, Fig. 4, illustrates the
+colouring of two ribbons (each 2 inches wide), the alternation in one
+case being red and yellow, and in the other red and unstained cloth;
+and the men figured in Plate 70 are wearing ribbons, though they are
+not very clearly shown in the plate.
+
+The feather ornaments for the head, and especially those worn at
+dances, and the feather ornaments worn on the back at dances present
+such an enormous variety of colours and designs that it would be
+impossible to describe them here without very greatly increasing the
+length of the book. The ornaments are often very large, sometimes
+containing eight or ten or even twelve rows of feathers, one behind
+another. They can usually be distinguished from those made by the Mekeo
+people by a general inferiority in design and make of the ornament as
+a whole, the Mafulu people having less artistic skill in this respect
+than the people of the lowlands. The ornaments include feathers of
+parrots, cockatoos, hornbills, cassowaries, birds of paradise, bower
+birds and some others. One never or rarely sees feathers of sea-birds,
+or waterfowl, or Goura pigeons (which, I was told, are not found among
+the mountains), as the Mafulu people in their trading with the people
+of the plains take in exchange things which they cannot themselves
+procure, rather than feathers, which are so plentiful with them.
+
+The black cassowary feather is important in Mafulu as being the
+special feather distinction of chiefs; but, though chiefs are as
+a rule possessed of more and better ornaments than are the poorer
+and unimportant people, they have no other special and distinctive
+ornament.
+
+Plates 44 and 45 illustrate some of these head feather ornaments. Plate
+44, Fig. 1, shows an ornament made out of the brown fibrous exterior of
+the wild betel-nut, black pigeon feathers and white cockatoo feathers,
+the betel fibre and black pigeon feathers being, I was told, only
+used in the mountains. Plate 44, Fig. 2, shows one made out of brown
+feathers of young cassowary, white cockatoo feathers and red-black
+parrot feathers. Plate 44, Fig. 3, shows one made out of bright red
+and green parrot feathers. Plate 45, Fig. 1, shows one made out
+of black cassowary feathers, white cockatoo feathers, red parrot
+feathers and long red feathers of the bird of paradise. Plate 45,
+Fig. 2, is made of cassowary feathers only. This ornament is worn in
+front of the head, over the forehead, and is specially worn by chiefs.
+
+Plate 46, Fig. 1, shows a head feather ornament which is peculiar
+to the mountains. The crescent-shaped body of the ornament, which is
+made of short feathers taken from the neck of the cassowary, is worn
+in front over the forehead, and the cockade of hawk feathers stands
+up over the head.
+
+Plate 46, Fig. 2, shows a back ornament of cassowary feathers which
+is specially intended to be worn by chiefs at dances. The custom is
+to have from five to twelve of these ornaments hanging vertically
+side by side, suspended to a horizontal stick, which is fastened on
+the chief's back at the height of the shoulders, so that the feathers
+hang like a mantle over his back. The mode in which feather ornaments
+for the back are hung on sticks is seen in Plate 70, where a stick
+with pendant ornaments is being held by two boys in front.
+
+Plaited frames (Plate 47) are worn by men in connection with these head
+feather ornaments. These frames are flat curved bands, rigid or nearly
+so, generally forming half or nearly half a circle of an external
+diameter of about 9 inches, and being about 1 inch in width. They
+are worn at dances and on solemn occasions. They are placed round
+the top of the forehead, not vertically, but with their upper edges
+sloping obliquely forward, and have at their ends strings, which pass
+over the ears and are tied at the back of the head. These frames help
+to support the feather ornaments, and prevent them from falling down
+over the face. They are made by men only. A groundwork of small split
+cane or other material runs in parallel curved lines from end to end,
+single pieces of the material being generally doubled back at the ends
+so as to form several lines; and this is strengthened and ornamented
+by interplaiting into it either split cane or some other material
+obtained from the splitting of the inside fibre of a plant in the way
+previously referred to. There are varieties of material and of pattern
+worked up in different designs of interplaiting. Some of the materials
+are uncoloured or merely the natural colour of the material, and others
+are in two colours, generally brown or reddish-brown and yellow. These
+frames display a considerable amount of variety of artistic design.
+
+The feather erections used at special and important dances, and
+especially those worn by chiefs, are enormous things, towering 6
+or 12 feet above the wearer's head, and are generally larger than
+those of Mekeo. They are held in a framework, which has an inverted
+basket-shaped part to rest on the head, and downward pointing rods,
+which are tied to the shoulders. The frames are to a great extent
+similar to those of Mekeo, but, having a larger burden to bear, they
+are more strongly made. These feather erections and their frames are
+seen in Plate 70.
+
+Here, as in other parts of New Guinea, both men and women, but
+especially men, love to decorate themselves with bright flowers and
+leaves and grasses, these being worn in the hair and in bunches stuck
+into their belts, armlets and leg-bands, and indeed in any places
+where they can be conveniently fastened.
+
+It is not the practice with the Mafulu for mothers to wear the
+umbilical cords of any of their children, though apparently the Kuni
+people do so.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+Daily Life and Matters Connected with It
+
+
+Daily Life.
+
+The early morning finds the wife and young children and unmarried
+daughters in the house. The husband has been sleeping either there
+or in the _emone_ (clubhouse), but most probably the latter. The
+unmarried sons are in the _emone_, except any very young ones, who
+have not been formally admitted to it in a way which will be hereafter
+described. The women cook the breakfast for the whole family inside the
+house at about six or seven o'clock, and then take the food of the men
+to the _emone_. After breakfast most of the men and women go off to the
+gardens and the bush. The women's work there is chiefly the planting
+of sweet potatoes, taro and other things, and cleaning the gardens;
+and in the afternoon they get food from the gardens and firewood from
+the bush, all of which they bring home to the village; also they have
+to clear off the undergrowth from newly cleared bush. The men's work is
+mainly the yam and banana and sugar-cane planting, each in its season,
+and the cutting down of big trees and making fences, if they happen to
+be opening out new garden land. They also sometimes help the women with
+their work. Or they may have hunting expeditions in the bush, or go
+off in fishing parties to the river. In all matters the men of Mafulu,
+though lazy, are not so lazy as those of Mekeo and the coast. In the
+middle of the day the women cook the meal for everyone in the gardens,
+this being done on the spot, and there they all eat it. At three, four,
+or five o'clock all the people of the village have returned to it,
+except perhaps when they are very busy taking advantage of good weather
+for making new clearings or other special work. In the evening they
+have another meal cooked in the village. At every meal in the village
+the pigs have to be fed also, these sharing the food of the people
+themselves, or feeding on raw potatoes. Unless there is dancing going
+on, or they are tempted by a fine moonlight night to sit out talking,
+the people all terminate their routine day by going to bed early.
+
+As regards the daily social conduct of the people among themselves,
+I was told that the members of a family generally live harmoniously
+together (subject as regards husbands and wives to the matters which
+will be mentioned later), that children are usually treated kindly
+and affectionately by their parents, and that there is very little
+quarrelling within a village; and what I saw when I was among the
+Mafulu people certainly seemed to confirm all this.
+
+There are various detailed matters of daily life which will appear
+under their appropriate headings; but I will here deal with a few
+of them.
+
+
+
+
+
+Food.
+
+The vegetable foods of the Mafulu people are sweet potato and other
+plants of the same type, yam and other foods of the same type, taro and
+other foods of that type, banana of different sorts, sugar-cane, a kind
+of wild native bean, a cultivated reed-like plant with an asparagus
+flavour (what it is I do not know), several plants of the pumpkin and
+cucumber type, one of them being very small, like a gherkin, fruit from
+two different species of Pandanus, almonds, the fruit of the _malage_
+(described later on), and others, both cultivated and wild. The
+sugar-cane is specially eaten by them when working in the gardens. [49]
+
+Their animal food consists of wild pig and, on occasions, village pig,
+a small form of cassowary, kangaroo, a small kind of wallaby, kangaroo
+rat, "iguana," an animal called _gaivale_ (I could not find out what
+this is), various wild birds, fish, eels, mice, a large species of
+snake and other things.
+
+Their staple drink is water, but when travelling they cut down a
+species of bamboo, and drink the watery fluid which it contains. After
+boiling any food in bamboo stems they drink the water which has been
+used for the purpose, and which has become a sort of thin flavoured
+soup.
+
+Betel-chewing is apparently not indulged in by these people as
+extensively as it is done in Mekeo and on the coast; but they like it
+well enough, and for a month or so before a big feast, during which
+period they are under a strict taboo restriction as to food, they
+indulge in it largely. The betel used by them is not the cultivated
+form used in Mekeo and on the coast, but a wild species, only about
+half the size of the other; and the lime used is not, as in Mekeo
+and on the coast, made by grinding down sea-shells, but is obtained
+from the mountain stone, which is ground down to a powder. The gourds
+(Plate 51, Figs. 6 and 7) in which the lime is carried are similar to
+those used in Mekeo, except that usually they are not ornamented, or,
+if they are so, the ornamentation is only done in simple straight-lined
+geometric patterns. The spatulae are sometimes very simply and rudely
+decorated. The people spit out the betel after chewing, instead of
+swallowing it, as is the custom in Mekeo.
+
+
+Cooking and Eating and Their Utensils.
+
+They have no cooking utensils, other than the simple pieces of bamboo
+stem, which they use for boiling.
+
+Their usual methods of cooking are roasting and boiling.
+
+Roasting is usually effected by making a fire, letting it die
+down into red-hot ashes, and then putting the food without wrap or
+covering into the ashes, turning it from time to time. They also
+roast by holding the food on sticks in the flame of the burning fire,
+turning it occasionally. Stone cooking is adopted for pig and other
+meats. They make a big fire, on the top of which they spread the
+stones; when the stones are hot enough, they remove some of them,
+place the meat without wrap or covering on the others, then place the
+removed stones on the meat, and finally pile on these stones a big
+covering of leaves to keep in the heat. Stone cooking in the gardens
+is done in a slightly different way; there they dig in the ground a
+round hole about 1 foot deep and from 1 1/2 to 2 feet in diameter, and
+in this hole they make their fire, on which they pile their stones;
+and the rest of the process is the same as before. This hole-making
+process is never adopted in the village. The only reason for it which
+was suggested was that the method was quicker, and that in the gardens
+they are in a hurry. Of course, holes of this sort dug in the open
+village enclosure would be a source of danger, especially at night.
+
+Boiling is done in pieces of bamboo about 4 inches in diameter
+and about 15 or 18 inches long. They fill these with water, put the
+food into them, and then place or hold the bamboo stems in a slanting
+position in the flames. This method is specially used for cooking sweet
+potatoes, but it is their only method of boiling anything. Water, which
+they keep stored and carry in bamboo receptacles and hollow pumpkins,
+is boiled in bamboo stems in the same way. The bamboo storage vessels
+are generally from 2 to 5 feet long, the intersecting nodes, other
+than that at one end, having been removed. The pumpkins (Plate 52,
+Figs. 2 and 3) are similar to those used by the Roro coast people and
+in Mekeo, except that the usual form, instead of being rather short
+and broad with a narrow opening, is longer and narrower, some of them
+being, say, 3 feet long, and often very curved and crooked in shape.
+
+Their only eating utensils are wooden dishes and small pieces of wood,
+or sometimes of cassowary or kangaroo bone, which are used as forks,
+and pieces of split bamboo, which are used for cutting meat; but these
+latter are used for other purposes, and rather come within the list
+of ordinary implements, and will be there described. They also use
+prepared pig-bones as forks; but these again are largely used for
+other purposes, and will be described under the same heading.
+
+The dishes (Plate 52, Fig. 1) are made out of the trunk of a tree
+called _ongome_. The usual length of a dish, without its handles,
+is between 1 and 2 feet; its width varies from 9 inches to 1 foot,
+and its depth from 3 to 6 inches. It is rudely carved out of the
+tree-trunk, [50] the work being done with stone adzes--unless they
+happen to possess European axes--and it generally has a handle at one
+or both ends. It is not decorated with carving in any way. The common
+form of handle is merely a simple knob about 3 inches long and 1 1/2
+inches wide. But it is sometimes less simple, and I have a dish one
+of the handles of which is divided into two projecting pieces about
+7 1/2 inches long and joined to each other at the end. The handle
+is always carved out of the same piece of wood as is the dish;
+never made separately and afterwards attached. The wooden forks
+are simply bits cut from trees and sharpened at one end, and they
+are without prongs. Their use is only temporary, and they are not
+permanently stored as household utensils. The cassowary and kangaroo
+bone implements (Plate 25, Fig. 3) are also merely roughly pointed
+unpronged pieces of bone, and otherwise without special form. When
+eating _en famille_ they do not always use these pointed wooden and
+bone sticks, but very commonly take the food out of the dish with
+their hands only; but if the family had guests with them they would
+probably use the sticks more, and their hands less. The men and women
+often eat together, sitting round the dish and helping themselves
+out of it, though, if there are too many to do this conveniently,
+pieces will be handed out to some of them.
+
+
+Various Implements.
+
+Besides the cooking and eating implements above described and
+other things, such as weapons of war and of hunting and fishing,
+and implements for manufacture, agriculture and music, which will be
+dealt with under their own headings, there are a few miscellaneous
+things which may be conveniently described here.
+
+Bamboo knives (Plate 51, Fig. 5). These are simple strips made out of
+a special mountain form of bamboo, and are generally 8 to 10 inches
+long and about 1 inch wide. One edge is left straight for its whole
+length, and the other is cut away near the end, very much as we cut
+away one side of a quill pen, so as to produce a sharp point. The
+side edge which is used for cutting is the one which is not cut away
+at the end; and when it gets blunt it is renewed by simply peeling
+off a length of fibre, thus producing a new edge, bevelled inwards
+towards the concave side of the implement, and making a hard and
+very sharp fresh cutting edge. The point can of course be sharpened
+at any time in the obvious way.
+
+Pig-bone implements (Plate 51, Fig. 2). These are the implements
+which are often used as forks, but they have straight edges also
+with which they are used as scraping knives, and they are utilised
+for many other purposes. The implement, which is, I think, similar
+to what is commonly found in Mekeo and on the coast, is made out of
+the leg-bone of a pig, and is generally from 5 to 8 inches long. One
+side of the bone is ground away, so as to make the implement flattish
+in section, one side (the outside unground part of the bone) being
+somewhat convex, and the other (where the bone has been ground away)
+being rather concave. Some of the joint end of the bone is left to
+serve as a handle; and from this the bone is made to narrow down to
+a blunt, rather flattish and rounded point, somewhat like that of
+a pointed paper-cutter. The side edge is used for scraping, and the
+point for sticking into things.
+
+Smoking pipes are in the ordinary well-known form of Mekeo and the
+coast, being made of sections of bamboo stem in which the natural
+intersecting node near the mouthpiece end is bored and the node at the
+other end is left closed, and between these two nodes, near to the
+closed one, is a flute-like hole, in which is placed the cigarette
+of tobacco wrapped up in a leaf. They are, however, generally not
+ornamented; or, if they are so, it is merely in a simple geometric
+pattern of straight lines. I obtained one pipe (Plate 51, Fig. 1) of
+an unusual type, being much smaller than is usual. A special feature
+of this pipe is its decoration, which includes groups of concentric
+circles. This is the only example of a curved line which I ever met
+with among the Mafulu villages, and it is probable that it had not
+been made there.
+
+Boring drills (Plate 51, Fig. 4) are also similar to those of Mekeo
+and the coast, except that there the fly-wheel is, I think, usually
+a horizontal circular disc, through the centre of which the upright
+shaft of the implement passes, whereas in the Mafulu boring instrument
+the fly-wheel, through which the shaft passes, is a rudely cut flat
+horizontal piece of wood about 9 or 10 inches long, 2 inches broad,
+and half an inch or less thick, and also that in Mafulu the native
+point, made out of a pointed fragment of the stone used for making
+club-heads, adze blades and cloth-beaters, is not generally replaced
+by a European iron point, as is so commonly the case in Mekeo and
+near the coast. These drills are used for boring dogs' teeth and
+shells and other similar hard-substanced things, but are useless
+for boring articles of wood or other soft substances, in which the
+roughly formed point would stick. [51]
+
+Fire-making. This is a question of process, rather than of implement,
+but may be dealt with here. To produce fire, the Mafulu native
+takes two pieces of very dry and inflammable wood, one larger than
+the other, and some dry bark cloth fluff. He then holds the smaller
+piece of wood and the fluff together, and rubs them on the larger
+piece of wood. After four or five minutes the fluff catches fire,
+without bursting into actual flame, upon which the native continues the
+rubbing process, blowing gently upon the fluff, until the two pieces
+of wood begin to smoulder, and can then be blown into a sufficient
+flame for lighting a fire.
+
+Carrying bags. These are all made of network. I shall say something
+about the mode of netting and colouring them hereafter, and will here
+only deal with the bags and their use. They are of various sizes,
+
+(1) There are the large bags used by women for carrying heavy objects,
+such as firewood, vegetables and fruit, which they bring back to
+the village on their return in the afternoon from the gardens and
+bush. These bags are carried in the usual way, the band over the
+opening of the bag being passed across the front of the head above the
+forehead, and the bag hanging over the back behind. They are curved
+in shape, the ends of the bag being at both its top and bottom edges
+higher than are the centres of those edges, so that, when a bag is
+laid out flat, its top line is a concave one and its bottom line is a
+convex one. The network at the two ends of the top line is continued
+into the loop band by means of which the bag is carried. The usual
+dimensions of one of these bags, as it lies flat and unstretched
+on a table (the measurements being made along the curved lines)
+are as follows--top line about 2 feet, bottom line about 3 feet,
+and side lines about 18 inches. But when filled with vegetables,
+firewood, etc., they expand considerably, especially those made of
+"Mafulu network," of which I shall speak hereafter. These bags are
+uncoloured. (2) There are similar, but somewhat smaller, bags, in
+which the women carry lighter things, and which in particular they
+use for carrying their babies. They frequently carry this bag and
+the larger one together; and you will often see a woman with a big
+bag heavily laden with vegetables or firewood or both, and another
+smaller bag (perhaps also slung behind over the top of the big one,
+or hanging from her head at her side, or over her breast), which
+contains her baby, apparently rolled up into a ball. These bags also
+are uncoloured. (3) There are other bags, similar perhaps in size to
+No. 2, used for visiting and at feasts, dances and similar occasions,
+and also sometimes used for carrying babies. The top line of one of
+these is generally about 2 feet long, the bottom line a trifle longer,
+and the side lines about 1 foot. These are coloured in decorative
+patterns. (4) There are small bags of various sizes carried by men
+slung over their shoulders or arms, and used to hold their betel-nut,
+pepper and tobacco and various little implements and utensils of
+daily life. These are sometimes uncoloured and sometimes coloured. (5)
+There are the very small charm bags, only about 2 inches or a trifle
+more square, which are used by both men and women (I think only the
+married ones) for carrying charms, and are worn hanging like lockets
+from the neck. They are sometimes coloured.
+
+Plate 53 gives illustrations of three of these bags--Fig. 1 being a
+woman's ornamented bag No. 3, and Fig. 2 being a man's ornamented bag
+No. 4; but this last-mentioned bag is rather a large one of its type,
+the usual difference in size between Nos. 3 and 4 being greater than
+the two examples figured would suggest. The patterns of both these
+bags, and especially of the larger one, are more regular than is
+usually the case. The bag shown in Fig. 3 will be dealt with hereafter
+under the heading of netting.
+
+As regards women, the carrying of bags, either full or empty, hanging
+over their backs is so common that one might almost regard the bag
+as an additional article of dress. I may say here in advance of
+my observations on netting that the distinctive features of Mafulu
+bags, as compared with those made in Mekeo and on the coast, are the
+special and peculiar form of netting which is commonly adopted for
+some of them and the curious lines of colouring with which they are
+often ornamented.
+
+Hammocks are commonly used in the houses and _emone_ for sleeping. [52]
+These also are made of network and will be referred to later. The
+distinctive feature of network mentioned in relation to bags applies
+to these also, but not that of colouring.
+
+Pottery is not made or used in Mafulu.
+
+I may perhaps refer here to what I imagine to be an ancient stone
+mortar, which I found at Mafulu, and which I have endeavoured to show
+in Fig. 2. A portion of the upper part of the original was broken away,
+and I regret that I did not try to sketch it just as it was, instead
+of adopting the easier course of following what had been the original
+lines. I am also sorry that its great weight made it impossible for me
+to bring it down with me to the coast, [53] and that by an oversight
+I did not secure a photograph of it. The vessel was well and evenly
+shaped. It had perfectly smooth surfaces, without any trace of cutting
+or chipping, and must have been made by grinding. It was devoid of any
+trace of decoration. Its top external diameter was about 12 inches,
+its height, when standing upright on its base, was about 8 inches,
+and the thickness of the bowl at the lip  about 1 inch. I was told
+that similar things are from time to time found in the district,
+generally on the ridges, far away from water. A Mafulu chief said
+that the Mafulu name for these things is _idagafe._ The natives have
+no knowledge of their origin or past use, the only explanation of the
+latter which was suggested being that they were used as looking-glasses
+by looking into the scummy surface of the water inside them. [54]
+
+European things. The Mafulu people are now beginning, mainly through
+the missionaries of the Sacred Heart, and also through their contact
+with Mekeo and other lowland tribes, to get into touch with European
+manufactures. Trade beads, knives, axes, plane irons (used by them
+in place of stone blades for their adzes), matches and other things
+are beginning to find their way directly and indirectly into such of
+the villages as are nearest to the opportunities of procuring them
+by exchange or labour.
+
+
+Domestic Animals.
+
+Dogs may occasionally, though only rarely, be seen in the villages,
+but these are small black, brownish-black, or black and white dogs
+with very bushy tails, and not the yellow dingo dogs which infest
+the villages of Mekeo; and even these Mafulu dogs are, I was told,
+not truly a Mafulu institution, having been obtained by the people,
+I think, only recently from their Kuni neighbours. A tame cockatoo may
+also very occasionally be seen, and even, though still more rarely,
+a tame hornbill. There are no cocks and hens.
+
+The universal domestic animal of the Mafulu, however, is the pig,
+and he is so important to them that he is worthy of notice. These
+pigs are "village" pigs, which, though naturally identical with "wild"
+pigs--being, in fact, wild pigs which have been caught alive or their
+descendants--have to be distinguished from wild pigs, and especially
+so in connection with feasts and ceremonies.
+
+Village pigs are the individual property of the householders who
+possess them, there being no system of community or village ownership;
+and, when required for feasts and ceremonies, each household has to
+provide such pig or pigs as custom requires of it. They are bred in the
+villages by their owners, and by them brought up, fed and tended, the
+work of feeding and looking after them being the duty of the women. No
+distinguishing ownership marks are put upon the pigs, but their owners
+know their own pigs, and still more do the pigs know the people who
+feed them; so that disputes as to ownership do not arise. The number
+of pigs owned by these people is enormous in proportion to the size
+of their villages, and I was told that a comparatively small village
+will be able at a big feast to provide a number of village pigs much
+in excess of what will be produced by one of the big Mekeo villages.
+
+These village pigs often wander away into the bush, and may disappear
+from sight for months; but they nevertheless still continue to
+be village pigs. If, however, they are not seen or heard of for a
+very long time (say six months), they are regarded as having become
+wild pigs, and may be caught and appropriated as such. It is usual
+with village pigs to clip or shorten their ears and tails, or even
+sometimes to remove their eyes, so as to keep them from wandering
+into the gardens. [55] But even a village pig thus marked as such
+would be regarded as having become a wild pig if it had disappeared
+for a very long time.
+
+Village pigs (as distinguished from wild pigs) are, as will be seen
+below, never eaten in their own village on ceremonial occasions,
+or indeed perhaps at all, being only killed and cut up and given to
+the visitors to take away and eat in their own villages.
+
+
+Etiquette.
+
+These simple people do not appear to have many customs which come
+under the heading of etiquette, pure and simple.
+
+A boy must soon, say within a few weeks, after he has received his
+perineal band leave the parental home, and go to live in the _emone;_
+but this rule only refers to his general life, and does not prohibit
+him from ever entering his parents' house. If he receives his band
+when he is very young, this rule will not begin to operate until he
+is ten or twelve years old. He is in no case under any prohibition
+from being in or crossing the village enclosure. A girl is allowed to
+enter the _emone_, though she may not sleep there, prior to receiving
+her band, but after that she must never enter it.
+
+A young unmarried man, who has arrived at the marriageable age, must
+not eat in the presence of women. He can eat in the bush, or inside
+the _emone_, but he must not eat on the platform of the _emone_,
+where women might see him. There appear to be no other customs
+of mutual avoidance, as, for example, that between son-in-law and
+mother-in-law, and with reference to other marriage relationships,
+such as are found in some of the Solomon Islands, and among various
+other primitive races.
+
+Children and unimportant adults must always pass behind a chief,
+not in front of him, and when a chief is speaking, everyone else,
+old and young, must be silent.
+
+Young men and girls associate and talk freely together in public
+among other people, but no young man would go about alone with a girl,
+unless he was misconducting himself with her, or wished to do so.
+
+Visiting is purely friendly and social, and there is no personal
+system of formal and ceremonial visiting, except as between communities
+or villages.
+
+There do not appear to be any forms of physical salutation, but there
+are recognised ways in which men address one another on meeting and
+parting. If A and B meet in the bush, A may say to B, "Where do you
+come from?", and B will answer, "I come from----." A may then say,
+"Where are you going to?", and B will reply to this. Then B may
+put similar questions to A, and will be similarly answered. These
+questions are not necessarily asked because the questioner is really
+anxious for information, but are in the nature of a formality,--the
+equivalent of our "How do you do?" The system of asking and answering
+these questions, though well recognised as a social form, is not
+in practice strictly adhered to. Also A, on coming to a village and
+finding B there, and wishing to salute him, will call him by name,
+and B will then call A by name. Then A will say, "You are here,"
+and B will reply, "I am here." This form is more strictly carried
+out than is the other one. Then when A leaves he will say to B,
+"I am going," and B will answer, "Go." Then B will call A by his
+name, and A will call B by name, and the formality is finished. If A,
+being very friendly with B, comes to his village to see him, on A's
+departure B, and probably B's family, will accompany A out of the
+village, and will stand watching his departure until he is about to
+disappear round the corner of the path; and then they will call out
+his name, and he will respond by calling out B's name.
+
+Gestures may perhaps be included under this heading, though there is
+apparently but little to be said about the matter. When a question
+is asked, an affirmative reply is indicated by nodding the head,
+and a negative one by shaking it; and, though I asked if this was
+not probably the result of association with people who had been among
+white men, I was told that it was not so. A negative answer is also
+often expressed by shrugging the shoulders, and a kind of grimace
+with the lips. The nodding of the head to a negative question, such
+as "Are you not well?" signifies assent to the negative, that is,
+that he is not well, and so vice-versa with the shaking of the head.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+Community, Clan, and Village Systems and Chieftainship
+
+
+Communities, Clans, and Villages.
+
+The native populations of the Mafulu area are scattered about in
+small groups or clusters of villages or hamlets; and, as each cluster
+of villages is for many purposes a composite and connected whole,
+I propose to call such a cluster a "community." Friendships, based
+on proximity and frequent intercourse and intermarriage, doubtless
+arise between neighbouring communities, but otherwise there does
+not appear to be any idea in the minds of the people of any general
+relationship or common interest between these various communities of
+the area. Each community regards the members of every other community
+within the area as outsiders, just as much so as are, say, the Ambo
+people to the north and the Kuni people to the west. If a community,
+or group of communities together, were the subject of an attack from
+either Ambo or Kuni natives, each of these being people whose language
+is different--as regards the Kuni utterly different--from that of the
+Mafulu, there would apparently be no thought of other Mafulu-speaking
+communities, as such, coming to assist in repelling the attack. Hence
+in dealing with the question of inter-village relationship, I have
+to fix my mind mainly upon the community and its constituent parts.
+
+Concerning the situation as between one community and another,
+as they regard themselves as quite distinct and unrelated, the only
+question which seems to arise is that of the ownership of, and rights
+over, the intervening bush and other land. The boundaries between
+what is regarded as the preserve of one community, within which its
+members may hunt and fish, clear for garden purposes, cut timber, and
+collect fruit, and that of an adjoining community are perfectly well
+known. The longitudinal boundaries along the valleys are almost always
+the rivers and streams, which form good boundary marks; but those
+across the hills and ridges from stream to stream are, I was told,
+equally defined in the minds of the natives, though no artificial
+boundary marks are visible. These boundaries are mutually respected,
+and trouble and fighting over boundary and trespass questions are,
+I was told, practically unknown, the people in this respect differing
+from those of Mekeo.
+
+A community comprises several villages, the number of which may vary
+from, say, two to eight. But the relationship between all the villages
+is not identical. There is a clan system, and there is generally more
+than one clan in a community. Often there are three or more of such
+clans. Each clan, however, has its own villages, or sometimes one
+village only, within the community, and two clans are never found
+represented in any one village, [56] or any one clan spread over two
+or more communities.
+
+Fig. 3 is a diagrammatic illustration of a typical Mafulu community,
+the circles representing villages of one clan, the squares those of
+another clan, and the triangle being the sole village of a third clan.
+
+I have said that the entire community is for many purposes a composite
+whole. In many matters they act together as a community. This is
+especially so as regards the big feast, which I shall describe
+hereafter. It is so also to a large extent in some other ceremonies
+and in the organisation of hunting and fishing parties and sometimes
+in fighting. And the community as a whole has its boundaries, within
+which are the general community rights of hunting, fishing, etc.,
+as above stated.
+
+But the relationship between a group of villages of any one clan
+within the community is of a much closer and more intimate character
+than is that of the community as a whole. These villages of one
+clan have a common _amidi_ or chief, a common _emone_ or clubhouse,
+and a practice of mutual support and help in fighting for redress
+of injury to one or more of the individual members; and there is a
+special social relationship between their members, and in particular
+clan exogamy prevails with them, marriages between people of the same
+clan, even though in different villages, being reprobated almost as
+much as are marriages between people of the same village.
+
+The Mafulu word for village is _emi_, but there are no words
+signifying the idea of a community of villages and that of a group
+of villages belonging to the same clan within that community. As
+regards the latter there is the word _imbele_, but this word is used
+to express the intimate social relationship existing between the
+members of a clan, and not to express the idea of an actual group of
+villages. Communities and villages have geographical names. The name
+adopted for a community will probably be the name of some adjoining
+river or ridge. That adopted for a village will probably be the name
+of the exact crest or spot on which it is placed, the minuteness of
+the geographical nomenclature here being remarkable. Clan-groups of
+villages, forming part of a community, have, as such, no geographical
+names, but a member of one such group will distinguish himself from
+those of another group by saying that he is a man of----, giving the
+name of the chief of the clan occupying the group.
+
+I was assured that, when there are two or more villages of a clan with
+a common chief and emone, they have originally been one village which
+has split up, an event which undoubtedly does in fact take place;
+while on the other hand the several villages of a clan, presumably
+the outcome of a previous splitting-up of a single village, will
+sometimes amalgamate together into one village, which thus becomes
+the only village of the clan. But two villages of different clans
+could never amalgamate in this way. The following are examples of
+these village changes:--
+
+Near to the Mafulu Mission station is a community called Sivu, which
+includes seven villages occupied by three clans, as follows [57]:--
+
+
+    1. Voitele      Belonging to a clan whose chief, Jaria, lives
+                    at Amalala, where the clan _emone_ is.
+    2. Amalala
+    3. Kodo-Malabe
+    4. Motaligo
+    5. Malala       Belonging to a clan whose chief, Gito-iola, lived
+                    at Malala, where the clan _emone_ is. (He has
+                    recently retired in favour of his eldest son,
+                    Anum' Iva, who is the present chief, and also lives
+                    there.)
+    6. Gelva
+    7. Seluku       Being the only village of a clan whose chief, Baiva,
+                    has recently died. His eldest son, who has succeeded
+                    him, is an infant. There is no regency.
+
+
+Also near the Mission station is a community called Alo, which includes
+four villages occupied by two clans, as follows:--
+
+
+    1. Asida        Belonging to a clan whose chief, Amo-Kau, lives
+                    at Asida, where the _emone_ is.
+    2. Kotsi
+    3. Ingomaunda
+    4. Uvande       Being the only village of a clan whose chief
+                    is Iu-Baibe.
+
+
+Referring to these villages, in the year 1899 the clan now occupying
+the four villages Voitele, Amalala, Kodo-Malabe and Motaligo had only
+a single village, Kaidiabe, the clan's chief being the above-mentioned
+Jaria. Then there was a Government punitive expedition, following
+the attack of the natives upon Monseigneur de Boismenu (the present
+Bishop of the Mission of the Sacred Heart in British New Guinea) and
+his friends, who were making their first exploration of the district,
+in which expedition a number of natives, including the brother of
+the chief, were killed. After that the village was abandoned, and
+the three villages of Voitele, Amalala and Motaligo arose in its
+place. Subsequently after a big feast, which was held at Amalala in
+the year 1909, that village put out an offshoot, which is the present
+village of Kodo-Malabe. Also in the year 1909 the village of Uvande
+was represented by seven villages, all belonging to one clan under
+the chieftainship of Iu-Baibe, the names of which were Ipolo, Olona,
+Isisibei, Valamenga, Amada, Angasabe and Amambu; but after the feast
+above mentioned the people of that clan all abandoned their villages,
+and joined together in forming the present village of Uvande.
+
+The chief, that is the true chief, of a clan has his house in one of
+the villages of the clan, and if, as sometimes occurs, he has houses
+in two or more of these villages, there is one village in which is
+what is regarded as his usual residence, and this is the village in
+which is the _emone_ of the clan.
+
+As regards the relative predominance of the various clans of a
+community and their respective chiefs in matters affecting the whole
+community (_e.g.,_ the arranging and holding of a big feast), there
+is no rule or system. The predominance will probably, unless there
+be a great disparity in the actual size or importance of the clans,
+and perhaps even to a certain extent notwithstanding such a disparity,
+fall to the clan whose chief by his superior ability or courage or
+force of character, or perhaps capacity for palavering, has succeeded
+in securing for himself a predominating influence in the community.
+
+The word _imbele_ and certain other words are used to designate the
+closeness or otherwise of the connection between individuals. _Imbele_
+signifies the close connection which exists between members of one
+clan, and a man will say of another member of his clan that he is
+his _imbele_. The word _bilage_ signifies a community connection,
+which is recognised as being not so close as a clan connection;
+and a man will say of another, who is outside his own clan, but is a
+member of his own community, that he is his _bilage_. The expression
+_a-gata_ signifies absence of any connection, and a man will refer
+to a member of another community, Mafulu, Kuni, Ambo, or anything
+else (there is no distinction between these in the use of the term)
+as being _a-gata_, thereby meaning that he is an outsider.
+
+This brings me to the question of the use by me of the term "clan" to
+designate the intimate association above referred to. To begin with,
+there is a considerable difference between the situation produced by
+the clan system, if it may be regarded as such, of Mafulu and that of,
+say, Mekeo, where one finds several clans occupying one village, and
+where members of one clan may be scattered over several more or less
+distant villages; though this latter difference might perhaps arise in
+part from natural geographical causes, the flat lowlands of the Mekeo
+people being highly favourable to inter-village communication over
+their whole areas, and to the holding of their recognised and numerous
+markets, whilst it may almost be assumed that such intercommunication
+would be more restricted, at all events in days gone by, among the
+Mafulu inhabitants of the mountains.
+
+Then again in Mafulu there are no clan badges, nor are there any
+realistic or conventional representations of, or designs which can
+to my mind be possibly regarded as representing, or having had their
+origin in the representation of, animals, birds, fishes, plants,
+or anything else. As regards this, however, it may be mentioned
+that the Mafulu people are very primitive and undeveloped, and have
+not in their art any designs which could readily partake of this
+imitative character, their artistic efforts never producing curves,
+and indeed not going beyond geometric designs composed of straight
+lines, rectangular and zig-zag patterns and spots.
+
+Also I was unable to discover the faintest trace of any idea
+which might be regarded as being totemistic, or having a totemistic
+origin. In particular, although enquiry was made from ten independent
+and trustworthy native sources, I could not find a trace of any system
+of general clan taboo against the killing or the eating of any animal,
+bird, fish, or plant. It is true that there are various temporary
+food taboos associated with special conditions and events, and that
+there are certain things the eating of which is regarded as permanently
+taboo to certain individuals; but the former of these restrictions are
+general and are not associated with particular clans or communities,
+and the latter restrictions relate separately to the individuals only,
+and apparently are based in each case on the fact that the food has
+been found to disagree with him; though whether the restriction is
+the result of mere common sense based upon individual experience,
+or has in it an element of superstition as to something which may be
+harmful to the individual concerned, is a point upon which I could
+not get satisfactory explanation.
+
+Again, still dealing with the question of totemism, I may say that
+the community and village names (as already stated, there are no
+clan names) do not appear to be referable to any possible totemistic
+objects. There is no specific ancestor worship, in connection with
+which I could endeavour to trace out an association between that
+ancestor and a totemistic object, and there is no special reverence
+paid to any animal or vegetable, except certain trees and creepers,
+the fear of which is associated with spirits and ghosts generally,
+and not with ghosts of individual persons, and except as regards
+omen superstitions concerning flying foxes and fireflies, which are
+general and universal among all these people, and except as regards
+the possible imitative character of the Mafulu dancing, which, if
+existent, is probably also universal.
+
+Moreover, I was told that now, at any rate, the people regard their
+_imbele_ or clan relationship as a social one, as well as one of
+actual blood, a statement which is illustrated by the fact that,
+if a member of one clan leaves his village to reside permanently in a
+village of another clan, he will regard the members of the latter clan,
+and will himself be regarded by them, as being _imbele_, although he
+does not part with the continuing _imbele_ connection between himself
+and the other members of his original clan.
+
+On the other hand the association between members of a clan
+is exceedingly close, so much so that a serious injury done by
+an outsider to one member of a clan (_e.g._, his murder, or the
+case of his wife eloping with a stranger and her family refusing to
+compensate him for the price which he had paid for her on marriage)
+is taken up by the entire clan, who will join the injured individual
+in full force to inflict retribution; and, as already stated, the
+members of a clan share in one common chief and one common _emone_,
+intermarriage between them is regarded as wrong, and apparently each
+group of villages occupied by a single clan has in origin been a single
+village, and may well have a common descent. I think, therefore, that
+I am justified in regarding these internal sections of a community
+as clans.
+
+
+Chiefs, Sub-Chiefs and Notables and Their Emone
+
+At the head of each clan is the _amidi_, or chief of the clan. He is,
+and is recognised as being, the only true chief.
+
+He is the most important personage of his clan, and is treated
+with the respect due to his office; but, though he takes a leading
+part in all matters affecting the clan, he is not a person with any
+administrative or judicial functions, and he has no power of punishment
+or control over the members of the clan. In public ceremonial matters
+of importance, however, he has functions which rest primarily upon him
+alone, and he does, in fact, always perform these functions in his own
+village; and on the occasion of a big feast (as to which see below),
+he does so in whatever village of the clan that feast may be held.
+
+The chief lives in one of the villages of the clan, but may have
+houses in other villages of that clan also. In the village in which
+he mainly resides is his _emone_ or club-house, which is the only
+true _emone_ of the clan; and for the upkeep and repair of this he is
+responsible. This is the ceremonial _emone_ in his own village, and
+is always the one used in connection with the ceremony of a big feast
+in any village of the clan; and, if the feast be held in a village
+other than that in which is his then existing _emone_, another one is
+built in that village in lieu of his former one in the other village.
+
+There is not in connection with these chiefs and their ceremonies any
+distinctive difference in importance between the right and the left
+as regards the positions occupied by them on the _emone_ platform or
+the structure of the _emone_, such as is found among the Roro people.
+
+Next in rank to the chief, and at the head of each village of the clan,
+there is a sub-chief, or _em' u babe_, this term meaning "father of the
+village." He is not regarded as a true chief, but he is entitled, and
+it is his duty, to perform in his own village all the functions of the
+chief, except those connected with the big feast. He and the similar
+sub-chiefs of the other villages of the clan are the persons who take
+the prominent part in supporting the chief in any ceremonial function
+concerning the whole clan in which the latter may be engaged, and in
+particular at the big feast. The _em' u babe_ is usually a relative
+of the chief, and at all events is an important personage. He also
+has in his own village his _emone_, which is the principal _emone_
+of that village, and is used for all ceremonial functions in that
+village except the big feast, but it is not regarded as being a true
+_emone_. The chief holds in his own village of residence both his
+office of _amidi_ and that of _em' u babe_, there being no other
+person holding the latter office in that village.
+
+Next in rank to the sub-chiefs come a number of _ake baibe_, which
+means "great men." These are the leading people--the aristocracy--of
+the clan. There are no distinctive social grades of rank among
+them. Their number is often very large in proportion to the total
+number of male inhabitants of a village; indeed sometimes almost
+every member of a village will claim to belong to this class. These
+people are in no sense office-bearers, and have no special duties
+to perform, though on a ceremonial occasion they are entitled to
+have their importance borne in mind. Each of them also is entitled
+to have an _emone_ (here again not a true _emone_) in his village,
+but in fact their numbers often make this practically impossible,
+and you rarely see more than two or three _emone_ in one village.
+
+The above are all the chiefs and notables of the clan. There is no
+such thing as a war chief.
+
+Aristocracy in its various forms is not a condition to which a man
+attains on getting older--it is attained by inheritance.
+
+The office of the chief is hereditary in the male line by strict
+rules of descent and primogeniture. On the death of a chief his office
+descends to his eldest son, or if that son has died leaving children,
+it descends to the eldest son of that son, and so on for subsequent
+generations. Failing the eldest son or male issue in the male line
+of the eldest son, the office devolves upon the late chiefs second
+son or his male issue in the male line. And so on for other sons
+and their issue. Failing such male issue the office passes to a
+collateral relation of the late chief on his father's side (_e.g._,
+the late chief's next eldest brother or that brother's son, or the
+late chief's second brother or that brother's son), the ascertainment
+of the devolution being based upon a general principle of nearest
+male relationship in the male line and primogeniture. [58]
+
+The chief holds his office for life, but he may in his lifetime
+resign it in favour of the person entitled to succeed him, and this
+in fact often occurs. He cannot, however, on the appointment of
+his successor still continue in office himself, so as to create a
+joint chieftainship, as is done in Mekeo. He, as chief, is subject
+to no special taboo, and there is no qualification for office,
+other, of course, than hereditary right; but no chief can perform
+the functions of his office, or build for himself an _emone_,
+until he has married. There is no ceremony on the chiefs accession
+to office on the death of his predecessor; but there is a ceremony
+(to be described hereafter) on a chief's abdication in favour of his
+successor. Cases have, I was told, occurred in which a man has in
+one way or another forced himself into the position of chief, though
+not qualified by descent, and has thus become a chief, from whom
+subsequent chieftainship descent has been traced, but I could learn
+nothing of the circumstances under which this had occurred. Also it
+has happened that, when a chief has been weak, and has not asserted his
+position, a sub-chief has more or less usurped his power and influence,
+without actually upsetting his chieftainship or supplanting him in
+his performance of ceremonial duties.
+
+If the chief on acquiring office by inheritance is a child, or not
+qualified to act (_e.g._, unmarried), he is nevertheless chief; but
+some person will usually act as his guardian, and perform his functions
+for him until he has qualified. This person will probably be one of the
+young chief's eldest male paternal relations (_e.g._, the eldest living
+brother of the last previous chief), and will presumably be a person
+of consequence; but he will not necessarily be one of the sub-chiefs.
+
+All the above observations concerning the hereditary nature of a
+chief's office and subsequently explained matters apply also to the
+case of a sub-chief, except that there is no ceremony on his resigning
+office in favour of his successor, and that the usurpation of the
+office of a sub-chief, of the occurrence of which I found no record,
+would perhaps be more difficult of accomplishment. In the event of
+a village throwing off an offshoot village, or itself splitting up
+into two villages, the then existing sub-chief of the original village
+would continue his office in it or, in case of a division, in one of
+the villages resulting from the split, and the other village would have
+for its sub-chief some one of the _ake-baibe_ of the original village,
+probably the one who was most active in organising the split. On
+the other hand, if several villages united into one, one only of
+their sub-chiefs could be sub-chief of the village arising from the
+amalgamation, and the others would sink to the rank of _ake-baibe_.
+
+The observations concerning the hereditary nature of a chiefs rank
+also apply to the _ake-baibe_. I have no information concerning them
+on the other points; but these are not so important as regards these
+people, who have no official position and have no duties to perform.
+
+There are, as will be seen hereafter, a number of persons who are
+employed from time to time to perform various acts and functions of a
+ceremonious or superstitious character, notably the man who has the
+important duty of killing pigs at feasts; but these men are not by
+virtue of their offices or functions either chiefs or sub-chiefs, or
+even notables or important personages. It is in each case a matter of
+the specific personal power which the man is believed to possess. Any
+of them might happen to be an important personage, and the pig-killer,
+whose office is a prominent one, would probably be one; though in his
+case muscular strength would, I understand, be an important element
+of qualification. [59]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+Villages, Emone, Houses and Modes of Inter-Village Communication
+
+
+Villages and Their Emone and Houses.
+
+The Mafulu villages are generally situated on narrow plateaux or
+ridges, sloping down on each side; but the plateaux are not usually so
+narrow, nor the slopes so steep, as are those of the Kuni district, and
+the villages themselves are not generally so narrow, as the contour of
+the country does not involve these conditions to the same extent. Also
+the Mafulu villages are on the lower ridges only, and not on the high
+mountains; but the actual elevations above sea-level of these lower
+ridges are, I think, generally higher than those of the top ridges of
+the Kuni. Plate 54 shows the position and surroundings of the village
+of Salube (community of Auga), and is a good representative example,
+except that the plate does not show any open grassland.
+
+The villages are, or were, protected with stockades and with pits
+outside the stockades, and sometimes with platforms on trees near the
+stockade boundaries, from which platforms the inhabitants can shoot
+and hurl stones upon an enemy climbing up the slope. The stockade
+is made of timber, is about 15 to 25 feet high, and is generally
+constructed in three or more parallel rows or lines, each of the
+lines having openings, but the openings never being opposite to one
+another. These protections have now, however, been largely, though
+not entirely, discontinued. [60] It is, or was, also the practice,
+when expecting an attack, to put into the ground in the approaches
+to the village calthrop-like arrow-headed objects, with their points
+projecting upwards.
+
+The average size of the villages is small compared with that of the
+large villages of Mekeo, some of them having only six or eight houses,
+though many villages have thirty houses, and some of them have fifty
+or sixty or more. The houses and _emone_ are much smaller than those
+of Mekeo, and much ruder and simpler in construction and they have
+no carving or other decoration. There are no communal houses.
+
+The houses are ranged in two parallel rows along the side of the ridge,
+with an open village space between them, the space being considerably
+longer than it is broad, and more or less irregular in shape. The
+houses are generally built with their door-openings facing inwards
+towards the village enclosure.
+
+At one end of the village, and facing down the open space, is the
+chief's or sub-chief's _emone_. These are, like the Roro _marea_
+and the Mekeo _ufu_, used, not only in connection with ceremonies,
+but also as living houses for men, especially unmarried men, and
+for the accommodation of visitors to the village. There are probably
+also in the village the _emone_ of one or more of the notables before
+mentioned, of which one will be at the other end of the village and
+any others will be among the houses at the side of, and facing into,
+the village enclosure. There are not often more than three _emone_,
+true or otherwise, in one village.
+
+You of course do not find the surrounding palm groves of Mekeo and the
+coast; nor do you generally see the waste space behind the houses,
+or the ring of garden plots outside the waste space, the position
+of the village on its ridge being usually hardly adapted to the
+latter. You may, however, often find garden plots very near to the
+village. Each family has its own house, and, except as regards the
+_emone_ and their use, there are no separate houses for men or women,
+or for any class of them.
+
+The Mafulu _emone_ is an oblong building, erected on piles of very
+varying height, the interior floor being anything from 3 to 15 feet
+above the ground. In size also it varies very much, but generally it
+is internally about 12 to 15 feet long from front to back, and about
+8 to 12 feet in width. The roof, which is thatched with long, rather
+broad leaves, is constructed on the ridge and gable principle, with
+the gable ends facing the front and the back, and the roof sloping
+on both sides in convex curves from the ridge downwards. Remarkable
+and specially distinctive features of the building are the thatched
+roof appendages projecting from the tops of the two gable ends
+(front and back), the forms of which appendages are somewhat like a
+hood or the convex fan-shaped semicircular roof of an apse, and in
+construction are sometimes made as rounded overhanging continuations
+of the upper part of the roof, and sometimes as independent additions,
+not continuous with, and not forming parts of, the actual roof. In
+front of the building, but not at the back, is a platform at a level
+about a foot below that of the inner floor, extending the whole
+length of the front of the building, and projecting forwards to a
+distance of from 2 to 5 feet. The approach from the ground to this
+platform in the case of a high-built emone is a rudely constructed
+ladder, but when the building is only low and near the ground it is
+generally merely a rough sloping piece of tree trunk, or even only a
+stump. The two gable ends are enclosed with walls made of horizontal
+tree branches, two or three of which are, at both the front and rear
+ends of the building, discontinued for a short distance in the centre,
+so as to leave openings. These openings are, say, 2 feet or more
+above the level of the front outside platform, and 1 foot or more
+above that of the inside floor, and are usually very small; so that,
+in entering or leaving the building, you have to step up to, or even
+climb, and wriggle yourself through the opening, and then step down
+on the other side. Inside the building you find the centre of the
+floor space occupied by a longitudinal fireplace, about 2 feet broad,
+extending from front to back of the building; and the floors on each
+side of this fireplace slope upwards somewhat from the visible level
+of the fire-place towards the sides of the building. The fireplace
+part of the interior is, in fact, dropped to a level below that of
+the adjoining floors, so as to form a long trough, which is filled
+up with soil upon which the fire can burn; and it is the visible
+top level of this soil covering which is practically flush with
+the inside lower level of the adjacent upward-sloping floors. Some
+distance below the roof there is usually an open ceiling of reeds,
+used for the purpose of storing and drying fruits and other things,
+and especially, as will be seen hereafter, for drying fruit required
+in the preparation for the big feast.
+
+Fig. 4 is a diagram of the front of an _emone_, disclosing the internal
+plan of the floor and fireplace, for which purpose the front hood of
+the roof and the front platform are omitted from the plan, and of the
+horizontal front timbers the third up from the bottom is shown at the
+ends only, the middle part being omitted, and small portions of the
+timbers immediately above them are omitted. The words in parentheses
+appearing in the explanatory notes to the figure are the Mafulu names
+for the various parts of the building.
+
+
+_Explanatory Notes to Fig._ 4.
+
+
+(_a_) Main posts, one at the front of the building, one in the middle,
+and one at the back (_apopo_).
+
+(_b_) Posts supporting roof, a line of them running along each side
+(_tedele_).
+
+(_c_) Posts supporting outer edge of flooring, a line of them on each
+side (_emuje_ or _aje_).
+
+(_d_) Post supporting inner edge of flooring and hearth, a line of
+them on each side (_foj' ul' emuje_).
+
+(_e_) Lower ridge pole (_tanguve_).
+
+(_f_) Main downward-sloping roof work, strongly made, going all the
+way back, only four or five of them on each side (_loko-loko_).
+
+(_g_) Upper ridge pole (_tope_).
+
+(_h_) Main horizontal roof work, resting on _f_ (_gegebe_).
+
+(_i_) Upper downward-sloping roof work, not so thick as _f_ resting
+on _h_, going all the way back at intervals of about 1 foot (_engala_).
+
+(_k_) Upper horizontal roof work, not so thick as _h_
+resting on _i_ (_gegebe_)
+
+(_l_) Thatch made of leaves (_asase_).
+
+_Note._--The roof (excluding the hood) projects forward and overhangs
+a little beyond the post _a_, so as to overhang the greater part, but
+not the whole, of the platform; the hood (not shown in this figure)
+is really intended to shelter the platform.
+
+(_m_) Pole supporting roof (_karia_).
+
+(_n_) Pole supporting outer edge of floor (_karia_).
+
+(_o_) Pole supporting inner edge of floor and enclosing hearth
+(_jakusube_).
+
+(_p_) Floor, composed of transverse woodwork (_koimame_) with thin
+light longitudinal lath work on top of it (_ondovo_).
+
+(_q_) Pole above inner edge of floor and edging hearth, not so thick
+as _o_ (_bubuje_).
+
+(_r_) Floor of fireplace, upon which soil is put (_foj' ul maovo_).
+
+(_s_) Pieces of wood supported by _c_ and _d_, going right across
+building and over floor of fireplace, but under its earth, all the
+way back (_kooije_).
+
+(_t_) Wall timbers below top of door-opening, at front and back
+(_kautape_).
+
+_Note._--_t_(1)goes right across under door-opening, but the middle
+portion of it is omitted from the diagram, and the lower edges
+of timbers _t_ (2) are partly broken off, so as to show floor and
+fireplace.
+
+(_u_) Wall timbers above top of door-opening (_dibindi_).
+
+_Note._--_t_ and _u_ together-the whole wall-are called _bou_.
+
+(_v_) Uprights bracing together _t_ and _u_ (Mafulu name unknown).
+
+(_w_) Ceiling made with reeds and used for storing and drying fruit,
+etc. It may occupy the whole length of the building and the whole
+width of it, or part only of either or both of these (_avale_).
+
+(_x_) Space filled up with soil and used as hearth (_foje_).
+
+(_y_) Door-opening, one at back also (_akomimbe_).
+
+
+
+Fig. 5 is a diagram of a transverse section across the centre of an
+_emone_, showing the internal construction. The explanatory note only
+deals with portions not explained in those to Fig. 4.
+
+_Explanatory Note to Fig._ 5.
+
+Post _a_ is the main central support of the building corresponding
+with post _a_ in Fig. 4. Posts _b b_ are central side supports to
+the roof. Poles _c_ and _d_ are attached to posts _a b b_, and help
+to strengthen the fabric. These poles are also used for hanging up
+sleeping hammocks, the other extremities of which are hung to the
+_loko-loko_ of the roof (Fig. 4, _f_). The name for post _a_ is _dudu_,
+but this word is often used to express the whole structure _a b b c d_.
+
+I have endeavoured in the diagrammatic sketch--Fig. 6--to illustrate
+the apse-like projection of the roof of an _emone_ and the platform
+arrangements. I have in this sketch denuded the apse roof of its
+thatch, showing it in skeleton only; and I have shaded all timber
+work behind the platform, in order more clearly to define the latter.
+
+_Explanatory Notes to Fig._ 6.
+
+(_a_) Front end of thatch (_asase_) of main roof.
+
+(_b c d_) Front apse-shaped roof (_siafele_), the thatch having been
+removed to show its internal construction.
+
+(_b c, b e, b d_) Downward-sloping roof work (_engala_).
+
+(_f f, c d_] Horizontal roof work (_gegebe_), carried round in curves.
+
+_Note._--Sometimes the apse-shaped roof is constructed as a
+continuation of the main roof of the building, in which case
+the _gegebe_ of the former are a continuation of those of the
+latter. Sometimes the apse roof is a separate appendage, not connected
+with the main roof, and in that case the _gegebe_ of the former are
+separate from those of the latter, and are fixed at their extremities
+to the _loko-loko_ of the main roof.
+
+(_g_) Posts supporting the platform (_purum'-ul' emuge_).
+
+(_h_) Horizontal platform supports resting at one end on _g_ and at
+the other end fixed to either the _tedele_ or the _emuje_.
+
+(_i_) Platform (_purume_).
+
+_Note._--It will be seen that the front _apopo_ passes through the
+platform.
+
+(_k_) Additional supports to the apse roof, which are sometimes added,
+but are not usual. Their lower ends rest on the platform and they are
+connected with the apse roof at its outer edge (Mafulu name unknown).
+
+(_l_) A stump by which to get on to the platform. This is often a
+rough sloping piece of tree-trunk; where the platform of the emone
+is high it is a rudely constructed ladder (_gigide_).
+
+_Note._--The entire façade of the front gable end is called _konimbe_
+(which means door) or _purume_ (which means platform). That of the
+back gable end is called _apei_.
+
+_Note._--The height of the door-opening above the outside platform
+is shown in this figure.
+
+The houses are in construction very similar to the _emone_, and in
+fact the above description of the latter may be taken as a description
+of a house, subject to the following modifications: (i.) The house is
+never raised high, its floor always being within a foot or two of the
+ground, (ii.) It is smaller than the _emone_, its average internal
+dimensions being about 8 to 12 feet long, and 8 to 10 feet wide,
+(iii.) The roof generally slopes down on both sides to the level of
+the ground (concealing the side structure of the house) or nearly
+so. (iv.) The projecting hood of the roof is only added at the front
+of the building, and not at the rear; and it is usually separate from,
+and not continuous with, the real roof. [61] (v.) The platform is
+generally small and narrow, and often only extends for half the length
+of the front of the house, and, being always within a foot or two of
+the ground, it does not possess or require a ladder or tree-trunk
+approach; it is also narrower. Frequently there is no platform at
+all. (vi.) There is no entrance opening at the back of the house,
+(vii.) The front entrance opening is smaller and narrower and more
+difficult of entry. When the family are absent, they generally put
+sticks across this opening to bar entry, whereas the entrance opening
+of the _emone_ is always open, (viii.) The centre house support very
+often consists of one post only, instead of a combination, (ix.) There
+is often on one side of the entrance opening a small space of the
+inside of the house fenced off for occupation by the pigs, and there is
+a little aperture by which they can get into this space from outside,
+(x.) The _avale_ ceiling is usually absent; and, even if there be one,
+it will only extend under a small portion of the roof. [62]
+
+The following are explanations of my plates of villages and their
+buildings.
+
+
+Plate.
+|   Explanation.
+
+55  Village of Seluku (community of Sivu), with chief's _emone_
+    at the end facing up the enclosure.
+56  Village of Amalala (community of Sivu), with chief's _emone_
+    at the end of the enclosure.
+57  The same village of Amalala (photographed in the other direction),
+    with secondary _emone_ at the end of the enclosure.
+58  Village of Malala (community of Sivu), with secondary _emone_
+    at the end of the enclosure.
+59  Village of Uvande (community of Alo), with chief's _emone_ at
+    the end of the enclosure.
+60  Village of Biave (community of Mambu), with chief's _emone_
+    at the end of the enclosure.
+61  The chief's _emone_ in village of Amalala.
+62  The chief's _emone_ in the village of Malala, at the other end
+    of the enclosure.
+63  A house in the same village.
+64  A house in village of Levo (community of Mambu).
+
+
+
+Communications.
+
+The native paths of the Mafulu people, or at all events those passing
+through forests, are, like those of most other mountain natives,
+usually difficult for white men to traverse. The forest tracks in
+particular are often quite unrecognisable as such to an inexperienced
+white man, and are generally very narrow and beset with a tangle of
+stems and hanging roots and creepers of the trees and bush undergrowth,
+which catch the unwary traveller across the legs or body or hands
+or face at every turn, and are often so concealed by the grass and
+vegetation that, unless he be very careful, he is apt to be constantly
+tripped up by them; and moreover these entanglements are often armed
+with thorns or prickles, or have serrated edges, a sweep of which may
+tear the traveller's clothes, or lacerate his hands or face. Then
+there are at every turn and corner rough trunks of fallen trees,
+visible or concealed, often more or less rotten and treacherous,
+to be got over; and such things are frequently the only means of
+crossing ditches and ravines of black rotting vegetable mud. Moreover
+the paths are often very steep; and, indeed, it is this fact, and the
+presence of rough stones and roots, which renders the very prominent
+outward turn of the people's big toes, with their prehensile power,
+such useful physical attributes.
+
+Their bridges may be divided into four types, namely: (1) A single
+tree thrown across the stream, having either been blown down, and so
+fallen across it accidentally, or been purposely placed across it by
+the natives. (2) Two or more such trunks placed in parallel lines
+across the stream, and covered with a rough platform of transverse
+pieces of wood. (3) The suspension bridge. I regret that I am unable
+to give a detailed description of Mafulu suspension bridges, but I
+think I am correct in saying that they are very similar to those of the
+Kuni people, one of whose bridges is described in the _Annual Report_
+for June, 1909, as being 150 feet long and 20 feet above water at the
+lowest part, and as being made of lawyer vine (I do not know whether
+this would be right for Mafulu), with flooring of pieces of stick
+supported on strips of bark, and as presenting a crazy appearance,
+which made the Governor's carriers afraid of crossing it, though
+it was in fact perfectly safe, and had very little movement, even
+in the middle. I also give in Plate 65 a photograph taken by myself
+[63] of a bridge over the St. Joseph river, close to the Kuni village
+of Ido-ido, which, though a Kuni bridge, may, I think, be taken as
+fairly illustrative of a Mafulu bridge over a wide river. [64] Plate
+66 is a photograph, taken in Mafulu, of another form of suspension
+bridge used by them, and adapted to narrower rivers, the river in
+this case being the Aduala. (4) The bamboo bridge. This is a highly
+arched bridge of bamboo stems. The people take two long stems, and
+splice them together at their narrow ends, the total length of the
+spliced pair being considerably greater than the width of the river
+to be bridged. They then place the spliced pair of bamboos across
+the river, with one end against a strong backing and support on one
+side of the river and the other end at the other side, where it will
+extend for some little distance beyond the river bank. This further
+end is then forcibly bent backward to the bank by a number of men
+working together, and is there fixed and backed. The bamboo stems
+then form a high arch over the river. They then fix another pair
+of stems in the same way, close to and parallel with the first one;
+and the double arch so formed is connected all the way across with
+short pieces of wood, tied firmly to the stems, so as to strengthen
+the bridge and form a footway, by which it can be crossed. They then
+generally add a hand rail on one side.
+
+One can hardly leave the question of physical communications without
+also referring to the marvellous system of verbal communication which
+exists amongst the Mafulu and Kuni and other mountain people. Messages
+are shouted across the valleys from village to village in a way which
+to the unaccustomed traveller is amazing. It never seemed to me that
+any attempt was made specially to articulate the words and syllables
+of the message, or to repeat them slowly, so as to make them more
+readily heard at a distance off, though the last syllable of each
+sentence is always prolonged into a continuous sort of wail. This
+system of wireless telegraphy has, however, been before described by
+other writers, so I need say no more about it.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+Government, Property, and Inheritance
+
+
+Government and Justice.
+
+There is, as might be expected, no organised system of government
+among the Mafulu, nor is there any official administration of justice.
+
+As regards government, the chiefs in informal consultation with the
+sub-chiefs and prominent personages deal with important questions
+affecting the community or clan or village as a whole, such as the
+holding of big feasts and important ceremonies, the migrations or
+splitting-up or amalgamation of villages, and warlike operations; but
+events of this character are not frequent. And as to justice, neither
+the chiefs nor any other persons have any official duties of settling
+personal disputes or trying or punishing wrongdoers. The active
+functions of the chiefs, in fact, appear to be largely ceremonial.
+
+Concerning the question of justice, it would seem, indeed, that
+a judicial system is hardly requisite. Personal disputes between
+members of a village or clan, or even of a community, on such possible
+subjects as inheritance, boundary, ownership of property, trespass
+and the like, and wrongful acts within the village or the community,
+are exceedingly rare, except as regards adultery and wounding and
+killing cases arising from acts of adultery, which are more common.
+
+There are certain things which from immemorial custom are regarded
+as being wrong, and appropriate punishments for which are generally
+recognised, especially stealing, wounding, killing and adultery; but
+the punishment for these is administered by the injured parties and
+their friends, favoured and supported by public opinion, and often,
+where the offender belongs to another clan, actively helped by the
+whole clan of the injured parties.
+
+The penalty for stealing is the return or replacement of the article
+stolen; but stealing within the community, and perhaps even more so
+within the clan or village, is regarded as such a disgraceful offence,
+more so, I believe, than either killing or adultery, that its mere
+discovery involves a distressing punishment to the offender. As regards
+wounding and killing, the recognised rule is blood for blood, and a
+life for a life. The recognised code for adultery will be stated in
+the chapter on matrimonial matters.
+
+Any retribution for a serious offence committed by someone outside
+the clan of the person injured is often directed, not only against
+the offender himself, but against his whole clan.
+
+There is a method of discovering the whereabouts of a stolen article,
+and the identity of the thief, through the medium of a man who is
+believed to have special powers of ascertaining them. This man takes
+one of the large broad single-shell arm ornaments, which he places on
+its edge on the ground, and one of the pig-bone implements already
+described, which he places standing on its point upon the convex
+surface of the shell. To make the implement stand in this way he puts
+on the point, and makes to adhere to the shell a small piece of wild
+bees' wax, this being done, I was told, surreptitiously, though I
+cannot say to what extent the people are deceived by the dodge, or
+are aware of it. The implement stands on the shell for a few seconds,
+after which it falls down. Previously to doing this he has told his
+client of certain possible directions in which the implement may fall,
+and intimated that, whichever that may be, it will be the direction
+in which the lost article must be sought. He has also given certain
+alternative names of possible culprits, one of such names being
+associated with each of the alternative directions of falling. The
+fall of the implement thus indicates the quarter in which the lost
+article may be found and the name of the thief. Father Clauser saw
+this performance enacted in connection with a pig which had been
+stolen from a chief; the falling bone successfully pointed to the
+direction in which the pig was afterwards found, and there was no
+doubt that the alleged thief was in fact the true culprit. Presumably
+the operator makes private enquiries before trying his experiment,
+and knows how to control the fall of the implement.
+
+
+
+
+
+Property and Inheritance.
+
+The property of a Mafulu native may be classified as being (1) his
+movable belongings, such as clothing, ornaments, implements and pigs;
+(2) his house in the village; (3) his bush land; (4) his gardens.
+
+The movable belongings are, of course, his own absolute property.
+
+The village house is also his own; but this does not include the site
+of that house, which continues to be the property of the village. Every
+grown-up male inhabitant of the village has the right to build for
+himself one house in that village; he is not entitled to have more than
+one there, but he may have a house in each of two or more villages,
+and a chief or very important man is allowed two or three houses in
+the same village. On a house being pulled down and not rebuilt, or
+being abandoned and left to decay, the site reverts to the village,
+and another person may build a house upon it. [65] Houses are never
+sold, but the ordinary life of a house is only a few years.
+
+The man's bush land is his own property, and his ownership includes
+all trees and growth which may be upon it, and which no other man may
+cut down, but it does not include game, this being the common property
+of the community; and any member of the community is entitled to pass
+over the land, hunt on it, and fish in streams passing through it,
+as he pleases. The whole of the bush land of the community belongs
+in separate portions to different owners, one man sometimes owning
+two or more of such portions; and it is most remarkable that, though
+there are apparently no artificial boundary marks between the various
+portions, these boundaries are, somehow or other, known and respected,
+and disputes with reference to them are practically unknown. How the
+original allocations and allotments of land have been made does not
+appear to be known to the people themselves.
+
+The man's garden plot or plots are also his own, having been cleared
+by him or some predecessor of his out of his or that predecessor's
+own bush land; and he may build in his gardens as many houses as
+he pleases. His ownership of his garden plot is more exclusive than
+is that of his bush land, as other people are not entitled to pass
+over it. But on the other hand, if he abandons the garden, and nature
+again overruns it with growth--a process which takes place with great
+rapidity--it ceases to be his garden, and reverts to, and becomes
+absorbed in, the portion of the bush out of which it had been cleared;
+and if, as it may be, he is not the sole owner of that portion of bush,
+he loses his exclusive right to the land, which as a garden had been
+his own sole property.
+
+No man can sell or exchange either his bush land or his garden plots,
+and changes in their ownership therefore only arise through death
+and inheritance. This statement, however, is, I think, subject to the
+qualification that an owner of bush-land will sometimes allow his son
+or other male descendant to clear and make for himself a garden in it;
+but I am not sure as to the point.
+
+On a man's death his widow, if any, does not inherit any portion of his
+property, either movable or immovable, but three things are allowed
+to her. She is generally allowed one pig, which will be required by
+her at a later date for the ceremony of the removal of her mourning;
+and she shares with her husband's children, or, if there be none,
+she has the sole right to, the then current season's crops and fruit
+resulting from the planting effected by her late husband and herself,
+though this is a right which, after her return home to her own people,
+she would not continue to exercise; and she is allowed to continue to
+occupy her husband's house, but this latter privilege terminates at
+the mourning removal ceremony, when the house will be pulled down, and
+its site will revert to the village, and she will probably return to
+her own people in her own village, if she has not done so previously.
+
+Subject to these three allowances, I may dismiss the widow entirely
+in dealing with the law of inheritance. I may also dismiss the
+man's female children by saying that, if there be male children, the
+females do not share at all in the inheritance, and even if there be
+no male children the female children will only perhaps be allowed,
+apparently rather as a matter of grace than of right, to share in
+his movable effects; and that, subject to this, everything goes to
+the man's male relatives. I may also eliminate the man's pigs, as
+apparently any pigs he has, other than that retained for his widow,
+are killed at his funeral.
+
+On the death of an owner everything he possesses goes, except as above
+mentioned, to his sons. They divide the movable things between them,
+but the bush and garden land pass to them jointly, and there is no
+process by which either of these can be divided and portioned among
+them. The male children of a deceased son, and the male children of
+any deceased male child of that deceased son (and so on for subsequent
+generations), inherit between them in lieu of that son. There does not
+appear, however, to be any idea in the Mafulu mind of each son of the
+deceased owner being entitled to a specific equal fractional share,
+or of the descendants of a deceased son of that owner being between
+them only entitled to one share, _per stirpes_. They apparently do
+not get beyond the general idea that these people, whoever they may
+be and to whatever generations they may belong, become the owners of
+the property.
+
+They take possession of and cultivate the existing gardens as joint
+property. Any one of them will be allowed to clear some of their
+portion of bush, and fence it, and plant it as a garden, and it will
+then become the sole property of that one man, and if he dies it
+will pass as his own property to his own heirs; though, as before
+stated, if he abandons it, and lets it be swallowed up by the bush,
+it will cease to be his own garden, and will again be included in the
+family's joint portion of bush land, and on his death his heirs will
+only come into the joint bush ownership.
+
+In this way the ownership of a garden must often be in several persons,
+with no well-defined rights _inter se_, and the general ownership of
+bush land which has never been cleared, or which, having been cleared,
+has been abandoned and reverted, must often be in a very large number
+of persons without defined rights. In fact, so far as bush land is
+concerned, one only has to remember that on the death of an owner it
+passes into joint ownership of children--that on the deaths of these
+children fresh groups of persons come into the joint ownership--that
+this may go on indefinitely, generation after generation--that bush,
+having once got into the ownership of many people, is hardly likely
+to again fall by descents into a single ownership--that indeed the
+tendency must be for the number of owners of any one portion of bush
+steadily to increase--and finally that there is no way by which the
+extensively divided ownership can be terminated by either partition
+or alienation--and one then realises the extraordinary complications
+of family ownership of bush land which must commonly exist.
+
+As regards both movable effects and gardens and bush land there must
+be endless occasions for dispute. How are the movable things to be
+divided among the inheritors, and, in particular, who is to take
+perhaps one valuable article, which may be worth all the rest put
+together? How are questions of doubtful claims to heirship to bush
+and garden land to be determined? How is the joint ownership of the
+gardens to be dealt with, and how is the work there to be apportioned,
+and the products of the gardens divided? How are the mutual rights
+of the bush land to be regulated, and especially what is to happen
+if each of two or more joint owners desires to clear and allocate
+to himself as a garden, a specially eligible piece of bush? Such
+situations in England would bristle with lawsuits, and I tried to
+find out how these questions were actually dealt with by the Mafulu;
+but there is no judicial system there, and the only answer I could
+get was that in these matters, as in the case of inter-community bush
+boundaries and personal bush boundaries, disputes were practically
+unknown; though it was pointed out to me, as regards bush land,
+that the amount of it belonging to any one family was usually so
+large that crowding out could hardly arise.
+
+If a man dies without male descendants in the male line, then, subject
+perhaps to some sort of claim of his daughters, if any, to share in
+his movable effects, his property goes to his nearest male relative
+or relatives in the male line. This would primarily be his father,
+if living, but the father could hardly be the inheritor of anything
+but movable things and perhaps garden land, as the deceased could not
+be the owner of bush land during the lifetime of his father. Subject as
+regards movable things and perhaps gardens to this right of the father,
+the persons to inherit everything would be deceased's brothers and the
+male descendants in the male line of any such brothers who had died;
+or in default of these it would be the father's (not the mother's)
+brothers and their male descendants in the male line, and so on for
+more distant male relatives, every descent being traced strictly in
+the male line only, on a principle similar to that above explained.
+
+Male infants, by which term I mean young children, there being of
+course no infancy in the defined sense in which the term is used
+in English law, like adults, may become possessed of property by
+inheritance as regards bush and garden land, and by inheritance
+or otherwise as regards movable property, but they would hardly be
+likely to be the owners of houses; and the descent from these infants
+is the same as that in the case of adults.
+
+No woman can possess any property, other than movable property,
+and even this is at best confined to the clothes and ornaments which
+she wears. On the death of a married woman all her effects go to her
+husband, or, if he be dead, they go to her children or descendants,
+male and female, equally, If she has no children or descendants, they
+go to her husband's father, or, failing him, to such other person or
+persons as would have been entitled to inherit if her effects had
+been those of her husband. Her own blood relations do not come in,
+as she had been bought and paid for by her husband. If the deceased
+woman were a spinster, then her effects would pass to her father,
+or, failing him, to her brothers, or, failing them, to her nearest
+male relatives on her father's side.
+
+The guardianship of and responsibility for infant children whose
+father dies falls primarily upon the children's mother, and she,
+if and when she returned to her own people, would probably take the
+children away with her, though her sons, who shared in the inheritance
+from their father, would usually come back again to their own village
+when they became grown up, and might do so even when comparatively
+young. If there is no mother of the children, the guardianship and
+responsibility is taken up by one or more of the relatives of either
+the deceased father or deceased mother of the children, and it might
+be that some children would be taken over by some of such relatives,
+and some by others. There appears, however, to be no regular rule as
+to all this, the question being largely one of convenience.
+
+Adopted children have in all matters of inheritance the same rights
+as actual children.
+
+From the above particulars it will be seen that there is no system
+of descent in the female line or of mother-right among the Mafulu,
+and I could not find any trace of such a thing having ever existed
+with them. As to this I would draw attention to the facts that the
+mother's relatives do not come in specially, as they do among the
+Roro and Mekeo people, in connection with the perineal band ceremony;
+that a boy owes no service to his maternal uncle, as is the case among
+the Koita; that there is no equivalent of the Koita _Heni_ ceremony;
+that in no case can a woman be a chief, or chieftainship descend by
+the female line; that children belong to the clan of their father,
+and not to that of their mother; and that no duty or responsibility
+for orphan children devolves specially upon their mother's relations.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+The Big Feast
+
+This is the greatest and most important social function of a Mafulu
+community of villages. I was unable to get any information as to its
+real intent and origin, but a clue to this may, I think, be found in
+the formal cutting down of the grave platform of a chief, the dipping
+of chiefs' bones in the blood of the slain pigs, and the touching of
+other chiefs' bones with the bones so dipped, which constitute such
+important features of the function, and which perhaps point to an
+idea of in some way finally propitiating or driving away or "laying"
+the ghosts of the chiefs whose bones are the subject of the ceremony.
+
+The feast, though only to be solemnised in one village, is organised
+and given by the whole community of villages. There is no (now)
+known matter or event with reference to which it is held. It is
+decided upon and arranged and prepared for long beforehand, say a
+year or two, and feasts will only be held in one village at intervals
+of perhaps fifteen or twenty years. The decision to hold a feast is
+arrived at by the chiefs of the clans of the community which proposes
+to give it. The village at which the feast is to be held will not
+necessarily be the largest one of the community, or one in which is
+a then existing chiefs _emone_. The guests to be invited to it will
+be the people of some other (only one other) community, and at the
+outset it will be ascertained more or less informally whether or not
+they will be willing to accept the invitation.
+
+When the feast has been resolved upon, the preparations for it
+begin immediately, that is a year or two before the date on which it
+is to be held. Large quantities will be required of yam, taro and
+sugar-cane, and of a special form of banana (not ripening on the
+trees, and requiring to be cooked); also of the large fruit of the
+_ine_, a giant species of Pandanus (see Plate 80--the figure seated
+on the ground near to the base of the tree gives an idea of the size
+of the latter and of the fruit head which is hanging from it), which
+is cultivated in the bush, and the fruit heads of which are oval or
+nearly round, and have a transverse diameter of about 18 inches; and
+of another fruit, called by the natives _malage_, which grows wild,
+chiefly by streams, and is also cultivated, and the fruit of which
+was described to me as being rather like an apple, almost round,
+green in colour, and 4 or 5 inches in diameter. [66] And above all
+things will be wanted an enormous number of village pigs (not wild
+pigs); and sweet potatoes must be plentiful for the feeding of these
+pigs. And finally they will need plenty of native tobacco for their
+guests. In view of these requirements it is obvious that a year or two
+is by no means an excessive period for the preparations for the feast.
+
+The existing yam and taro gardens, intended for community consumption
+alone, will be quite insufficient for the purpose, and fresh bush
+land is at once cleared, and new gardens are made and planted,
+the products of these new gardens being allocated specially for the
+feast, and not used for any other purpose. There is also an extensive
+planting of sugar-cane, probably in old potato gardens. For bananas
+there will probably be no great need of preparation, as they are
+grown plentifully, and there is no specific appropriation of these;
+but the sufficiency of the supply of the tobacco for the visitors,
+and of the sweet potatoes for the pigs, has to be seen to, also
+that of the _ine_ Pandanus trees, the fruit of which has often to be
+procured from elsewhere, and of the trees. And finally the village
+pigs must be bred and fattened, for which latter purpose it is a
+common practice to send young pigs to people in other communities;
+and these people will be invited to the big feast, and will have pig
+given to them, though not members of the invited community; but never
+in any case will any of them have a part of a pig which he himself
+has fattened. The cultivated vegetable foods and the pigs are not
+provided on a communistic basis, but are supplied by the individual
+members of the community, each household of which is expected to
+do its duty in this respect; and no person who or whose family has
+not provided at least one pig (some of them provide more than one)
+will be allowed to take part in the preliminary feast and subsequent
+dancing, to be mentioned below.
+
+The bringing in and storing of the _ine_ and _malage_ fruits commence
+at an early stage. The _ine_ fruits are collected when quite ripe;
+they split the large fruit heads up into two or more parts, put these
+into baskets roughly made of cane (at least half a fruit head in
+each basket), and place these baskets in the _avale_ or ceiling of
+the _emone_, where the fruits get dried and smoked by the heat and
+smoke of the fire constantly burning beneath. If, as is sometimes
+the case, the _emone_ has no _avale_ one is constructed specially
+for the purpose. The fruits are left there until required; in fact,
+if taken away from the smoke, they would go bad. Sometimes, instead of
+putting portions of the fruit heads into baskets, they take out from
+them the almond-shaped seeds, which are the portions to be eaten,
+string these together, each seed being tied round and not pierced,
+and hang them to the roof of the _emone_ above the _avale_. The fruits
+of the _malage_ are gathered and put into holes or side streams by a
+river, and there left for from seven to ten months, until the pulp,
+which is very poisonous, is all rotted away, a terrible smell being
+emitted during the process; they then take the pips or seeds, the
+insides of which, after the surrounding shells have been cracked,
+are the edible parts, and place these in baskets made out of the
+almost amplexicaul bases of the leaves of a species of palm tree,
+and so store them also on the _avale_ of the _emone_. [67]
+
+Large preparations of a structural and repairing nature are also
+required in the village where the feast is to be held. The _emone_,
+the true chiefs _emone_, of the village is repaired or pulled down
+and entirely rebuilt; or, if that village does not possess such an
+_emone_, one is erected in it. In point of fact the usual practice is,
+I was informed, to build a new _emone_, the occasion of an intended
+feast being the usually recognised time for the doing of this. [68]
+The houses of the village are put into repair. The people of the other
+villages of the same community build houses for themselves in the feast
+village, so that on the occasion of the feast all the members of the
+community (the hosts) will be living in that village. View platforms,
+from which the dancing can be watched, are built by all the people of
+the community. These are built between the houses where possible, or
+at all events so as to obstruct the view from the houses as little as
+possible. They are built on upright poles, and are generally between
+12 and 20 feet high, each platform having a roof, which will probably
+be somewhat similar to the roofs of the houses. Sometimes there are
+two platforms under one roof, but this is not usual. Sometimes the
+platforms, instead of being on posts, are in trees, being, however,
+roofed like the others. Two or more houses may join in making one
+platform for themselves and their friends. All the above works are
+put in hand at an early stage.
+
+The following are done later, perhaps not till after the sending out
+of the formal invitation (see below), but they may conveniently be
+dealt with here. The people erect near to, but outside, the village in
+which the feast is to be held one or more sheds for the accommodation
+of the guests, the number of sheds depending upon the requirements of
+the case. These are merely gable and ridge-shaped roofs, which descend
+on each side down to the ground, or very close to it, being supported
+by posts, and there being no flooring. They are called _olor' eme_,
+which means dancers' houses. Posts about 20 or 25 feet high and 12
+inches or nearly so in diameter are erected in various places in the
+village enclosure, and each of these posts is surrounded with three,
+four, or five upright bamboo stems, which are bound to the post so as
+together to make a composite post of which the big one is the strong
+supporting centre. The leaf branches of these bamboos, starting out
+from the nodes of the stems, are cut off 3 or 4 inches from their
+bases, thus leaving small pegs or hooks to which vegetables, etc.,
+can be afterwards hung; and in the case of each post one only of its
+surrounding bamboos has the top branches and leaves left on. Each
+household is responsible for the erection of one post. I may here say
+in advance that upon these post clusters will be hung successively,
+yams and taro in the upper parts, human skulls and bones lower down,
+and croton leaves by way of decoration at the bottom. The sugar-cane
+and banana and _ine_ and _malage_ are dealt with in another way. There
+is a further erection of thin poles, which will be mentioned in its
+proper place.
+
+About six months before the anticipated date of the big feast
+there is a preliminary festivity, which is regarded as a sort of
+intimation that the long-intended feast is shortly to take place. To
+this festivity people of villages of any neighbouring communities,
+say within an hour or two's walk, are invited. There is no dancing,
+but there is a distribution among the guests of a portion of each of
+the vegetables and fruits which will be consumed at the feast, and a
+village pig is killed and cut up, and its parts are also distributed
+among the guests, who then return home.
+
+After this preliminary festivity dancing begins in the village
+in which the feast is to be held and in the other villages of the
+same community, and this dancing goes on, subject to weather, every
+day until the evening prior to the day upon which the feast takes
+place. The men dance in the villages, beginning at about sundown, and
+going on through the evening, and perhaps throughout the night. Only
+men who or whose families have provided at least one pig for the feast
+are allowed to join in the dancing. Bachelors join in the dancing,
+subject to the above condition. The women dance outside their villages,
+and, as regards them, there is no pig qualification.
+
+About a month before the date on which the feast is proposed to be
+held, a formal invitation is sent out to the community which is to be
+invited to it, and who, as above stated, have already been approached
+informally in the matter. For this purpose a number, perhaps ten,
+twenty, or thirty, of the men of the community giving the feast start
+off, taking with them several bunches of croton leaves--one bunch
+for each village of the invited community. These men, if the invited
+community be some distance off, only carry the croton leaves as far
+as some neighbouring community, probably about one day's journey off,
+where they stay the night, and then return. During their progress,
+and particularly as they arrive at their destination, they are all
+singing. Then the men of this neighbouring community carry the croton
+leaves a stage further; and so on till they reach their ultimate
+destination. This may involve two or three sets of messengers, but
+occasionally one or two of the original messengers may go the whole
+way. These croton leaves are delivered to the chiefs of the several
+clans of the invited community, and they are tied to the front central
+posts of the village _emone_, the true _emone_ of the chiefs village,
+and, as regards other villages, the _emone_ of the sub-chiefs. [69]
+
+The exact date of the feast depends upon the guests, who may come in
+a month after receiving the croton leaves, or may be later; and the
+community giving the feast do not know on what date their guests will
+arrive until news comes that they are actually on their way, though
+in the meantime messengers will be passing backwards and forwards
+and native wireless telegraphy (shouting from ridge to ridge) will
+be employed.
+
+As soon as the formal invitation has been sent the people of the
+community giving the feast begin to bring in the yams from the gardens,
+which they do day by day, singing as they do so; and these yams are
+stored away in the houses as they are brought in. When the yams have
+all been collected, they are brought out and spread in one, two,
+or three long lines along the centre of the village open space. The
+owner of each post knows which are his own yams, and they will go to
+his post. When the yams are laid out on the ground, the chiefs inspect
+them, and select the best ones, which are to be given to the chiefs
+of the community invited to the dance. To these selected yams they
+tie croton leaves as distinguishing marks. Then each man stands by
+his own yams, and has a boy standing by his own post; each man picks
+up his best yams, and whilst holding these they all (only the men with
+the yams) begin to sing. The moment the song is over, each man rushes
+with his selected best yam to his post, and hands the yam to the boy,
+who climbs up the post, and hangs up the yam. After this they hang
+the rest of the yams, each man running with them to the post, and
+giving them to the boy, who climbs up and hangs the yam whilst the man
+runs back for another, the performance being all in apparent disorder
+and there being no singing. Some of the best-shaped yams are hung to
+little cross-sticks about 3 or 4 feet long, which the boys then and
+there attach to those bamboo stems which have their top branches and
+leaves left upon them, the sticks being attached just below these
+branches. These selected yams will include those with the croton
+leaves, which are intended for chiefs. Of the rest the better yams
+are hung up higher on the posts, and the poorer ones lower down. The
+lowest of them will probably be 5 or 6 feet from the ground.
+
+After hanging the yams, the next step is to erect in the ground all
+round the village enclosure and in front of the houses a number of
+tall young slender straight-stemmed tree poles, with the top branches
+and leaves only left upon them. These poles are connected with one
+another by long stems, fixed horizontally to them at a height of 7
+or 8 feet from the ground, the stems thus forming a sort of long line
+or girdle encircling the village enclosure.
+
+The men then go to their gardens and bring in the sugar-canes,
+singing as they do so, and these they hang to the horizontal stems,
+but without ceremony. The sugar-canes are all in thick bundles, perhaps
+12 or 18 inches thick, and these bundles are hung horizontally end
+to end immediately under the line of stems, so as also to make a
+continuous encircling line.
+
+Next they bring in the bananas, again singing, and these they hang up
+on the tall, slender tree poles, and on the platforms of the houses,
+and under the view platforms, but without ceremony.
+
+Lastly, again singing, they bring in the taro, and hang these up,
+mixed with the yams (not below them) on the posts, again without
+ceremony. The hanging up of the taro is left to the last, and, in
+fact, is not done till it is known that the guests are on their way,
+as the taro would be spoilt by bad weather.
+
+In hanging the yam and the taro the people all work
+simultaneously--that is, they are all hanging yams at the same time and
+all hanging taro at the same time. But as regards the sugar cane and
+banana each man works in his own time without waiting for, or being
+waited for by, the others. Women may help the men in all these things,
+except the ceremonious hanging up of the yams.
+
+They do not, however, hang all the yam, sugar-cane, banana and taro,
+some of each being kept back in the houses for a purpose which will
+appear hereafter.
+
+The _ine_ and _malage_ fruits are not hung up at all, but are kept
+in the _avale_ of the village _emone_ until the day of the actual
+feast, when the various vegetables and fruits are, as will be seen,
+put in heaps for distribution among the guests.
+
+They then further decorate the posts with human skulls and bones,
+which are hung round in circles below the yams and taro, but not
+reaching to the ground. These are the skulls and bones of chiefs and
+members of their families and sub-chiefs and important personages
+only of the community, and the bones used are only the larger bones
+of the arms and legs; skulls will, so far as possible, be used for
+the purpose in preference to the other bones. These skulls and bones
+are taken from wherever they may then happen to be; some of them will
+be in burial boxes on trees, [70] some may be in graves underground,
+and some may be hung up in the village _emone_; though it may here
+be mentioned that those underground and in the _emone_ are not,
+as I shall show later, in their original places of sepulture.
+
+Finally croton leaves, tied in sheaves, are arranged round the posts
+below the skulls and bones, so as to decorate the posts down to
+the ground.
+
+One other specially important matter must here be mentioned. There
+will probably be in or by the edge of the village enclosure a high
+box-shaped wooden burial platform, [71] supported on poles, and
+containing the skull and all the bones of a chief, these platforms
+and a special sort of tree being, as will be explained later on, the
+only places where they and their families and important personages
+are originally buried. If so, the people add to the bones on this
+platform such of the other skulls and special arm and leg bones,
+collected as above mentioned, as are not required for decorating the
+posts. If, as is most improbable, there is no such burial platform,
+then they erect one, and upon it place all the available skulls and
+special bones not required for the posts.
+
+These various preparations bring us to the evening before the day
+of the feast, upon which evening the women, married and unmarried,
+of the community, whose families have supplied pigs for the feast,
+dance together in full dancing decorations in the village enclosure,
+beginning at about sundown, and, if weather permits, dancing all
+through the night. There is no ceremony connected with this dancing.
+
+The next day is the feast day. The guests are in the special guest
+houses outside the village, where they are dressing for the dance. They
+have probably arrived the day before, in which case they may have
+come into the village to watch the women dancing in the evening;
+but they are not regarded as having formally arrived. These guests
+include married and unmarried men, women and children, nobody of the
+invited community being left behind, except old men and women who
+cannot walk. The women have brought with them their carrying bags,
+in which they carry all their men's and their own goods (_e.g._,
+knives, feathers, ornaments, etc.), including not only the things
+used for the ceremony, but all their other portable property, which
+they do not wish to expose to risk of theft by leaving at home.
+
+They have also brought special ornamental bags to be used in the
+dance as mentioned below.
+
+The people of the village in the meantime erect one, two, or three
+(generally three) trees in a group in the very centre of the village
+enclosure.
+
+And now come the successive ceremonies of the feast, in which both
+married and unmarried men and women take part; in describing these
+ceremonies I will call the people of the community giving the feast
+the "hosts," and the visitors attending it the "guests."
+
+First: All or nearly all the men hosts go in a body out of the
+village to the guests' houses, singing as they go. They are all
+fully ornamented for a feast, but do not wear their special dancing
+ornaments, and they do not carry their spears, or as a rule any other
+weapons. Each chiefs ornaments include a bunch of black cassowary
+feathers tied round his head behind, and falling down over his
+shoulders, this being his distinctive ornament; but otherwise his
+ornaments do not differ from those of the rest, except probably as
+regards quantity and quality. The object of this visit is to ascertain
+if the guests are ready, and if they are not ready the men hosts
+wait until they are so. Then the men hosts return to the village,
+singing as before, and all the guests, men and women, follow them; but
+they do not sing, and they do not enter the village. The men hosts,
+on returning, retire to their houses and the view platforms, where
+also are the women hosts, thus leaving the village enclosure empty.
+
+Second: All the women guests, except two, then enter the village. They
+are fully ornamented for the feast, but do not wear their special
+dancing ornaments. They all have large carrying bags on their backs,
+not the common ones of everyday use, but the ornamental ones; and in
+these they carry and show off all their own and their husbands' riches
+other than what they respectively are actually wearing. They enter
+at one end of the village enclosure (I will hereafter call this the
+"entrance end") by the side of the end _emone_ of the village (this
+may be the chiefs true _emone_ or it may be the secondary _emone_),
+and walk in single file along one side of the village enclosure,
+and half of them walk round the other end (which I will call the
+"far end") in front of the _emone_ there (which also will be either
+the true one or the other one), and back again along the other side,
+until there are two rows of them, _vis-à-vis_ at opposite sides of
+the enclosure, none of them remaining at the far end in front of the
+_emone_ there. If they are very numerous, there may be lines on both
+sides of the enclosure, stretching from end to end; whereas if they
+are few only, they would be in facing lines at the far end only of
+the enclosure. This is all done silently.
+
+Third: All the women hosts, fully ornamented for a feast, but without
+special dancing ornaments, then enter the enclosure at the entrance
+end, and congregate at the far end of it, in front of the far _emone_
+and between the two facing lines of women guests, and facing towards
+the centre of the enclosure. The group of them stretches as far
+forward towards the centre of the enclosure as their number allows;
+but it will never extend beyond the special trees, which have been
+last erected in the centre. This also is done in silence.
+
+Fourth: The two women guests excluded from the general entry now
+come in. They are presumably the wives of chiefs. They are also
+decorated for the feast, but without full dancing ornaments. Each
+of them, however, holds in her mouth something intended to give her
+a terrible appearance, probably two pairs of pigs' tusks, one pair
+curling, crescent-like, upwards, and the other pair similarly curling
+downwards, or a piece of cloth; but this is only carried by her for
+this particular scene of the performance, and not afterwards. Each of
+them also carries two spears, one in each hand. These two women rush
+into the village enclosure, one entering at each side of the _emone_
+at the entrance end. They run along the two sides of the enclosure,
+one at each side, in front of the lines of women guests already there
+(between them and the central group of host women), brandishing
+their spears as they do so, but in silence. When they reach the far
+end of the enclosure they meet each other in front of the _emone_
+there; and then, if that happens to be the true (chief's) _emone_,
+they brandish their spears in a hostile manner at the building,
+the spears sometimes even striking it, though they do not leave the
+women's hands, and there is probably a little pause or halt in their
+running for the purpose of this attack. They then pass each other,
+and return as they had come, still brandishing their spears, but
+each on the opposite side, until they are both at the entrance end of
+the enclosure. If the _emone_ at this end is the true _emone_, then
+the attack is made upon it, instead of upon the other one. They then
+generally again pass each other, and go round the enclosure a second
+time, and again attack the _emone_ exactly as before. During the first
+part of this performance the host women congregated in the far end of
+the enclosure are all dancing a sort of non-progressive goose step,
+there being, however, no singing. But, when the two guest women on
+the return journey of their second circuit reach the front row of
+the host women, the latter advance in a body silently dancing (but
+not travelling so fast as the two guest women) down the enclosure,
+and so following the two guest women, until they are all congregated
+at the entrance end of the enclosure. The positions of the _dramatis
+personæ_ up to and including the stage of proceedings lastly described
+will be better understood by reference to Fig. 7 and its accompanying
+notes. At the end of this stage the lines of guest women are still
+as shown; but the two special guest women and all the host women are
+at the entrance end of the enclosure.
+
+Fifth: Such of the guest men as are not going to join in the real
+ultimate dance (see heading 9) enter the village at the entrance end,
+they also being fully ornamented, but not wearing their special
+dancing ornaments. They carry their spears, and perhaps in their
+other hands their clubs or adzes. Any chiefs who may be among them
+wear their black cassowary feather ornaments, like those of the host
+chiefs. They all advance along the enclosure, jumping and dancing and
+brandishing their spears, but not singing; and in front of them go all
+the host women, dancing as before, also in silence. This double body of
+people, host women in front, and guest men behind, advance _en masse_
+along the village enclosure. When, in doing this, the guest men reach
+the three last-erected special trees in the middle of the enclosure,
+they attack the trees with their spears, never letting the spears leave
+their hands, and with kicks, and thus try to knock the trees down. If
+they succeed in doing so, then this part of the performance is at an
+end, and these guest men disperse and spread about at both sides and
+ends of the village; but the host and guest women return from wherever
+they are to the entrance end. If the guest men's first attack on the
+trees is not successful, they pass them, and continue their advance,
+as before, to the far end of the enclosure and return back again in
+the other direction, the host women still dancing in front of them;
+and on this return journey they repeat their attack on the trees. If
+again unsuccessful, they go on to their starting point, and go a second
+time through the same performance as before, going up the enclosure,
+and, if necessary, down again; and, if still unsuccessful, they will
+probably try a third time, the host women always dancing in front of
+them as before. The whole of this is one continuous movement, going on
+till the trees are down. If after the third double attempt the guest
+men have still been unsuccessful, they relinquish their efforts; and in
+that case the pig-killer of the hosts' village (as to whom see below)
+steps forward, and cuts down the trees with his adze. When the trees
+are down, the performance is at an end, the guest men retire, and
+the host and guest women return to the entrance end, as above stated.
+
+Sixth: Such of the chiefs of the guests as do not intend to join in the
+real ultimate dance (heading 9) then step forward into the enclosure at
+the entrance end. Their number may be two or three or more. They wear
+their full dancing ornaments, including their black cassowary feather
+ornaments and the enormous feather erections on their heads, which
+for chiefs are even larger and heavier than for other people. They
+carry their drums, but not spears or clubs or adzes. The two special
+guest women who have already been mentioned and two other guest women,
+all with their full dancing ornaments, also come forward. A line is
+formed with the chiefs in the middle and the four women at the two
+ends. In front of this line are all the host women, still decorated as
+before, but without special dancing ornaments. Then the whole group,
+host women in front and the guest chiefs and their four attendant
+guest women in a line behind, dance forward along the enclosure. In
+doing this, they face the direction in which they are progressing,
+and their progress is slow. This is done to the accompaniment of
+the beating by the dancing chiefs of their drums, but there is no
+singing. When the dancing party reach the far end of the enclosure,
+they go back again in the same way; and so on again until the chiefs
+(with the great weights they are carrying) are tired; then they
+stop. But the men hosts thereupon politely press them to go on again,
+giving them in fact a sort of complimentary encore, and this they
+will probably do. After about half-an-hour from the commencement of
+the dancing they finally stop. Then the chief of the clan in one of
+whose villages the dance is held comes forward and removes the heavy
+head-pieces from the dancing chiefs.
+
+Seventh: An important ceremony now occurs. The chief of the clan cuts
+away the supports of the burial platform already mentioned, whereupon
+the platform falls to the ground, and the skulls and bones upon it
+roll on the ground. These are picked up, and the skulls and big arm
+and leg bones are put on one side. There is no singing or ceremony
+in connection with this. The platform is not rebuilt; and what is
+afterwards done with the skulls and bones will be seen hereafter.
+
+Eighth: There is now a distribution among the chiefs and more important
+male guests of the yam, taro, sugar-cane and bananas, which at the
+time of the hanging up on the village posts were kept back and put
+into the houses, and of tobacco. The chief of the clan, with help from
+others, makes a number of heaps of these things in the centre of the
+village enclosure, the number of heaps corresponding to the number of
+recipients. Then, standing successively before each of these heaps,
+he calls out in turn the names of the men who are to receive them,
+chiefs being given the first priority, and specially important people
+the next. Each man comes forward, usually bringing with him his
+wife or some other woman with a bag, picks up his heap, and takes
+it away. And so with all of them in turn, till all is finished. On
+each heap there is usually, but not always, a portion of a village
+pig, which has that morning been killed under the burial platform,
+before it was cut down. The guests, men and women, then return to
+the guest houses, where the women cook the food which has been given,
+and it is eaten by the men and themselves.
+
+Ninth: The real dance now takes place, beginning perhaps at 9 or
+10 in the evening, and lasting the whole night, and perhaps till 10
+o'clock the following morning. The dancing is done by some only of
+the guest men, and none of their women, and none of the hosts, either
+men or women, join in it. The dancers are all arrayed in full dancing
+ornaments, including their heavy head feather erections, and chiefs
+also wear their cassowary feathers; and they all carry their drums
+and spears, and sometimes clubs or adzes. After the dance has begun,
+the chief of the clan in whose village the dance occurs distributes,
+with assistance, among the more important of these dancers, especially
+chiefs, the skulls and bones which had been put on one side after
+the cutting down of the burial platform, and probably some or all
+of the skulls and bones which had been hung upon the big posts;
+and the dancers receiving these skulls and bones wear them as
+additional decoration upon their arms throughout the dance. Guest
+chiefs dance with the others, but owing to the heavy weight of the
+head ornaments they have to carry, they will be tired sooner than
+the others. The dancing party enter the village at the entrance end,
+walking backwards. Directly after they have entered the village they,
+still having their backs to it, begin to beat their drums, after doing
+which for a short time they turn round, and the dancing begins. The
+dancers beat their drums whilst dancing, but neither they nor the
+other people sing during the actual dancing. There are, however,
+intervals in the dancing (not the mere rest intervals, such as they
+have in Mekeo, and which they also have in Mafulu, but intervals which
+are themselves an actual part of the dance), and during these intervals
+the drums are not being beaten, and the dancers and the other people,
+hosts, guests, men and women, all sing. I shall have something more
+to say about dancing generally later on. At a subsequent stage the
+skulls and bones with which the dancers have been decorated, including
+those which had fallen from the burial platform, are all again hung
+up among the other skulls and bones on the big posts.
+
+Tenth: This is the stage at which occur various other ceremonies,
+which, though themselves quite distinct from that of the big feast, and
+performed, often several of them together, when there is no big feast,
+are also, some or all of them, generally or always introduced into it,
+as being a convenient occasion for them. The ceremonies in question
+are those connected with the assumption of the perineal band, admission
+to the _emone_ and the giving of the right to carry a drum and dance,
+that of nose-piercing, and that on the devolution of chieftainship. The
+nose-piercing ceremony has already been described. The others will
+be dealt with later.
+
+Eleventh: Next comes the general distribution among the guests of the
+vegetables and fruits, including all those which have been hung up
+and displayed, as above described, and the _ine_ fruit, prepared in
+two ways, and _malage_ fruit. Every male guest who has joined in the
+real dance is, speaking generally, entitled to have a share; though
+sometimes, where there are two or three members of one family, shares
+may be given to one or two of them only, instead of to each. The chiefs
+of the community giving the feast work together in carrying out the
+distribution. The various things are collected into a number of heaps
+about the village, the number of heaps corresponding to the number
+of portions to be distributed; and each heap contains something of
+everything. Excluded from these heaps, however, are the _ine_ seeds
+which have been put on strings and preserved separately, as before
+explained. For these are erected stakes about 10 feet high, round
+which the strings of seeds are twined. The number of these stakes
+is less than the number of heaps, because they are only planted
+near to the heaps which contain none of the _ine_ fruit prepared
+the other way, so that each dancing guest gets some of this fruit,
+done in either one way or the other. Then the chiefs of the hosts'
+community stand round one of the heaps and shout wildly, calling upon
+the recipient. This may be done by name, or it may in the case of a
+chief be done by the name of a spot, say a mound or hollow, adjoining
+the village from which he comes. Here, again, priority is given first
+to chiefs, and next to important personages. The man so called upon
+comes running forward with his wife or another woman, picks up his
+vegetables and fruit, and runs back again with them. Then the chiefs
+go on to another heap, and again afterwards to the others, one by one,
+going through the same process in each case, until everything has been
+distributed. Some of the women then go back to their own villages,
+carrying with them a portion of the food which has been given to their
+husbands, but leaving the rest with the latter. Sometimes some of the
+guest men go home also. But anyone who is proposing to return to the
+village of the feast must leave some of his food, or bring food on
+his return, as no more will be given to him.
+
+Twelfth: The next stage is the collection of the village pigs. This
+may take some time, as many of them are running about in the bush,
+and have to be caught; and some of them have been agisted out as above
+mentioned, and have to be fetched. This may involve a delay of a week
+or ten days, during which most or all of the guests remain, sleeping
+in their guest houses at night, and perhaps roaming about among other
+villages in the neighbourhood by day. During this interval there is
+neither singing nor dancing.
+
+Thirteenth: The village pigs are all brought in alive, and placed under
+the houses of the village, each pig having its legs tied up and being
+tied to the house. When all is ready, the chief of the clan announces
+that the killing of the pigs will take place on the following morning.
+
+Fourteenth: The next morning all the people, both hosts and guests,
+are in the village to watch the pig-killing; and people from other
+communities, who are not guests, and will not receive any pig, come
+too. The pigs are brought out one by one, and killed by hitting them
+on the head with clubs or adzes or anything else. This is not a chiefs
+duty. There is a man who is the recognised pig-killer, and who, as
+already stated, will probably be a man of some position, though not
+either a chief or a sub-chief. Where there are many pigs, as at the
+big feast, there will be a number of other men helping him. Each pig is
+killed on the site of the burial platform which has been cut down. As
+the pigs are killed, their bodies are carried away and placed on the
+ground in a row, commencing at the end of the village enclosure, and
+forming a central line along it; and it is usual also to place upon the
+row of dead pigs a continuous line of long thin poles, laid end to end,
+which are afterwards kept tied to the _emone_ as a record of the total
+length of the line of pigs, and thus of the number of pigs killed. The
+number of pigs killed is generally very large in proportion to the
+size of the community giving the feast, much more so than is the case
+in the villages of Mekeo and the coast. It may be anything from fifty
+to over one hundred; in fact at a recent feast given by a community
+of seven villages, having between them about a hundred houses, they
+killed 135 pigs. Some chiefs of the hosts' community then take some
+of the bones (not skulls) from the big posts, and dip them into the
+mouths of the pigs, from which the blood is flowing. They have been
+seen to dip one bone into several pigs. There does not appear to be
+any method of selection of the bones to be dipped. They then touch
+with the bones which have been so dipped the skulls and all the other
+bones on the posts, which include the skulls and other special bones
+of all the chiefs and members of their families and other prominent
+people buried in and by the villages of the community since the last
+previous big feast was held there. After this all the bones are again
+hung up on the posts. I may say here in advance that, when the feast
+is over, all the bones are removed from the posts; and, the ceremony
+as regards those bones having been performed, they will never again
+be the subject of ceremonial observance. They, or some of them, may
+be hung up in the _emone_, but if so it is known that they are not
+to be used again for ceremonial purposes; or they may be put in a
+box in a tree, or hung up on a tree, not necessarily of the special
+species used for burying; or they may be simply flung away anywhere
+in the bush. Whilst the bodies of the slain pigs lie in a line, and
+before the cutting up, it is the duty of each man who has had a pig
+fed up for him to pay the man who has done so, the payment probably
+being a string of dogs' teeth, or head feather ornaments. Next, the
+hosts set to work to cut up the pigs. This is not done by a chief or
+special person, nor is there any ceremony connected with it. Each pig
+is cut into seven parts, namely, (1) the head, (2-5) the four legs,
+(6) the bowels and internal parts, and (7) the back and sides. I was
+told that each part of each pig is destined for a certain person, as
+arranged beforehand. It follows that, if there are, say, 100 pigs,
+there are 700 predestined pieces, which are known and remembered,
+though there are no means of recording them. It is difficult to believe
+the truth of this, but I was assured that it was correct. The pieces
+of each pig are placed on banana leaves, by the side of the spot where
+the body had lain, and all the pieces are distributed among the male
+guests. Everybody who has given a pig knows the length of each part
+of it, though he could not express it in numerals. Each male guest
+has a piece given to him, which, if the feast be a return feast,
+will correspond in some way, which I could not understand, with what
+he had himself provided at the previous feast. But dancers receive
+larger and better portions than do mere singers. People who have fed
+up pigs for members of the hosts' community also receive portions. In
+the distribution of pig each man is called in turn as before, and in
+the same order of priority, and runs up and gets his piece of pig, and
+runs back with it; but in this case he is not accompanied by a woman.
+
+Fifteenth: The feast is now over, and all the guests return to their
+homes, taking away with them everything that has been given to them.
+
+Sixteenth: The village has, however, to undergo a process which I may
+perhaps call purification. As soon as possible after the guests have
+gone, the men of the community go off into the bush and capture wild
+pigs, for which purpose they may have to hunt for three or four days,
+or even for a week or more. They must have at least one pig, and they
+generally have two or more, even up to six. When caught, the pigs
+are brought alive into the village, and are killed upon the site of
+the cut-down burial platform, this being done by the pig-killer. The
+pigs are then cut up and eaten by the members of the villages of the
+community, those of the village itself eating their portions there,
+and those of the other villages taking their portions away and eating
+them in their own villages. Except as regards the killing of the pigs
+on the site of the grave, the whole performance appears to be quite
+informal. After the eating of the pigs, perhaps on the same day,
+or if, as is probable, the feast lasts until late in the evening,
+then on the next day, the women of the village clear away the filthy
+mess of blood and garbage by which the village enclosure is filled,
+and sweep the enclosure from end to end with branches of trees. Then
+the bulk of the villagers leave the village and go off into the
+gardens and the bush for a period of about six months. The feast
+has denuded the village of food, including even sweet potatoes,
+to which they have had no time to attend during the period before
+the feast, and which have been used up in the feeding of the village
+pigs required for it. New gardens are needed, and therefore new bush
+has to be cut down, and the land must be cleared and planted with
+various things, and especially with sweet potato. For this purpose
+it is requisite or usual for them to build temporary houses on the
+scene of their labours, in which the people live. The old people,
+however, remain in the village, as do also some of the younger ones,
+who have to tend the gardens close to it. At the end of the period
+they all return, and village life goes on as usual. What the idea in
+the native mind may be concerning what I have called the purification
+of the village is a matter upon which I was unable to find any clue,
+beyond what may be suspected from the actual facts of the proceeding;
+but I think it probably has a superstitious origin. Although in
+theory all the village pigs have been killed and given to the guests
+at the big feast, there are always some left wandering in the bush,
+which have not been caught. These pigs are, however, never used in the
+purification ceremony, in which they always kill wild pigs only. It has
+been suggested to me that a reason for this may be that, if they killed
+village pigs, they would thereby advertise the fact that they had not
+killed and distributed all their village pigs at the big feast; but
+this hardly seems to be a satisfactory explanation. It clearly falls
+to the ground as regards present intent if, as I was told, there always
+is an unkilled residue of village pigs after a big feast. The practice
+of killing wild pigs only would seem to associate itself with the fact
+that pigs killed at this ceremony are eaten in the village itself,
+for there seems to be no doubt that among the Mafulu people village
+pigs are never eaten in their own village on ceremonial occasions;
+and indeed it seems doubtful whether they are ever eaten there at all.
+
+In fact, it appears to be a general custom in connection with all
+ceremonial feasts to which outside guests are invited, to kill village
+pigs only at the feast, and for these to be given to the guests to be
+eaten by them in their own villages, and afterwards to have a second
+feast, to which outside guests are not invited, and at which wild pigs
+are killed, and eaten by the villagers themselves within the village.
+
+The pig-killing is generally, and perhaps always, done in the morning.
+
+It is thought by the Mafulu Fathers of the Mission as regards the
+subsequent partial desertion of the village that, although it is only
+partial, and although there is a practical reason for it, it is based
+upon superstition, and is regarded by the people as being a formal
+leaving of the village, pending its complete purification.
+
+Plates 67 to 70 are reproductions of four photographs which Father
+Clauser was good enough to give me, the two former ones having been
+taken at the big feast held in the village of Amalala in the year 1909
+and the two latter prior to and at a big feast held in the village
+of Seluku.
+
+I have thought it better to avoid the insertion of frequent, and
+perhaps somewhat confusing, references to these plates in the body of
+my notes upon the feast, and to take the plates separately, drawing
+attention to what appear to be points of interest in them.
+
+Plate 67 represents the scene at Amalala immediately prior to or
+during the general distribution of vegetables and fruits (_ante_
+heading 11). A comparison of this scene with the village in its normal
+condition, as shown in Plates 56 and 57, gives some idea of the very
+extensive and elaborate preparations which are made for the feast. On
+the right hand side are seen some view platforms, and beyond them on
+the same side is a normal house. Here and there are the big posts
+surrounded with bamboo stems (notice these posts denuded of their
+bamboo appendages still remaining in the village enclosure as shown
+in Plates 56 and 57). Some of the vegetables are seen still hanging
+upon these post clusters, and near the base of two of them are seen
+the sheaves of croton leaves. There are apparently no skulls and bones
+upon the posts seen in the plate, but possibly the re-hanging of these
+had not been attended to when the photo was taken, or perhaps they had
+been suspended to other posts not shown in the photograph. Upon the
+ground are the heaps of vegetables, and close to some of these are the
+stakes round which are twined strings of seeds of the _ine_ Pandanus.
+
+Plate 68 is a photograph taken after the subsequent pig-killing, and
+shows the pigs' bodies lying in a row along the centre of the village
+enclosure, with the measuring line of poles placed above them. It
+will be noticed that the elaborate view platforms have been cleared
+away, but that the bamboo stems have not yet been removed from their
+central posts.
+
+Plate 69 represents a scene at Seluku prior to a big feast then about
+to be held. The view platforms have not yet been erected. But the post
+clusters have been erected, and the yams and croton leaves have been
+hung upon them. In the centre of the village enclosure is the chief's
+grave platform, which will be cut down during the festivities in the
+way above described.
+
+The bones of the chief are in the box-like receptacle at the top of
+the structure, and the receptacle rather further down (underneath
+the other one) contains the bones of a chief's child.
+
+Plate 70 shows five men at the Seluku feast with full dancing
+ornaments, including the great feather head ornaments. One of them has
+donned a piece of European calico, and the one to the extreme right
+appears to have done the same. These would doubtless be regarded as
+highly decorative additions. A few long thin dancing ribbons can be
+seen hanging from their belts. The elaborate carved (turtle?) shell
+ornament hanging over the breast of the man to the left is certainly
+not of Mafulu make, and has probably come from the coast. I never
+saw anything like it when I was at Mafulu. The two boys in front are
+holding the ornament of elaborately prepared strings of feathers hung
+upon a stick, and worn by dancers on their backs, and into which the
+best feathers are generally put.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+Some other Ceremonies and Feasts
+
+
+Ceremony on Birth.
+
+There is no ceremony on the birth of a child, except in the case of the
+first-born of a chief. On this occasion the women of a neighbouring
+community are invited. They come in their full dancing ornaments,
+and armed in both hands with spears and either clubs or adzes. They
+rush into the village, first to the chiefs house and then to his
+_emone_; and at each of these they make a warlike demonstration,
+actually hurling their spears at the buildings with such force that
+the spears sometimes go through the thatch of the roof. Then follows a
+distribution of vegetables among the visitors, after which one, two,
+or three village pigs are killed under a chiefs burial platform or
+on the site of a past one, cut up in the ordinary way, as at the big
+feast, given to the visitors and taken away by them, and the ceremony
+is over. There is no singing. [72]
+
+
+
+
+Ceremony on Assumption of Perineal Band.
+
+This ceremony is performed for both boys and girls, and usually for
+several at one time.
+
+The children are heavily adorned with ornaments, consisting, as
+a rule, chiefly of dogs' teeth, which are hung round their necks,
+or over their foreheads; and they usually have belts of dogs' teeth
+round their waists. Any persons may decorate the children.
+
+Prior to the ceremony a number of box-like receptacles are erected in
+the village by the children's relatives, there being one receptacle
+for each child for whom the ceremony is to be performed. These
+receptacles are made with upright corner poles 8 or 10 feet high,
+boxed in with cross-pieces of wood up to a height of 5 or 6 feet. In
+these receptacles are put yams and taro, upon their upright poles are
+hung bananas and upon their cross-pieces of wood are hung lengths of
+sugar-cane; all this being done by the families of the children.
+
+Guests are invited from some other community or communities. There is
+a dance, in which only people from outside communities take part. A
+village pig must be provided by the family of each child. Each
+of these pigs is killed by the pig-killer under a chiefs platform
+grave, or, if no such platform then exists, upon the site of one,
+and is cut up. Before the cutting-up, however, the child in each
+case stands upon the body of the pig, and whilst he so stands he
+is dressed with a feather ornament put over his head, but which,
+instead of being tied up in the usual way at the back of the head,
+is left with the ends hanging down over his shoulders. The putting
+on of this ornament is not a chiefs duty, but is done for each child
+by a certain person who has bought the pig from that child's family.
+
+Plate 71 shows a little girl upon whom the perineal band ceremony has
+just been performed. She has a string of dogs' teeth over her forehead,
+and a belt of dogs' teeth round her waist, an enormous crescent-shell
+ornament, some long pigtails, and on her head is the feather ornament,
+which hangs down at the sides over her shoulders. Plate 72 is a scene
+taken at the feast held in connection with the performance of the
+ceremony upon her and some other children.
+
+I could not find out who the person who buys the pig and performs the
+ceremony would ordinarily be, nor what motive he has for buying and
+paying for a pig which is about to be killed and cut up and distributed
+amongst other people; and I am convinced that there must be something
+further behind the matter, which I have been unable to ascertain. I
+may say that, knowing that among the Roro and Mekeo people a brother
+or other male relative of the child's mother takes a prominent part
+in the perineal band ceremony, being the recipient of the dog or
+pig which is killed, and the person who puts the band upon the boy,
+I specially enquired as to any similar relationship on the part
+of the person who buys the pig and performs the ceremony among the
+Mafulu, but I could find no trace of anything of the sort. [73] Nor,
+as already stated, could I find any system of service being rendered
+by a boy to his maternal uncle, such as exists among the Koita, [74]
+nor anything in the nature of the Koita _Heni_ ceremony, described
+by Dr. Seligmann. [75]
+
+It will be seen that this purchasing of the pig by a person who takes
+a prominent part in the ceremony affecting an individual appears in
+other ceremonies of that nature among the Mafulu.
+
+Following this performance there is a general distribution among
+the people, including both visitors and members of the village,
+of the various vegetables and fruits, and among the visitors only
+of the portions of village pig. The vegetables are eaten then and
+there, but the visitors take away the pig for eating in their own
+villages. The actual putting on by the child of his perineal band is
+done afterwards without further ceremony.
+
+The same ceremony is observed in the case of the son or daughter of a
+chief, except that in this case the child is more fully decorated, the
+family give two or more pigs, there are more visitors, and the whole
+ceremony is on a larger scale; also that, after the performance of
+standing on the dead pig and receiving the feather ornament, the child
+is placed standing on a platform, which may be only 5 or 6 feet high,
+but may be as much as 15 feet, though no further ceremony appears to
+be performed whilst it is on that platform. If children of ordinary
+people undergo the ceremony at the same time as a chief's child,
+they apparently stand on the platform also.
+
+When the ceremony is performed at a big feast, it is substantially
+the same as that above described, subject to certain variations,
+which almost naturally arise from the change of conditions. There is
+no special dancing, as distinguished from the dancing programme of
+the big feast. The vegetable food provided will be included in the
+general stock, so that the people of the village will not share in
+it; and the ceremony of standing on the pig is postponed till a later
+day, and on that day, the child, having worn his special ornaments,
+other than the feather ornament, at the big feast, will not again
+wear them when he stands on the pig, though his feather ornament is
+put upon him on that later day.
+
+It may be mentioned that this perineal band ceremony and all the
+other ceremonies relating personally to both children and adults, if
+not performed at a big feast, may be performed together, the people
+concerned in each ceremony being taken more or less in batches; and
+indeed this generally is so. But in that case each class of ceremony
+would be performed separately. One person may have more than one
+ceremony performed for him on the same occasion, but if so a separate
+pig must be provided in respect of each of these ceremonies, and there
+must be a separate receptacle and a separate supply of food in respect
+of each of them, though it does not follow that the total amount of
+food to be provided, other than pig, is proportionately increased.
+
+At a subsequent date there will be a purification ceremony, at which
+a wild pig or pigs will be killed and eaten by the villagers; though,
+if the perineal band ceremony has taken place during a big feast,
+the purification ceremony in connection with the latter will be the
+only one to take place.
+
+There is no system of seclusion of either boys or girls on attaining
+puberty, or in connection with initiation, or on attaining a
+marriageable age. Nor is there any initiation ceremony, or wearing
+of ceremonial masks, or use of bull-roarers. The custom by which
+chiefs' children, when assuming the perineal band, are made to stand
+on a platform reminds one, however, of the Hood Peninsular custom
+for girls to stand on a dubu platform for the initiation ceremony,
+as referred to by Dr. Seligmann. [76]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Ceremony on Admission to Emone.
+
+Both boys and girls must undergo a ceremony before being allowed
+to enter the _emone_. It generally takes place when they are two,
+three, or four years old. The preliminary decoration of the child
+is similar to that adopted for the perineal band ceremony, except
+that, if the child has lost either of its parents, this decoration is
+omitted. The erection of receptacles and provision of food and pigs,
+and the invitation of guests and dancing, and the killing of the pigs
+are the same as in the case of the other ceremony; also each child
+has to stand on the pig which his people provide for him.
+
+There is, however, no putting on of a feather ornament, but instead
+of it the following performance takes place:--Each child has been
+carried by its mother or father or other relative, but is taken from
+that person by the man who has bought the pig. This man places the
+child on the dead pig; then he immediately picks the child up again,
+and runs with it to one of the _emone_, upon the platform of which two
+rows of men are sitting, and hands it to the man at the end of one of
+the rows. The child is then rapidly passed from hand to hand along
+that row, and then along the other row, after which it is returned
+to its carrier, who runs with it to the other _emone_, on which
+also two rows of men are sitting, and where a similar performance
+takes place. During all this performance there is much shouting and
+calling out to the child-carrier to hurry. Finally, when the child
+is again handed back to this man, he returns it to its parents,
+and the ceremony is finished.
+
+The ceremony in the case of a chief's child seems to be the same as
+that for other children, the platform business of the perineal band
+ceremony being apparently omitted in this case.
+
+If the ceremony is performed at a big feast, the variations are
+substantially similar to those of the perineal band ceremony; and in
+particular the placing of the child on the pig, and the running with
+it to the _emone_, are postponed to a later date.
+
+The observations as to the subsequent purification in connection with
+the perineal band ceremony apply to this ceremony also.
+
+It will be noticed that girls are included in this admission to the
+_emone_. When a girl has undergone the admission ceremony she has free
+entry into the _emone_--except that she must not sleep there--until
+she formally receives her perineal band, upon which her permission
+to enter the _emone_ ceases.
+
+
+Ceremony Conferring Right to Use Drum and Dance.
+
+This ceremony also applies to both boys and girls; but I omitted to
+ascertain the age at which it usually occurs. It is similar to the
+perineal band ceremony, except that the child is dressed in dance
+ornaments (though not the fullest formal dance ornaments), until we
+reach the stage of standing on the pig, and putting on of the feather
+ornament, which is omitted; and, instead of it, the person who has
+bought the pig places the child upon it, and then for a short time
+beats a drum, after which he gives the drum to the child, who also
+beats it, and then returns it to him.
+
+I cannot say whether in this case there is any variation of the
+ceremony as regards a chief's child; but I do not think there is.
+
+Here again I believe that, when the ceremony takes place at a big
+feast, the variations are similar to those above described, and in
+particular the standing on the pig and drum-beating are postponed.
+
+The observations as to the subsequent purification in connection with
+the perineal band ceremony apply to this one also.
+
+
+Ceremony on Devolution of Chieftainship
+
+When chieftainship devolves on the death of a chief to his successor,
+there is no ceremony connected with the devolution. [77]
+
+When a chief resigns in his lifetime, however, there is a
+ceremony. There does not appear to be a special dance and feast
+connected with this, it being always tacked on to some other ceremony
+or group of ceremonies. This particular ceremony does not, in fact,
+begin until after the pig-killing. The retiring chief will have
+provided one or more pigs for the purpose of his ceremony, and these
+will have been killed with the others. He addresses the people and
+tells them that he is giving up his office and transferring it to his
+successor; but in doing so he says nothing about that successor's title
+to succeed, that being always known and recognised. He then sits on
+his pig, and hands to his successor a bamboo knife, such as is used
+for the cutting up of pigs. The successor, having received the knife,
+takes the place of the retiring chief on the pig, and tells the people
+that he accepts the office of chief; after which he goes round to all
+the pigs which are there in connection with all the various ceremonies
+to be gone through, one after another, and in each case makes with
+the knife just given to him a small slit at the end of the mouth
+of each pig. [78] This act is regarded as a performance by the new
+chief of a chiefs office; and, as under present customs the killing
+of the pig is commonly done by the pig-killer, and the cutting of it
+up is done by anybody, one is tempted to wonder whether the ceremony
+points to some chief's duty of the past, which has ceased to exist,
+or to some unknown origin of the status of the pig-killer.
+
+
+Ceremony on Building of a New Emone.
+
+The usual occasion for the building of a new _emone_ is an impending
+big feast, the then existing _emone_ in the village being out of
+repair, or there being then no true _emone_ in the village. But _emone_
+are built at other times also.
+
+The actual building of the _emone_ is carried out by the whole clan
+without ceremony; but when it is finished they erect tall slender
+straight-stemmed tree poles, passing through the roof of the _emone_,
+and to these they tie bunches of croton leaves. When the _emone_ is
+being built in anticipation of a big feast, these poles are like,
+and in fact are part of the series of, the poles erected for the
+purpose of the feast, as above described. Croton leaves are also
+attached to poles after the repairing of a then existing _emone_.
+
+In the case of a new _emone_, after its completion they light a fire
+in it, and in that fire cook a wild pig; vegetable food is provided,
+and the clan, including members of the village and of other villages,
+have a little clan feast of the vegetables, followed by a cutting up
+and distribution of the pig. But there is no dancing.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+Matrimonial and Sexual
+
+A boy is regarded as having reached a marriageable age at about 16,
+17, or 18, and the age for a girl is a few years younger. They do
+not as a rule marry before they have received their perineal bands;
+but there does not appear to be any definite custom against their
+doing so; nor are there any acts which must be performed to qualify
+for marriage, nor any indications by dress or ornament or otherwise
+that a boy or girl has attained a marriageable age.
+
+Marriages are usually contracted with women of another community,
+though sometimes the wife will belong to a village of another clan
+in the same community. Very rarely only is she of another village of
+the same clan, and still more rarely is she of the same village, clan
+exogamy being the rule, and marriages within the clan, and still more
+within the village, being regarded as irregular and undesirable, and
+people who have contracted them being considered as having done wrong.
+
+There does not appear to be any system of special matrimonial
+relationship between any communities; and the mode described below, by
+which a youth will by lighting a fire decide in which direction he must
+travel to seek a wife, would be hardly consistent with any such system.
+
+They have their prohibitive rules of consanguinity; but these are
+based merely upon the number of generations between either party and
+the common ancestor. The number of degrees within which prohibition
+applies in this way is two, thus taking it to the grandparent; and
+the result is that no man or woman may properly marry any descendant
+of his or her paternal or maternal grandfather or grandmother, however
+distant the actual relationship of the persons concerned may be. [79]
+Marriages within the prohibited degree do in fact occur; but they
+are discountenanced, and are rare.
+
+Polygyny is usual, and is largely practised. A man will often have
+two or three, or sometimes even four, wives; and a chief or rich man
+may have as many as six. In the case of an ordinary person the wives
+all live with their husband in the same house; but a chief or rich
+person may have two or more houses. A man who is already married, and
+then marries again, goes through a formality, if it may be so called,
+similar to that of a first marriage. Opposition from the first wife
+sometimes occurs, but this is unusual.
+
+Infant betrothals are common; but they are quite informal, and not the
+subject of any ceremony. The parents in such cases, whether of the same
+or different communities, are usually intimate friends, and are thus
+led to offer their children to each other for intermarriage. There
+is a known case of a girl of 16 or 17 years of age, who was what
+I can only call betrothed to the unborn son of a chief. A curious
+element in this case was that at the date, prior to the birth of
+the proposed husband, of what I call the betrothal, the price for
+the girl was actually paid--a thing which is never done till the
+marriage--and that, as I was most solemnly assured, the living girl
+and the unborn boy were in fact regarded, not merely as betrothed,
+but as actually married, and that, when the boy died, which he did in
+infancy, long before marital relationship between them was possible,
+the girl was regarded as being a widow. I could not ascertain what
+happened as regards the price which had been paid for the girl. A
+couple betrothed in childhood are not subject to any restrictions
+as to meeting and mutual companionship, nor is there any mutual
+avoidance, nor any increased probability, based on their betrothal,
+of immorality between them; though in the more usual case of betrothal
+between children of different communities they in ordinary course
+are not likely to be constantly seeing each other.
+
+A young man will speak of his sweetheart, present or prospective,
+as his _ojande_, which means his "flower"; and this is so even if he
+does not yet know her; and, when asked where he is going, he will
+reply that he is going to seek an _ojande_. If he is not already
+betrothed, and is matrimonially inclined, he has various expedients
+for accomplishing his desires. A boy who wants to marry, and does not
+know where to seek a wife, will sometimes light a fire in the bush,
+or better still in an open space (not in the village), when the air is
+still, and wait until a slight breeze blows the flame or smoke a little
+in some one direction; and he will then select a community or village
+which lies in that direction as the spot in which to seek a wife.
+
+A boy will often carry in a small bag (this does not refer to the
+special small charm bag already described) some pieces of wood and
+stone, and will rub a piece of tobacco between two of these, and send
+this tobacco to the girl of his choice through a female relative of
+hers or some other friend; and he believes that in some mysterious way
+this will draw her heart towards him, and make her accept him. The
+pieces of wood and stone need not be of any particular kind; but he
+will have carried them for a considerable time, until they have,
+as he thinks, acquired the specific odour of his body; and it is
+then that they have obtained their special power. It is impossible
+to induce a boy to part with a piece of wood or stone which has been
+so seasoned by time, and would take long to replace. Sometimes a boy
+will acquire these things by purchase from a magic man, who professes
+to be able to impart to them a more effective power.
+
+A proposal of marriage is usually made by the boy through some female
+relative of the girl, or other suitable person, and not directly by
+him to the girl herself.
+
+Another custom may be mentioned here, though it only relates to a man
+who is already married, but wants another wife or wives. In clearing
+the bush for yam gardens it is usual, as regards the smaller trees,
+to cut away the side branches only, leaving the main trunks for posts
+up which the yams will climb; but the man in question will in the
+case of one (only one) of these smaller trees leave uncut one, two,
+or three of the upper branches, the number so left being the number
+of the wives he desires; and everyone understands its meaning.
+
+As regards the relationship of unmarried boys and girls generally,
+they are allowed to associate together, without any special precautions
+to prevent misconduct, and a good deal of general immorality exists.
+
+The marriage ceremony, following a parental betrothal, or with
+parental acquiescence, is a very informal matter, and in fact both
+the bargaining for the wife and the ceremony of the marriage are
+in striking contrast to the elaborate system of bargaining and mock
+raiding by the girl's family, and the wedding ceremonies, which are
+adopted in Mekeo. A day is fixed for the marriage, and on that day the
+boy goes to the house of the girl's parents, after which he and she
+and her parents go to the house of the boy's parents, and the girl
+is paid for then and there. After this the young people immediately
+live together as a married couple in the house of either his or her
+parents, until he has been able to build a house for himself. Neither
+are there any special ceremonies in connection with the fixing of
+the price. This is generally very small. Dogs' teeth, pearl shell,
+necklaces, adzes, etc., are the usual things in which it is paid; but
+there is always a pig, which has been killed under, or on the site of,
+the grave platform above referred to. The price, in fact, depends upon
+the position and wealth of the girl's parents, except that there is
+always only one pig. The price is paid to the father of the girl, or,
+if dead, to her eldest brother or other nearest male paternal relative.
+
+A runaway marriage is still simpler. The boy has proposed to the girl
+through her friend, and she has consented; and they simply run off
+into the bush together, and remain in the bush, or the gardens, or a
+distant village, until the boy's friends have succeeded in propitiating
+the girl's father, and the price has been paid; and then the couple
+return to the village.
+
+After marriage, the husband and wife are not as a rule faithful to
+each other, the marriage tie being only slight. Adultery on the part
+of the wife, but not of the husband, is regarded as a serious offence,
+if discovered. The injured husband will beat the guilty wife, and
+is entitled to kill the man with whom she has misconducted herself,
+and will usually do so; though nowadays he often dares not do so in
+districts where he fears Government punishment. Sometimes he will be
+content if the adulterer pays him a big price, say a pig; and this
+compensation is now commonly accepted in districts where the husband
+dares not kill. In either case, the husband generally keeps the wife.
+
+Formal divorce or separation does not exist. A husband who wants to get
+rid of his wife will make her life so miserable that she runs away from
+him. But more usually the separation originates with the wife, who, not
+liking or being tired of her husband, or being in love elsewhere, will
+run away and elope altogether with another man. In such a case, the
+husband may retaliate on that other man in the way already mentioned;
+but that is rather the method adopted in cases of incidental adultery,
+and as a rule, when the wife actually elopes, she and her paramour go
+off to some other community, and the husband submits to the loss. He
+will, however, claim from the wife's people the price which he paid
+for her on his marriage. This is sometimes paid, but not always; and,
+as the wife almost always belongs to another clan, and generally
+to another community, the refusal to pay this claim is one of the
+frequent causes of fighting, the members of the husband's clan,
+and often the whole community, joining him in a punitive expedition.
+
+When a man dies, or at all events after the removal by the widow
+of her mourning, she goes back to her own people, generally taking
+with her any of their young children who are then living in the
+house. There is no devolution of the wife to the husband's brother,
+or anything of that nature. Nor, in case of the death of the wife,
+does the husband marry her sister.
+
+Speaking of the people generally, it may certainly be said that sexual
+morality among men, women, boys and girls is very low; and there is
+no punishment for immorality, except as above stated.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+Killing, Cannibalism, and Warfare
+
+
+Killing.
+
+Individual killing in personal quarrel, as distinguished from
+slaying in warfare, is exceedingly rare, except in cases of revenge
+upon adulterers. In these cases, however, it is regarded as the
+appropriate punishment; and even the family of the adulterer would
+hardly retaliate, if satisfied as to his guilt. There is no system of
+head-hunting, or of killing victims in connection with any ceremonies,
+or of burying alive, [80] or of killing old and sick people, though
+the ceremonial blow on the head of a reputed dying man must sometimes
+be premature.
+
+Abortion and infanticide, however, are exceedingly common, the
+more usual practice being that of procuring abortion. Although
+sexual immorality so largely exists, and young unmarried women and
+girls are known to indulge in it so freely, and it is not seriously
+reprobated, it is regarded as a disgrace for one to give birth to
+a child; and if she gets into trouble she will procure abortion or
+kill the child. The same thing is also common among married women,
+on the ground that they do not wish to have more children. There is
+another cause for this among married women, which is peculiar. A woman
+must not give birth to a child until she has given a pig to a village
+feast; and if she does so it will be a matter of reproach to her. If,
+therefore, she finds herself about to have a child, and there is no
+festal opportunity for her to give a pig, or if, though there be a
+feast, she cannot afford to give a pig, she will probably procure
+abortion or kill the child when born. I was told by Father Chabot,
+the Father Superior of the Mission, that among the neighbouring Kuni
+people a woman would kill her child for extraordinary reasons; and he
+furnished an example of this in a woman who killed her child so that
+she might use her milk for suckling a young pig, which was regarded
+as being more important. Whether such a thing would occur in Mafulu
+appears to be doubtful; but it is quite possible, more especially as
+the Mafulu women do, in fact, suckle pigs.
+
+Abortion is induced by taking the heavy stone mallet used for bark
+cloth beating, and striking the woman on the front of the body over
+the womb. It is also assisted by the wearing of the tight cane belt
+already mentioned. I could not hear of any system of using drugs
+or herbs to procure abortion; but herbs are used to produce general
+sterility, which they are believed to be effective in doing.
+
+Married women also often kill their children as the result of a
+sort of superstitious ceremony. The child being born, the mother,
+in accordance with the custom of the country, goes down to the
+river, and throws the placenta into it. She then, however, often
+takes a little water from the river, and gives it to the babe. If
+the latter seems by the movements of its lips and tongue to accept
+and take the water into its mouth, it is a sign that it is to live,
+and it is allowed to do so. If not, it is a sign that it is to
+die, and she throws it into the river. This custom, which is quite
+common, has presumably had a superstitious origin, and it seems to
+be practised with superstitious intent now. There appears, however,
+to be no doubt that it is also followed for the purpose of keeping
+or killing the child, according to the wish of the mother. There is
+further, confirming the last statement, a well-known practice, when
+the mother goes down to the river with her baby, for some other woman,
+who is childless and desires a child, to accompany the mother, and
+take from her and adopt the baby; and as to this, there is no doubt
+that, before doing so, the woman ascertains from the mother whether
+or not she intends to keep her child, and only goes with her to the
+river if she does not intend to keep it. This is done quite openly,
+with the full knowledge of the second woman's husband and friends;
+and everyone knows that the child is not really hers, and how she
+acquired it. [81]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Cannibalism.
+
+There is no doubt that the Mafulu people have always been cannibals,
+and are so still, subject now to the fear in which they hold the
+controlling authority of the white man, and which impels such of them
+as are in close touch with the latter to indulge in their practice
+only in secrecy. Their cannibalism has been, and is, however, of a
+restricted character. They do not kill for the purpose of eating;
+and they only eat bodies of people who have been intentionally
+killed, not the bodies of those who have been killed by accident,
+or died a natural death. Also the victim eaten is always a member
+of another community. The killing which is followed by eating is
+always a hostile killing in fight; but this fight may be either a
+personal and individual one, or it may be a community battle. The
+idea of eating the body appears to be a continued act of hostility,
+rather than one of gastronomic enjoyment; and I could learn nothing
+of any belief as to acquiring the valour and power of the deceased
+by eating him. I was informed that the man who has killed the victim
+will never himself share in the eating of him, this being the case
+both as regards people killed in private personal fighting and those
+killed in war. [82] I tried to find out if there were any ceremonies
+connected with the eating of human flesh; but could learn nothing upon
+the subject, the natives being naturally not readily communicative
+with white men on the matter.
+
+
+
+
+
+Warfare.
+
+Warfare generally occurs between one community or section of a
+community (probably a clan) and another community or section of one; it
+very rarely occurs within a community. Sometimes two communities join
+together in opposition to a third one; but alliances of this sort are
+usually only of a temporary character. War among these people is now,
+of course, forbidden by the British authorities, and indulgence in it
+is a serious punishable offence; but it cannot be said to be abolished.
+
+The usual ground for an attack is either that some member of the
+attacked community or section of a community has by personal violence
+or by spirit-supported sorcery killed a member of the attacking
+community or section, or it is of the matrimonial character above
+explained. The underlying idea of the war is a life for a life; and in
+the matrimonial matter one life is the sum of vengeance required. Hence
+the primary object of an attack has usually been accomplished when
+the attacking party has killed one of their opponents. If there are
+two or more persons whose deaths have to be avenged, a corresponding
+number of lives is required in the battle. Then the attacking party
+may suffer loss during the fight, in which case this has to be added
+to the account; and loss by the attacked is introduced into the other
+side of it to their credit. The number killed in a battle is not,
+however, often great.
+
+When the required vengeance has been accomplished, the attacking party
+usually cease fighting and return home, if the enemy allow them to
+do so. They may retire before their vengeance has been accomplished;
+but in that case they are probably doing so as a defeated party, with
+the intention of renewing the attack on a subsequent occasion. If
+the attacking party cease fighting and try to return, the enemy may
+continue their counter attack, especially if they have themselves
+suffered loss in the fighting; but I was told that the enemy would
+not as a rule follow the attacking party far into the bush. It may be
+that what is regarded by the attackers as a correct balance of lives
+struck, on which they may retire, is not so regarded by the enemy,
+in which case the latter may try to prolong the fight; and, if the
+attackers get away, there will probably be a retaliatory expedition,
+in which the position of attackers and attacked is reversed. The
+primary idea of a life for a life is, however, generally understood
+and acknowledged; and if the enemy recognise the truth of the alleged
+reason for the attack, and have not lost more life than was required
+to balance the account, they usually rest satisfied with the result.
+
+No ceremony or taboo appears to be adopted in anticipation of proposed
+hostilities for the purpose of securing success; but individual
+fighters often wear charms, upon whose efficacy they rely. Nor do
+there appear to be any omens in connection with them other than
+certain general ones to be referred to hereafter. The preparations
+for a fight and its conduct can hardly be regarded as subjects of
+much organisation, as the chiefs are not war chiefs, and there are
+no recognised permanent leaders or commanders of the forces, and no
+recognised war councils or systematic organisation, either of the
+fighting party or of the conduct of the fight. All adult males of
+the community engaged are expected to take part, and the leadership
+will generally fall upon someone who at the moment is regarded as a
+strong and wise fighter.
+
+The men start off on their expedition as an armed, but unorganised,
+body, their arms being spears, bows and arrows, [83] clubs, adzes
+and shields, and none of their weapons being poisoned. During their
+progress to the enemy's community they are generally singing, and their
+song relates to the grievance the avenging of which is the object of
+the expedition. The warriors do not, I was told, as a rule carry a full
+supply of provisions, as they rely largely upon what they can find in
+the bush, and what they hope to raid from their enemy's plantations. On
+reaching the scene of battle they adopt methods of spying and scouting
+and sentry duty, though only on simple and unscientific lines. They
+have apparently no generally recognised systems of signs of truce or
+truce envoys or hostages. There are certain recognised cries, which
+respectively signify the killing of a man and the taking of a prisoner,
+by which, when such an event occurs, the fighters on both sides are
+aware of it. An enemy wounded on the battlefield may be killed at
+once or may be taken prisoner. All prisoners, wounded or otherwise,
+are taken home by the party that secures them, and are then killed,
+apparently without any prior torture, and generally eaten. A prisoner
+thus carried off would be regarded as a man killed, which in fact he
+shortly will be. The women of a community follow their fighting men
+in the expedition, their duty being to encourage the fighters on the
+way out, and during the fight, by their singing; but they remain in
+the rear during the battle, and do not actually fight. These women,
+of course, also run the risk of being killed or wounded or taken
+prisoners.
+
+Fighting between two communities may go on intermittently for
+years. Then perhaps the communities may get mutually weary of it,
+and decide to make peace. This act is ratified by an exchange between
+the two communities of ceremonial visits, with feasts and pig-killing,
+but no dancing, the pigs and vegetables and fruit distributed by the
+hosts among the visitors on the return visit being exactly similar
+in character and quantity to what the latter have given the former
+on the prior visit.
+
+The Mafulu war spears are made out of a very hard-wooded palm tree and
+another hard red-wooded tree, the name of which I do not know. They
+are round in section, tapering at both ends, and are generally from
+10 to 12 feet long, and about three-quarters of an inch in diameter at
+the widest part. There are three forms of point. The first (Plate 73,
+Fig. 1) is simply a tapering off in round section. The second (Plate
+73, Fig. 2) is made square in section for a distance of 2 to 2 1/2 feet
+from the tip. The third (Plate 73, Fig. 3) is in section a triangle,
+of which two sides are equal and the other side is a little larger,
+this triangular form being carried for a foot or less from the tip,
+and the larger surface being barbed bilaterally. This last-mentioned
+form is also generally decorated with a little tuft of bright-coloured
+feathers, just above the point where the barbing begins.
+
+The bows (Plate 74, Fig. 1) are made of split bamboo, the convex
+side of the bow being the inner section of the split bamboo. These
+bows are quite short, generally about 4 feet long when straightened
+out, and have triangular-shaped knobs at the ends for holding the
+bowstrings. The bowstrings are made of what appears to be strong split
+canes (not sugar-canes). The arrows (Plate 73, Fig. 4) are from 6 to
+8 feet long, which is extraordinary in comparison with the length
+of the bows, and are made in two parts, the shaft being made of a
+strong reed, and the point, which is inserted into the reed shaft and
+is generally a foot or more long, being single and round-sectioned,
+and made of the same materials as are used for spears. There are no
+feathers or equivalents of feathers, and the shaft end of the arrow
+is cut square and not notched.
+
+The clubs (Plate 75, Figs, 1 and 2) are stone-headed, the heads being
+of the pineapple and disc types; but these heads are the same as those
+used on the plains and coast, whose people, in fact, get them from
+the mountains, and as these are so well-known, it is not necessary
+for me to describe them.
+
+The adzes (Plate 75, Fig. 4) are of the usual type, the stone blade
+being lashed directly on to the handle. There are two common forms. In
+one, which is also used for ordinary adze work, the haft is cut from
+a natural branch, with the angle of the head part set obliquely. In
+the other, which is also used for cutting timber, the haft is cut
+from a branch with the angle of the head part set at right angles,
+or nearly so. I do not know to what extent this second form is common
+in New Guinea. It is not found in Mekeo.
+
+The shields (Plate 74, Figs. 2 and 3) are thick, heavy, cumbrous
+weapons, made out of the wood used for making wooden dishes. The outer
+surfaces are convex, and the inner ones concave, the natural convexity
+of the circular trunk of the tree from which they are made being
+retained. These shields are 4 1/2 to 5 feet long, and usually about
+15 or 16 inches wide in the broadest central part, getting somewhat
+narrower towards the two ends, where they are rounded off. Each shield
+has two strong cane handles in the centre of its internal concave
+side, each of which handles is fixed by means of two pairs of holes
+bored through the shield, and of thongs which are passed through
+these holes and attached to the ends of the handles. The shields are
+carried by passing the left arm through the upper handle downwards,
+the left hand holding the lower handle.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+Hunting, Fishing and Agriculture
+
+
+Hunting.
+
+This is engaged in more or less all the year round, especially
+as regards wild pigs when wanted for village killing. The animals
+chiefly hunted are pigs, kangaroos, wallabies, the "Macgregor bear,"
+[84] large snakes, cassowaries and other birds.
+
+The hunting weapons and contrivances used are spears, bows and arrows,
+nets and traps; but adzes and clubs are used in connection with
+net hunting. The spears are those used for war. The bows and arrows
+employed for hunting animals and cassowaries are also the same as
+those used for war; but these are not much used. For bird-shooting
+(excluding cassowary-shooting) they generally use arrows (Plate 73,
+Fig. 5) the points of which are made of four rather fine pieces of
+bamboo cane, closely bound together at the place of insertion into
+the reed shaft, and also bound together further down, but with a
+piece of stick or some other material inserted between them inside
+this second binding, so as to keep them a little apart and make them
+spread outwards, thus producing a four-pronged point. The arrows vary
+in length from 5 to 6 or 7 feet, and their points vary from 4 to 10
+inches. The adzes and clubs are the same as those used for war.
+
+The people generally hunt in large parties for pigs (hunted with
+either spears or nets), kangaroos and wallabies (hunted with nets
+only), and Macgregor bears, cassowaries, and big snakes (hunted with
+spears only). The hunters may be members of a single village or of a
+whole community. They generally return home on the same day, except
+when hunting the Macgregor bear, which is only found on the tops of
+high mountains, and so requires a longer expedition. They usually
+take out with them large numbers of young boys, who are not armed,
+and do not take part in the actual killing, but who, when the party
+reaches the hunting ground, spread out in the bush, and so find the
+animals. While doing this the boys bark like dogs. Sometimes dogs
+are taken instead, but this is unusual, as they have not many dogs.
+
+A preliminary ceremony is performed by a person whose special duty
+it is, and who, I think, is usually the pig-killer. He takes a
+particular kind of fragrant grass, makes an incantation over it,
+rubs it on the noses of the dogs (if there are any), [85] and then
+ties it in several portions to the meshes of the net to be used. If
+there are dogs, but no net, then, after rubbing the dogs' noses,
+he throws the grass away. If there is a net, but no clogs, then,
+after making the incantation, he ties the grass on to the net as
+above mentioned. This appears to be the only ceremony in connection
+with hunting; and there is no food or other taboo associated with it,
+but some of the charms worn are intended to give success in hunting.
+
+In spear hunting, when children and not dogs are employed, the children
+shout as soon as the animal has been found, and then retreat; and,
+when the animal has been found by either children or dogs, the hunting
+men attack it with their spears, if possible surrounding it.
+
+In net hunting, which of course can only be adopted in fairly open
+spaces, the hunters place their net by means of pole supports in the
+form of a crescent, perhaps as much as 50 or 60 yards long, this
+length, however, requiring several nets put end to end together,
+and 2 or 3 feet high. The net is generally put across the base of a
+narrow ravine, or across a narrow ridge, these being the routes along
+which the animals usually travel. The children or dogs search for
+the animal, as in spear hunting; and when it is found, most of the
+hunters place themselves in a crescent-shaped formation behind the
+animal, so that it is between them and the net, and then gradually
+close in upon it, and so drive it into the net. Behind the net are
+other hunters, more or less hidden, who kill the animal with club or
+adze when it is caught in the net. They sometimes use spears in the
+event of an animal jumping over the net, and so trying to escape;
+though in net hunting the spears are more especially carried for
+purposes of self-defence in case of an attack by the animal.
+
+There is always an enormous amount of shouting all through the
+hunt. When the animal has been caught, they generally kill it then and
+there, except as regards pigs required alive for village ceremony,
+and which are disabled, but not killed. The huntings, except when
+pigs are specially required, are usually general; and when any sort
+of animal has been killed the hunters are content. They surround the
+beast, and make three loud shouting screams, by which the people of the
+village or community know, not only that an animal has been killed,
+but also what the animal is. It is then brought home, and eaten by
+the whole village, if the hunt be a village hunt, or by the community,
+if it be a community hunt.
+
+Individual hunting, in which I include hunts by parties of two or
+three, is also common. Solitary hunters are generally only searching
+for birds (not cassowaries); but parties of two or three will go after
+larger game, such as pigs, cassowaries, etc. Such parties hunt the
+larger game with spears, clubs and adzes, and shoot the birds, other
+than cassowaries, with bows and arrows. They kill their victims as
+they can, and bring them home; and they, and probably some of their
+friends, eat them.
+
+Trap hunting is much engaged in by single individuals. A common form
+of trap used for pigs is a round hole about 6 feet deep and 2 feet in
+diameter, which is dug in the ground anywhere in the usual tracks of
+the pigs, and is covered over with rotten wood, upon which grass is
+spread; and into this hole the pig falls and cannot get out. The maker
+of the hole does not necessarily stay by it, but will visit it from
+time to time in the hope of having caught a pig. Small tree-climbing
+animals are often caught by a plan based upon the inclination of an
+animal, seeing a continuous line, to go along it. A little pathway
+of sticks is laid along the ground, commencing near a suitable tree,
+and carried up to the base of that tree, and then taken up the trunk,
+and along a branch, on which it terminates, the parts upon the tree
+being bound to it with cane. At the branch termination of this path
+is either a noose trap, made out of a piece of native string tied at
+one end to the branch, and having at the other end a running noose in
+which the animal is caught, or a very primitive baitless framework
+trap, so made that the animal, having once got into it, cannot get
+out again. Or instead of a trap, the man will erect a small rough
+platform upon the same tree, upon which platform he waits, perhaps
+all night, until the animal comes, and then shoots it with his bow
+and arrow. Another form of trap for small animals is a sort of alley
+along the ground, fenced in on each side by a palisading of sticks,
+and having at its end a heavy overhanging piece of wood, supported
+by an easily moved piece of stick, which the animal, after passing
+along the alley, disturbs, so bringing down the piece of wood on to
+the top of it; this trap also has no bait. Large snakes are caught
+in nooses attached to the ground or hanging from trees.
+
+Birds of all kinds, except cassowaries, are killed with bows and
+arrows. There is also a method of killing certain kinds of birds of
+paradise which dance on branches of trees, and certain other kinds
+and bower birds, which dance on the ground, [86] by means of nooses
+as above described, these being tied to the branch of the tree,
+or, in the case of ground nooses, tied to a stick or something in
+the ground. The natives know the spots where the birds are dancing,
+and place the noose traps there. Another method of killing birds is
+adopted on narrow forest-covered ridges of the mountains. An open
+space or passage about 2 or 3 yards wide is cut in the bush, across
+the ridge; and across this passage are suspended three parallel nets,
+the inner or central one being of a close and impassable mesh, and the
+two outer ones having a mesh so far open that a bird striking against
+it can get through. These nets are made of very fine material, and so
+are not easily seen, especially as they are more or less in shade from
+the trees on each side of the passage. A bird flying from the valley
+on either side towards the ridge is attracted by this open passage,
+and flies into and along it; it strikes against one of the more open
+outer nets, and gets through it, but is confused and bewildered,
+and so is easily stopped by the central close-meshed net, where it
+is shot with bow and arrow.
+
+
+Fishing.
+
+Fishing is carried on by the Mafulu people by means of weirs placed
+across streams, the weirs having open sluices with intercepting nets,
+and smaller nets being used to catch such fish as escape the big
+ones. They do not fish with spears, hooks, or bows and arrows, or
+with fishing lines, as is done in Mekeo; and even their weir and net
+systems are different from the Mekeo ones. Fishing with them is more
+or less communistic, as it is generally engaged in by parties of ten
+or twenty men (women do not fish), and sometimes nearly all the men
+of a village, or even of a community, join in a fishing expedition;
+and everyone in the village or community shares more or less in
+the spoil. The fishing season is towards the end of the dry season,
+say in October or November, when work in the gardens is over, and the
+rivers are low. I cannot give the names of the fishes caught, but was
+told that the chief ones are large full-bodied carp-like fish and eels.
+
+The large weir nets are simply ordinary frameless nets about 3 to 5
+yards long, and 1 yard wide, with a fairly small mesh. The smaller ones
+are hand nets, made in two forms. One of these is made of ordinary fine
+netting, and is bag-shaped, being strung on a round looped end of cane,
+of which the other end is the handle, the net being about the size of
+a good-sized butterfly net. The other form is also framed on a looped
+cane; but the loop in this case is larger and more oval in shape,
+and the netting is made of the web of a large spider. To make it they
+take the already looped cane to where there are a number of such webs,
+and twist the looped end round and round among the webs, until there
+is stretched across the loop a double or treble or quadruple layer of
+web, which, though flat when made, is elastic, and when used becomes
+under pressure more or less bag-shaped.
+
+The fishers first make a weir of upright sticks placed close together
+among the stones in the river bed, the weir stretching across the
+greater part of, or sometimes only half-way across, the river. The
+side of the river left open and undammed is filled up with stones
+to such a height that the water flowing over it is shallow, and the
+fish do not escape across it. In the middle of the weir they leave
+an open space or sluice, behind which they fasten the big net. [87]
+Plate 76 shows a weir on the Aduala river, a portion of the open sluice
+being seen on the left. After forming the weir, but before fixing the
+net, the fishers all join in a sort of prayer or invocation to the
+river. For example, on the Aduala river they will say, "Aduala, give
+us plenty of fish, that we may eat well." This is the only ceremony
+in connection with the fishing, and there is no food or other taboo
+associated with it; but here again charms are often relied upon. The
+big net catches most of the fish which are carried down by the rush
+of water through the opening in the weir; but a group of fishermen
+stand round it with their hand nets, with which they catch any fish
+that leap out of the big net, and would otherwise escape, the ordinary
+hand nets being usually used for larger fish, and the cobweb ones for
+the smaller fish. They often have two or three of these weirs in the
+same stream, at some little distance from each other.
+
+A fishing party will often stay and live for some days at the place
+where they are fishing, and eat the fish each day as they catch it;
+so that what they bring home for the village or community may only
+be the result of the last day's sport. But the women will sometimes
+come to the fishers, bring them food, and take some fish back to the
+village or community. Each community has waters which it regards as
+being its own; but disputes as to this apparently do not arise.
+
+A solitary individual sometimes goes off to catch fish with one of
+the hand nets above described or with his hands, and eats or keeps
+what he catches; but this is unusual.
+
+
+Agriculture.
+
+Agriculture is never communistic, being entirely an individual or
+family matter, men and households and families having their own
+gardens and plantations. The trees and plants chiefly cultivated are
+those already mentioned as being used for food.
+
+The clearing of the ground is done by men, and is begun about the
+end of June. The trees and their branches are used for fencing, the
+fencing being also done by men. The clearing away of the undergrowth
+is done by women, who pile it in small heaps, which are spread over
+the cleared space, being so close together that they almost touch one
+another. When these have got quite dry, which may be in a few days, or
+not for some time, they burn them, and the ashes add fertility to the
+soil. There is no general digging up of the ground, as distinguished
+from the digging of holes for individual plants. The clearing of the
+trees is done with stone adzes, or in difficult cases by fire; but some
+of the people now have European axes, of which some have been acquired
+from white men, and some from plain and coast natives. In clearing for
+planting yam and plants of the yam type they leave the upright stems of
+some of the trees and shrubby undergrowth for the yams, etc., to trail
+over. Cultivation of some of the more usual plants is done as follows.
+
+Sweet potatoes and vegetables of similar type are planted by the women
+in August and September. They make little holes in the ground about 2
+feet apart, and in them plant the potatoes, the roots used being the
+young sarmentose runners, which they cut off from the parent plants,
+the latter being merely cut down to the ground, and the old tubers
+being left in it. These runners are left to grow, and in about three
+or four months the young potatoes are ready for eating, and afterwards
+there will be a continuous supply from the runners. The digging up of
+the day-to-day supply of potatoes is done by the women, the work in
+this, and in all other digging, being done with small pointed sticks,
+roughly made and not preserved; though now they sometimes have European
+knives, these knives and axes being the two European implements which
+they use in agriculture, if they possess them.
+
+Yams and similar vegetables are planted by men in August and
+September, near to the young tree stems up which they are to trail,
+and at distances apart of 2 or 3 yards. In this case, however, there
+are two plantings. In the first instance the yam tubers are planted
+in pretty deep holes, the tubers being long. The yams then grow,
+and twine over the tree stems, and spread. After about ten months
+the men dig up the tubers, which in the meantime have grown larger,
+and cut away from them all the trailing green growth, and then hang
+the tubers up in the houses and _emone_, to let the new growing points
+sprout. Then in about another two months the men replant the smaller
+tubers, while the larger ones are retained for food.
+
+There are two curious Mafulu practices in connection with
+yam-planting. First, before planting each tuber they wrap round it
+an ornamental leaf, such as a croton, which they call the "sweetheart
+of the yam." Against this leaf they press a piece of limestone. They
+then plant the tuber with its sweetheart leaf around it and the piece
+of limestone pressing against its side, and fill in the soil; but as
+they do the latter they withdraw the piece of limestone, which they
+use successively for other yams, and, indeed, keep in their houses
+for use year by year. In the villages near the Mafulu Mission Station
+the limestone used is generally a piece of stalactite, which they
+get from the limestone caves in the mountains. The belief is that by
+planting in this way the yams will grow stronger and better. Secondly,
+there is a little small-leafed plant of a spreading nature, only a
+few inches high, which grows wild in the mountains, but which is
+also cultivated, and a patch of which they always plant in a yam
+plantation. This plant they also call the "sweetheart of the yam";
+and they believe that its presence is beneficial to the plantation.
+
+Yams are ready for supplying food eight or ten months after
+planting. They are not, like the potatoes, dug up from day to day,
+as they can be stored. The usual period of digging and storing is
+about June or July, and this digging is done by both men and women,
+the former dealing with the larger yams, which are difficult to get
+up, and the latter with the smaller ones.
+
+The yam is apparently regarded by the Mafulu people as a vegetable
+possessing an importance which one is tempted to think may have a
+more or less superstitious origin-witness the facts that only men
+may plant it and that it is the only vegetable in the planting of
+which superstitious methods are employed, and the special methods and
+ceremonies adopted in the hanging of the yams at the big feast. But
+I fancy this idea as to the yam is not confined to the Mafulu; and
+indeed Chalmers tells us of a Motu superstition which attributes to
+it a human origin; [88] and a perusal of the chapter on sacrifices
+in Dr. Codrington's book, _The Melanesians_, leaves the impression
+on one's mind that among these people the yam is the one vegetable
+which is specially used for sacrificial purposes.
+
+Taro and similar vegetables are planted by women in August and
+September among the yams, at distances of 2 or 3 feet apart. For this
+purpose they take the young secondary growths which crop up round the
+main central plants during the year. [89] They are ready for eating
+in, say, May or June of the following year. They are dug up by women
+from day to day as wanted, as they, like the sweet potato, cannot
+be kept, as the yams are, after being taken up. There is, however,
+a method when the taro is ripe and needs digging up, but is not then
+required for eating, of making a large hole in the ground, filling it
+with grass, digging up the taro, putting it on the grass in the hole,
+covering and surrounding it with more grass, and then filling up with
+soil, and so preserving the taro for future use by a sort of ensilage
+system. I was told that this was not done on the plains.
+
+Bananas are planted by men, this being done every year, and off and on
+all through the year, generally in old potato gardens. In this case
+they take the young offshoots, which break out near the bases of the
+stems. The closeness of planting varies considerably. The fruit is
+gathered all through the year by men. A banana will generally begin
+to bear fruit about twelve months after planting, though some sorts
+of banana take as long as two years.
+
+Sugar-cane is planted by men off and on during the whole year,
+generally in old potato gardens, the growing points at the tops
+of the canes being put into the ground at distances of 5 or 6 feet
+apart. Each plant produces a number of canes, and these begin to be
+edible after six or eight months. They are then cut for eating by
+both men and women.
+
+As regards both banana and sugar-cane, the people, after planting
+them in the potato gardens, allow the potatoes to still go on growing
+and spreading; but these potatoes are merely used for the pigs,
+the people only eating those grown in their open patches.
+
+Beans of a big coarse-growing sort, with large pods from 8 to 18 inches
+long, are planted by women about September by the garden fences of the
+potato and yam gardens, and allowed to creep up these fences. They
+furnish edible fruit in about three or four months from the time of
+planting, and are then gathered by the women. Only the inside seeds
+are eaten (not the pod); and even these are so hard that twenty--four
+hours' boiling does not soften them--indeed, they are usually roasted.
+
+Pandanus trees are grown in the bush and not in the gardens. The _ine_
+which is a large form (Plate 80), is always grown at a height of not
+less than 5,000 feet; but there is a smaller one which is grown by
+a river or stream. The _malage_ is always grown in the valleys near
+brooks and rivers.
+
+As regards the gardens generally, they may be roughly divided into
+sweet potato gardens and yam gardens. In the former are also grown
+bananas, sugar-cane, beans, pumpkin, cucumber and maize; and in the
+latter taro and beans, and the reed plant with the asparagus flavour
+to which I have already referred. The general tending of the bananas
+and sugar-canes, and to a certain extent the yams, is done by men;
+but in other respects the garden produce is looked after by women,
+who also attend to the weeding and keeping of the gardens clean,
+the men looking after the fences.
+
+Having planted a certain crop in a garden, they let it go on until
+it is exhausted, the period for this being different for different
+crops; but afterwards they never again plant the same crop in the same
+garden. When a crop is exhausted, they may possibly use the same garden
+for some other purpose; but as a rule they do not do so, except as
+regards the use of old potato gardens for banana and sugar-cane. When
+fresh gardens are wanted, fresh portions of bush are cleared; and the
+old deserted gardens are quickly re-covered by nature with fresh bush,
+the growth of vegetation being very rapid. Most of the gardens are bush
+gardens, and, though these may sometimes be close to the village, you
+do not find a regular system of gardens within the village clearing,
+as you do in the Mekeo district, the situations of the villages being
+indeed hardly adapted for this.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+Bark Cloth Making, Netting and Art.
+
+
+Bark Cloth Making and Netting.
+
+I put the two processes of bark cloth making and netting together,
+as being the only forms in which material is made in pieces of
+substantial size.
+
+Bark cloth is used for making perineal bands, men's caps,
+illness-recovery capes, bark cloth head strings, mourning strings and
+dancing aprons and ribbons. Netting is used for fishing and hunting
+nets, sleeping hammocks, the various forms of carrying bags and the
+mourning vests worn by the widows of chiefs.
+
+
+Bark Cloth Making.
+
+Bark cloth is made by both men and women out of the bark of three
+different kinds of tree; but I do not know what these are. They strip
+the bark from the tree, and from the bark they strip off the outer
+layer, leaving the inner fibrous layer, which is about 1/8th of an
+inch in thickness. They have no method of fastening two pieces of
+bark or cloth together, so every garment has to be a single piece,
+and the size of the piece to be made depends upon the purpose for
+which it is wanted. The cloth is made in the usual way by soaking the
+prepared bark in water for about twenty-four hours, and then hammering
+it with a heavy mallet upon the rounded surface of a cut-down tree
+trunk (Plate 79).
+
+The mallet used (Plate 51, Fig. 3), however, differs from the wooden
+mallet of Mekeo and the coast. It is a heavy black roller-shaped
+piece of stone, tapering a little at one or both ends, and being
+broader at the beating end than at the holding end. It varies in
+length from 10 to 18 inches, and has a maximum width of about 2 or
+2 1/2 inches. The beating surface is not flattened, as is the case
+with the Mekeo beaters, but it is rather deeply scored with a series
+of longitudinal and transverse lines, crossing each other at right
+angles, or nearly so. This scoring generally covers a surface space
+of about 3 inches by 1 or 2 inches, and is done with pointed pieces
+of similar stone, or with the tusks of wild pigs.
+
+As the hammering proceeds the bark becomes thinner and larger in
+surface, and when this process is finished, the cloth is hung up
+to dry.
+
+The colouring of the cloth, if and when this is added, is done by men
+only, and, like body-staining, is nearly always in either red, yellow,
+or black. The red stain is obtained from the two sorts of earth used
+for red face and body-staining, being, as in the other case, mixed with
+water or animal fat, so as to produce a paste. Another source of red
+stain used for cloth is the fruit of a wild tree growing in the bush,
+which fruit they chew and spit out. I do not know what the tree is,
+but I do not think it is the Pandanus, whose fruit is, I believe,
+used for body-staining. The yellow stain is obtained from the root of
+a plant which I understand to be rather like a ginger. They dry the
+root in the sun, and afterwards crush it and soak it in water, and the
+water so coloured becomes the pigment to be used. The black stain is
+obtained in the same way as that used for face-staining. These dyes are
+put on to the cloth with the fingers, which the men dip into the dye,
+or with feathers. In making a design they do not copy from a pattern
+placed before them, nor do they first trace the design on the cloth.
+
+
+Netting.
+
+In dealing with netting, I should begin with the making of the string;
+but, as I think the method adopted is not confined to the mountains,
+it is perhaps sufficient to refer to my previous description of
+thread-making in connection with the manufacture of leg-bands;
+though in most netting the strings are necessarily very much thicker
+and stronger than are the threads used for leg-bands, and they are
+three-stranded.
+
+Hunting and fishing nets are made by men in a simple open form of
+netting, worked on the common principle of the reef knot, and having
+diamond-shaped holes, with a knot at each corner of each hole. I shall
+refer to this form of netting as "ordinary network." The nets are made
+of thick, strong material, except as regards the hand fishing nets,
+which are made of the fine material used for making leg-bands. These
+nets are never coloured.
+
+Hammocks are made by men. They are sometimes done entirely with
+ordinary network, and are then, I think, similar to Mekeo-made
+hammocks; but often only two or three lines of netting are done in
+this way, the rest of the net being made in a closer and finer pattern
+of interlacing knotless network, which is never adopted on the coast
+and Mekeo plains (all nets of this description found there having come
+down from the mountains) and which I will call "Mafulu network." [90]
+I have watched the making of one of these nets, and will endeavour
+to describe the process. The ultimate result of the Mafulu network
+part of this is shown in Plate 81.
+
+The maker first formed a base line of three strands of native
+string stretched out horizontally. This base line is marked _a b_
+in Fig. 8. He then wound a long length of netting string round a
+rough piece of stick to be used as a sort of netting shuttle. He next
+worked the netting string on to the base line by a series of loops
+or slip-knots as shown in Fig. 8, strand _c_ of each loop bending
+upwards and becoming strand _d_ of the next loop to the right, and
+the series of loops extending for the whole length of the base line,
+and thus constituting the first loop line of the net. The hitches of
+the loops, which appear loose and open in the figure for the purpose
+of showing their construction, were really drawn tight on the base
+line. On to these loops he then worked one line of ordinary network,
+as shown in Fig. 9, the strings _a b c d_ in this figure being the
+loops above mentioned, and the knots of this also being, of course,
+drawn tight, and not made loose and open, as shown in the figure. The
+base of this line again formed a series made one of these lines of
+mesh for my instruction; but it is usual in the making of hammocks to
+have two or three of them, as appears in the figure. The next stage
+commenced the Mafulu network. The form of this is shown in Fig. 10;
+and here again the actual network was more closely drawn than is shown
+in the illustration, though it was not drawn tight, as in the case
+of the ordinary network. The first line of Mafulu network was worked
+on to the loops above it, so as to form a continuous line, in which
+many loops of Mafulu work were attached to each loop of the line of
+ordinary work above, the former being considerably smaller than the
+latter. The rest of the network is similarly made in the Mafulu method,
+each loop of each line being connected with a loop of the line above,
+until the worker almost reaches the other end of the hammock, which
+latter is finished off with ordinary network and a final base line, so
+as to correspond with the commencing end. Often there are only four or
+five loops of Mafulu network attached to each loop of ordinary network
+above them; and I have seen hammocks in which the mesh of the ordinary
+network part is much smaller, so that each loop of the bottom line of
+this mesh has attached to it only one loop of the top line of Mafulu
+mesh; and this last variation is common as regards carrying bags.
+
+The hammocks are never coloured; but they are sometimes decorated
+with a few Pandanus or _malage_ seeds hung from their borders.
+
+The different forms of carrying bags have already been referred to. I
+will now deal with their manufacture and colouring. They are made
+exclusively by women; and the fibres used in their manufacture are
+not the same as those employed for making nets and hammocks. I will
+deal separately with the five forms already described by me.
+
+Nos. 1 and 2 are made of either ordinary or Mafulu network, and are
+never coloured. When these, or any other bags, are made of Mafulu
+network, their elasticity is very great. No. 3 is always made of
+Mafulu network, and coloured. No. 4 is made of Mafulu network, and
+is sometimes coloured, and sometimes not. No. 5 is made of Mafulu
+network, and is sometimes coloured. The string used in making this
+bag is different from that used for the others, and is obtained from
+the bark of a small shrub.
+
+The question of manufacture introduces another form of bag (Plate 53,
+Fig 3), which I may call No. 6. It is used by men for the purposes of
+No. 4, and No 5 is also sometimes made in the same way. The method of
+manufacture of No. 6 is, I was told, an uncommon one; and, though I
+was able to procure one of these bags, I had not an opportunity of
+observing the process by which it was made. The appearance of the
+bag, however, suggests a process not unlike that of knitting. Its
+outer surface displays a series of thick, strong trie ord-plaited,
+vertical ridges, all close together, and looking very like the outside
+ridges of a knitted woollen stocking; but on the inner surface these
+ridges are not to be seen, and the general appearance of this inside
+is one of horizontal lines. The material of this bag is much closer,
+thicker and heavier than is that of any of the others.
+
+The colouring of Nos. 3, 4 and 5 is not put into the netting after
+its manufacture, as is done with bark cloth. The string itself is
+dyed beforehand, and the lines of colour are worked into the bag in
+the process of netting. The colouring is confined to the front of
+the bag only, being the part which is visible when the bag is worn
+hanging over the back or shoulder. Speaking generally, the colouring
+is black; but there is often a little red introduced along with the
+black. The pattern is in the general form of parallel horizontal
+lines or stripes, which, however, are in places made to recess or
+turn downwards or upwards at right angles, and subsequently turn
+upwards or downwards again, and then continue horizontally as before,
+thus giving variety to the mere design of straight horizontal lines;
+and these rectangular breaks are often introduced at more or less
+symmetrical intervals. There are other details in these patterns,
+which can be observed in the plate. I have one of these bags the
+lines in which are blue, red and yellow; but I think this colouring
+is not usual. The pigments are obtained from the sources described
+above with reference to bark cloth.
+
+The colouring of my specimen of No. 6 bag is also worked into the
+bag in the process of knitting, or whatever that process should be
+called. But this colouring merely consists of four faint horizontal
+lines of pale reddish-brown; and I was told that these bags are
+generally uncoloured, or only slightly coloured in thin lines.
+
+The mourning vests worn by chiefs' widows are, I believe, made of
+Mafulu network; but unfortunately I did not see one of these, and so
+cannot describe them.
+
+
+Art, Design, etc.
+
+Art and design among the Mafulu people are only of a simple and
+primitive type. There is no carving or other decoration on their
+houses, or even on their _emone,_ nor is there any on their stone
+or wooden implements. Art and design, other than the arrangement
+of feather ornaments, is, in fact, apparently confined to the very
+simple designs scratched upon some of their broad abdominal belts,
+smoking pipes and lime gourds and perhaps occasionally on one
+or two other things, and to the plaited designs displayed in the
+manufacture of other abdominal belts and of arm and leg ornaments
+and plaited forehead ornaments and feather frames, and to the very
+simple linear patterns in which some of their network is made, and
+the ground-staining and pattern-colouring of their perineal bands,
+dancing aprons and ribbons. As regards the latter, the designs are of
+a very simple nature, never apparently representing anything either
+realistically or conventionally, and being confined to geometric
+designs of straight lines and bands, rectangular and zig-zag patterns
+with coloured triangles within the zig-zag patterns, and spots. The
+patterns of the perineal bands and dancing ribbons are very simple
+indeed; but those of the dancing aprons are more elaborate, covering
+a considerable surface of cloth, and often displaying a fair variety
+of design on the same apron.
+
+The Mafulu have no visible method of recording events or numbers,
+or sending messages, either by marks or notches on sticks, or tying
+of knots in string, or any other method, and they are quite unable
+to grasp the meaning of a map.
+
+The limited nature of the ideas of artistic design possessed by the
+Mafulu people is, I think, a matter for surprise. They are believed
+to have Papuan or Papuo-Melanesian blood in their veins. But, even
+if they also have another distinct and more primitive ancestry of
+their own, not associated with the Papuo-Melanesian types, or even
+with the pure Papuan types, found on the coast and in the plains,
+one would imagine that contact with these types would have caused
+the Mafulu people to learn something of the more advanced art which
+these other peoples display and that we should not have to record
+a sudden drop from artistic designs embodying curves and natural
+imitative art to a system confined to straight lines, zig-zags,
+and spots. This contact with the coast and plain people, or at all
+events with the latter, has certainly existed for some time back;
+for, though the mutual fear and antagonism between coast and mountain
+natives, which is usually found among savage peoples, has doubtless
+existed in this case, and is even now not altogether eradicated, [91]
+direct or indirect trading relationship, including in particular the
+interchange of the stone implements and feathers of the mountains for
+the shell decorations of the coast, is not a mere recent development
+of the last few years only. It seems to me that the existence of this
+decorative hiatus points to a rather small inherent sense of design in
+the Mafulu mind. It may be, however, that the absence of imitative art,
+to which I have already referred in connection with totemism and clan
+badges, is partly due to the absence of totemism and of the imitative
+stimulus, which, as Dr. Haddon has more than once pointed out, [92]
+arises from it.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV
+
+Music and Singing, Dancing and Toys and Games
+
+
+Music and Singing.
+
+The Mafulu people are naturally musical and have good musical
+ears--much more so than is the case in Mekeo and on the coast,
+thus conforming to what I believe to be a general rule that music is
+usually more indigenous in hill country than it is in the plains. Their
+instruments are the drum, the jew's-harp and a small flute; but the
+flute is not a true Mafulu instrument, and has probably been acquired
+from Mekeo.
+
+The drum (Plate 75, Fig. 3) is like the Mekeo drum, but smaller,
+and its open end is cut in deep indentations. The wooden body of the
+drum is made from various trees. A pine tree is the favourite one;
+but others are used, including a tree the native name of which is
+_arive_, which word is also the native word for a drum. The membrane
+is made of the skin of a reptile, probably the "iguana." The maker
+of a drum must climb up the tree from the wood of which he is about
+to make it, and there, until the drum is finished, he must remain
+sitting among the branches, or, if these are inconvenient for the
+purpose, he may erect a scaffold around the trunk of the tree, with
+a platform on the top of it, and work upon that. Whilst working,
+he must always keep the upper or tympanic end of his drum facing
+the wind, the idea of this being that the wind gets into the drum,
+and makes it musical. His food is brought to him, whilst in his tree,
+by some woman, probably his mother if he is a bachelor, or his wife
+if he is married, and he lets down a string by which he hauls it up;
+but he is under no special restriction as to the food he may eat. There
+is no superstition, such as is found among the Roro and Mekeo people,
+compelling him, in the event of his seeing a woman during the making
+of the drum, to throw it away and begin a new one.
+
+The jew's-harp (Plate 20, Fig. 2), though seen in Mekeo, is, I was
+told, as regards its manufacture, an instrument of the mountains. It
+is made out of bamboo or palm, or some other tree having a hollow
+or soft interior, from which is cut a piece about 8 or 10 inches
+long. A portion of this piece is cut away longitudinally, leaving
+for the making of the instrument only two-thirds or half, or even
+one-third, of the convex outside stem circumference on one side and
+the flat surface of the cut-away part on the other, and the latter
+is then hollowed out, leaving, however, a solid head an inch or two
+long at one end. The hollow piece thus produced is cut into three
+longitudinal sections or strips, of which the two outside ones are
+longer than the central one. The two outside strips are left at their
+full width from the head downwards to a distance of 2 or 3 inches
+from the other end, from which point they are cut away, very much
+as one would cut away the divided nib of a quill pen, so that the
+actual tips of these two strips are quite slender, being no broader
+than their thickness. These two ends are tied together with fine
+vegetable fibre. The centre strip, which is generally narrower than
+the other two at its commencement by the head, is further reduced in
+width by a more immediate and gradual process of paring down, and so
+becomes a very slender vibrating tongue or reed, the tip of which goes
+almost up to, but does not quite reach, the point at which the tips of
+the two outer strips are bound together. A hole is bored through the
+solid head; and through this hole is passed a thick string of native
+make from 5 to 10 or 12 inches long, secured at one end by a knot
+on the flat side of the head, to keep the string from slipping out,
+and having at the other end a large, rough, ornamental tassel. The
+tassel is generally in part composed of the untwisted fibres of the
+string itself; but to these is added something else, such as a bunch
+of feathers, or two smaller bunches of feathers; and among these may
+be seen such miscellaneous articles as a fragment of dried-up fruit,
+or a part of the backbone of a fish. For playing the instrument,
+they place its tail end, with the hollow side inwards, to the mouth,
+holding the extreme tip of that end in the fingers of the left hand,
+and keep the tongue of the instrument in a constant state of vibration,
+by smart, rapid, jerky pullings of the tasselled string.
+
+The flute is merely a small simple instrument made out of a small
+bamboo stem, with one or two holes bored in it.
+
+All these instruments are played by both men and women; but the
+jew's-harp and flute are regarded only as toys.
+
+I believe the Mafulu people occasionally sing at dances to the beating
+of the drums; but this is quite unusual; and they never sing to the
+music of the jew's-harp or flute. Both men and women sing, generally
+several or many together, not so often alone. Their songs are all
+very simple, and are chiefly sung in unison or octaves. I was told
+that they sometimes accomplish simple harmonies, the notes of which
+may simultaneously rise or fall either with the same or different
+intervals, or may rise and fall in contrary motion; or the harmony
+may be produced by one man or part of the group sustaining a note,
+whilst another changes it; and I myself heard an example of the latter
+of these, and also heard singing in which, while a group of men were
+singing the same simple air, some of them were occasionally singing
+one part of it, whilst the others seemed to be singing another part,
+thus producing a very simple catch or canon. I am not, however, quite
+certain as to this. Their songs are both cheerful and plaintive;
+but the latter predominate, and are mainly in the minor key. The
+subjects of their songs are generally sentimental love, and include
+ditties by young men about their sweethearts; and I believe that some
+of their songs are indecent, though I am not sure of this. They also
+have warlike songs; and, when a special event occurs, songs are often
+composed with reference to it. For example, not long ago a chief was
+taken by the authorities to Port Moresby, and died there; and songs
+about this were sung all through his district. Anyone will compose a
+topical song; in fact, a man will begin singing one in the _emone,_
+making it up as he goes on, and the others will join. The men have a
+very pretty custom of singing together very softly when at the end
+of the day they have retired to their _emone,_ and have lain down
+to sleep, the singing being very gentle, and producing what I can
+only describe as a sort of crooning sound, like a lullaby or cradle
+song. I once heard one of these songs sung by my carriers the last
+thing at night as they lay beneath the floor of the building in which
+I was sleeping; and the effect was absolutely charming.
+
+As an example of Mafulu music I give the following, which, though not,
+I fear, quite accurate, is I think a substantially correct version of
+the music of a war song sung by the Mambule and Sivu communities in
+connection with joint hostilities by them against another community,
+and I have so far as possible added the song itself.
+
+
+    1st Verse: E! e! e! Si-vu Mambule juju la em u jeka le
+    2nd Verse: E! e! e! Noul e nul em u ieka la bulu iuju le
+
+
+It will be observed that the first line is whistling only. I was
+informed that it is a common practice to whistle the air before singing
+the first verse; though I did not gather that it was always done. It
+will also be noticed that simple harmonies occur in the fourth and
+fifth bars. I cannot say whether the two parts in the music are
+sustained or taken up by the voices upon any defined scheme, and,
+if so, what that scheme is. Nor can I say whether the voices which
+take the lower notes in the music are silent after the word _la,_ or
+repeat that word in the sixth bar, with or without the upper voices,
+in order to bring the tune to a full close. I have only given two
+verses; and, as regards the song in question, I doubt if there were
+any more. Unfortunately I am unable to translate the words, and can
+only give the meanings of the following:--
+
+_E! e! e!_ are merely meaningless exclamatory sounds, such as we have
+in civilised songs. _Sivu_ is the name of a Fuyuge community close
+to the Mission Station, being, in fact, the one referred to by me in
+my chapter on communities. _Mambule_ is the name of another of these
+communities, further away from the station, being, as stated in my
+introductory chapter, the name of the community from which the name
+Mafulu arises. I cannot give verbal explanations of any of the other
+words; but I may say that a rough translation of the second verse is
+"My village, your village is alike (or equal.)"
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Dancing.
+
+The Mafulu people, like other New Guinea natives, are fond of dancing,
+and indulge in it extensively, especially in connection with feasts
+and ceremonies.
+
+Their dancing is of an exceedingly active and lively character. The
+movements of the feet are lively and jumping, often half a hop and half
+a run; and, whilst dancing, their heads are actively moving backwards
+and forwards and to both sides. The general progressive movement of
+a dancing party is slow, but not a crawl; and the progress along the
+village enclosure is usually accomplished by a series of diagonal
+advances, by which they zig-zag backwards and forwards across the
+enclosure, and in this way gradually travel along it. Very often the
+dancers divide themselves into two parties, which in their zig-zag
+progress alternately approach and recede from each other. The dancers
+are always facing in the direction in which at that moment they are
+moving. Men and women never dance together, except at the big feast,
+where they do so in the way already described.
+
+This method of dancing is in striking contrast to that of the Mekeo
+people, whose movements are generally very gentle and slow, those
+of the feet, which are accompanied by a corresponding genuflexion,
+downwards and outwards, being a slow slight step, usually barely
+more than a shuffle, the feet being hardly lifted off the ground,
+and those of the head being confined to a slow and sedate backwards
+and forwards nodding. Also the progress of a party of Mekeo dancers
+is generally very slow,--a crawl,--so much so as often to be barely
+perceptible, perhaps two or three inches being accomplished at each
+step, and the line of progress of a dancing party is usually a straight
+line down the village enclosure; and more commonly, though not always,
+the position of each dancer is sideways to the then actual direction
+of progression. And in Mekeo women and men often dance together in
+one group.
+
+Another difference between Mafulu and Mekeo dancing is that among the
+Mafulu, though the drum-beating and dancing go on simultaneously, the
+singing, in which all the dancers and non-dancers of both sexes join,
+does not usually take place during the actual dancing, but only during
+periodic pauses, in which the drum-beating and dancing cease; whereas
+in Mekeo the drum-beating, dancing and singing all go on continuously
+and simultaneously. As regards these Mafulu pauses in the dancing, I
+should explain that these are quite distinct from the resting pauses
+(in which there is neither drum-beating, dancing, nor singing) which
+are customary both among the Mafulu and the Mekeo people.
+
+A further difference arises as regards the dancing decorations. Both
+Mafulu and Mekeo natives have elaborate high framework head feather
+decorations, which are worn by some, but not necessarily all, of the
+dancers; and they are much ornamented about their bodies. But the
+Mafulu people generally wear their finest and most beautiful feathers
+on their backs, whereas among the Mekeo natives the head ornament is
+the chief feature of the decoration; and in Mekeo any man who has not
+a framework head decoration generally has sticking in his hair a tall,
+upright feather, which sways slowly backwards and forwards in response
+to the slow nodding movements of his head.
+
+The special dancing ornaments worn by the Mafulu are the aprons worn
+by women, the ribbons worn by men and women, the forehead ornaments
+worn by men, the long shell nose ornaments worn by both, and the huge
+head feather erections. But for dances the people generally wear
+all the decorative finery they possess or are able to borrow; and
+they usually with special care paint their faces in various colours,
+and their bodies red.
+
+The comparison above given between the dancing of the Mafulu people
+and that of the people of Mekeo brings me to a suggestion, made to me
+by Father Clauser, that the Mafulu mode of dancing had its origin in an
+imitation of that of the red bird of paradise, and the Mekeo mode in an
+imitation of that of the goura pigeon. In support of this suggestion
+he gave me the following information concerning the dancing of these
+birds, which may be compared with the description given above of the
+dancing of the Mafulu and Mekeo natives respectively:--
+
+The movements of the red birds of paradise, when dancing, are
+remarkably lively, the birds hopping and jumping about the tree
+branches and from branch to branch, and bobbing their heads backwards
+and forwards and from side to side, almost as though they had gone
+mad. The progression along the branches is fairly rapid; but there
+is not apparently any continuous line of progression in any given
+direction, and the birds seem to have a curious way of approaching
+and receding from each other as they do so. The birds always face
+in the direction in which they are at the time moving, and do not
+dance sideways. Moreover, the dance is an alternation of wild dancing
+and intermittent pauses; and during the dancing both the males and
+females are silent, but during the pauses they are uttering their
+songs or cries.
+
+The dancing movements of the goura pigeons are a gentle slow shuffle,
+and are accompanied by a slow bowing or nodding of the head. The
+progressive movement is exceedingly slow, and is always a continuous
+one in the same direction, and it is usually a sideways movement. The
+dancing and accompanying cooing of the pigeons go on continuously
+and simultaneously, and the rhythm of the latter is curiously like
+the more usual rhythm of the Mekeo drums.
+
+I have unfortunately never had opportunities of observing the dancing
+of either of these birds, and so cannot personally vouch for the
+correctness of the above descriptions of them. But Father Clauser
+has often watched them, and he is undoubtedly a careful observer,
+upon whose testimony we may rely; and I may add that my efforts since
+my return to England to obtain evidence, confirmatory or otherwise,
+of these descriptions have produced confirmation of some of the facts
+stated, and have not produced any contradictions.
+
+Then again attention must be drawn to the fact that the magnificent
+feather decoration of the bird of paradise is mainly upon or springing
+from its back or body, whilst the goura pigeon's sole projecting
+decoration, and perhaps its chief beauty, is the crest upon its head,
+to which the Mekeo single upright head feather may be likened.
+
+My efforts to obtain light from native sources upon this question of
+imitation in Mafulu were fruitless, as the natives questioned knew
+nothing of it; and on my return from Mafulu to the coast I did not
+again pass through the Mekeo villages. But on reaching the coast I
+made further enquiries upon the subject from the Fathers there of the
+Mission, and obtained three interesting pieces of information. First,
+I was told that the Mekeo clan Inawae of the Mekeo village Oriropetana,
+whose clan badge is the goura pigeon, and who are not allowed to
+kill and eat it, and whose bird totem it appears to be, say that they
+are descended from the goura pigeon, and that an ancestor of theirs,
+though himself a man, had all the powers and faculties of movement
+of those birds, and that he used to dance with them, and so learnt
+the dance and taught it to his people. Unfortunately no enquiry had
+been made as to the question of any imitative character in their
+present dancing, and the information only emanated from a particular
+clan with a particular association with the bird. I therefore do not
+attach undue general importance to this case. [93]
+
+Secondly, I was told that the Pokau people, whose dance is practically
+the same as that of the Mekeo people, themselves say that their dancing
+is an imitation of that of the goura pigeon. This certainly tends
+to support Father Clauser's suggestion as regards Mekeo. Thirdly,
+some natives of Kuni, who are undoubtedly very similar and closely
+related to the Mafulu, and whose dancing is very similar to that of
+the latter, were questioned on the subject in my presence, and under
+my direction. The question put was, "When Kuni people are dancing,
+are they in their dance imitating anything, and if so what?" (no
+mention or suggestion being made of a bird or of anything else). The
+answer was that they were imitating the dance of the _goloala_, which
+I was told was not the red bird of paradise, but was another small
+species of that bird with a yellowish-white body, yellow head and
+yellowish-white wings. The leading question was then put to them,
+whether they were sure the bird was the yellow one described by
+them, and not the red one; which question was answered definitely
+in the affirmative. And subsequently, when, in order to test their
+definiteness and certainty in what they had told me, I showed them a
+few postcard pictures of birds of paradise, which included the red
+one and others, but not one such as is above described, and almost
+invited them to recognise one of these as being the bird they meant,
+they were firm in their insistence that the bird to which they referred
+was not shown in any of the pictures. This, I think, helps to support
+Father Clauser's suggestion as regards the Mafulu, subject of course
+to the question of the variety of bird of paradise which is imitated.
+
+Dealing with this question of imitation as a whole, and taking into
+consideration the apparently marked similarities between the dancing
+of the two tribes of natives and the two genera of birds, and the
+further element, perhaps not so strong, as to the similarities
+in distribution upon the bodies of their decorations, and bearing
+in mind the evidence obtained from native sources, which, though
+obviously only fragmentary and insufficient in character, is so far
+as it goes distinctly confirmatory, I am impelled to suggest that
+Father Clauser's theory is not without foundation, and indeed amounts,
+subject to the question of the species of bird of paradise, to a very
+substantial possibility. And it is undoubtedly an interesting one. [94]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Toys and Games.
+
+The Mafulu children have neither dolls nor other toys, and do not
+make cat's-cradles. The young boys amuse themselves with small bows
+and arrows and spears, which they make themselves. One common sport
+is for the boys, armed with their spears, to stand in a row and for
+another boy to roll in front of them a ball, made out of the root of a
+banana tree, with its many rootlets intertwined, and for the boys to
+try to hit it with their spears as it passes them. A similar game is
+played in Mekeo and on the coast; but there the ball is often made
+out of the outer fibre of a cocoanut. Small boys and girls amuse
+themselves with glissading down the steep grassy slopes. There is
+also a sort of fighting game for boys, in which young men sometimes
+join. A number of them divide themselves into two opposing groups,
+all armed with little darts, made of reeds on which a few leaves
+are left at the head ends; and these two groups mutually attack
+each other, advancing and retreating, according to the fortunes of
+the fight. Boys, and men also, play at tug-of-war, using long canes
+for ropes; and boys and girls have swings, constructed either by
+looping two flexible rope-like tree stems together at the bottom,
+or with a single rope, with a loop at the bottom, in which to place
+their feet. But there are no racing or jumping or gymnastic games,
+and no group or singing children's games.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XV
+
+Counting, Currency and Trade
+
+
+Counting.
+
+Mafulu counting is accomplished by the use of two numerals (one and
+two) and of the word "another" and of their hands and feet [95];
+and with these materials they have phraseology for counting up to
+twenty as follows:--
+
+1 = _Fida_ (one).
+
+2 = _Gegedo_ (two).
+
+3 = _Gegedo minda_ (two and another).
+
+4 = _Gegedo ta gegedo_ (two and two).
+
+5 = _Gegedo ta gegedo minda_ (two and two and another) [or _Bodo fida_
+(one hand)].
+
+6 = _Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo_ (two and two and two).
+
+7 = _Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo minda_ (two and two and two and
+another) [or _Bodo fida ta gegedo_ (one hand and two) ].
+
+8 = _Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo_ (two and two and two and
+two) [or _Bodo fida ta gegedo minda_ (one hand and two and another) ].
+
+9 = _Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo minda_ (two and two and
+two and two and another) [or _Bodo fida ta gegedo ta gegedo_ (one
+hand and two and two) ].
+
+10 = _Bodo gegedo_ (two hands).
+
+11 = _Bodo gegedov' u minda_ (two hands and another). [Note the "v"
+at the end of gegedo. The full word is really _gegedove_; but it is
+shortened to _gegedo_, unless the next word is a vowel. Also note the
+"u." There are two words for "and," namely _ta_ and _une_. The "u"
+here is the _une_ shortened, and put instead of _ta_ for euphony].
+
+12 = _Bodo gegedo ta gegedo_ (two hands and two).
+
+13 = _Bodo gegedo ta gegedo minda_ (two hands and two and another).
+
+14 = _Bodo gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo_ (two hands and two and two).
+
+15 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida_ (two hands and one foot).
+
+16 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari fidari u minda_ (two hands and one foot
+and another). [Note the "n" at the end of _fida_. The full word is
+really _fidane_, and the "n" is introduced here for euphony.]
+
+17 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida ta gegedo_ (two hands and one foot
+and two).
+
+18 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida ta gegedo minda_ (two hands and one
+foot and two and another).
+
+19 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida ta gegedo ta gegedo_ (two hands and
+one foot and two and two).
+
+20 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari gegedo_ (two hands and two feet).
+
+As regards these numerals it will be seen that in some cases
+alternatives are given, whilst in other cases, where corresponding
+alternatives would appear to be equally applicable, they are not given;
+the reason is that in these latter cases the alternatives do not in
+fact appear to be used.
+
+There is no numerical phraseology to indicate any number above twenty;
+and in the ordinary affairs of life, although numeration can be carried
+in this cumbrous way up to twenty, they rarely use the numerals beyond
+ten, and anything over that will be referred to as _tale, tale, tale,
+tale_ (which may be translated "plenty, plenty, plenty, plenty").
+
+Important counting, such as that of pigs at a feast, is accomplished
+by the actual use of the hands and feet. The fingers stretched open
+mean nothing; Closing down the thumb of the right hand indicates
+one; closing down also the first finger of that hand indicates two;
+and so on with the other fingers of the right hand, till you reach
+the closing down of the thumb and all the fingers of the right hand,
+which indicates five. Then, keeping all the right hand closed, they
+begin with the left hand also. Closing down only the thumb indicates
+six; and so on as before, until the thumbs and all the fingers of
+both hands are closed, which indicates ten. [96]
+
+Then they go to the feet. They keep both hands closed and together,
+and with the right fist they point to the toes, beginning with the
+big toe of the right foot, and so along the other toes of that foot,
+and then go to the big toe of the left foot, and so along the other
+toes of that foot, thus reaching the enumerative total of twenty. They
+do not, when wishing to indicate a number, simply place their fingers
+and hands and feet simultaneously in the requisite position for doing
+so. They always go through the whole process of finger and toe counting
+from the beginning. For example, to indicate eight, they turn in the
+thumb and all the fingers of the right hand, and afterwards the thumb
+and two fingers of the left hand, separately, and one alter another,
+until the right position is reached; and similarly as regards numbers
+over ten, they solemnly turn down all the fingers one after another,
+and then point to the toes one after another, until they get to the
+right one for indicating the desired number. When the fingers and
+toes of the person counting are exhausted, he has recourse to those
+of another person, if he wishes to count further, although he has
+then passed the limit of numerical phraseology. For the purpose of
+counting big numbers they are always sitting, and as in counting they
+exhaust hands and feet, the latter are put together, If, for example,
+they reach eighty, there are four men sitting, with all their hands
+and feet crowded together; and if the number be eighty-three, there
+is also a fifth man with a thumb and two fingers of his right hand
+closed up. Sometimes a number above ten, but not over twenty, is
+indicated with the hands only by counting up to ten in the ordinary
+way, and then opening all the fingers and counting again, until they
+reach the requisite amount in excess of ten.
+
+I do not think it can be said that these people have in their minds any
+real abstract idea of number, at all events beyond twenty. Each finger
+turned down and toe pointed to, in succession, seems to represent
+to their minds the article (_e.g._, a pig) which is counted, rather
+than a step in a process of mental addition. But this is a matter upon
+which I can only express myself in a very general way; and indeed the
+mental stage at which the mere physical idea of the objects counted
+has developed into the abstract idea of numbers would in any case be
+exceedingly difficult to ascertain, or even, perhaps, to define.
+
+They never use pebbles or sticks or anything else of that kind,
+and have no method of recording numbers or anything else by notching
+sticks; and they have no weights or measures.
+
+
+Currency and Trade.
+
+The Mafulu people have no currency in the true sense, every transaction
+being one of exchange; but nevertheless some specific articles,
+especially some of the dearer ones, can only be acquired by the
+offering of certain other specific articles, and certain things have
+definite recognised relative values for the purpose of exchange.
+
+As examples of the former of these statements, I may say that a pig
+used to be always paid for in dogs' teeth--though this practice is
+not now, I think, so strict--and that some of their finer head feather
+dancing ornaments and ornamental nose pieces can still only be paid for
+in dogs' teeth; also that there is a special kind of feather ornament,
+composed of many small feathers fixed in a line on a string, which can
+only be obtained in exchange for a particular sort of shell necklace.
+
+As examples of recognised relative values, I may state that the proper
+payment in dogs' teeth for a pig is a chain of dogs' teeth equal in
+length to the body of the pig, the latter being measured from the
+tip of its nose to the base of its tail; and that the payment for
+the special feather ornament is its own length of the corresponding
+shell necklace.
+
+Exchange and barter is generally only engaged in between members of
+different communities, and not between those of the same community. An
+apparent exception to this arises in the purchase of pigs at certain
+ceremonies above referred to; but in this case it is really a matter of
+ceremony, and not one of ordinary barter. There are no regular markets,
+such as exist in some other parts of the country, the exchange of goods
+being effected by one or more individuals going with their articles
+of exchange to some other community, where they hope to get what they
+require. The nearest approach to a market arises intermittently when
+there is to be a big feast. Then the communities giving, and invited
+to, the feast require a large supply of ornaments, especially for
+those who are going to dance, and probably do not possess a sufficient
+quantity. They therefore have to procure these ornaments elsewhere;
+and the natural place to go to is some other community, possibly a
+long way off, which has recently been in the same want of extensive
+ornaments for a feast, and has procured and used them, and now has
+them, so to speak, in stock, and will be glad to dispose of them
+again. Thus ornaments used for feasts are sold and resold and travel
+about the country very extensively.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVI
+
+Language
+
+I have been fortunate in having had some interesting and valuable
+linguistic material placed at my disposal for publication by Father
+Egedi and in having had further material added to it by Dr. Seligmann
+and Mr. Sidney H. Ray. I have thought it better to deal with it in
+five appendices, and I am greatly indebted to Mr. Ray for having
+undertaken the laborious task of their compilation. I give the
+following explanation concerning these appendices.
+
+(1) Is a grammar of the Fuyuge language. The original manuscript is
+the work of Father Egedi, the, materials from which it was prepared
+by him having been collected in the Mafulu villages. The appendix is
+Father Egedi's Grammar, translated and edited by Mr. Ray.
+
+(2) Is a short note on the Afoa language prepared by Dr. W. M. Strong,
+when he was Government Agent in Mekeo, and handed by him to
+Dr. Seligmann for publication. To this note Mr. Ray has added
+a footnote.
+
+(3) Is a note on the Kovio language prepared by Dr. Strong, and handed
+by him to Dr. Seligmann. This note refers to the languages spoken in
+the neighbourhoods of Inavarene and the Inava valley and of the Upper
+Lakekamu river, all of which were found by Dr. Strong to be somewhat
+similar. The footnote is by Mr. Ray.
+
+(4) Is a comparative vocabulary, prepared by Mr. Ray, of the
+languages of some of the different Papuan-speaking people of the
+mountain districts of Central British New Guinea. The words in the
+"Mafulu" column are taken from a very lengthy MS. vocabulary compiled
+by Father Egedi in Mafulu. Those in the "Kambisa" column were all
+collected by the Rev. P. J. Money in the Kambisa villages of the
+Upper Chirima valley during Mr. Monckton's expedition, referred to
+in my introductory chapter. Most of these words are taken from the
+New Guinea _Annual Report_ for 1905-6; but to them have been added
+other words, which had been collected by Mr. Money. The words in
+the "Korona" column are taken from an MS. vocabulary prepared by
+Dr. Strong at Korona, also mentioned in my introductory chapter,
+and handed by him to Dr. Seligmann. Those in the "Afoa" column are
+taken from an MS. vocabulary prepared by Dr. Strong in connection
+with his Afoa notes, to which are added in square brackets some other
+words taken from Father Egedi's vocabulary in _Anthropos_ II., 1907,
+pp. 1016-1021, this vocabulary being there called by him Tauata. The
+words in the "Kovio" column are taken from an MS. vocabulary prepared
+by Dr. Strong in connection with his Kovio notes, to which are added
+in square brackets some "Oru-Lopiku" words collected by Father Egedi,
+and published in _Anthropos_ II., 1907, pp. 1016-1021. As regards this
+column I must explain that Dr. Strong's words were all collected within
+the districts to which his notes refer, but that Father Egedi's words,
+though in part collected there, were, I believe, in part collected
+further to the east.
+
+(5) Is a series of notes by Mr. Ray upon the matter contained in the
+previous appendices.
+
+I am perhaps open to criticism for introducing into a book of my
+own notes on the Mafulu people such extensive material written by
+others, and relating to other mountain districts as well as to that
+of the Mafulu; but my belief as to the probable similarity in many
+respects between the Papuan-speaking natives of these central mountain
+districts, and the obvious value and importance of the matter which
+has been so kindly placed at my disposal, justify me, I think, in
+introducing it; and indeed I should be doing but ill service to New
+Guinea ethnology if I did not take advantage of these opportunities
+which have been offered to me.
+
+Though I am not qualified to discuss these materials from the
+grammatical and scientific linguistic point of view, there are a
+few matters to which I should like to draw attention, as affecting
+statements appearing in this book, and which were written by me before
+I received this linguistic material.
+
+Regarding the question raised in my introductory chapter as to the
+extension of the Fuyuge linguistic area so far south as Korona, it
+will be noticed that a large number of the words in the Mafulu and
+Korona columns are the same, or very similar. Dr. Strong, in some
+unpublished MS. notes in Dr. Seligmann's possession, to which I have
+had access, says as regards the Mafulu and Korona languages that "there
+is nothing to show that the two languages may not be for all practical
+purposes identical," and Mr. Ray in his concluding notes classes Mafulu
+and Korona together as dialects of Fuyuge. The village of Sikube,
+mentioned by Mr. Ray, is, I believe, on the Upper Vanapa river and
+north of Mt. Lilley, and so is well within the Fuyuge-speaking area
+as defined by the Fathers.
+
+Concerning the Kambisa (Upper Chirima valley) column, the similarity
+of many of the words contained in it to those in either the Mafulu
+or the Korona column is obvious; and it is curious that some of these
+words appear to resemble the Korona words more than they do those of
+Mafulu. I also think I may say that the similarity between Kambisa
+words on the one hand, and those of either Mafulu or Korona on the
+other, is almost equal to the similarity between Mafulu and Korona;
+and Mr. Ray classes Kambisa along with Mafulu and Korona as dialects
+of Fuyuge. So the statement in the introductory chapter that the
+valley of the Upper Chirima river is included in the Fuyuge area has,
+I think, stood the test of some detailed linguistic comparison.
+
+The note by Dr. Strong upon what he calls the Kovio language and his
+Kovio vocabulary both relate to a district which is within the Fathers'
+Oru-Lopiku linguistic area; and I venture to repeat the suggestion,
+made in my introductory chapter, that for the present should adopt
+the term Kovio for the two areas which the Fathers call Oru-Lopiku
+and Boboi, though eventually we may be able to distinguish between
+these two areas.
+
+The Afoa or Tauata area is the Fathers' Ambo area. The Afoa column
+discloses a very few words which resemble the Fuyuge words; but it
+seems obvious that the Afoa language does not belong to the Fuyuge
+group, and this is the view taken of it by Mr. Ray.
+
+There are two matters in Mr. Ray's classification in the fifth appendix
+which I wish to mention. It seems to have been already assumed that
+the Rev. James Chalmers' Kabana language could not have been collected
+on Mt. Victoria; and I would point out that this mountain is quite
+outside what now appears to be the Fuyuge area. As regards the Afoa
+language the references by Dr. Strong to Mt. Pizoko and Mt. Davidson
+bring me back to my observations upon the point in my introductory
+chapter. If the Fathers are right in putting Mt. Pizoko within the
+Fuyuge area, it is hardly correct to say (see introductory chapter)
+that the Afoa language is spoken in the villages on Mt. Pizoko; but
+it might well be, as quoted by Mr. Ray, that a Fuyuge native in a
+Mt. Pizoko village spoke Afoa fluently, as this mountain is close to
+the Fathers' Fuyuge-Afoa boundary. Also Mt. Davidson is according to
+the Fathers in the Boboi area; but Dr. Strong seems to have regarded
+it as Ambo, and to have treated vocabulary matter collected from a
+native who came from a village "apparently on the slopes of" that
+mountain as having been taken from an Ambo native. In this case,
+however, there seems to be some doubt as to where this native did in
+fact come from; and the eastern slopes of Mt. Davidson are not far
+from the Fathers' Afoa boundary.
+
+I think that these linguistic materials, taken as a whole, are, so far
+as they go, well in accord with the delimitation by the Fathers of
+the Fuyuge area, except as regards their view concerning Korona, as
+to which they did not profess actual knowledge, and merely expressed
+a doubt, and subject to the point that, for linguistic purposes at
+all events, the Fathers' use of the word "Mafulu" as representing
+the whole Fuyuge area is perhaps not desirable, and would be better
+replaced by the term "Fuyuge," with subdivisions of "Mafulu," "Korona,"
+and "Kambisa," as given by Mr. Ray; though probably Sikube might be
+included in either Mafulu or Korona, as geographically it is evidently
+between these two.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVII
+
+Illness, Death, and Burial
+
+
+Ailments and Remedies.
+
+All serious ailments occurring up to certain ages, and except in
+certain cases, are generally assumed to be the work of someone acting
+in connection with a spirit; but, speaking generally, no efforts appear
+to be made by imprecation or other supernatural method to propitiate
+or contend against these spirits, except by the use of general charms
+against illness, and except, so far as the propitiation or driving out
+of the spirit is involved, by one or other of the specific remedies
+for specific ailments mentioned below. The natives have, however,
+for common diseases cures of which some are obviously purely fanciful
+and superstitious, but some are probably more or less practical.
+
+The chief ailments are colds and complications arising from them,
+malaria, dysentery, stomach and bowel and similar complaints, toothache
+and wounds.
+
+Dysentery has recognised and accredited curers, both men and women. The
+operator chews and crushes with his teeth the root of a vegetable
+(I do not know what it is) which they grow in their gardens, and then
+wraps it up into a small bundle in a bunch of grass, and gives it to
+the patient to suck. This remedy does not appear to be effective.
+
+There are men who are specially skilled in dealing with stomach and
+bowel troubles. The operator takes in his hand a stone, and with the
+other hand he sprinkles that stone over with ashes. He then makes over
+it an incantation, in which, though his lips are seen to be moving,
+no sound comes out of them; after which he takes some of the ashes
+from the stone, which he still holds in his hand, and with these
+ashes he rubs the stomach of the patient, who, I was told, generally
+at once feels rather better, or says so.
+
+There are also women who deal with cases believed to be caused by the
+presence in the stomach of a snake, which has to be got out. Here
+the operator takes a piece of bark cloth, with which she rubs the
+front of the patient's body, but without any incantation. Then, as
+she removes the cloth from the body, she makes a movement as though
+she were wrapping up in it something, presumably the escaped snake;
+and afterwards she carries the cloth away with her, and the cure is
+thus effected.
+
+A man with toothache will say that "a spirit is eating my teeth." The
+people seem to have a knowledge of something inside the teeth,
+the nature of which I am not able to state definitely, but which
+apparently is, in fact, the nerve, and they recognise that it is in
+this something that the pain arises; but I could not ascertain the
+connection between this something and the spirit which is supposed
+to cause the trouble. If the aching tooth can be got at, they adopt a
+method the native explanation of which was translated to me as being a
+drawing or driving out of the mysterious something from the tooth. This
+is done in some way with an ordinary native comb, without extracting
+the tooth itself; but how it is done I could not ascertain. There
+is no incantation connected with the operation. Another cure is for
+the patient to chew the leaf of a certain tree (I do not know what
+tree), so that the sap of it gets into the hole in the tooth, and
+thereby, as they think, draws or drives out this nerve, or whatever
+the something may be. The Fathers of the Mission told me that both
+these two remedies do really appear to be effective.
+
+Wounds are the speciality of many healers with special knowledge of
+the curative properties of various plants, and who gather the plant,
+make an incantation over it, boil it in water, and then with that
+water wash the wound. There are also men who operate surgically on
+wounds with knives made of stone or shell or bamboo.
+
+Charms, probably of a poisonous nature, are used generally for the
+warding off of sickness, these being carried in the little charm bags.
+
+A general and universal cure for all ailments is a piece of bark,
+tied with a piece of string to the neck or head, all neck ornaments
+having been first removed.
+
+I regret that as regards all these matters I am only able to indicate
+shortly and generally the methods of cure, and can give no further
+explanation concerning them.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Death and Burial.
+
+_(Ordinary People.)_
+
+When a man or woman is regarded as dying, he or she is at once attended
+by a woman whose permanent office it is to do this, and who has other
+women and girls with her to assist her, these others including, but
+not necessarily being confined to, the females of the dying man's own
+family and relatives. The house is full of women; but there is no
+man there. This special woman and the others attend the dying man,
+[97] nursing him, washing him from time to time, and keeping the
+flies away from him; but they apparently do not attempt any measures
+for curing him, their offices only beginning when he is regarded as
+dying. In the meantime they all wail, and there are also a number of
+other women wailing outside the house.
+
+The special woman watches the dying person; and when she thinks he
+is dead she gives him a heavy blow on the side of the head with her
+fist, and pronounces him dead. She apparently does not feel his heart,
+or do more than watch his face; and I should think it may often be
+that in point of fact he is not dead when the blow is given, and
+might perhaps have recovered.
+
+Then the women inside the house say to one another that he is dead,
+and communicate the news to the people outside; whereupon the men in
+the village all commence shouting as loudly as they can. The reason
+given for this shouting is that it frightens away the man's ghost;
+but if so it is apparently only a partial intimidation of the ghost,
+who, as will be seen hereafter, is subjected to further alarms at a
+later stage. The men communicate the news in the ordinary way adopted
+by these people of shouting it across the valleys; and so it spreads
+to other villages, and even to other communities. The man being dead,
+the wailing of the women inside and outside the house is changed into
+a true funeral wailing song; but this latter only continues for a few
+minutes. The special woman and some others, probably relatives only,
+remain in the house; but they do not touch the body at this stage. The
+other women, probably non-relatives, go out. The relatives of the
+deceased, both men and women, immediately smear their bodies with mud,
+but no one else in the village does so.
+
+This is the situation until the first party of women, generally
+accompanied by men, begin to come in from other villages of the
+same, and probably of one or more other, communities. These people
+have been laughing and playing and enjoying themselves on their way
+to the village, and do so freely until they get close to it. Then
+they commence wailing (not the funeral song) and shouting, calling
+the deceased by a relationship term, such as father, brother, etc.,
+though they may never have heard of him before; and, doing this, they
+enter the village, and go to the house. The incoming women, but not
+the men, all arrive smeared with mud. The women crowd into and about
+the house, still wailing as before, but not the funeral song. They
+all see the body; and each woman, after seeing it, comes out and sits
+on the platform of the house or on the ground outside. The party of
+outside village women then cease their first wailing, and commence
+the funeral song, in which they are joined by the female relatives
+of the deceased and other women of the village. But again this only
+lasts for a few minutes, the period being longer or shorter according
+to the importance of the person who has died.
+
+Other similar parties, coming in from other villages, go through the
+same performance as they come into the village; and in each case, as
+the women of each fresh party come out of the house after seeing the
+corpse, there is a fresh outburst of the funeral song on the part of
+all the women present, but always only for a few minutes. This goes on
+till the last batch of visitors has arrived. The people of the village
+know when this last batch has come, because they have been told by
+cross-valley shouting which villages are sending parties. The total
+number of women in the village is then generally very large. After the
+last batch of visitors has arrived, and until the funeral ceremony,
+all the women again break out into the funeral song for a few minutes
+about once an hour in the daytime, but not so often at night.
+
+The funeral takes place probably about twenty-four hours after
+death. The body is now wrapped up by the special woman attendant,
+helped by the female relatives of the deceased, in leaves, especially
+banana leaves, and bark of trees, and remains so wrapped up in
+the house.
+
+It is placed with the knees bent up to the chin, and the heels to the
+buttocks. In the meantime men of the village dig a grave 2 or 3 feet
+deep in the village open enclosure. When all is ready the funeral
+song begins again, the singers this time being the female relatives
+of the deceased and the women who have come from outside villages,
+but not the other women of the village of the deceased. Men of the
+village then carry the corpse, wrapped and doubled up, and place it,
+lying on its back, in the grave. There is no real procession from the
+house to the grave, though all the people assemble at the latter;
+but during the whole of the time, until the body is in the grave,
+the singing by the women of the funeral song continues. As soon as
+the body is in the grave, all the men, both villagers and visitors,
+shout again as before, and for the same purpose. The grave is then
+filled up, the women in the meantime singing as before; and when this
+is done the funeral is over.
+
+The relatives of the deceased now go into mourning. The widow or
+widower or other nearest relative wears the mourning string necklace
+already described. He or she, and also the other near relatives,
+smear their faces, and sometimes, but not always, their bodies, with
+black, to which, as regards the face, but not the body, is added oil or
+water. Some more distant relatives, instead of blackening themselves,
+wear the mourning shell necklace. And all this will continue,
+nominally without break, until the mourning is formally removed, in
+the way to be explained hereafter. As a matter of fact, the insignia
+of mourning are not worn without interruption, and the black smearing
+is by no means so retained; but on any special occasion the person
+would take care to appear in mourning. There is a custom under which
+the widow or widower or other nearest relative may, instead of wearing
+the mourning string necklace, abstain during the period of mourning
+from eating some particular food, of which deceased was most fond. [98]
+
+In connection with mourning, I should also mention a curious custom,
+which I understand is common, though not universal, for a woman who
+has lost a child, and especially a first-born or very clear child,
+to amputate the top end of one of her fingers, up to the first joint,
+with an adze. Having done this once for one child, she will possibly
+do it again for another child; and a woman has been seen with three
+fingers mutilated in this way. [99]
+
+The family of the deceased invite men and women from some other
+community, but only one community, to a funeral feast, which is
+held after an interval of two or three days from the day of the
+funeral. On the day appointed these guests arrive. They are all well
+ornamented, but, with one exception, they do not wear their dancing
+ornaments. One of them, however, usually a chief or the son of a chief
+of the community invited, comes in his full dancing ornaments. All
+the guest men bring with them their spears, and perhaps adzes or clubs.
+
+When they arrive the following performances take place, the village
+enclosure being left by the villagers empty and open:--First two guest
+women enter the village enclosure at one end, and run in silence round
+it, brandishing spears in both hands, as at the big feast; but they
+make no hostile demonstration. When these two women have reached their
+starting point, they again do the same thing, brandishing their spears
+as before, and all the guest men, except the specially dressed one,
+follow them by advancing with a dancing step along the enclosure,
+they also brandishing their spears, and also being silent. Thus the
+whole group goes to the other end of the village, passing the grave
+of the deceased as they do so; then they turn round, and come back
+again in the same way, but on their return they stop before they
+reach the grave.
+
+Then the specially ornamented guest man enters alone, without his arms,
+but with his drum, which he beats. He dances up the village enclosure
+in a zigzag course, going from side to side of the enclosure, and
+always facing in the direction in which he is at the time moving; and
+during his advance he beats his drum., but otherwise he and all the
+other people are silent. When in this way he has reached the grave,
+the chief of the clan of the village where the funeral takes place,
+who does not wear any dancing ornaments, approaches him, and removes
+his heavy head ornament. This ends the first part of the ceremony;
+and the villagers and guests then chat and conduct themselves in the
+ordinary way.
+
+Plates 82 and 83 illustrate scenes at a funeral feast in the village
+of Amalala. In the former plate the grave is very clear, and the
+remains of an older grave are visible behind the post a little to the
+left. At the upper end of the village enclosure are the visitors, who
+are about to dance along the enclosure past the grave, and then back
+again up to it. The figures in the _emone_ behind are Amalala men,
+watching the performance. In the latter plate the visitor chief is
+seen dancing along the village enclosure towards the grave.
+
+In the meantime the members of the family of the deceased bring in one
+or more village pigs and some vegetables. A number of sticks are laid
+upon the ground over the grave, the sticks crossing each other so as
+to form a rude ground platform (this is not done by any particular
+person), and these sticks are covered with banana leaves. [100] The
+pigs are placed on this platform, and are then killed by the pig-killer
+and cut up, and the vegetables and pieces of pig are distributed by
+the chief of the clan, helped perhaps by the family of the deceased,
+among the male visitors. The one specially dressed visitor, being
+the only one who has really danced, gets much the largest share. For
+example, if there be two or more pigs, he will get an entire pig for
+himself. Then the ceremony is over, and the guests return home. The
+wood of the platform is not removed from the grave, but is left to
+rot there. The killing of the pigs at this ceremony is regarded as
+the act which will, they think, finally propitiate or drive away the
+ghost of the departed.
+
+It will be noticed that, though representatives from several
+communities may be invited and come to the funeral, only one community
+is invited to the subsequent funeral feast, just as only one community
+is invited to the big feast, which latter we must, I think, associate
+with the general superstitious idea of laying the ghosts of past
+departed chiefs and notables. I cannot say what is the reason for the
+confinement of these invitations to one community only, but it must, I
+think, have had some definite origin [101]; and as to this I am struck
+by the similarity of the Massim idea, referred to by Dr. Seligmann,
+that an individual's death primarily concerns the dead man's hamlet
+and one other hamlet of his clan, with which certain death feasts
+are exchanged, other members of the clan being comparatively little
+affected. [102]
+
+As soon as possible after the funeral pig-killing, they catch some
+wild pig or pigs, and kill and eat them, and sweep down the village
+by way of purification ceremony, very much as they do in the case
+of the big feast, except that it is on a very much smaller scale,
+and that the people do not afterwards leave the village.
+
+The ceremony of removal of the mourning may take place after an
+interval of only a week or two, or of so much as six months, the
+date often depending upon the occurrence of some other ceremony,
+at which the removal of the mourning can be carried out without
+necessitating a ceremony for itself only. Visitors from some
+other community attend. The ceremony only applies to the nearest
+relative--the person who wears the string necklace; but, on his or
+her mourning being ceremoniously removed, the mourning of all others
+in respect of the same deceased ceases automatically. [103] This
+nearest relative has to provide a village pig. There is a feast,
+and dancing and pig-killing and distribution of food and pig, in
+the usual way, and this may be in the village of the deceased or
+in some other village of the community. The pig-killing is done by
+the pig-killer under the platform of a chiefs platform grave, or on
+the site of it. The pig, specially provided by the nearest relative,
+is bought and paid for by some person, as in the case of some of the
+ceremonies already described, and this person, after the killing of
+the pig, without special ceremony, cuts off the mourner's string
+necklace, dips it in the blood of the pig, and throws it away;
+then he takes some coloured paint, usually red, and with it daubs
+two lines on each side of the face across the cheek of the mourner,
+who of course at this ceremony will still have his black paint. If
+the mourner has been refraining from food, instead of wearing the
+necklace, the ceremony is confined to the paint-daubing. Then the
+mourner pays this ceremonial pig-buyer for his services, probably in
+feathers or dog-teeth, and the mourning is at an end.
+
+There will at a later date be a purification ceremony, at which wild
+pigs will be killed, such as has already been described. [104]
+
+
+Death and Burial.
+
+_(Chiefs.)_
+
+A dying chief is attended by the special woman and others in the
+way above described, except that many women of the clan are there,
+and that this special attendance and its accompanying wailing begin
+earlier, perhaps two or three days earlier, than in the case of an
+ordinary person, and that all the women of the clan who are not in
+the house wail outside it.
+
+In this case, however, there is a special ceremony for ascertaining
+whether or not the chief is in fact going to die--a ceremony which is
+usually performed at his own request. Some vegetable food, probably
+sweet potato, or perhaps sugar-cane or taro, is given him to eat;
+and this he will do although he may be very ill, and may not have been
+taking food, though of course, if he were insensible or unable to eat,
+this special ceremony could not be carried out. The inedible portions
+of this food, _e.g.,_ the peel of the potato or the hard fibres of
+the sugar-cane, are then handed to certain magical persons of the
+community, whose special duty it is to perform the ceremony about to be
+described, but as to whom I was unable to ascertain who and what they
+are, and whether they have any other special functions besides those
+of this ceremony. Some of these portions of food may even be sent to
+some similar magic person of high reputation in another community,
+in order that he also may perform the same ceremony. Each of these
+magic persons also has handed to him a portion of a perineal band
+belonging to, and recently worn by, the ailing chief.
+
+Each of the magic men then wraps up the portion of food which has
+been given to him in the piece of band; and this he again wraps up in
+leaves, and continues doing so until the parcel has become a round
+ball 4 or 5 inches in diameter. The men then separate, and each of
+them goes off alone to a spot outside the village, where he collects
+some very dry firewood, and heaps it up against the trunk of a tree
+to a height of, say, 6 feet. He then engages in an incantation, after
+which he puts the ball inside the bottom of the wood pile, and lights
+the pile at the bottom. Then he lies down by this fire and closes his
+eyes. After an interval of perhaps two to five minutes he gets up,
+as though awakening from a bad dream, and hears the wailing in the
+adjoining village, and asks himself what all this wailing is about;
+and he then appears to remember for what purpose he is there, goes to
+the fire, and takes out the ball. If the fire has burnt or scorched
+the food wrapped up in the ball, it is an indication that the chief
+is to die. If not, it indicates that he will live. These magic men
+then return to the village, and report the result. If their report
+be that the chief is going to live, the people cease their wailing,
+but if it be that he is to die, the wailing continues.
+
+Pausing here for a moment, I may admit that, though I have told
+the tale of this ceremony, with its private cogitations--real or
+pretended--of the magic men, as it was told to me, the tale is open
+to obvious questions. How can a magic man from a distant community
+hear the wailing? What would happen if the results of the ceremonies
+of the various magic men were to differ? What would be the situation
+if a chief whose death was indicated by the ceremony lived, or if one
+whose recovery was foretold became worse and died? All these points
+I tried to elucidate without success; but possibly the answer to the
+query as to divergence of results may be that the men take care that
+the results of their experiments shall not differ.
+
+It is believed by the natives that, if a hostile community can secure
+some of the food remnants and band, and hand them to their own magic
+man, for him to go through the same ceremony, he may maliciously
+bring about an unfavourable result, and thus may cause the death
+of the chief. If the belief that such a thing had happened arose,
+it would be a _casus belli_ with that other community; and a case is
+known in which an inter-community fight did occur on this ground.
+
+If the report be that the chief is to die, the special woman attendant
+will give him the blow on the head, as in the case of the ordinary
+villager. The shouting of the men outside when the chiefs death is
+announced is much louder than in the case of a commoner; and as they
+shout they brandish their spears, and strike the roof of the chiefs
+house with the spear points, and some of the men strike it with
+adzes and clubs. The spreading of the news to other communities is
+on a wider scale, and the number of people who respond to the news
+and come to the funeral is very great, and includes a larger number
+of chiefs and prominent men; there are more, and much larger, parties
+of them. The funeral song of the women, commenced on the announcement
+of death, lasts much longer--indeed for hours. In fact, as numerous
+large bodies of people keep coming in, and some of these coming from
+a distance may not arrive until just before the funeral, and as the
+funeral song has to be recommenced as each fresh party comes in,
+and lasts so much longer each time, it follows that this funeral song
+practically continues without ceasing from the moment when death is
+announced until the actual funeral. The immediate smearing by men and
+women of their bodies with mud is done by all the members of the entire
+community. When the guests reach the village, they are all, both men
+and women, smeared with mud, and they loudly call on the dead chief
+by his title _amidi_, or as _babe_ (father). Also the various chiefs'
+wives among the guests remain in the house after seeing the body,
+instead of coming out with the other guest women.
+
+The funeral does not take place till thirty-six or forty-eight hours
+after the death. The various chiefs' wives take part in the wrapping
+up of the body; and to the ordinary wrappings are added large pieces
+of bark cloth.
+
+The grave [105] is quite different from that of a commoner. There are
+two methods of sepulture adopted for chiefs, the grave being in both
+cases in or by the edge of the open village enclosure.
+
+The first of these methods is a burial platform, a very rough erection
+of upright poles from 9 to 12 feet high, the number of which may be
+four, or less or more than that, at the top of which erection is a
+rude wooden box-shaped receptacle, about 2 or 3 feet square, and from
+6 inches to a foot deep, and uncovered at the top, in which receptacle
+the corpse is placed. Sometimes the supporting structure, instead
+of being composed of a number of poles, is only a rough tree trunk,
+on which the lower ends of the branches are left to support the box.
+
+The second method is tree burial. The tree in which this is done is
+a special form of fig tree called _gabi_, the burial box, similar to
+the one above described, being placed in its lowest fork, or, if that
+be already occupied, then in the next one, and so on. [106] A tree
+has been seen with six of these boxes in it, one above another. This
+tree is specially used for such burials. The natives will never cut it
+down. In selecting a village site they will often specially choose one
+where one of these trees is growing; and indeed the presence of such
+a tree in the bush raises a probability that there is, or has been,
+a native village there. [107]
+
+If a burial platform afterwards falls down through decay, the people
+throw away all the bones, except the skull and the larger bones of the
+arms and legs; and these they deal with in one of three alternative
+ways. They either (1) dig a shallow grave in the ground under the
+fallen platform, and put the skull and special bones there, and then
+fill in the grave with soil, on this put a heap of stones, and on these
+put the wooden remains of the collapsed platform, planting round them
+tobacco or croton, or some other fine-leaved plant, or (2) they put
+the skull and special bones in a box on the _gabi_ burying tree, or
+(3) they take them to the _emone_, and there hang them up till they
+are wanted for a big feast. In the same way, if a tree box falls,
+they retain only the skull and large arm and leg bones, and replace
+them in a new box in the same tree.
+
+We have already seen a chiefs burial platform in the two plates 69 and
+70 relating to the big feast at Seluku, and the following plates are
+additional illustrations:--Plate 84 is the grave of a chiefs child in
+the village of Malala. The supports of the grave rise from the village
+enclosure fence behind, and are quite distinct from the underground
+commoner's grave, which is seen in front. The positions of the two
+graves can be seen in the general view of the village (Plate 58). Plate
+85 is a group of graves of chiefs and chiefs' relatives in the village
+of Tullalave (community of Auga). Plate 86 shows the grave of a chiefs
+child in the village of Faribe (community of Faribe). The form of this
+grave is quite different from those of the others, and is not, I think,
+so common, but a grave somewhat resembling it is seen in Plate 60.
+
+Plate 87 is a _gabi_ fig tree, used for tree burial, near to the
+village of Seluku, and Plate 88 shows the remains of an old burial
+box in one of its forks. The bones are still in this box, and indeed
+one of them may be just discerned at the extreme left, close to the
+upright stem of the tree.
+
+Plate 89 illustrates what I have said as to what is done when a burial
+platform falls down from decay. The skull and larger arm and leg bones
+of the body have been buried underground, and upon these have been
+heaped first stones and then the remains of the collapsed platform, and
+one little foliage plant and dried-up looking specimens of others can
+be seen around it. This picture was taken in the village of Seluku,
+and the actual position of the grave in the village enclosure is
+seen in Plate 55. Plate 90, of an _emone_ in the village of Voitele
+(community of Sivu) illustrates the alternative plan of hanging the
+skull and bones up in the _emone_.
+
+At the funeral all the women present, those of the village and of
+the whole community and the guests, join in singing the funeral song;
+but here again there is no actual procession, and the carrying of the
+body is not necessarily entrusted to any particular person. When the
+grave, whether on a platform or on a tree, is reached, all the men
+present begin to shout loudly, and there is a terrible noise. They all
+have their spears, but there is no brandishing of them. Then some men
+(anyone may do this) climb up to the box, and others hand the wrapped
+body up to them, and they place it lying on its back in the box. This
+ends the actual burial ceremony.
+
+The black mourning face, and sometimes body-staining is then adopted by
+all the people of the community, and perhaps also by chiefs from other
+communities who have been friends of the dead chief. The special string
+necklace worn by the nearest relative and the other family emblems of
+mourning are the same as in the case of an ordinary person, except
+that the chiefs widow will probably also wear the special mourning
+network vest already described, and that the mourning shell necklace,
+which in the case of an ordinary man is only worn by distant relatives,
+is worn by all the married men and women of the clan who have or can
+procure it.
+
+The subsequent ceremony and feast are in this case held one or two
+days after the funeral, the acceleration in the case of a chief being
+necessary in consequence of the retention of the corpse above ground
+and the foul smell which immediately begins to emanate from it. This
+feast is on a very large scale, though here again only one community
+is invited. The guests enter the village just as they do in the case
+of the death of an ordinary person; but they are all specially well
+decorated, and the one guest who comes in full dancing ornaments will
+certainly be a chief, or at least a chiefs son. The subsequent part
+of the ceremony, up to the removal of the head feather ornament from
+the dancer, is the same; but this removal is done by the nearest male
+relative of the deceased chief, who will probably be the person to whom
+the chieftainship has descended. Then follows the feast itself. The
+vegetables and village pigs for the feast are provided by the whole
+clan, and are in very large quantities. No platform of sticks is
+placed on the grave, the grave in this case not being underground;
+but the banana leaves are placed around (not under) the supports of
+the burial platform, or around the trunk of the burial tree. The pigs
+are killed upon these banana leaves by the pig-killer and his helpers,
+and the killed pigs are then placed in circles around the platform
+or tree, and are there cut up. The distribution of food and pig's
+flesh is made by the chiefs nearest male relative, with assistance,
+here again the special dancer getting the largest share, and the
+ceremony is then over, and the guests return to their villages.
+
+And now a true desertion of the village by its inhabitants takes
+place, as indeed is necessary, as the putrefying body is becoming
+so offensive; and it will be at least two or three weeks before the
+emission of the smells is over. The villagers all go off into the bush,
+with the exception of two unhappy men, more or less close relatives of
+the dead chief, who have to remain in the village. Whilst there alone
+they are well ornamented, though not in their full dancing decoration,
+but in particular, though not themselves chiefs, they wear on their
+heads the cassowary feathers which are the distinctive decoration of
+a chief, and they carry their spears. There they remain amidst the
+awful stench of the decomposing body and all the mess and smell of the
+pigs' blood and garbage about the village. It is a curious fact that,
+in speaking of these two men, the natives do not speak of them as
+watching over the body of the chief, but as watching over the blood
+of the killed pigs.
+
+When the stench is over, the villagers in the bush are informed, and
+they then return to the village. Then follow the killing and eating
+of wild pigs and sweeping down of the village, as in the case of the
+death of an ordinary person, but again on a much larger scale.
+
+It will be noticed that, though the desertion of the village after a
+big feast lasts for six months, that which follows a chiefs funeral
+only lasts for a few weeks.
+
+The removal of the mourning takes place after an interval which may be
+anything between one and six months. This is a special ceremony, and
+will not be postponed for the purpose of tacking it on to some other
+ceremony, as in the case of an ordinary person's mourning removal; but
+other ceremonies will often be tacked on to it. The guests invited are
+from only one other community. Here again the person actually dealt
+with is the chief mourner, and the removal of mourning from him or
+her terminates the mourning for everyone. The village pigs for this
+occasion are provided by the dead man's family, and not by the whole
+clan, as in the case of a chiefs funeral feast. There will probably
+be two or three of such pigs provided; but, as the ceremony is also
+available for various other ceremonies, there may be a considerable
+number of pigs killed. The dancing and pig-killing and feast are
+the same as those of an ordinary mourning-removal ceremony, but on a
+larger scale. The pig-killing in this case is done round the platform
+or tree on which the chief is buried. The buyer of the pig, who cuts
+off the mourning necklace and daubs the face of the chief mourner,
+if not a chief, will at all events be a person of importance; but
+the ceremonies relating to all these matters are identical with those
+already described. There is also the subsequent purification ceremony,
+at which wild pigs are killed and eaten as before.
+
+The graves of chiefs' wives and members of their families, and
+other persons of special importance, are platform or tree graves,
+like those of chiefs, and the funeral ceremonies on the deaths of
+these people are very similar to those of chiefs, though they are on
+a scale which is smaller, in proportion to the relative smallness
+of the importance of the person to be buried; and they are subject
+to a few detailed differences, which the difference of the situation
+involves. The special magic ceremony for ascertaining if the patient
+is or is not going to die is not performed in the case of these people.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVIII
+
+Religion and Superstitious Beliefs and Practices
+
+
+Religion and Superstitions.
+
+These are subjects which I should hardly have ventured to introduce
+into this book if I had had to rely exclusively upon enquiries made
+only during my stay among the Mafulu villages, without having the
+benefit of five years' observation by the Mafulu Fathers of the
+Mission. And, notwithstanding this additional facility, my notes
+on these questions will be found to involve puzzles and apparent
+inconsistencies; and there is no part of the book which should be
+read and accepted with greater reserve and doubt as to possible
+misunderstanding. Subject to this caution, I give the information as
+I have obtained it.
+
+I heard nothing to justify the idea of the Mafulu people having
+any belief in a universal God or All Father; but there is a general
+belief among them in a mysterious individual named _Tsidibe_, who may
+be a man, or may be a spirit (they appear to be vague as to this),
+who has immense power, and who once passed through their country in
+a direction from east to west. Wherever you may be, if you speak of
+this personage, and ask to be told in which direction he travelled,
+they always point out one which is from east to west. They believe
+that it was _Tsidibe_ who taught them all their customs, including
+dancing and manufacture, and that he ultimately reached and remained
+in the land of the white man, where he is now living; and that the
+superior knowledge of the white man in manufacture, and especially
+in the making of clothes, has been acquired from him. The idea of
+his ultimate association with the white man can hardly, however, be
+a very ancient tradition. One of the Fathers was seriously asked by a
+native whether he had ever seen _Tsidibe_. They seem to think that he
+is essentially a beneficent being. They regret his having left their
+country; but they have no doubt as to this, and do not regard him as
+still continuing to exercise any influence over them and their affairs,
+have no ceremonies or observances with reference to him, and do not
+address to him any supplications. As traces of his passage through
+their country they will show you extraordinarily shaped rocks and
+stones, such as fragments which have fallen from above into the valley,
+and rocks and stones which have lodged in strange positions. But there
+are no ceremonies with reference to these and the natives have no
+fear of them, and indeed they will proudly point them out to you as
+evidences of this mysterious being having been in their country, and
+of his power. They would not hesitate to touch one of these stones,
+but they would never injure it. I learnt nothing about him which
+would justify me in suggesting that the Mafulu people deified him
+as an ancestor, or even regarded him as being one, though some of
+the matters attributed to him are perhaps not dissimilar from those
+often attributed to deified ancestors. [108]
+
+They certainly have a lively belief in ghosts of people who have
+lived and died, and in spirits which have never occupied human form,
+all of whom (ghosts and spirits) are evil disposed, and in sorcery.
+
+Every human being, male and female, has during life a mysterious
+ghostly self, in addition to his bodily visible and conscious self;
+and this ghostly self will on his death survive him as a ghost. There
+appears to be no idea of this ghostly self leaving the body in times
+of sleeping or dreaming; though, if a man dreams of someone who is
+dead, he thinks that he has been visited by that person's ghost.
+
+At death the ghost leaves the body, and becomes, and remains, a
+malevolent being. There is no idea of re-incarnation, or of the ghost
+passing into any animal or plant, though, as will be seen hereafter,
+it sometimes apparently _becomes_ a plant; and there is no difference
+in their minds between the case of a person who has died naturally
+and one who has been killed in battle or otherwise, or between persons
+who have or have not been eaten, or who have or have not been buried,
+though in case of burial there are the methods of getting rid of the
+ghost; and there is no superstitious avoidance of graves or fear of
+mentioning a deceased person by name, and no superstition as to the
+shadows of living persons passing over graves and sacred places. Except
+as above stated, I found no trace of any belief in a future state.
+
+When on the death of a man or woman or child, the ghostly self leaves
+the body, or at all events when the funeral pig-killing has been
+performed, the ghost goes away to the tops of the mountains, where
+apparently it exists as a ghost for ever. The shouting immediately
+after the death, and afterwards at the funeral, are steps towards
+driving it there; and the pig-killing ceremony completes the
+process. On reaching the mountains the ghost _becomes_ one of two
+things. The ghost of a young or grown-up person up to, say, forty or
+forty-five years of age becomes the shimmering light upon the ground
+and undergrowth, which occurs here and there where the dense forest of
+the mountains is penetrated by the sun's beams. It is apparently only
+the light which shimmers on the ground and undergrowth, and not that
+in the air. The ghost of an elderly person over forty or forty-five
+years of age becomes a large sort of fungus, which is indigenous to
+the mountains, where alone it is found. Any native who on a hunting
+expedition or otherwise meets with a glade in which this shimmering
+light occurs will carefully pass round it, instead of going across
+it; and any native finding one of these fungi will neither eat nor
+touch, nor even tread upon it; though indeed, as regards the eating,
+I understand that this particular fungus is one of the poisonous
+non-edible forms. A native who, after the recent death of another,
+is travelling in the mountains, and there finds a young fungus of
+this species only just starting into growth, will think that it is
+probably the ghost of the recently departed one.
+
+As regards the use by me with reference to both sunbeams and fungi of
+the word "_becomes_" I recognise that it may justify much doubt and
+questioning. The idea of actually _becoming_ the flickering light or
+the fungus, as distinguished from that of entering into or haunting
+it, is a difficult one to grasp, especially as regards the flickering
+light. I tried to get to the bottom of this question when I was at
+Mafulu; but the belief as to actual _becoming_ was insisted upon, and
+I could get no further. I cannot doubt, however, that there is much
+room for further investigation on the point, which is of a character
+concerning which misapprehension may well arise, especially in dealing
+with such simple and primitive people as are the Mafulu natives.
+
+The foods of these ghosts in both their forms are the ghostly elements
+of the usual native vegetable foods (sweet potato, yam, taro, banana,
+and in fact every vegetable food) and the ghostly elements of the
+excrement of the still living natives; and the ghosts come down from
+the mountains to the villages and gardens to procure these foods. Here
+again the difficulty as to meaning above referred to arises, as they
+can hardly imagine that the flickering lights cease to flicker in their
+mountain glades, or that the fungi cease to exist in their mountain
+habitats during these food-seeking incursions; and yet, unless this
+be so, the superstitious difficulty is increased. A ghost is also
+sometimes for some reason or other dissatisfied with his mountain
+abode; and he will then return to the village (not apparently in the
+visible form of a flickering light or a fungus).
+
+As the intentions of the ghost towards living humanity are always
+evil, his visits, whether for procuring food or in consequence of
+dissatisfaction with his habitat, are feared by the people; but I
+could not ascertain what was the nature of the injuries by the ghost to
+themselves of which they were afraid, nor could I hear of any actual
+instance of a disaster or misfortune which had been attributed to the
+machinations of such a ghost. When sleeping in their dark enclosed
+houses, however, the people fill up all openings by which the ghost
+might enter (this does not apply to the _emone_, the entrance openings
+of which are not closed at night; but perhaps the fact that a number
+of men are always sleeping together there gives them confidence);
+and when the Mission Station at Mafulu was started the natives were
+amazed at the missionaries daring to sleep alone in rooms with open
+doors and windows, through which the ghosts might enter.
+
+Having by the shouting prior to and at the dead man's funeral wholly
+or partially driven his ghost to the mountains, and in some way,
+as it would seem, further placated or influenced the ghost by the
+subsequent pig-killing over or by his grave at the funeral feast, there
+is no method of which I could gain information by which the people can
+actually keep him there, or prevent his periodic returns to the village
+and gardens for food, or his return from a mountain home with which
+he is dissatisfied; and there are apparently no prayers, incantations
+or other ceremonies for the purpose of placating, or intimidating, or
+in any way influencing the ghost. This statement is subject, however,
+to the existence of the practice of pig-killing at the various other
+ceremonies before described (always apparently done under or by or
+on the site of a chiefs grave), which is evidently superstitious in
+character, and must have reference to the ghosts of the departed chiefs
+and notables, being intended, or having originally been intended,
+to placate or influence them in some way or other; and especially it
+would seem that this must be so as regards the dipping of the mourner's
+string necklace in dead pigs' blood at the mourning-removal ceremony,
+and as regards the pig-killing at the big feast, at which the skulls
+and bones of all the then departed chiefs and notables are carefully
+collected, and made the objects of ceremonious dipping in blood, or
+touching with bones so dipped, and after which these skulls and bones
+may be thrown away, as not requiring further ceremony. And concerning
+all these ceremonies, if we bear in mind the special fear which many
+primitive people seem to have of the ghosts of their great men, as
+distinguished from those of the unimportant ones, it seems, I think,
+to be natural that the graves and the skulls and bones of the great
+ones should be those which are specially dealt with, and the dealing
+with which may possibly, so far as the big feasts are concerned,
+have been the original purpose for which the feasts were held.
+
+The mental attitude and conduct of the people towards ghosts may have
+originated in some form of ancestor worship, but I found nothing now
+existing to indicate this; and in particular I could learn nothing
+of any recognition of, or ceremonial observances with reference to,
+the individual ghosts of known persons, as distinguished from the
+ghosts generally.
+
+I could find no direct information as to any belief in ghosts of
+animals or plants; but the fact that the living edible plants have
+a ghostly self, upon which the human ghosts feed, seems to involve
+the idea during the life of those plants; and in that case one sees
+no reason why the ghost of the plant should not survive the plant
+itself, just as the ghost of the living person survives him at his
+death. Also the existence of a ghostly element in human excrement
+opens out a wide field of ghostly possibilities.
+
+Spirits which have never been human beings are also malevolent;
+though when we come to the operations of magic men or sorcerers,
+and to incantations and the use of charms, the powers in connection
+with all of which appear to be ascribed to spirits, it will be noticed
+that these are by no means necessarily and invariably engaged or used
+for malevolent purposes.
+
+I was not able to obtain any satisfactory information as to these
+spirits, or their supposed attributes, nor, except as regards illness
+and death, as to the nature of, and ground for, the fears which the
+natives feel concerning them; indeed, this is a subject upon which
+most natives all over the world are inclined to be reticent, partly
+or largely from fear. Even as regards the sacred places which these
+spirits are supposed to haunt, though the natives are not unwilling
+to pass them, and will mention the fact that they are sacred, they
+are unwilling to talk about them. My notes as to spirits, other than
+those in connection with sorcery producing illness and death, must
+therefore be practically confined to the sacred places haunted by the
+spirits, and the demeanour and acts of the natives with reference to,
+and when they pass, these places.
+
+Speaking generally, any place which has something specially peculiar
+or unusual in its appearance is likely to be regarded as the abode of
+a spirit. A waterfall, or a deep still pool in the course of a river
+(but not the river itself), or a deep narrow rocky river ravine,
+or a strangely shaped rock come under this category. There are also
+certain trees and creepers which are regarded as implying the presence
+of a spirit in their vicinity, although that vicinity has in itself
+nothing unusual. I can, however, only give a few illustrative examples
+of this general idea.
+
+There are three special trees and two or three special creepers
+which imply the presence of a spirit. What the creepers are I could
+not ascertain; but the trees are a very large palm which grows
+on the mountains and not on the coast, a form of pine tree, [109]
+and the _gabi_ fig-tree, used for burial of chiefs. [110] It does
+not necessarily follow that every specimen of any one of these trees
+and creepers is spirit-haunted; but some are known to be so, and all
+are apparently so much under suspicion that, though the natives will
+speak of them and will pass them, they are afraid to cut them down.
+
+At the time when the path near the newly erected Mission Station at
+Mafulu was being opened some of these creepers had to be cleared away,
+and the Mission Fathers had the utmost difficulty with the natives,
+only two or three of whom could be persuaded to help in the work,
+whilst the others stood aloof and afraid. In the same way, when
+the Fathers wanted to cut down some of the special palms, only two
+natives were induced to help in this, and even they only did so on the
+condition that the Fathers themselves made the first strokes; and the
+Fathers were warned by the natives that evil would befall them. It was
+a curious coincidence that the Father who did this tree-cutting, being
+then and having been for a long time past perfectly well in health,
+was that evening taken ill with a bad sore, which nearly necessitated
+his being carried down to the head Mission Station on the coast.
+
+There is a very common ceremony performed when natives, in travelling
+through the country, pass a spirit-haunted spot. The leader of the
+party turns round, and in a low voice tells the others that they are
+approaching the spot, whereupon they all become silent, though up to
+that point they have been chattering. The leader then takes a wisp of
+grass and ties it in a knot, and all the others do the same. They then
+walk on in silence for a period, which may be anything from five to
+fifteen minutes, after which, as they pass the spot, the leader turns
+round and throws his bunch of grass on the ground, and the others do
+the same. In this way they avert the danger and afterwards chatter
+as before. [111] Another somewhat similar ceremony commences, like
+the former one, with silence; but, instead of throwing grass down as
+they pass the haunted spot, the visible sign of which in this case is
+a hole in the ground, the leader stops and looks round at the others,
+and then presses the palm of his hand down into the interior of the
+hole, and the others do the same; and after this all is safe and well,
+as in the former case. In travelling through the country these holes
+with numerous impressions of hands in them are to be seen; and you may
+in one day's journey pass several of these signs of haunted places,
+of either or both sorts, within a comparatively short distance of one
+another. The hole in which the people put their hands may not have
+originally existed, and may have been produced by the oft-repeated
+pressure of hands on the ground as natives passed the haunted spot;
+but on this point I am unable to make any statement. Nor have I
+been able to ascertain what the difference, if any, is, or has been,
+between the places where they put grass and those in which they merely
+press the hands.
+
+I found no evidence of any general idea of supernatural powers being
+possessed by natural inanimate objects, such as rivers or rocks; but,
+as already stated, fishers are in the habit of addressing the stream
+in supplication for fish, and it is possible there are other examples
+of the same sort of thing, which I did not discover.
+
+Magic or sorcery, and those who practise it, and incantations and
+charms, and those who supply charms, are naturally associated with
+either ghosts or spirits, or both. Among the Mafulu people they are,
+I was assured, associated solely with spirits, and not with ghosts;
+and, though I have no confirmatory evidence of the accuracy of this
+statement, I can only in these notes assume that it is correct. It
+may well be, however, that in the minds of the people themselves the
+distinction between the ghost of a person who has lived and died and
+the spirit which has never lived in visible human form is not really
+quite clearly defined; or that powers which are now regarded by them
+as spirits have had an origin, possibly long ago, in what were then
+believed to be ghosts. I shall revert to this point at a later stage.
+
+
+Sorcery.
+
+The Mafulu magic men or sorcerers are different from those of the
+Mekeo plains. There is not among the Mafulu, as there is in Mekeo,
+a large body of powerful professional sorcerers, who are a source of
+constant terror to the other people of their own villages, and are
+yet to a certain extent relied upon and desired by those people as
+a counterpoise to the powers of sorcerers of other villages; and a
+Mafulu native, unless prevented by a fear of outside hostility in
+no way connected with the supernatural, will travel alone outside
+his own community in a way in which fear of the sorcerers would
+make a Mekeo native unwilling to do so. The Mafulu sorcerers are a
+somewhat less powerful people; but they claim, and are supposed to
+have, certain powers of divination, or actual causation, or both, of
+certain things. So far as I could learn, the sorcerer's supernatural
+powers would never be exercised in a hostile way against anyone of
+his own village, or indeed of his own clan, or even, as a rule, of
+his own community. Apparently the sorcerer's victim is nearly always
+a member of some other community; and the sorcerers of a community do
+not appear to be in any way either feared or shunned by the members of
+that community. And, even as regards their acts of hostility against
+members of other communities, these do not seem to be performed to
+an extent in any way approaching what is found in Mekeo.
+
+It seemed to me at first, as regards these sorcerers, that there was
+a confusion in the Mafulu mind between divination and causation. The
+question as to this arose specially in connection with the ceremony
+for ascertaining whether a chief was or was not going to die. The
+people of a clan and the ailing chief certainly assume that the
+sorcerers who perform the ceremony under instructions, whether they
+be of the same community or of some other community, will by their
+magical powers merely divine the death or recovery of the chief;
+and the idea does not enter their heads that these sorcerers may
+actually cause the death. And yet they will accuse a hostile sorcerer
+of causing the death by an exactly similar ceremony, and will go to
+war over the matter. Probably, however, it is rather a question of
+the sorcerer's assumed volition--that is, it is assumed that the
+friendly sorcerer does not want the chief to die, and the people
+rely upon him to confine himself to a divination ceremony, and not
+to engage in hostile sorcery; whereas a hostile sorcerer might do the
+latter. I may add that I was led to suspect that the burning test was
+regarded as being only a matter of divination, and that the causation,
+if it occurred, was effected by means of the previous incantation.
+
+There are also, besides the sorcerers, a number of specialists, who
+can hardly perhaps be called true sorcerers, but who have certain
+specific powers, or are acquainted with certain specific forms of
+incantation, and whose services are from time to time sought by
+the people. It is impossible for me to point to any definite line
+of demarcation between the true sorcerers and these smaller people;
+and it cannot be doubted that the powers of the latter, like those
+of the former, are, or have been, based upon the supernatural, even
+though they themselves do not claim to be and are not regarded as
+being magic men in the highest sense. I think I may regard them as
+being more or less the Mafulu equivalents of the Roro individuals
+whom Dr. Seligmann calls "departmental experts." [112]
+
+Dealing first with the true sorcerers, they undoubtedly include
+among their number the men who perform the special ceremonial already
+described for ascertaining whether a sick chief is or is not destined
+to die. They also seem to include the makers or providers of the
+various charms, including those which are carried in the little charm
+bags and the love charms used by young men, as already mentioned. There
+are also two other matters which are regarded as coming within the
+province of the true sorcerers, of which one relates to rain and the
+other relates to illness and death. I will deal with them separately.
+
+The rain sorcerer is apparently merely a diviner. Dr. Seligmann would
+perhaps include him among the departmental experts, but the Fathers
+of the Mission regard him as being a true sorcerer. He is the man
+to whom the people go in anticipation of a proposed important event,
+such as a big feast, or perhaps a fighting or large hunting expedition,
+to ascertain and inform them whether the period in which it is proposed
+that the event shall occur will be fine or wet; but he does not profess
+to be able to do more than this, and they never expect him to prevent
+or bring about the rain, or in any way hold him responsible for the
+weather as it may in fact eventually occur.
+
+The sorcery connected with illness and death is not so simple; and
+there is no doubt that it is not confined to powers of divination,
+but includes powers of actual causation. This department of
+sorcery obviously includes the ceremonial in connection with the
+supposed dying chief. But it is not confined to this ceremony,
+as it is generally believed by the Mafulu people that sickness,
+which does not necessarily end in death, and death itself, can be,
+and commonly is, brought about by the operation of sorcerers in one
+way or another through the medium of certain things. The only things
+of this nature concerning which I was able to obtain information are
+(1) the inedible part of some vegetable food which the victim has
+recently eaten (_e.g.,_ the outside part of a sweet potato or banana
+or the cane part of a sugar cane), and (2) the victim's discharged
+excrement or urine. I found no trace of any use for purposes of
+sorcery of the edible remnants of the victim's food, nor (except
+as regards a woman's placenta, to which I shall refer presently)
+of any part of his body, such as his hair or nails; and, in fact,
+the free way in which the natives throw away their hair when cut is
+inconsistent with any belief as to its possible use against them.
+
+First, the inedible remnants of recently consumed vegetable food. The
+use of this as a medium for causing illness and death is apparently
+confined to the case of a victim who has passed the stage of very
+young childhood. Why this is so I could not learn; though in point
+of fact a mere infant would hardly be eating such things as a regular
+practice. A man or woman, however, never carelessly throws aside his
+own food remnants of this character; and his reason for this is fear
+of sorcery. He carefully keeps them under his control until he can
+take them to a river, into which he throws them, after which they
+are harmless as a medium against him. The fear concerning these
+remains is that a sorcerer will use them for a ceremony somewhat
+similar to that described in connection with the death of a chief,
+but in a hostile way. No such precautions are taken with reference
+to similar food eaten by very young children.
+
+Secondly, the discharged excrement and urine. This, for some reason,
+only applies to the case of an infant or quite young child. Here again
+I could not learn the reason for the limitation; but it is confirmed
+by the fact that grown-up persons take no pains whatever to avoid
+the passing of these things into the possession of other people,
+whereas, as regards little children, the mothers or other persons
+having charge of them always take careful precautions. The mother
+picks up her little child's excrement, and wraps it in a leaf, and then
+either carefully hides it in a hole in the ground, or throws it into
+the river, or places it in a little raised-up nest-like receptacle,
+which is sometimes erected near the house for this purpose, and where
+also it is regarded as being safe. One of these receptacles, shaped
+like an inverted cone, is shown in Plate 91, and a somewhat similar
+one is seen in Plate 64. As regards the urine, she pours upon it,
+as it lies on the ground or on the house floor or platform, a little
+clean water which she obtains from any handy source, or sometimes from
+a little store which, when away from other water supply, she often
+carries about with her for the purpose. I could get no information as
+to the way in which the sorcerer would use the excrement or urine as
+a medium for hostile purposes; though there is apparently no process
+similar to that of the fire used in connection with the inedible food
+remnants of the adult.
+
+It will have been noticed that the mode of rendering the inedible
+food remnants of a grown-up person immune from sorcery, and one
+of the methods of making the infants' excrement immune, is that of
+throwing them into the river; and even as regards infants' urine,
+which apparently is not, and as a rule hardly could be, actually
+thrown into the river, the protection is obtained by pouring water
+upon it. I think that the belief among the islands of the Pacific in
+the power of water to protect against the machinations of spirits or
+ghosts is not confined to the Mafulu natives, or indeed to those of
+New Guinea. Dr. Codrington mentions its existence as regards human
+excrement in Melanesia. [113] I would also refer to a custom of the
+Mafulu women after childbirth of throwing the placenta into the river,
+a practice which is similar to that of the Koita women, who drop the
+placenta into the sea. [114] Probably these practices relating to
+placenta are also based upon some idea of protection from sorcerers
+and spirits, although I was informed that among the Mafulu there is
+no superstitious fear connected with the matter now. If the custom
+is in fact superstitious in origin, the list of media for the use of
+sorcery already given by me requires enlarging. [115]
+
+Serious illness or death of either an adult or an infant, if not
+caused by visible accident, is by the Mafulu, as by other natives,
+generally attributed, subject to limitations, to the sorcerers. The
+belief of the Mafulu as to this arises if the victim, being an ordinary
+person, is comparatively young, or in the strength of life, say under
+forty or forty-five, or if the victim, being a chief or a member of
+a chief's family or a person of very high position, is even over that
+age, unless he is very old, and old age is recognised as the natural
+cause of his illness or death.
+
+If the belief arises that the calamity, especially that of death,
+has been brought about by spiritualistic influence, the family will
+probably go to some person who is believed to be in touch with spirits
+and able to designate the culprit. I cannot say whether or not the
+person so employed is regarded as being a sorcerer in the full sense
+of the word, or as merely one of the inferior types of magic men
+above referred to. Probably he is only the latter, as I do not think
+there are any juvenile sorcerers among the Mafulu, and this particular
+person may be quite a young boy; indeed, there is in a village near to
+the Mafulu Mission Station a young boy who is supposed to have this
+power. As a matter of fact this boy is not quite right in his head;
+but this state of mind is not among the Mafulu in any way a necessary,
+or indeed a usual, qualification for a sorcerer or magic man of any
+sort. The person appealed to will perhaps tell them who has done the
+deed, or will make some oracular statement which will lead to his
+identification. The culprit identified by him will in any case be a
+member of another clan, and most probably of another community. When
+he has been discovered, there will probably be a fight, in which
+the members of the victim's clan, or even, especially if the victim
+be a chief or big person, the whole of his community, will join the
+injured relatives, this question of suspected causing of death being,
+like that of non-repayment of the price paid for a runaway wife,
+one of the frequent causes of intercommunity fighting.
+
+Reverting here to the matter of ghosts and spirits, one cannot help
+noting a similarity between, on the one hand, the ghostly element
+of living food plants and the ghostly element of human excrement,
+which constitute the food of the ghosts, and, on the other hand, the
+physical inedible remnants of food recently eaten by an adult victim
+and the physical excrement and urine of an infant victim, which are the
+media used for hostile sorcery through the power of spirits; though,
+as regards the latter, I have no evidence of a belief that the spirits
+eat them. I tried to get further into this matter, but was unable to
+do so. Again one is struck by the fact that the special _gabi_ tree,
+which is the tree used for the interment of chiefs and notables, is
+one of the trees whose presence is regarded as indicating a place
+inhabited by spirits. These elements of similarity tend, I think,
+to suggest the possibility of some confusion in the native mind as
+to the difference between ghosts and spirits, or of some originally
+ghostly origin in what are now regarded as spirits.
+
+The class of magic men who are something less than sorcerers,
+and whose powers are perhaps confined to the knowledge of certain
+specific forms of incantation, would probably include the person who
+does the nose-boring, and perhaps the person who detects the causes
+of death above referred to. It would also, I think, include the
+men who ascertain the whereabouts of a stolen article and discover
+the thief, and who perform the ceremony in connection with hunting,
+and the persons who effect, or profess to effect, cures of a more or
+less superstitious nature, all of whom are probably not regarded as
+full sorcerers.
+
+The professional pig-killer is not, as such, either a sorcerer or
+a magic man in the minor sense; and, if there has originally been
+anything of a superstitious or magic character associated with him or
+his functions, I was unable to find any trace of it, except perhaps
+as regards the ceremony and incantation in connection with hunting,
+which apparently is commonly performed by him.
+
+
+Charms.
+
+The Mafulu people believe in charms. I have already referred to those
+used by young men desirous of marrying. But there are many other more
+important charms for various purposes, such as averting illness and
+death, success in hunting and fishing, and perhaps preservation in
+time of war. These charms may be stones, small pieces of different
+sorts of bark, flowers, or various kinds of poisons, though the
+poisons appear to be only used for averting illness and death. They
+are all procured from sorcerers, who may be of the same or of some
+other village, or of another community, and there are sorcerers who
+have specialities in certain sorts of charms. These charms are often
+carried inside the small charm bags already mentioned.
+
+
+Omens.
+
+They believe in omens; but of these I was only able to hear of two
+examples--namely, flying foxes, [116] and fireflies, the latter,
+though common in the plains, being rare on the mountains, and both of
+these are bad omens. Any person or party starting off on a journey,
+or on a hunting or fishing expedition, and meeting either of these
+creatures would probably at once turn back; and I was told that even a
+full war party starting off on a punitive expedition would turn back,
+or at least halt for a time, if it met one or other of them. I cannot
+help thinking there must be some other omens, which I have failed
+to discover.
+
+
+General.
+
+Referring generally to supplications, incantations, and acts
+of propitiation, the only examples of them which I was able to
+discover were the above-mentioned supplication to the river prior
+to fishing, which is apparently spoken by the fishers themselves,
+and not merely by a sorcerer or magic man, and the incantations in
+connection with nose-piercing, with hunting, with a dying chief,
+with the stone operation for stomach complaints, and with the plant
+remedies for wounds, and the acts of propitiation, if such they are,
+in connection with ceremonious pig-killing, and especially with the
+ceremonies performed at a big feast and at or following a funeral; and
+as regards the incantations I could learn nothing as to their nature,
+nor as to the specific spiritual powers for the influencing of which
+they are intended, nor the way in which those powers are moved by them.
+
+In fact, concerning the whole question of ghosts, spirits, sorcery,
+charms, omens and superstitions, I cannot imagine that I have
+accomplished more than the mere touching of the fringe of it; and I am
+sure that, when the Mafulu people have got rather more into touch with
+civilisation, and become more accessible and communicative about these
+things, there will be much more to be learnt. It may perhaps be that
+some of the apparently superstitious acts are, like many such acts
+performed in England, based upon beliefs which have long since been
+forgotten, and have themselves become mere formalities, to which the
+natives do not attach serious superstitious importance; though their
+fear of ghosts and spirits is undoubtedly a very real and general one.
+
+There are no secret societies or mysteries, such as are met with
+in some of the Solomon Islands, and they have no superstition as
+to sneezing.
+
+
+Taboo.
+
+The subject of taboo may perhaps be referred to under the present
+heading, for, though there appear to be no totemic taboos, and
+though I have no material showing that the Mafulu taboos are based on
+superstitious ideas, it may, I imagine, be assumed that, while some
+of these taboos are possibly partly based on medical common sense,
+the element of superstition enters more or less into many of them. I
+have already referred to a few general restrictions connected with
+etiquette, and what I now propose to mention are food taboos.
+
+Young men are not supposed to eat wild pig until they have married,
+but this is the only food restriction which is put upon them. [117]
+A woman who is about to give birth to a child must eat no food
+whatever for a day or rather longer (never more than two days),
+before the child is born. I have already referred to the food taboo
+on persons undergoing the nose-piercing operation, and the optional
+food taboo to which the nearest relative of a deceased person may
+submit, in lieu of wearing the mourning string. There is also a
+general taboo against any food other than sweet potato and chewing
+of betel-nuts, with its condiments of lime and pepper, upon any male
+person who intends to take part, either as a dancer or singer, in any
+ceremonial dance. This latter term includes the dance at a big feast
+and the women's dance on the eve of it, but not the dancing during
+the six months' interval before it. It also includes the dance at
+any of the various minor ceremonies above described, and at a funeral
+ceremony. The period of restriction in the case of the big feast begins
+when the formal croton-leaf invitation has gone out to the guests,
+about a month before the date of the feast. In the case of a funeral
+it is necessarily only quite short, and in cases of other ceremonies
+it varies, being largely dependent on the length of period during
+which the approach of the ceremony is known. During the period of
+restriction the people avail themselves largely of the privilege of
+betel-chewing, and prior to a big feast their mouths get very red. In
+connection with personal ceremonies upon assumption of the perineal
+band, admission to the _emone_ (excepting, as regards this, the case
+of a child of very tender years), qualifying for drumming and dancing,
+devolution of chieftainship and nose-piercing, the person concerned,
+male or female, is under the same food restriction for a day prior
+to that of the ceremony, and as regards nose-piercing this taboo
+is prior to the actual piercing, and is quite distinct from the
+subsequent taboo already referred to. There does not appear to be
+any taboo connected with fishing, hunting or war.
+
+The observance of all these taboos is secured only by superstitious
+belief or public opinion, or both, there being no method of enforcing
+them by punishment or by any exercise of authority by the chiefs.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIX
+
+Note on the Kuni People
+
+Father Egedi, who has studied the Kuni people, and has written a
+series of articles about them in numbers of _Anthropos_, told me
+that he regarded them as being a cross between the Papuan-speaking
+Mafulu and the Melanesian-speaking Papuo-Melanesians of Mekeo and the
+adjoining coast. Whether or not this is absolutely and strictly correct
+is a question upon which I will not venture to express an opinion.
+
+In general physique and appearance the Kuni are distinctly and strongly
+of the type of the Mafulu, whilst their language is Melanesian; and,
+as regards other matters, they in some respects resemble and in other
+respects differ from the Mafulu.
+
+As regards physique, Father Egedi distinguishes the Kuni from the
+natives of the adjoining coast by their slighter development, slender
+limbs and darker colour of skin, in which respects they resemble the
+Mafulu; but he regards them as being lower-statured than the tribes
+of the interior, which term includes the Mafulu, [118]with greater
+regularity of features, and of lighter colour, all of which tallies,
+I think, with my own observation of them. But the fact that they are
+shorter in stature than the Mafulu, who are themselves shorter than
+the coast natives, is perhaps a matter for surprise, if they are
+a cross between the two. I have not measured any Kuni heads; but I
+should be disposed from general observation to say that they are very
+similar to those of the Mafulu, being predominantly mesaticephalic,
+with tendencies to brachycephalism. [119]
+
+Many of the Lapeka people, who are Kuni, but are on the borders of
+the Upper Mekeo district, seemed to me to have distinctly flattish
+faces, with remarkably delicately cut features--some of the women
+in particular being exceedingly pretty in profile--and very bright
+sparkling eyes. Where these local characteristics came from I cannot
+say, as it could hardly be the result of an intermixture of Mekeo
+blood. [120]
+
+The oblique eye, which is occasionally found on the coast, [121] but
+which I never saw in Mafulu, is, according to Father Egedi, present,
+though only rare, among the Kuni. His large amount of opportunity
+for observation, and his known care and ability in this respect,
+compel me to assume his accuracy; but I can say that I saw a good
+many of these eyes among them, and indeed once, having about twenty
+of these Kuni people squatting in front of me, I observed that about
+half of them had distinctly oblique eyes.
+
+Father Egedi speaks of their hair as being "generally black, rarely
+bright, and more rarely chestnut"; and as to this, I would refer to
+the fact that the predominating colour of hair among the Mafulu is
+dark or darkish brown, so that in this respect the Kuni apparently
+tend more to the black-haired coast type of native than do the Mafulu.
+
+Concerning matters other than physique and language, as I only passed
+through the Kuni district, and did not attempt serious ethnological
+investigation there, I can say but little beyond what I learn from
+Father Egedi's articles and a few other sources; and the material
+thus available only deals with a few questions.
+
+It would appear from Father Egedi's observations that the relationship
+between villages arising from the splitting up into two or more of
+an original family village is not so permanent as I believe it to be
+among the Mafulu. Dr. Seligmann says [122] that among the Kuni Father
+Egedi "could find no trace of intermarrying groups, or groups of clans
+claiming common descent," which statement applies to my investigations
+among the Mafulu. He further says [123] that "The Dilava folk"
+(Dilava is a Kuni village) "marry into all the surrounding villages;
+and when a death occurs it is the head of the family of the deceased
+who says when mourning shall cease"--statements of which the former,
+and I believe the latter, could hardly be correctly made concerning
+the Mafulu. He also refers [124] to Kuni war chiefs, an office which
+does not exist among the Mafulu, and apparently understands that the
+office of these war chiefs is non-hereditary, a statement which could
+not be made of any Mafulu chief; and he refers [125] to a funeral
+ceremony which is quite unknown in Mafulu. But his statement [126]
+that the _kufu_ (club-house) system seems less developed than in
+Mekeo would apply very strongly to the Mafulu.
+
+The Kuni superstitious remedies for illnesses, as described by Father
+Egedi, are quite different from those of Mafulu, and their food
+restrictions, as enumerated by him, are in some respects substantially
+distinct from those of the Mafulu, though some of them are more or
+less similar.
+
+According to him Kuni women, though they may not enter the village
+_kufu_ or club-house, are allowed upon its platform, which is not
+the case with the Mafulu _emone_; and eldest sons of Kuni influential
+people may not enter into the _kufu_ until their parents have given a
+specific feast, which custom is apparently not identical with that of
+the Mafulu above described by me, and which applies to all sons of all
+members of the village, and not merely to those of influential people.
+
+The Kuni houses differ from those of the Mafulu, being more or
+less round or oval in apparent shape, even though the floor is
+rectangular. Also according to Father Egedi, Kuni _kufu_ are of
+several various sorts, and some of them are constructed in specific
+ways, and have specific carved and painted decorations, some of which
+are imitative of animals and objects held in veneration; and these
+different types of club-house, which include one used only by elderly
+bachelors and widowers, have specific names--all of which is quite
+different from what is found in Mafulu. Among these club-houses Father
+Egedi includes one built at feast times higher up the ridge, outside
+the village, for guests' accommodation, which, though apparently
+somewhat similar in purpose to the guests' houses at a Mafulu feast,
+differs from them in form. Indeed, as regards building construction,
+the only point of strong similarity between the Kuni and the Mafulu
+which I can trace is the long fireplace extending from front to back
+of the building, which with the Kuni is apparently very like that of
+the Mafulu.
+
+Father Egedi's statement as to Kuni cannibalism, that speaking
+generally it appears to be confined to the bodies of people killed in
+war or in private vendetta, and that, though other cases are recorded,
+they are regarded as a violation of a custom and are detested, might be
+equally well said of the Mafulu; though I did not actually hear of any
+known record there of the other cases mentioned. Again his statement
+that the actual killer must not share in the feast holds good with
+the Mafulu; but I believe that this idea exists elsewhere also.
+
+Concerning the Kuni implements I can only refer to Dr. Seligmann's
+statement, [127] that they do not appear to use bows and
+shields--which, if correct, is a point of difference between them and
+the Mafulu--and to a few other things referred to by Father Egedi in
+his articles. From his descriptions I should imagine that the Kuni
+pig-bone implements and their bamboo cutting knives are similar, and
+that their wooden vegetable dishes are somewhat similar to those of
+the Mafulu. But the Kuni have cooking pots (which they get from the
+coast), and use forks and spoons and various other implements and
+utensils which are not found in Mafulu, and their mode of producing
+fire is quite different from the Mafulu mode.
+
+I recognise that the above comparative notes on Kuni culture are only
+of a very fragmentary character; but Father Egedi expresses the general
+opinion that, though the language of the Kuni people is Melanesian,
+their habits and customs "may be considered as making one with those
+of the Mafulu people."
+
+On the whole question of Kuni relationship it can, I think, hardly
+be doubted that the Kuni have some characteristics which are clearly
+those of the Mafulu and other central mountain tribes, and others which
+are obviously those of the Papuo-Melanesians of the adjacent plains
+and the coast beyond; and the only question seems to be the nature
+and origin of the Kuni relationship to these two types of people. It
+may be, as suggested by Father Egedi, that they are actually a cross
+between these two mixed types; or, if the suggestion in my concluding
+chapter as to the possible presence in these Mafulu and other mountain
+people of Negrito blood be correct, it may be that the Kuni people
+are merely another result of the general Negrito-Papuo-Melanesian
+intercrossing, in which the Papuan and Melanesian elements have been
+more predominant than they have been with the Mafulu.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XX
+
+Conclusion
+
+What is the origin of these Mafulu people, with their short stature,
+small and somewhat rounded heads, slight but active build, sooty
+brown skin, and frizzly hair, predominantly brown in colour, and with
+their comparatively primitive ideas of organisation, and simple arts
+and crafts?
+
+The question is one of no mere local interest, as the answer to
+it will probably be the answer to a similar question concerning
+most, and perhaps all, of the other Papuan-speaking people of the
+mountainous interior of the Central District of British New Guinea,
+and may even be a key to the past early history of the entire island.
+
+It has, I think, been hitherto believed that all these mountain people
+had a mixed Papuan and Melanesian ancestry; but it was impossible to
+be among them, as I was, for some time without being impressed by the
+difference in appearance between them and the people of the adjacent
+coast and plains, and suspecting that, though they had Papuan and
+Melanesian blood in their veins, there was also some third element
+there. And the name which obtruded itself upon my mind, whilst in
+Mafulu, was Negrito.
+
+The dark skin and the comparatively rounded heads, and, I think, some
+shortness of stature are found elsewhere in British New Guinea; though
+shortness of stature and rounded heads are unusual, and, I believe,
+only local, and I do not know whether even the Papuan skin is ever
+quite so dark as that of the Mafulu people. But the almost universal
+shortness of stature, the comparatively slight, but strong and active,
+build and the brown colour of the hair seemed entirely different from
+anything that I had ever seen or read of as regards either the Papuans
+or the Melanesians; and all of these, coupled with the tendency to
+roundness of head, were consistent with a partial negrito ancestry.
+
+Then on my return to England I learnt that dwarf people had been
+found by the recent expedition into Dutch New Guinea organised by
+the British Ornithologists' Union. Dr. Haddon has expressed the
+opinion that these dwarf people and some dwarf people previously
+found by Dr. Rudolph Poch in German New Guinea are all negritoes,
+or negritoes crossed with Papuans. [128]
+
+Dr. Keith, to whom I submitted all my notes upon the measurements
+and physique of the Mafulu people, and who measured and examined the
+three skulls which I brought home, wrote to me as follows:--
+
+"I have examined the observations you have made on the Mafulu. From
+your paper one can form, for the first time, a picture of the
+physical characters of this tribe; but, when I proceed to assign
+the tribe to its proper race, I am at once met by difficulties. In
+my opinion the short stature, the pigmented skin, and the small
+heads inclined to brachycephaly indicate a strong negrito element,
+which we know is widely distributed in the far east, and certainly,
+as we should expect, occurs in certain districts of New Guinea. In the
+three crania there were characters which one could assign to Papuan,
+as well as to a Melanesian stock.... A brown or reddish tinge is
+seen not infrequently in the hair of negritoes. You will see that
+I am inclined to look on the Mafulu as showing a very considerable
+degree of negrito blood, and to regard the more primitive tribes of
+New Guinea as being of this nature. If that were so, the Mafulu might
+be regarded as belonging to the older population of New Guinea, both
+Papuan and Melanesian having added something to their civilisation,
+as well as their physical characters."
+
+Dr. Keith then is inclined to agree with my suggestion concerning
+the origin of the Mafulu; and Dr. Haddon, having seen my notes upon
+physique, said that he endorsed the views expressed by Dr. Keith. And
+if the view suggested be correct as regards the Mafulu or Fuyuge
+people, I am prepared to say that from what I have heard of the other
+mountain Papuan-speaking people of that part of New Guinea, including
+the Oru Lopiku (Kovio), Boboi and Ambo people, I am convinced that it
+must be correct as regards them also, though the relative predominance
+of the three strains may well vary with these different people.
+
+I am hardly qualified to enter into the discussion as to the
+relationship, if any, existing between the principal hitherto known
+dwarf races, the Pygmies of Central Africa, the Semang of the Malay
+Peninsula, the Andamanese and the Aetas of the Philippine Islands,
+or to deal with the question whether or not all or some of them are
+to be grouped together as forming a distinct and related type, or
+are to be regarded as unconnected in the sense that each of them is
+merely a local variation, sharing a common ancestry with some other
+taller negroid race.
+
+As, however, my suggestion of a partial negrito origin of the
+Mafulu people necessarily brings me into contact with this wider
+question, and the latter is still one upon which opinions differ,
+I may perhaps briefly tabulate some of the chief physical characters
+of the Andamanese, the Semang, the Aetas, the dwarf people recently
+found in Dutch New Guinea and the Mafulu. I think I may omit the
+African pygmies from my tables.
+
+
+_Stature._
+
+
+Andamanese      4' 10 1/2''
+
+    This is the figure given by Mr. Portman (_Journal of
+    Anthropological Institute_, vol. 25, p. 366) and by Dr. Haddon
+    (_Races of Man and their Distribution_, p. 9), and is very near
+    the 4'10 3/4'' given by Mr. Man (_The Andaman Islanders_, p. 5),
+    and adopted by Messrs. Skeat and Blagden (_Pagan Races of the
+    Malay Peninsula_, p. 573).
+
+Semang          4' 10 3/4''
+    Skeat and Blagden (_Pagan Races_, &c., p. 573) and Haddon (Races
+    of Man, &c., p. 9).
+
+Aetas           4' 10''
+
+    This is Dr. Haddon's figure (_Races of Man, &c._, p. 9), and it
+    is within half an inch of the 4' l0 1/2'' given by Dr. Semper
+    (_Journal of Anthropology_ for October, 1870, p. 135). Dr. Meyer
+    gives a number of varying measurements (see _Journal of
+    Anthropological Institute,_ vol. 25, p. 174), and Reed gives the
+    average of 48 males, some of whom were not pure types, only 4' 9"
+    (_Negritos of Zambales_, p. 32).
+
+Dutch New Guinea dwarfs     4' 9''
+
+    Captain Rawling (_Geographical Journal_, vol. 38, p. 245).
+
+Mafulu    5' 1''
+
+    It is merely suggested by me that they are _partly_ negrito,
+    which, if correct, would explain the somewhat higher stature.
+
+
+_General Physique._
+
+
+Andamanese
+
+    Well proportioned, and with good muscular development (Man,
+    _Journal of Anthropological Institute_, vol. 12, pp. 72 and 73).
+
+Semang
+
+    Sturdily built (Haddon, _Races of Man, &c._, p. 9).
+
+Aetas
+
+    Well formed and sprightly (Earle, _Papuans_, p. 123), and with
+    limbs which, corresponding to their stature, are uncommonly
+    slender, but well formed (Semper, _Journal of Anthropology_ for
+    October, 1870, p. 135). Well-built little men with broad chests,
+    symmetrical limbs, and well-developed muscles (Reed, _Negritos
+    of Zambales,_ p. 34).
+
+Dutch New Guinea dwarfs
+
+    Of sturdy build (Rawling, _Geographical Journal_, vol. 38, p. 241).
+
+Mafulu
+
+    Fairly strong and muscular, but rather slender and slight in
+    development.
+
+
+_Cephalic Index._
+
+
+Andamanese      82
+
+    This is Dr. Haddon's figure (_Races of Man, &c._,
+    p. 9). Messrs. Skeat and Blagden say they are decidedly
+    brachycephalic (_Pagan Races, &c._, p. 573).
+
+Semang          78.9
+
+    Dr. Haddon's figure (_Races of Man, &c._, p. 9). Skeat and Blagden
+    describe them as brachycephalic to mesatecephalic (_Pagan Races,
+    &c._, p. 34).
+
+Aetas           80
+
+    Dr. Haddon's figure (_Races of Man, &c._, p. 9). Skeat and Blagden
+    describe them as decidedly brachycephalic (_Pagan Races, &c._,
+    p. 573). Reed gives 82 as the average (_Negritos of Zambales_,
+    p. 34).
+
+Dutch New Guinea dwarfs    80.2
+
+    This figure is calculated by me from the actual length and breadth
+    given by Captain Rawling (_Geographical Journal_, vol. 38, p. 245).
+
+Mafulu          80
+
+
+
+_Nasal Index._
+
+
+
+Andamanese      ?
+
+Semang          101
+
+    Calculated by me from average of actual measurements of 5 people
+    given by Skeat and Blagden (_Pagan Races, &c._, p. 577).
+
+Aetas           ?
+
+    Reed records highly varying indices, the bulk of which were
+    hyperplatyrhine (87.9-108.8), and nearly all the others of which
+    were ultraplatyrhine (109 and over) (_Negritos of Zambales_,
+    pp. 34, 35).
+
+Dutch New Guinea dwarfs     80.9
+
+    Calculated by me from Captain Rawling's actual figures.
+
+Mafulu          84.3
+
+
+
+_Colour of Skin._
+
+Descriptions of this are so general, and so much depends in each case
+upon the relative meanings attached by each writer to the terms used
+by him, that I prefer to depend as regards the Andamanese, Semang,
+and Aetas upon Dr. Haddon's descriptions, which are doubtless based
+upon his comparison of those given in previous literature.
+
+
+Andamanese
+
+    Very dark (_Races of Man, &c._, p. 9).
+
+Semang
+
+    Dark chocolate brown, approximating to black. (_Ibid._).
+
+Aetas
+
+    Dark sooty brown (_Ibid._).
+
+Dutch New Guinea dwarfs
+
+    Brown (Rawling, _Geographical Journal_, vol. 38, p. 245).
+
+Mafulu
+
+    Dark sooty brown.
+
+
+
+_Texture of Hair._
+
+This is frizzly in all cases, as with other negroids, the word "woolly"
+often used being, I imagine, intended to imply frizzly.
+
+_Colour of Hair._
+
+This being a point which seems to me to be rather interesting,
+I propose to quote various descriptions.
+
+
+Andamanese
+
+    Varies from sooty black to dark brown, old gold, red and light
+    brown; and, though these may be the colours of individual hairs,
+    the general appearance is sooty black or yellowish-brown.
+    Portman (_History of our Relations with the Andamanese_, p. 30).
+
+    Varies between black, greyish-black and sooty, the last perhaps
+    predominating.
+    Man (_The Andaman Islanders_, p. II).
+
+    Black, with a reddish tinge.
+    Haddon (_Races of Man, &c._, p. 9).
+
+Semang
+
+    Brownish-black, not a bluish-black like that of the Malays.
+    Skeat and Blagden (_Pagan Races, &c.,_ p. 46).
+
+    Brownish-black.
+    Haddon (_Races of Man, &c.,_ p. 9).
+
+Aetas
+
+    Brown-black, shining.
+    Semper (_Journal of Anthropology_ for October, 1870, p. 135).
+
+    Rich dark brown.
+    Writer of article on Semper's work (_Id_.).
+
+    Varying from a dark seal-brown to black.
+    Meyer (_Journal of Anthropological Institute_, vol. 25, p. 174).
+
+    Dirty black colour, in some instances _sun-burned at top to_
+    a reddish-brown. [The italics are mine.]
+    Reed (_Negritos of Zambales_, p. 35).
+
+    Black, sometimes tinged with red.
+    Haddon (_Races of Man_, &c., P. 9).
+
+Dutch New Guinea dwarfs.
+
+    Black.
+    Rawling (_Geographical Journal_, vol. 38, p. 245).
+
+    The hair of some of the pygmies was decidedly _dark_ brown.
+    Statement made to me by Mr. Walter Goodfellow.
+
+    Hair of 3 men (out of 24) distinctly not black, a sort of dirty
+    rusty brown or rusty black colour; all others black-haired.
+    Extract supplied to me by Dr. Wollaston from his Diary.
+
+Mafulu.
+
+    Generally dark brown, often quite dark, approaching to black,
+    and sometimes perhaps quite black. But frequently lighter, and
+    often not what we in Europe should call dark.
+
+
+
+I think that the above tables indicate that, though there are
+differences, there are elements of similarity between (i) the Mafulu
+people, (2) the Dutch New Guinea dwarfs, and (3) one or more of the
+Andamanese, Semang and Aetas; but in my comparison of the Mafulu
+and the dwarfs of Dutch New Guinea with the other previously known
+dwarf races I would specially draw attention to their similarity in
+shortness of stature and (as regards most of the Mafulu and a few of
+the Dutch New Guinea people) colour of hair; and this impels me to
+venture to say a few words on the larger question.
+
+I have searched through much existing literature concerning the
+various hitherto discovered dwarf races of the world with reference
+to the question whether, even assuming that these people have an
+original primary ancestry from which the taller negroid races also
+are descended, they must be regarded as having become a related type,
+separate and distinct from the latter, as now existing, or whether
+they must all be treated as merely separate local variations, each of
+them having failed to develop, or retrograded, and in other respects
+become different in type from taller negroid races among or near
+to whom they are found. And I am struck by the fact that, though
+the natural tendency to local variation in stature, shape of head,
+colour and other matters is brought forward in support of the latter
+theory, no one seems, in connection with the general question, to have
+noted the fact that, whilst the hair colour of negroes, Papuans and
+Melanesians is black, the hair of all these various dwarf people seems
+to be predominantly brown, and that this variation explanation, if
+regarded as applying to these dwarf races separately and independently
+of one another, involves a remarkable coinciding double variation
+(in stature and predominant colour of hair) exhibited by all these
+dwarf people as compared with the taller negroids.
+
+On the other hand, if there has been an original separation of
+descendants of common primary ancestors of all the negroid races,
+which, through variation, has resulted in two main types, one
+predominantly full-sized and always black-haired, and the other always
+short and predominantly brown-haired, and the pygmies (negritoes and
+negrilloes) are to be regarded as being all descendants of the latter
+type, who have since for some reason become geographically separated,
+there would appear to be nothing remarkable in the double variation.
+
+But in that case we are, I take it, justified in regarding the dwarf
+races as being a separate type, to be distinguished from the taller
+races; and, if that be so, there appears to be substantial ground
+for thinking that the Dutch New Guinea dwarf people and the Mafulu
+people are in part descended from people of that type.
+
+I may also draw attention (for what they are worth as points of detail)
+to the facts already noted, that the Semang and Andamanese, who bury
+their ordinary folk under ground, adopt tree burial, and apparently,
+as regards the Semang, platform burial not on trees also, as a more
+honourable method of disposing of the bodies of important people and
+chiefs; and that as regards these matters the Mafulu custom is similar.
+
+Also the very simple ideas of the Mafulu, as compared with Papuans
+and Melanesians, in matters of social organization, implements,
+arts and crafts, religion and other things may well, I think, be
+associated with a primitive negrito origin.
+
+If the Mafulu people may be properly regarded as having a negrito
+ancestry, distinct in type from that of either the Papuans or the
+Melanesians, the negrito element would presumably be the earlier one,
+Papuan and Melanesian infusion having occurred subsequently. Indeed
+it may well be believed that the negrito element is derived from
+an original ancestry who were probably the earlier inhabitants of
+New Guinea.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+A Grammar of the Fuyuge Language
+
+Translated and Edited by _Sidney H. Ray_, M.A., from the Manuscript
+of the _Rev. Father Egedi_, S.C.
+
+
+Phonology.
+
+
+I. Alphabet.
+
+Vowels: _a, e, i, o, u_.
+
+Consonants: _k, g; t, d; p, b, f, v; m, n; r, l; s; y_.
+
+The vowels are pronounced as in Italian, the consonants as in
+English. The sound of the Italian _c_ is also found, but is rare.
+
+It is sometimes difficult to distinguish between _o_ and
+_u_. Ex. _ombo(le)_ or _umbo(le)_, belly.
+
+_G, b_, and _d_, are often preceded by a nasal, sometimes constant
+(and then marked in the vocabulary), sometimes variable according
+to the pronunciation of individuals. For the nasals _m_ is employed
+before _p_ and _b_, and _n_ before other consonants.
+
+The _i_ and _y_ are very difficult to distinguish, especially when
+they follow one another. Ex. _iye_ or _ye_, or _ie_, tree; _iangolo_
+or _yangolo_, ear. Father Egidi wrote _j_ for _y_.
+
+The _l_ and _r_ are very difficult to determine. Ex. _aliete_ or
+_ariete_, to salute; _naul'i_ and _naur'i_, my eye. In the vocabulary
+_l_ is used generally.
+
+The _s_ is often _ts_. Ex. tsivu and sivu; su(le) and tsu(le
+grass. Also in the future suffix _t_ or _ts_. Ex. _nati_ or _natsi_,
+I will eat.
+
+
+II. Elision.
+
+A great number of Fuyuge words terminate in an open syllable of which
+the vowel is generally _e_. This syllable is usually omitted at the end
+of a phrase, and nearly always when the following word commences with
+a consonant. But if the following word begins with a vowel the final
+_e_ only falls away. Thus the complete form of a word is rarely used,
+except to avoid confusion, or for the sake of emphasis. The following
+are examples:
+
+_ovo(le),_ pig: _ovol' ovoge,_ boar, _ovo momombe,_ sow.
+
+_ifa(ne),_ beautiful: _ifa ta,_ very fine, _ifan' aka,_ less fine.
+
+_da(le),_ who? _nu da?_ who art thou? _dal' aua?_ who is this?
+
+_i(nde),_ to give: _ne i,_ give me, _ne ind' u,_ give it to me.
+
+_-a(le)_, with: _andal' a?_ with what? _indiv' al' ongai_, cut with
+the knife.
+
+_a(le),_ here: _a mo ma?_ must I put it here? _al' itatsi,_ he will
+sleep here.
+
+_u(ne),_ and: _kitoval' u kene,_ black parroquet and white, _amb'
+un' ale,_ banana and sugar cane.
+
+Note (1). The _b_ in an elision sometimes changes to _p._ Ex. _obe,_
+bud, _op'indie,_ to bud.
+
+(2). Sometimes two syllables are elided: Ex. _taume, tame,_ from which
+comes _ovo ta,_ a tame pig, and _ovo taum' ifa,_ the tame pig is good.
+
+(3). Words which do not end in _e,_ rarely elide a final vowel, and
+never the last syllable. Ex. _kuku,_ tobacco, _kuk' oko nei,_ give me
+a little tobacco; _na,_ I, _nu,_ thee, _ongo_ at the foot of, _na n'
+ong' ando,_ I am at thy feet; _umbubi, wash, umbub' u,_ wash him.
+
+(4). Some verbs in _-ri_ or _-li_ however often omit this
+syllable. Ex. _ivo(ri)_ to wipe, _na ga kodig' ivo,_ I have wiped the
+plates; _tsimi(li),_ to lick, _ama tsimi,_ lick the salt; _itu(lili)_
+to split, _ol' itu,_ split the wood.
+
+In the grammar and vocabulary the syllable which may be elided is
+enclosed in a bracket, and in compound words and phrases the elision
+is marked with an apostrophe, as in the preceding examples.
+
+
+III. Vowel Changes.
+
+1. A final _o_ sometimes changes to _u_ if the word following begins
+with a vowel.
+
+Ex. _oko,_ some, a little, _kuk' oku ind' uno,_ give him some tobacco
+to smoke.
+
+2. An initial _o,_ on the other hand, sometimes changes to _u_ when
+the preceding word begins with _a._
+
+Ex. _ongo,_ under; _na_ ungo ando, remain at my feet.
+
+3. The final _a_ of the word _na,_ I, becomes _e_ when it is followed
+by the verb _indi_ in the imperative.
+
+Ex. _ne i, ne inde,_ give me, but _nuga na indi,_ thou hast given me.
+
+
+Nouns.
+
+
+I. Gender.
+
+There is no modification or grammatical difference to mark gender.
+
+Sex is indicated by separate words in the case of human beings:
+_an(e)_ man, _me(le)_ boy, _ena(ne)_ brother, _amu(le)_ woman,
+_ame(le)_ girl, _eta(de)_ sister.
+
+For mammals the words _avoge,_ male, or _momobe,_ female, follow the
+noun: _ovol' avoge,_ boar, _ovo' momobe,_ sow.
+
+Dr. Strong notes that the sex of birds is sometimes denoted by the
+adjective _ifa(ne),_ good, _i.e.,_ "ornamented," for the male bird, and
+_ifan' ul' amu,_ the "wife of the ornamented" for the female: _uruv'
+ifa,_ the male hornbill; _uruv' ifan ul' amu,_ the female hornbill.
+
+
+II. Number.
+
+Only nouns indicating persons have been found with plurals. These
+are formed by changing the final _e_ to _i._ Sometimes the _e_ is
+changed to _a;_ this may indicate the dual.
+
+Ex. _amu(le)_ woman, plur. amuli and amula; _so(le),_ young man,
+plur. _soli_ and _sola; me(le),_ child, plur. _meli_ and _mela._
+
+Note (1). The word _a(ne)_ man, has a double plural in two different
+meanings: _ani,_ the men; _ake(da)_ the married men.
+
+(2). The shortened form of the word is often used in the plural. This
+naturally is the same as the singular.
+
+
+III. Case.
+
+1. There is no modification of the noun to express case, but the
+equivalents of cases are shown by suffixes. The vocative alone often
+takes a final _a_ as in the interrogative form.
+
+Ex. _Tayova, a tsia!_ Tayo, come here!
+
+The subject, direct object, and indirect object are however easily
+recognised by their position in the sentence. The subject comes
+first, followed by the direct object, then the indirect object if
+there be one, with the verb at the end. If there are complements they
+immediately precede the word which governs them.
+
+Ex. _naga kuku nu inde,_ I tobacco to thee gave; _Baiv' u mega nembe
+u fod' al' ema,_ Baiva's child bird his bow-with killed; _nuni ake
+mu letsi gatsi,_ thou men their village-to will-go.
+
+2. The genitive is expressed by means of the possessive adjective.
+
+Ex. _ovo'u ma,_ hair of the pig, lit. pig his hair.
+
+3. Persons belonging to a place sometimes omit the adjective.
+
+Ex. _A Kotsi,_ a man of Kotsi; _An'Alol',_ a man of Alole; _Alol'
+amu,_ a woman of Alole; _Ambov'amu,_ a woman of Ambove; _Tseluku ul'
+akeda,_ men of Tseluku.
+
+4. Position in a place, or motion to or from a place is shown in
+the following ways. When the noun has a shortened for _-tsi_ is
+suffixed. If there is no short form the final _e_ of the noun is
+changed to _i_ and _-tsi_ is added.
+
+Ex. _nani etsi ando,_ I am in the house; _nuni bulitsi gatsi,_ thou
+wilt go to the garden; _naga Mambutsi l'a tela,_ I have come here
+from Mambo.
+
+Note (1). Some proper names of places do not take the suffix _-tsi._
+Ex. _amul' Alol' itatsi,_ the woman will sleep at Alole.
+
+(2). Other proper names, especially those of mountains and the
+villages built on them, take the suffix _-tu_ (upon) instead of _-tsi._
+Ex. _Falitu gatsi,_ I will go to Faliba, lit. I will go upon Faliba.
+
+
+IV. Interrogative Nouns.
+
+The noun in Fuyuge has a special form to indicate the interrogative. If
+the noun ends in _e,_ this vowel is changed to _a._ If already ending
+in _a,_ the _a_ takes a strong accent. To any other vowel ending _a_
+is added.
+
+Ex. _ovo(le)_ pig: interrog. _ovola?_ is it a pig?
+
+_bulomakao,_ cow, &c.: interrog. _bulomakaoa?_ is it a cow?
+
+_kuku,_ tobacco: interrog. _kukua?_ is it tobacco?
+
+_kupa,_ sweet potato: interrog. _kupa?_ is it a sweet potato?
+
+
+
+
+
+V. Demonstrative Nouns.
+
+These are similar to the Interrogative Nouns and are formed by the
+addition of the syllables _-aua, -ana,_ or _-ala_ instead of _a._
+This form is both affirmative and interrogative.
+
+Ex. _oyand' aua?_ is it a flower? or, it is a flower.
+
+_Tayov' aua,_ it is Tayo; _kuku aua,_ it is tobacco; _an' ala,_
+it is a man; _Ambov' ana,_ it is Ambo.
+
+
+Adjectives.
+
+I. Adjectives have no Gender. In the expression of Case, Interrogative
+and Demonstrative forms they are the same as Nouns.
+
+Ex. _a baibe, amu baibe,_ man tall, woman tall; _uli baibitsi mau,_
+pot big-in put it, put it in the big pot; _ifana?_ is it good? _ifan'
+ala,_ it is good.
+
+II. Adjectives of Quality.
+
+1. Number.
+
+Number is expressed as with nouns by changing _e_ to _i._ Some
+adjectives in _-a_ add _i._ There are no adjectives with the plural
+in _-a._ Some adjectives in _-a(ne)_ have the plural _-ai._
+
+Ex. _kakava(ne)_ strong, plur. _kakavani; safa(le),_ plur. _safa(li);
+isosonga,_ idle, plur. _isosongai; aka(ne)_ small, plur. _akai._
+
+2. Agreement.
+
+The adjective always follows the noun which it qualifies, and takes
+the suffix of the noun.
+
+Ex. _a sesada,_ fence long; _emo gai,_ house old; _kodige kisiakatsi,_
+plate little-in: _indiv' amoja(le)_ knife blunt-with; _koua baibitu,_
+box big-on.
+
+Sometimes the pronoun _u(ne),_ his, is placed between the noun and
+the adjective.
+
+The meaning of this is uncertain, but it appears to be more emphatic,
+as _e.g._ "the road which is good," "the house which is bad."
+
+Ex, _enamb' un' ifa,_ the good road, _em' u koi,_ the bad house.
+
+The adjective used as predicate immediately follows the noun, without
+a substantive verb.
+
+Ex. _an' ala gududuba,_ that man (is) stingy; _nuni sesada,_ thou
+(art) tall; _amu safali,_ the women (are) weak.
+
+Note.--When the subject is represented by a pronoun of the first or
+second person dual or plural, the predicate remains singular.
+
+Ex. _dini kakava(ne)_ we (are) strong; _yani kapape,_ you two (are)
+weak; but, _muni isosongai,_ they (are) idle.
+
+When the predicate expresses a negation the word expressing the
+quality is followed by the adverb _ua(ne)_ not.
+
+Ex. _sesad' ua, onov' aka,_ it is not long, it is short.
+
+3. Comparison.
+
+There is no special form for comparisons. Two positive statements
+are made, or a superlative may be used.
+
+Ex. My house is larger than yours may be translated: _naul' e baibe,
+nul' a kisiaka,_ my house is large, yours is small, or _nul'e baibe,
+naul'a baibe ta,_ your house is large, mine is large much.
+
+Equality is expressed by the suffix _-umba_ or _-yakala._
+
+Ex. _naul' e, nul' em' umba,_ my house is like your house; _nuni
+sesada, nauyekala,_ you are tall like me.
+
+A superlative is expressed by the prefix _ande,_ or the suffix _-ta._
+But if the adjective in the superlative expresses a lessening of the
+quality then _-aka(ne)_ is suffixed.
+
+Ex. _baibe,_ large, _ande baibe,_ larger; _ifa,_ fine, _ifata,_ finer;
+but _ono(ve),_ short, _onov'aka,_ shorter.
+
+The prefix _ande_ is used only with adjectives which express an idea
+of extension.
+
+When the adjective expresses an actual state rather than a passive,
+it is preceded by the sign of past tense, the particle _ga._
+
+Ex. _ant g'ifa,_ the breeches are (have become) good; _ena ga ko,_
+the road (is) bad.
+
+
+
+
+
+III. Demonstrative Adjectives.
+
+The demonstrative adjectives in Fuyuge are represented by the suffixes
+-_ana_, this, -_ala_, this, here, -_vala_ that, there. The same
+expressions translate the French "le voici," "le voilà."
+
+Ex. _indiv'ana_, this knife; _eni'ala_, this house; _enavala_,
+that road.
+
+There is no article, but the expression _u mane_ is used in reference
+to any thing which has been previously spoken about.
+
+Ex. _enamb' ifa_, or _enamb' un' ifa_, it (is) a good road; but _enamb
+u man' ifa_, the road (which has been mentioned) is good.
+
+
+IV. Interrogative Adjectives.
+
+For these. _See_ Pronouns.
+
+
+V. Indefinite Adjectives.
+
+The indefinite adjectives are _oko_, some, a little, part of;
+_tale(le)_, several, many; _korio_, several; _gegeto_, a few, several;
+_alu(ve)_, all; _urambe_, another; _none_, together, one with the
+other; _dovavemunge_? _domamai_? how many?
+
+Note.--When _oko_ is followed by a word beginning with _i_, it
+becomes _oku_.
+
+Ex. _Kuku oko nei_, give me some tobacco; _nemb' oko ematsi_, they
+will spear the birds; _bodol' oko tsia_, take one of his hands;
+_indiv' oko ya_, take a knife; _kuk oko ua_, (there is) no tobacco;
+_indiv' oku i_, give him a knife; _ake talel' ando_, there are many
+men; _kupa korio inde_, give several potatoes; _me' gegeto indiatsi_,
+some children will come; _aked' aluvi etsi ando_, all the men are
+in the village; _nau mel' alu_, all my children; _indiv' urambe ya_,
+take another knife; _Pitsoke non' ade_, the Pitsoke strike one another;
+_oye non' ongete_, the dogs keep beside each other; _kokol' ul' ombo
+dovavemunge?_ how many eggs? _nu sise domamai?_ how many dog's teeth?
+
+
+VI. Possessive Adjectives.
+
+_See_ Possessive Pronouns.
+
+
+Numerals.
+
+I. There are only two numerals: _fida (ne)_, one, and _gegeto_,
+two. _Gegeto_ is also used for a small number, and _gegetom'inda_,
+is little used for three. For more than three, _gegeto_, meaning
+"a few," or _tale(le)_, "many" is used.
+
+II. There are no ordinals and the only distributive is _fida fida_,
+one by one.
+
+
+Pronouns.
+
+
+I. Personal Pronouns. Simple.
+
+Singular.
+
+lst Person      _na, nave, nani,_       I, me
+2nd Person      _nu, nove, nuni,_       thou, thee
+3rd Person      _u(ne), ove, uni,_      he, she, it, him, her
+
+Dual.
+
+lst Person      _da, dani,_             we, or us two
+2nd Person      _ya, yani,_             you two
+3rd Person      _tu, tuni,_             they, or them two
+
+Plural.
+
+1st Person      _di, dini,_             we, us
+2nd Person      _yi yini,_              you
+3rd Person      _mu, muni,_             they, them
+
+
+1. The first form _na, nu, u(ne)_ etc., is used either as subject or
+object of the verb, the meaning being only indicated by the position
+of the word.
+
+Ex. _na kuku nu inditsi,_ I will give thee tobacco; _na un' adatsi,_
+I will strike him; _ya di ong' ando,_ you two are beside us.
+
+When used before the imperative of the verb _indi,_ to give, _na_
+becomes _ne._
+
+Ex. _ne i, ne inde,_ give me.
+
+2. The forms _nave_ and _ove_ are rarely used. The commonest use is
+with the words _ete,_ to say, _ende,_ also.
+
+Ex. _nav' elete,_ I said; _ov' elete,_ he said; _nav' ende, nov'
+ende, ov' ende,_ I also, thou also, he also.
+
+3. The forms _nani, nuni,_ etc., are employed when the verb is
+understood, or to indicate opposition or emphasis.
+
+Ex. _da gatsi? dini;_ who will go? we (will); _nuni kakape ta,
+nani kakava,_ you are weak, but I am strong; _nani a baibe,_ I am a
+great man.
+
+4. The dual is generally observed by the natives. Adjectives used
+with the dual pronoun take the singular form.
+
+Ex. _dani sosonga,_ we (are) idle,
+
+5. The dual is often employed with two subjects one of which is plural.
+
+Ex. _Kakao tu, tsimani u g'anga_, Kakao they two, with the policemen,
+have started.
+
+When _dani_ is used alone it is generally inclusive of the person
+addressed, and means "I and thou." If the third person is intended
+the name is used: _dani Okomi' u da gatsi_, we two Okomi with we will
+go. _Yani_ is used in a similar way, when one of the persons referred
+to is not present: _ya, Dun'u yani natsi_, you two Dune with you will
+go. The use of the conjunction _u(ne)_ with the second member of the
+subject does not appear to be constant.
+
+6. The pronoun of the third person singular _u(ne)_ when it is the
+direct object of the verb usually follows, and often takes the form
+-_unde_.
+
+Ex. _kodigitsi mau_, put it in the dish; _nag' al' unde_, I have
+seen him.
+
+
+II. Personal Pronouns. Compound.
+
+From the pronouns _na, nu_, etc., are derived by means of the suffix
+-_muku_, alone, the forms _namuku, numuku_, etc., with the meanings,
+"I alone, without company," etc.
+
+The suffix -_mule_, is equivalent to self, _namule, numule_, etc.,
+myself, thyself, etc.
+
+From _nani, nuni_, etc., come the forms: _naniende_, or _nanienge_,
+etc., meaning myself in person, etc.; _nanieke, nunieke_, etc., from
+-_eke_, alone; _naniova_, etc., it is my business, _nanibila_, I by
+myself, without help. _Nani endebila_ is more emphatic than _nanibila_.
+
+Ex. _numuku andola_? art thou quite alone? _da gatsi? uniende_; who
+will go? he himself; _nu da? nanienge_; who art thou? it is myself;
+_amed' unieke ando_, the chief is alone; _ake muniova_, it is the
+men's business; _dinieke al' andetsi_, we will stay here alone;
+_isong' unibila_, his own rainbow appears.
+
+
+III. Possessive Pronouns.
+
+1. These are formed from the simple forms of the personal pronouns
+by suffixing -_ula(ne)_ literally "his thing."
+
+
+    Singular.           Dual.               Plural.
+
+    1. _naula(ne)_      1. _daula(ne)_      1. _diula(ne)_
+    2. _nula(ne)_       2. _yaula(ne)_      2. _yula(ne)_
+    3. _ula(ne)_        3. _tula(le)_       3. _mula(ne)_
+
+
+They translate the English mine, thine, etc. Sometimes in compounds
+the final _n_ becomes _nd_. Ex. _nauland' aua_, here is mine.
+
+2. The adjectival forms appear without the syllable _la_.
+
+
+    Singular.           Dual.               Plural.
+
+    1. _nau_(_le_)      1. _dau_(_le_)      1. _diu_(_le_)
+    2. _nu_(_le_)       2. _yau_(_le_)      2. _yu_(_le_)
+    3. _u_(_le_)        3. _tu_(_le_)       3. _mu_(_le_)
+
+
+These adjectives precede the noun which they govern. With personal
+nouns the forms _naula_, etc., are sometimes used.
+
+Ex. _nau me_ and _naula me_, my son; _diu vase_ and _diula vase_,
+our guest.
+
+Note.--The form _nulu_ is heard in the phrase _nulu babe_, thy father.
+
+The suffix _mule_ is also used in the sense of "own."
+
+Ex. _numul' ul' i to, n' alo_, your own name, which I know; _namul'
+ul i_, my own name. These suggest that the true possessive is simply
+_ul_(_e_) or _ula_(_ne_).
+
+
+IV. Interrogative Pronouns.
+
+1. These are: _Da_(_le_)? _dau_(_ne_)? who,
+which? _anda_(_le_)? what? _unau_? which? They are used also as
+adjectives.
+
+Ex. _Nu da_? who art thou? _dau ga ne_? who has eaten it? _anda l'
+elete_? what did he say? _Ivi: unau_? Ivi: which one?
+
+2. When the verb is preceded by the particle _ga_, _dau_(_ne_) must
+be used instead of _da_(_le_).
+
+
+V. Indefinite Pronouns.
+
+These are the same as the Indefinite Adjectives.
+
+
+VI. Relative Pronouns.
+
+The suffix _niu_(_ne_) or _u_(_ne_) takes the place of a relative
+pronoun.
+
+Ex. _A yaigegemune_, the man who descends; _audati itedemu bulitsi
+jalo tolom elota_, in the garden which they are cutting now when the
+food is ripe; _ovo jamun' imbade_, the meat taken from the pig; _fal'
+itamun' akeda_, the men who have dug the ground.
+
+
+
+
+
+Verbs.
+
+
+I. Conjugation.
+
+The Fuyuge verb is conjugated by modifications of the terminal
+syllables, or by a particle added to the subject.
+
+
+II. The Particle, Ga.
+
+The particle _ga_ (often _g'_ before a vowel) is generally used with
+the past tense, and is rarely absent in the positive form of the
+verb. But it may be used also with the present and future. With the
+present it seems to indicate reference to a preceding action in the
+sense of "being on the point of," "ready to." With the future it has
+almost the sense of "go."
+
+Ex. _Ake ga nembe na,_ the men have eaten the bird; _amu g'anga_
+the women are gone; _naga bulitsi gatsi,_ I am going to go away to
+the garden; _naga sue,_ I am going away.
+
+Note (1). _Ga_ always immediately follows the subject, except with
+the past of the verb _ange(ge),_ to go, which always has _g'anga._
+
+(2). When the subject is not a pronoun, the pronoun of the 3rd
+pers. sing. is often expressed.
+
+(3). _Ga_ never appears to be used in a negative expression.
+
+Ex. _Naga ipitsial' uruv' ema,_ I have killed with the gun a toucan;
+_mel ul' etsi g'anga,_ the child to his village has gone; _Okom' ug'
+nemb' ema,_ Okome has killed a bird; _ake kupa me na,_ the men have
+not eaten the potatoes.
+
+
+III. Person and Number.
+
+These are not expressed by the verb in Fuyuge.
+
+
+IV. Tense and Mode.
+
+1. There are three principal tenses, present, past and future. The
+present is found in the indicative and imperative modes, the
+past in the indicative only, and the future in the indicative and
+subjunctive. Besides these, there is a method of expressing the
+infinitive, a passive participle, and two forms of verbal adjectives.
+
+2. _Paradigm of tenses and modes._
+
+
+                        ememe,          umbubi,         isiei,
+                        pierce          wash            follow
+
+Indicative present      ememe           umbubi      isiei
+Indicative past (1)     ema(me)         umbubi(ne)  isia
+Indicative past (2)     emo(ne)
+Indicative future       ematsi(me)      umbubitsi(me)   isiatsi
+Imperative (1)          ema             umbubi      isia
+Imperative (2)          emau            umbubu
+Subjunctive (1)         emo(le)         umbubi(ne)  isio(me)
+Subjunctive (2)         emo(me)
+Infinitive              ema(me)         umbubi(me)  isie(me)
+Past participle         emam(ane)       umbubim(ane)
+Verbal adjective (1)    emabul(ane)     umbubibul(ane)
+Verbal adjective (2)    ememond(ana)
+
+
+If the Imperative be regarded as the stem, there appear to be three
+Conjugations, but Dr. Strong gives four based on past tense, thus:
+i. Verbs with monosyllabic roots, 2. Verbs with roots in _a_, 3. Verbs
+with roots in _i_, 4. Verbs with roots in _e_.
+
+His examples are:--
+
+
+                1.          2.          3.            4.
+                nen,        itede,      ongai,        bole,
+                eat         cut         break         leave
+
+Present         nene        itede       ongai         bolo
+Past            na          ita         ongai         bole
+Future          natsi       itatsi      ongaitsi      bolatsi
+Imperative      nu          ito         ongai         bo(le)
+Subjunctive     no          ito         ongai         bolo
+Infinitive      namubabe    itamubabe   ongaimubabe   bolamane
+Past participle namane      itaname     ongaimane     bolamane
+Adjectival      nab'ula(ne) itedondona  ongaibula(ne) bolabula(ne)
+
+
+3. _Notes on the foregoing paradigms._
+
+_a._ Indicative present.
+
+Most verbs double the last syllable of the stem, which in the first
+conjugation always ends in _e_. There are, however, some exceptions,
+especially among verbs in _i_, and those which have a verbal
+suffix. The syllable _-te_ when doubled is always _-tede_.
+
+Ex. _Nag alili_, I see; _nani e gadi_, I build (tie up) the house;
+_nani okid' atede_, I light the fire.
+
+_b._ Indicative past.
+
+The difference between the two forms, both of which are preceded
+by the particle _ga_, is not yet clearly made out. The ending _e_
+seems to refer to the time when the action finished, whilst _-a_
+has a more general signification.
+
+Ex. _Naga ne_, I have eaten, _naga kupa na_, I ate the potatoes. There
+is another form which replaces the final syllable of the present
+tense by _-ua_. Verbs in _-i_ add _-ua_ to the final syllable. But
+it is uncertain whether this expresses the near past, or includes an
+idea of movement.
+
+Ex. _na bul' elelua_, I have just worked in the garden; _nu a gadi ua_,
+you have just tied up the fence.
+
+_c_. Indicative future.
+
+If the syllables preceding the suffix _-tsi_ also contain _-tsi-ti_. In
+monosyllabic verbs especially, a second form of the future is often
+found, which retains the doubling of the present tense.
+
+Ex. _etsiati_, will come; _nenetsi_, will eat; _yeyetsi_, will
+take. For _ga_ with the future, see below.
+
+_d_. Imperative.
+
+The first form of the imperative has less force than the second. In
+the first conjugation the second form always terminates in _-au_,
+even when the first form is irregular. The last syllable of the
+imperative is often lost, especially when the ending is _-li_.
+
+Ex. _aitodede_, runs, imperat. _aitode_ and _aitodau_; _itulili_,
+ward off, imperat. _itu_; _bole_, leaves, imperat. _bole_, _bo_,
+and _bolau_; _ameme_, puts, imperat. _a_ and _ama_.
+
+The imperative is only used for the second person. In the first and
+third (sometimes even in the second) it is replaced by the subjunctive.
+
+Ex. _di ango_, let us go; _to n'alo_, speak, that I may know; _go di
+go_, go that we may go.
+
+_e_. Subjunctive.
+
+The two forms of the subjunctive are distinguished only in composition,
+and have not yet been clearly understood. The last syllable besides is
+rarely heard except in questions, and refers then to the interrogative
+form. The subjunctive without a conjunction is used in simple phrases
+consisting only of subject and object.
+
+Ex. _kuku gadi, di no_, roll the tobacco (make cigarette), that we
+may smoke (eat).
+
+_f_. Infinitive.
+
+The forms given as infinitive are uncertain. They may be verbal
+nouns. They are used in phrases such as: _nam' u babe_, father of
+eating, for 'a great eater': _tsimilim' u babe_, father of licking,
+cf. _andaval' u babe_, father of crying, one who causes crying.
+
+_g_. Past Participle.
+
+This does not easily lose the final syllable when it ends a
+sentence. In other cases, when it is followed by the word it qualifies
+it loses _-ane_, if the qualified word begins with a vowel, and _-ne_
+in other cases.
+
+Ex. _iy' ongaimane_, the cut tree, _indiv' ongaima ya_, or _ongaim'
+indi' ya_, take the broken knife, _g'usangaman' ul' ande_, the thing
+of death.
+
+The past participle of some verbs has not yet been ascertained.
+
+_h_. Verbal Adjectives.
+
+The exact difference between the two forms is not accurately
+ascertained. The first seems to indicate an instrument, and is
+equivalent to the phrase "used for," the second appears to indicate
+habitual rather than momentary use. When qualifying persons _-onde_
+is used for _-ondana_.
+
+Ex. _indi kupa fifitabula_, knife for scraping potatoes; _ai
+safatsilibula_, a yam which has rotted; _kulule iy' adedondona_,
+a hammer for striking wood; _nuni oyatonde_, you are only joking;
+_nani falawa me nonde_, I don't eat bread.
+
+In composition _-ande_, or at least _-nde_, is lost when the word
+qualified follows.
+
+Ex. _ai filibulanda_, a yam for planting, _filibula' ai ne i_, give me
+the yam for planting; _ambe nenondana_, the eatable banana, _nenond'
+ambe ya_, take the eatable banana.
+
+
+V. Negation.
+
+The negative of the verb is formed by the particle _me_ or _mi_
+preceding. In the imperative it also precedes, but when emphasis
+is laid upon the negation _mi_ follows. The difference between _me_
+and _mi_ is not clear, but _me_ appears to be used only before verbs
+beginning with a consonant, and _mi_ with other verbs.
+
+A negative participle or infinitive does not appear. For the verbal
+adjective the suffix _-ua(ne)_ is used.
+
+Ex. _Na mi alele_, I do not understand; _nani matsine mi engatsi_,
+I will not put on the (shell) bracelet; _mi unde_, do not fear;
+_kolose mi_, do not play; _me ya_, do not take; _nenond' an' ua_,
+what is not eaten.
+
+
+VI. Interrogative.
+
+The interrogative is only employed with reference to the verb itself,
+not to the complements. It changes with the conjugation and varies
+for present, past and future tense.
+
+
+Present.    Past 1.     Past 2.     Future 1.       Future 2.
+
+ememoma?    emama?      emena?      emolà?          emómà?
+umbubima?   umbibia?    umbubina?   umbubila?       umbubima?
+
+
+The present in the first conjugation keeps the reduplication of the
+stem, and changes the final _e_ to _-oma_. The second conjugation
+simply adds _-ma_. The interrogative in the past simply changes the _e_
+of the positive indicative to _a_ in both forms. The future is formed
+in the same way from the subjunctive with a stress upon the final _a_
+in the first conjugation.
+
+Ex. _Nuga malele yera?_ have you taken the book? _uga nemb' emama?_ has
+he killed the bird? _nu aiti golà?_ would you start to-morrow? _kupa
+g'ilama?_ are the potatoes cooked?
+
+Note (1). The future interrogative replies to the question, "Can
+I..."? or "Should I..."?
+
+(2). The interrogative of the near past (_cf.p._ 318, 3, _b_) is
+formed by substituting _-una_ for _-ua_.
+
+Ex. _nug' em' aliluna?_ Have you just come to see the village?
+
+(3). The form of the second future as _umbibia_ is rarely heard,
+except with the verb _alili_, see, from which comes _'Aria?_ see?
+
+(4). The negative interrogative is formed like the simple negative
+by _me_ or _mi_ preceding the verb.
+
+The questions "What should I do?" "What should I say," How should
+I begin it?" are translated by the expression _do(le)... maiti_,
+from _do(le)?_ where?
+
+Ex. _dotamaiti?_ how should I say? _dol' imaiti?_ what should I
+do? _do yela maiti?_ how shall I call?
+
+
+VII. Substantive Verb.
+
+1. In the present tense there is no substantive verb. The predicate and
+subject are combined as in the examples already given (cf. p. 312,
+2). But when the present indicates a state in opposition to one
+preceding it, _ga_ is used before the adjective, or if in opposition
+to a future state, the verb _ando_ follows.
+
+Ex. _Kuku ga ko_, the tobacco is bad; _balava ga ua_, the bread is
+finished; _indi ga kouatu_, the knife is on the box; _ambe g'ifa_,
+the banana is good; _ambe gos' ando_, the banana is (still) green
+(not ripe).
+
+The past is more difficult to express. It always requires an adverb
+of time.
+
+Ex. _Mele maleke ifa, audati ga ko_, the child formerly was good,
+now he is bad.
+
+3. For other tenses the verb is translated only by the auxiliaries
+_-elele_ and _-angege_, for which cf. p. 322, 7.
+
+
+
+VIII. Auxiliary Verbs.
+
+1. The particle _ga_ may be used to make any expression whatever
+attributive.
+
+Ex. _Yu g'ua_, the water is finished (_i.e_., is not); _malele ga
+kouatsi_, the book is in the box.
+
+In such examples there is almost the sense of a past action, as if
+it were "The water (has become) nothing," "the book has been put
+(is already in) the box."
+
+2. The verbs _ete, tede_, to say, or to do, and _elele_, to become,
+are often used to form a noun stem into a verb. _Ete_ and _tede_
+give the sense of _sounding_, _elele_ gives the sense of _using_
+whatever the noun expresses.
+
+Ex.
+
+_fioli_, flute, _fioliete_, to play the flute.
+_yuve_, water, _yuv' elele_, to bathe.
+_ule_, thunder, _ulonete_, to thunder.
+_ivule_, dye, _ivul' elele_, to paint one's self.
+_andavale_, crying, _andav' ete_, to weep.
+_bule_, earth, _bul' elele_, to cultivate.
+
+3. The Tenses, etc., of these verbs are found as follows:
+
+
+                        1               2
+
+    Pres. indic.        ete or tede.    elele.
+    Imperative.         ta.             elau, ele, e.
+    Past indic.         te(ne).         elame.
+    Subjunctive.        to(me), to(le). elo(me), elo(le).
+    Past indic.         ta(me).         elene.
+    Infinitive.         ta(me).         ela(me).
+    Future indic.       tatsi(me).      elatsi(me).
+    Verbal adj.         tond(ana).      ?
+
+
+4. The negative is formed regularly by _mi_.
+
+Ex. _nani yu mi elatsi_, I shall not bathe; _degu mi e_, don't
+get dirty.
+
+5. The interrogative is regular.
+
+Pres. or past, _tena?_ or _tama? elena?_ or _elama?_ Fut. _toma?_
+and _tola? eloma?_ and _elola?_
+
+6. The auxiliaries _ete, tede, elele_, should be distinguished from
+the regular verb, _tede_ or _ta_, to make. The latter is a distinct
+verb used when the result of the action is to produce a new thing.
+
+Ex. _Sambari tatsi_, will make a wall; _ombo tatsi_, will make a sieve.
+
+7. The verbs _elele_ and _angege_, both meaning "to become," may be
+regarded as auxiliary verbs when they are used with adjectives, often
+taking the place of a substantive verb. In this use _elele_ is never,
+and _angege_ very rarely used in the past tense, the particle _ga_
+taking their place.
+
+Both are regular except in the imperative, which has respectively _ela_
+and _elau_, _ange_ and _angau_.
+
+Ex. _Ifan' eloma?_ will he become handsome? _ifa mi elatsi?_ he will
+not be handsome? _indi g' ifa_, the knife is good; _yuv' uan angatsi_,
+the water will cease (become nothing); _mel g' us' anga_, or _me g'
+use_, the child is dead.
+
+
+IX. Verbal Suffixes.
+
+1. The suffix _-i_, added to a noun stem, forms generally a neuter
+verb.
+
+Ex. _abe_, work, _abi_, to work; _iso_(_ne_), smoke, _isoni_, to give
+forth smoke; _kese_, a clean vegetable, _kesi_, to clean vegetables.
+
+2. The suffix _-tede_, added to a noun stem, forms usually an active
+verb.
+
+Ex. _foye_, ashes, _foitede_, to cook in ashes; _gurube_, neck,
+_gurutede_, to hang at the neck.
+
+3. The suffix of manner defining the verb, is formed by adding the
+adjective with the final syllable changed to _-i_.
+
+Note (1). The suffix of manner is always added to the infinitive form
+of the preceding verb.
+
+(2). In the negative these compound verbs are considered a single word.
+
+Ex. _te_, say, _ifane_, good, _tam' ifani_, to say well. _i_, do,
+_koye_, bad, _i'koi_, to do badly. _ilele_, cook, _akane_, small,
+_ilam'akani_, to half-cook.
+
+4. The suffix _-matede_ appears to have a causative signification.
+
+Ex. _ga koda_ (perhaps the past of _kodede_,) pierced, _komatede_,
+to pierce (of a man); _ga siuda_, extinguished, _siumatede_,
+to extinguish.
+
+Note. This suffix appears in some examples as a separate verb in the
+same sense.
+
+Ex. _yuv' olola mata_, warm up the water; _indi koi matatsi_, the
+knife will become bad.
+
+The negative is not known.
+
+5. The suffixes _-meme_ and _-ngo_ are added to neuter verbs. The
+first has an active meaning, the second is passive.
+
+Ex. _yu_, to be upright, _yuma_, to put upright, _yungo_, to be
+upright. _yari_(?), _yarima_, to hang, _yaringo_, to be hanging.
+
+Note (1). _Meme_ is regularly conjugated; _-ngo_ is imperfectly known.
+
+(2). Negative forms are _me yumatsi_, will not place upright, _mi
+yaringo_, not hanging.
+
+6. The auxiliary verbs, except _ga_, may perhaps be included among
+the suffixes (_see_ p. 322, VIII.).
+
+
+X. Verbal Prefixes.
+
+The prefix _ya-_ renders a neuter verb active or causative.
+
+Ex. _yaigege_, to go down, _yeyaigege_, to carry down. _faikadede_,
+to come back, _yefaika(dede)_, to give back. _yu_, to stand up,
+_yeyu_, to set up.
+
+
+XI. Irregular Verbs.
+
+1. Many verbs are irregular in the imperative.
+
+Ex.
+
+_angege_, imperat. _ange_, go.
+_atede_, imperat. _ade_, kindle, burn.
+_ende_, imperat. _ende_, undo.
+_etsie_, imperat. _etsie_, come up (ladder).
+_faikadede_, imperat. _faika(dede)_, go back.
+_idede_, imperat. _de_, gather, pluck.
+_isie_,  imperat. _isia_, follow;
+_itede_, imperat. _ide_, sting, bite.
+_itulili_, imperat. _itu(li)_, split.
+_ivori_, imperat. _ivo(ri)_, wipe.
+_kosisi_, imperat. _kose_, turn.
+_telele_, imperat. _te(le)_, come.
+_yelele_, imperat. _ye(le)_, call.
+
+
+2. Other irregular verbs are the following. Only those forms known
+are entered.
+
+_Aitodede_, to run: imperat. _attode_, infin. _aitode(me)_.
+_ando_ and _ande_, to be there: fut. _andetsi_, imperat. _ande_,
+subj. _ando_, and _ande_.
+_bole_, to leave: past, _bo(le)_, imperat. _bo(le)_.
+_ete_, to tell: past, _ete_ and _elete_, imperat. _eta_ and _ta_.
+_faduatsiete_, to ache (head): fut. _faduatatsi_.
+_iei_, to throw: fut. _iatsi_, imperat. _ia_.
+_indi_, to give;, imperat. _i(nde)_, subj. _i(ndi)_.
+_ingale_, to carry (on shoulder): past, _ingala_ and _inge_,
+imperat. _inga_, subj. _ingo_.
+_itede_ and _ito_, to lay down: past, _ito_ and _ita_, near past,
+_itova_, imperat. _ito_.
+_songe_, to go: pres. and past, _se_, near past, _sova_,
+imperat. _so(nge)_, subj. _so_, interrog. _sona?_
+_sue_, to walk, go: pres. _sue_, fut. _susuetsi_.
+_utsisi_, to draw: fut. _utsist_, imperat. _ude_.
+
+Note (1). The verbs _ando_ and _ito_ are not yet accurately understood.
+
+(2). The verb _ete_ has a double conjugation, the initial _e_ being
+retained or omitted at will. The past _elete_ is used in reporting
+the words of another person.
+
+(3). The verb _faduatsiete_ is a type of several verbs which end in
+_ete_, preceded by the syllable _tsi_. All these appear to lose _tsi_
+in the future, although some have both forms.
+
+Ex. _kiovatsiete_, to cry (of black parrot): fut. _kiovatatsi_
+and _kiovatsitatsi_.
+_puatsiete_, to make a cracking noise: fut. _puatatsi_ and
+_puatsiatsi_.
+
+(4). The verb _sue_ in the meaning "go away" always has _ga_.
+
+Ex. _nu ga sua? na ga sua_, are you going away? I am going away.
+
+The verb _angege_, to go, in the past tense has the particle ga
+prefixed to the verb instead of suffixed to the pronoun.
+
+Ex. _na nul etsi ganga_, I went to your village.
+
+
+XII. Notes on Some Verbs.
+
+1. _Tede_ and _i_.
+
+There is a difference in the meaning of the verbs _tede_, (_ete_)
+and _i_, both used for "do" or "make." The first is used when the
+object by which one obtains the action is indicated, the second is
+used when the action only is expressed, and might then be translated
+by the phrase "to go to work, to set about."
+
+Ex. _olon'ete_, to snore, make a sound with the _olo_(_ne_ hole,
+_i.e._, the nostrils, _ung'ul 'olo. na (melauk') i koitsi_, I shall
+do the thing wrong.
+
+2. _Gege, angege, engege, songe._
+
+All of these have the general meaning of "go." Their differences are
+not yet clearly understood. _Engege_ appears to mean "go up." _Songe_
+is specially employed when the following phrase indicates a final
+proposition, or an answer to the questions "Where do you come from?" or
+"Where are you going?"
+
+Ex. _nuni o' gega_, thou hast passed down there; _di engo_, let us
+go up; _na song' em' aritsi_, I am going to see the village; _nu do
+sona_? where have you been? (or, where do you come from?); _na bulitsi
+sova_, I have been in the garden (or, I have come from the garden).
+
+3. _Idede_.
+
+This verb has a general meaning besides the special one "to gather."
+
+Ex. _fang' idede_, to set a trap; _di yu molots' idoma_? should we
+make a water-pipe?
+
+4. _Ameme_.
+
+This verb has the general meaning of passing, or making anything
+pass, through an opening. The object which has the opening does not
+take suffixes.
+
+Ex. _kupa ulin' ama_, put the potatoes in the pot; _na ul' olol'
+amene_, I passed it through the hole; _iso nu emana? andavete_,
+does the smoke irritate you? you are weeping.
+
+
+Adverbs.
+
+I. Adverbs generally precede the verb which they modify. The exceptions
+are the interrogative na? (is it not so?) which always comes at the
+end of the sentence, and _-ta_ (at first), which follows the verb.
+
+Ex. _aiti balava natsi_, to-morrow bread I shall eat; _aiti nu inditsi
+na_? to-morrow I will give it you, shall I not? _kuku neta_, I eat
+the tobacco at first.
+
+Note.--This _ta_ appears to be almost a conjunction, and the phrase
+might be translated "when I shall have smoked (eaten) the tobacco."
+
+
+II. Adverbs of Place.
+
+_do(le)?_ where.
+_a(le)_), here.
+_va(ie)_, there.
+_ombatsi_, underneath.
+_gisa(le)_, far.
+_ime(li)?_ far.
+_kugume_, near.
+_tsi_, inside.
+_val'enga_, outside.
+_tu_, on, over
+_ibe(le)_, down there.
+_o(me)_, up there.
+_yo(le)_, there above.
+
+
+
+III. Adverbs of Time.
+
+The adverbs of time are not very definite. For example _audati_,
+"to-day, now," means also "in a few days" or "a few days ago." The
+latter meaning is also attributed to _arima_, and the former to _aiti_.
+
+_aida_? when?
+_vomarima_, day before yesterday.
+_arima_, yesterday.
+_male(ke)_, formerly.
+_malieke)_, formerly.
+_audali)_, to-day, now.
+_aiti(me)_, to-morrow.
+_vomaiti_, day after to-morrow.
+_talele_, often, for ever.
+_dedi_, just now, later (near).
+_ido(ve)_, not yet (with fut.) immediately.
+_ulsienga_, later on, in the future.
+_utsimata_, later on, in the future.
+_utsinenga_, later on, in the future.
+_kelavalage_, for a time.
+_-ta_, at first.
+_vo(ye_, again.
+
+
+IV. Adverbs of Quantity.
+
+_dovavemunge_? how much? how many?
+_domamai_? how much? how many?
+_avevemunge_, as much, so much, as many, so many.
+_tale(le)_, many.
+_apa(le)_, enough.
+_kisiaka_, few, little.
+_oko_, few, little.
+_-ta_, very.
+_ande_, very.
+_boboi_, entirely, quite.
+_gegeto_, few.
+
+Note. When _apa_ is used with a numeral it precedes it. Ex. _apa
+gegeto_, two are sufficient.
+
+
+V. Adverbs of Affirmation, Negation and Interrogation.
+
+_e_, yes.
+_akai(ge)_, truly.
+_g'akai_, truly.
+_me_! what! certainly!
+_ila_! I who knows?
+_ua(ne)_, not, no.
+_nà_? is it not (French, n'est ce pas?).
+_óuo_! not at all, by no means.
+_andal'ai(me)_? why?
+
+Note. _Me_, _óuo_, and _ila_ are almost interjections.
+
+
+VI. Adverbs of Manner and Likeness.
+
+The adverbs of manner are often replaced by noun suffixes attached
+to the verb, with the final _i_. (See Verbal Suffixes, p. 323).
+
+_unoi_, together.
+_akaumai(nge)_, further, beyond, besides.
+_uneke_, only.
+_ende_, also.
+_elele_, quickly.
+_dedi_, slowly
+_fidefide_, continually.
+_kela_, without reason, gratis.
+
+Note. When _ende_ modifies a verb with subject in the third person,
+it is preceded by the pronoun _ove_. Ex. _nau fud' ov' ende fufuli_,
+my bones (they) also ache.
+
+
+
+Prepositions and Postpositions.
+
+
+I. Prepositions.
+
+Only two prepositions are found in Fuyuge. These are _ise_, near,
+and _ga_, by.
+
+Ex. _aked' is' okid' ando_, the men are near the fire; _ganda_? _ga
+ma_! by what do you swear? by the thread.
+
+Note. _Ga_, in the sense of "by," is much used, and corresponds to
+a kind of oath.
+
+
+II. Postpositions.
+
+1. All the postpositions are used as suffixes to the words which they
+govern. When the noun to which they are suffixed has a double form,
+the postposition is added to the short form.
+
+Ex. _uli-tsi_ from _uli(ne)_ pot: _fatsi_ from _fa(le)_, ground.
+
+There are however some exceptions.
+
+2. When the postposition begins with a consonant, the final _e_
+of a noun changes to _i_.
+
+Ex. _kodigi-tsi_ from _kodige_, plate; _bulitsi_ from _bule_, garden.
+
+3. The postpositions are often used as nouns.
+
+Ex. _balava u tsi ido asi_, the inside of the loaf is still raw.
+
+
+III. List of Postpositions.
+
+_-ai(me)_, because of, for: _ovol' aim' andavete_, I weep for the pig.
+
+_-a(le)_, with, by (instrumental): _isong' al' oki ya -andal' a? isong'
+ale_, take the fire with the tongs--with what? with the tongs; _amul'
+al' ul'ese_, the woman with her child; _uli sond' al' ale_, a pot
+with a handle.
+
+_-ala_, to, adherent to, along: _yo' ata yarima_, hang it on the
+rattan; _enamb' ata malele yatsi_, I will take it along the road.
+
+_-fendateme_, near (within bounds): _Sivu Alo fendatem' ando_, Sivu
+is near Alo.
+
+_-noi_, with (?): _yini danoi gatsi_, you will go with us two.
+
+_-ongo_, before, at the side of (with an idea of inferiority):
+_na nu ongo ando_, I am before thee (at thy service); _non' ongo_,
+one beside the other.
+
+_-enga_, from the side of, towards: _nani Ambov'enga g'anga_, I have
+been (gone) towards Ambove.
+
+_-kaine_, towards: _dedi yi kaine tsiati_, later on I will come
+towards you.
+
+_teti_, under: _sosoeteti ando_, he is under the bed.
+
+_tsi_, to (movement, and time, rest), at, at the place of (Fr. chez):
+_nani etsi andota, u bulitsi g'anga_, I am in the house, he has gone
+into the garden; _naga Mambutsil' a tela_, I am come here from Mambo;
+_kouatsi ma_, put it in the box; _tutsi etsiati_, he will come in
+the night; _nu datsi sona_? who has he been with?
+
+_-tu_, upon (to or at places on mountains): _kulumitu, ma_, put it
+on the table; _Falitu g'anga_, he is gone to Faliba.
+
+Note. _Ale_ in the sense of "with" is used when the second substantive
+is considered as an accessory to the first. Ex. _an' al amu_, a married
+man (man with a wife); _uli sondal' ale_, pot with a handle. There
+are not yet enough examples to distinguish the two forms.
+
+
+IV. Prepositional Phrases.
+
+_u mome_, above: _kurum' u mome yarime_, hang it over the table; _u
+bane_, behind; _mel' an' u ban' ando_, the child is behind the man;
+_ul' umbo(le)_, in the middle of; _Veke ul' umbol' ando_, he is at Vee.
+
+
+Conjunctions.
+
+
+I. Copulative.
+
+_-u(ne)_, and, with; _naga kitoval' u kene' ema_, I killed a black
+and white parrot.
+
+_Une_ is generally only used to connect two nouns, and is placed
+between the two. But sometimes it comes after the second, especially
+when meaning "with," and the first noun is then followed by the
+personal pronoun. There are a few doubtful examples of _une_ joining
+two phrases: _ake tale mu, Augustin' un' ando_, many men are with
+Augustin.
+
+
+II. Adversative.
+
+_-ta_, yet, but: _nuni safa' ta nani kakava_, you are weak but I
+am strong.
+
+_Ta_, meaning "but," precedes the phrase which it governs: _nuni natsi,
+ta nani fema_, you will eat, but I do not.
+
+
+III. Sequence.
+
+_-ta_, when (when a fact is accomplished, or will certainly happen),
+lest: _aked' indiota, dinoi gatsi_, when the men arrive, we will
+go together.
+
+_Ta_ in this sense follows the verb, which is in the past if the action
+depends on the person who speaks or is spoken to, in other cases in
+the subjunctive: _kuku neta, etsi gatsi_, when I (or you) have eaten,
+I will (or you will) go to the village; _mulamula angetota, gadiu_,
+lest the medicine fall, tie it up.
+
+_-tamai_, when (uncertain event): _oki finolitamai, na natatsi_,
+when the fire blazes, warn me.
+
+_Tamai_ always requires the subjunctive.
+
+_-mai_, if: _Augusto bubulimai, dimuku e gaditsi_. If Augusto delays,
+we ourselves will build the house.
+
+_-umba_, so, like: _an' umba ne i_, give me (one) like that.
+
+
+Interjections.
+
+_mamu(la)_! admiration.
+_ile_! sadness.
+_fanimo(le)_, commiseration.
+_fanikoe_! commiseration.
+_-e_ (suffix), commiseration.
+_segoa_! joy at another's misfortune.
+_biu_! contempt.
+_alaila_! a command for silence.
+_faiamela_! expresses the recognition of an error.
+
+
+Notes on Dependent Clauses.
+
+1. A final proposition with the future is expressed in four ways.
+
+a. By the infinitive preceding the verb which it governs: _na nul'
+em' arim' an gatsi_, I will go to see thy village, lit, I thy village
+to-see will-go.
+
+b. By the simple future preceded by the verb: _na songe, Tsekari
+aritsi_, I go, I shall see Tseka.
+
+c. By the future preceding the verb: _ake Mambutsi itatsi m' ando_,
+the men remain to sleep at Mambo.
+
+d. By the suffix _-du(le]: Pe' Egidi yol' itadul andemai, puatsitatsi,_
+If Père Egidi stays to sleep up there, he will fire a gun; _ake Baidane
+(gatsi) ame boladu_, the men will go to Baidane to leave the girl;
+_muto yetadu, Labao gatsi_; I will go to Yule Is to take the sheep,
+(_muto_, Fr. mouton). The use of the verb "to go" is not certain.
+
+2. A dependent sentence with the past is expressed in two ways.
+
+a. By the simple past: _na so, fang' an_, I went to see the trap.
+
+b. By the suffix _-ua_, with the omission of the verb: _Tsekan'
+alilua_, I went to see Tseka, which might also be translated: _na sova,
+Tsekan' ari_.
+
+3. Causative sentences appear to be governed by the same rules as
+the preceding.
+
+Ex. _ame nu arim' undede_, the girl is afraid to see you; _andal'
+un' arim' ete_, what has he seen to talk about.
+
+4. Conditional sentences precede the principal and have their verb
+in the subjunctive with the conjunction _-mai_ or _-tamai_. (See
+p. 330, III.).
+
+5. A dependent sentence expressing time also precedes the principal
+sentence. It has its verb in the subjunctive or indicative, followed
+by the conjunction _-ta_ or sometimes _-tamai_. (See p. 330, III.).
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+Note on the Afoa Language
+
+By Dr. W. M. Strong
+
+The vocabulary recorded below was obtained from a Fuyuge native who
+spoke the Afoa language. He had travelled with me to the Afoa-speaking
+villages on Mount Pitsoko and I could assure myself that he spoke the
+language fluently. In spite of the vocabulary having been obtained
+through a Fuyuge native there is very little similarity between this
+and the Fuyuge vocabulary. It should be noted that the words for "I"
+and for "thou" are substantially the same in the two languages.
+
+I also obtained a short vocabulary from a native who came down the
+coast to me, and found that this was substantially the same as the
+Pitsoko vocabulary. The native had come from a village which appeared
+to be situated on the slopes of Mount Davidson and on the inland side
+of it. According to native accounts the Afoa language is spoken in
+numerous villages which stretch from Mount Davidson to the head of
+the St. Joseph River in the Mafulu district. All the Afoa villages
+are situated north of the St. Joseph and its main branches.
+
+[Dr. Strong gives only the pronoun: _nui,_ thou; and the
+numerals: _koane,_ one; _atolowai,_ two; _atolowai-itima,_ three;
+_atolowai-atolowai,_ four; _atolowai-atolowai-itima,_ five.
+
+The Pronouns given by Father Egidi for Tauata ("Anthropos," II. 1907,
+pp. 1009-1015) are:--
+
+
+                Singular.       Plural.             Dual.
+
+lst Person,     _nai_, _na_.    _nanei_, _nane_.    _nonei_, _none_.
+2nd Person,     _nui_, _nu_.    _nunei_, _nune_     _nuvei_, _nuve_.
+3rd Person,     _omei_, _ome_.  _otei_, _ote_.      _olei_(?).
+
+
+The Possessives are:--
+
+
+                Singular.       Plural.             Dual.
+
+lst Person,     _ne_, _neve_.   _nane_,_nanene_.    _none_.
+
+2nd Person,     _ni_, _nie_.    _nune_.             _nuvene_.
+
+3rd Person,     _ote_, _otene_. _otene_.            _olene_.
+
+
+The Interrogatives are: _te_? who? _te_? _teile_? what
+thing? _te_? _tue_? which?
+
+The Numerals, according to Father Egidi, are, _kone_, one;
+_atolo_(_ai_), two; _atoloai-laina_, three; _talele_, _memene_, many;
+_konekone_, few.
+
+S. H. R.]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+Note on the Kovio Language.
+
+By Dr. W. M. Strong.
+
+Substantially the same language is spoken in the whole of the
+neighbourhood of Mount Yule. I have travelled all around this
+mountain and the same interpreter was able to make himself understood
+everywhere. The vocabulary recorded below was collected by means
+of the Motuan from a native of Lopiko in the Inava valley. I have
+also collected short vocabularies from the village of Inavarene in
+the same valley, and from the Kwoifa district of the upper part of
+the Lakekamu river. These vocabularies show close similarities with
+that of Lopiko. The natives around the Pic Eleia also speak much the
+same language.
+
+The vocabulary of the language bears no resemblance to any other
+language I am acquainted with. It is peculiar in that a word often ends
+in a consonant preceded by a short vowel. There is also an unusual
+consonant sound in the language. This sound seems to vary between a
+"ch" and a "tch" sound.
+
+The pronouns are as follows;--
+
+
+                First person:   _na_.
+                Second person:  _ni_.
+                Third person:   _pi_.
+
+
+These were obtained without much difficulty as well as the
+corresponding possessives _nemai_, _nimai_, and _pimai_; but plurals
+could not be obtained. Possibly the above are both singular and
+plural. The possessive precedes the noun, _e.g._, _nemai tupumagi_,
+my house. [129] A binary system of counting is shown in the following
+numerals:--
+
+
+            One:    _uniuni_.
+            Two:    _karaala_.
+            Three:  _naralavievi napuevi_.
+            Four:   _naralavievi naralavievi_.
+            Five:   _naralavievi naralavievi napuievi_.
+            Ten:    _kowa_.
+            Eleven: _kowa uniuni_.
+            Twelve: _kowa karaala_.
+            Twenty: _kowakowa_.
+
+
+Seven, eight, and nine were also translated by saying _naralavievi_
+for each two, and _napuevi_ for one over. The numeral follows the noun,
+e.g., _inai karaala_, two spears. [130]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+A Comparative Vocabulary of the Fuyuge, Afoa, and Kovio Languages
+
+Prepared by Sidney H. Ray, M.A.
+
+[From the MSS. of Rev. Father Egedi, Rev. P.J. Money, and
+Dr. W.M. Strong. Words in square brackets from "Antropos," II.,
+pp. 1016-1021. _Cf_. Appendix V.]
+
+
+
+English:    Adze
+Mafulu:     so(ve)
+Kambisa:    so(nda)
+Korona:     itau
+Afoa:       kealeve
+Kovio:      labian)ed
+
+English:    Ankle
+Mafulu:     sog' u' kodabe [131]
+Kambisa:    segikanan [132]
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Areca-nut
+Mafulu:     kese
+Kambisa:    kesi
+Korona:     soroma
+Afoa:       iluve; [vonuve]
+Kovio:      koveo; [auliri-koyo]
+
+English:    Arm
+Mafulu:     bodo(le); matange (_shoulder_)
+Kambisa:    ia; kosa (_shoulder_)
+Korona:     ya
+Afoa:       kalab; [kala(pe)]
+Kovio:      malau; [malao]
+
+English:    Armlet
+Mafulu:     koio(ne) (_cane_); matsi(ne) (_shell_)
+Kambisa:    ino (_cane_)
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [torite; litsi]
+Kovio:      [loria]
+
+English:    Arrow
+Mafulu:     fod' u' komome
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     fode
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      [kilelupa]
+
+English:    Ashes
+Mafulu:     foye
+Kambisa:    hoi
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       enamiro [133]; pita; [sepe]
+Kovio:      iziuvate; [itekamite]
+
+English:    Backbone
+Mafulu:     bane
+Kambisa:    bano
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [momo(pe) (_back_)]
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Bad
+Mafulu:     ko(ye)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     ko
+Afoa:       k=o=ali
+Kovio:      kep)ip; [amifu]
+
+English:    Bag, Basket
+Mafulu:     anon(ne)
+Kambisa:    ha(_netted_)
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [lamui]
+Kovio:      [lamui]
+
+English:    Bamboo
+Mafulu:     bione; e(re) (_pipe_)
+Kambisa:    e
+Korona:     tobo [134]
+Afoa:       ila; [vioni; ila (_pipe_)]
+Kovio:      nelele; [pidele; nerele (_pipe_)]
+
+English:    Banana
+Mafulu:     ambe
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     haba
+Afoa:       pelai
+Kovio:      teri; [teli]
+
+English:    Barter
+Mafulu:     davani
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       tvatava [135]
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Beard
+Mafulu:     anama(le)
+Kambisa:    hanama
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Belly
+Mafulu:     ombo(le)
+Kambisa:    hombo (_stomach_)
+Korona:     obo
+Afoa:       aniami; [aniame (_abdomen_); kutote (_belly_)]
+Kovio:      dapoale; [data]
+
+English:    Belt (waist string)
+Mafulu:     ganinge; ganingame (_bark_); tafade (_ratan_)
+Kambisa:    misu
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [terite; afafe; teupe]
+Kovio:      [tabatsio; talakota]
+
+English:    Bird
+Mafulu:     nembe
+Kambisa:    neba
+Korona:     nebe
+Afoa:       kile
+Kovio:      id)ep; [ite]
+
+English:    Bite
+Mafulu:     angale (_of men_); itede (_of dog_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       kanaiva
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Black
+Mafulu:     dube
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     duba
+Afoa:       lumatu
+Kovio:      alolamala; [tumuta].
+
+English:    Blood
+Mafulu:     tana(le)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     tana
+Afoa:       ilive
+Kovio:      uiau-toro; [ueho].
+
+English:    Boat
+Mafulu:     --
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     asi [136]
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Body
+Mafulu:     mule
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [kotsi(pe)]
+Kovio:      ulan-utoro ; [koki].
+
+English:    Bone
+Mafulu:     fude
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     ufudi
+Afoa:       kemiabi
+Kovio:      kateleru.
+
+English:    Bow, _n_
+Mafulu:     fode
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     fode
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Bowels
+Mafulu:     taride; gige
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [kimu(ve)]
+Kovio:      [tsikamaki].
+
+English:    Branch
+Mafulu:     bodo(le); gobe (_young_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     uga
+Afoa:       ietami
+Kovio:      litaud
+
+English:    Breast
+Mafulu:     ouba
+Kambisa:    duda; kononda [137] (_chest_); bononga (_breast-bone_)
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       talate [opipe]
+Kovio:      apiteu; [apetei (_woman's_)].
+
+English:    Bring
+Mafulu:     yetsia (_up_); yayeitsie (_down_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     neda
+Afoa:       ainakava
+Kovio:      [boale?].
+
+English:    Bury
+Mafulu:     mudi
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       alota
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Butterfly
+Mafulu:     keneke
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     kaneke
+Afoa:       gotaubi
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    By an Bye
+Mafulu:     dedi; ido(ve) (_not yet_)
+Kambisa:    gadavi
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [epe (_not yet_)]
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Cane
+Mafulu:     yokome; seene (_ratan_)
+Kambisa:    ongo
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Charcoal
+Mafulu:     --
+Kambisa:    urugum
+Korona:     orugu
+Afoa:       (ena)imiti [138]
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Cheek
+Mafulu:     omenge
+Kambisa:    hanan
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Chest
+Mafulu:     kavale
+Kambisa:    kononda
+Korona:     konode
+Afoa:       kaluvi
+Kovio:      lipat; [ulako].
+
+English:    Chief
+Mafulu:     ame(de)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Child
+Mafulu:     mele; ese (_son_); ame(le) (_girl_); ayame(le) (_small_)
+Kambisa:    isa; isoko (_boy_); amuri (_girl_)
+Korona:     isia
+Afoa:       lu [lu; pie (_boy_); epi (_girl_)]
+Kovio:      nekeotoro; [koemala; feimala (_boy_); nalemala; etaofu (_girl_)].
+
+English:    Chin
+Mafulu:     ana
+Kambisa:    ana
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [natau(pe)]
+Kovio:      [akumare].
+
+English:    Claw (_of bird_)
+Mafulu:     fodo(le)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     bodo [139]
+Afoa:       kila karabe
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Cloth (_native_)
+Mafulu:     kogo(ve)
+Kambisa:    hudo
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [etape]
+Kovio:      [tsimika].
+
+English:    Cloud
+Mafulu:     unu(me)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       ulua; [ponive]
+Kovio:      unida; [lariatsi].
+
+English:    Club
+Mafulu:     gilise (_pineapple_); gadaibe (_disc_); kongomu (_wood_)
+Kambisa:    hadufa (_wood_)
+Korona:     hadoga (_pine-apple_)
+Afoa:       yetikwi
+Kovio:      ineri (_stone_)
+
+English:    Coconut
+Mafulu:     fofo(ne)
+Kambisa:    bao
+Korona:     fofo
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      teri.
+
+English:    Cold
+Mafulu:     yuyuma
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     dudure
+Afoa:       loola
+Kovio:      delea; [abatata].
+
+English:    Come
+Mafulu:     tsia
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     yeterun
+Afoa:       lai
+Kovio:      [imaro]
+
+English:    Crocodile
+Mafulu:     fua
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     fuai
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Cuscus
+Mafulu:     --
+Kambisa:    ano [140]
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Darkness
+Mafulu:     tu(be)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     gerenama
+Afoa:       guviti
+Kovio:      dubare
+
+English:    Daylight
+Mafulu:     ev' ul' aveve [141]
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Die
+Mafulu:     usangege
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     usaga
+Afoa:       lae-elu; [kelui]
+Kovio:      [nusuaka]
+
+English:    Dig
+Mafulu:     tsie
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       amatita
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Digging-stick
+Mafulu:     itsive
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     iti
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Dog
+Mafulu:     oi(e)
+Kambisa:    hu
+Korona:     ho
+Afoa:       kovela
+Kovio:      gad)ep; [katefu]
+
+English:    Door
+Mafulu:     akonimbe
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Dress (_man's_)
+Mafulu:     ganinge
+Kambisa:    haninga
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Dress (_woman's_)
+Mafulu:     yangile (_petticoat_); yamba(le)
+Kambisa:    iambaro
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Drink
+Mafulu:     nene
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     eu' naida
+Afoa:       kwaiana
+Kovio:      [naro]
+
+English:    Ear
+Mafulu:     yangolo(me)
+Kambisa:    gadoro
+Korona:     i
+Afoa:       kepapi
+Kovio:      katoli
+
+English:    Earring
+Mafulu:     --
+Kambisa:    kemang
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Earth (ground)
+Mafulu:     bu(le), fa(le)
+Kambisa:    hoa
+Korona:     fa(la)
+Afoa:       amati
+Kovio:      kamad; [amatsi]
+
+English:    Eat
+Mafulu:     nene
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     adako' naida
+Afoa:       na)nai [142]; [nai]
+Kovio:      [naro]
+
+English:    Egg
+Mafulu:     ombo(le)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     obo
+Afoa:       kile' mutube
+Kovio:      nekeo
+
+English:    Elbow
+Mafulu:     bodol'u' kodabe [143]
+Kambisa:    hukanan [144]
+Korona:     ya' koba
+Afoa:       oma' kaluve
+Kovio:      mala-gagoboro
+
+English:    Eye
+Mafulu:     i(me)
+Kambisa:    i(ng)
+Korona:     yago
+Afoa:       tabe; [va(pe)]
+Kovio:      ita-kwaru; [itau]
+
+English:    Eyebrow
+Mafulu:     ingob' u' male [145]
+Kambisa:    ing' ode [146]
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      ita-dunali
+
+English:    Eyelash
+Mafulu:     --
+Kambisa:    ing' uba
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      ita-kalam
+
+English:    Face
+Mafulu:     mede
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     yodoge
+Afoa:       keuwil [keu(ve)]
+Kovio:      tara-ata; [kawasata]
+
+English:    Far off
+Mafulu:     gisa(le)
+Kambisa:    busara
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       ainioari [ainiole]
+Kovio:      waladekatch; [lulusivelaka]
+
+English:    Father
+Mafulu:     ba(be)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     bane
+Afoa:       ati
+Kovio:      papai; [fafae; vavafu]
+
+English:    Fear
+Mafulu:     undede
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       nu)kela [147]
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Feather
+Mafulu:     ma(le); pame (_of wing_)
+Kambisa:    wasa (_cassowary plum_)
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       kili' amute
+Kovio:      atch; [akoatsi]
+
+English:    Finger
+Mafulu:     bodol' u' gobe [148] (_index_); bodol' u' feneme [149] (_middle
+            and ring_);  bodol' u' talave [150] (_little finger_);  bodol'
+            u' mame [151] (_thumb_)
+Kambisa:    naria (_thumb_)
+Korona:     yaro' goba [148]
+Afoa:       lelevai; [kalaopue (_index and ring_);  kimataliope (_middle_);
+            leleva (_little_); amo(te) _thumb_]
+Kovio:      mala-tiporotch; [obido (_index_); upurau; kaitaita (_middle_);
+            upurau; gitaguruita (_ring_); itarao; taravalara (_little_);
+            banoe (_thumb_)]
+
+English:    Fire
+Mafulu:     oki(de)
+Kambisa:    uki
+Korona:     oke
+Afoa:       )enami
+Kovio:      iziradi; [iti]
+
+English:    Fish
+Mafulu:     garume
+Kambisa:    garung
+Korona:     unuma (?)
+Afoa:       gapila; [kapita]
+Kovio:      rapiamala; [kavila]
+
+English:    Flea
+Mafulu:     yo(le)
+Kambisa:    kasin
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Flesh
+Mafulu:     mise
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     misa
+Afoa:       miluti
+Kovio:      [muditsi]
+
+English:    Flower
+Mafulu:     sive; oyande
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     unida [152]
+Afoa:       iadaude
+Kovio:      [ulatu]
+
+English:    Fly, _n._
+Mafulu:     sungulu(me)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     sigurum
+Afoa:       tainanu; [tainamu]
+Kovio:      [muni]
+
+English:    Fly, _v._
+Mafulu:     iyei
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Fog
+Mafulu:     unu(me)
+Kambisa:    hunu
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Food
+Mafulu:     imbade (_animal_); yalove (_vegetable_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [nifite (_animal_); valive; kalai (_vegetable_)]
+Kovio:      [muditsi (_animal_); taraj (_vegetable_)]
+
+English:    Foot
+Mafulu:     yovali, so(ge); sog' u' tobo (_sole_) [153]
+Kambisa:    suga; hu tobo' (_sole_)
+Korona:     sogo
+Afoa:       lomineti; [lo(ape)]
+Kovio:      ina-tiporotch; [teporotsi]
+
+English:    Forehead
+Mafulu:     mede; ingobe (_bone of eyebrow_)
+Kambisa:    anone (_temple_)
+Korona:     mida
+Afoa:       miavi
+Kovio:      [tavatau]
+
+English:    Forest
+Mafulu:     mavane (_hunting-ground_); siu(le), tsiu(le) (_bush_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     bu [154]
+Afoa:       sule; [kalite]
+Kovio:      yaped; [buloka]
+
+English:    Fowl
+Mafulu:     kokole
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Fruit
+Mafulu:     dede
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       ietaube; [eadauda]
+Kovio:      ulau; [kalitu; ulata]
+
+English:    Garden
+Mafulu:     bu(le)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      [volomala; volofu]
+
+English:    Ghost
+Mafulu:     sila(le)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Give
+Mafulu:     indi
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     ide
+Afoa:       nu)inie [155]; [ini]
+Kovio:      [nanara]
+
+English:    Go
+Mafulu:     gege
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     hego
+Afoa:       lo; [la]
+Kovio:      [taro]
+
+English:    Good
+Mafulu:     ifa(ne)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     ifi
+Afoa:       ladi; [kato]
+Kovio:      aupumara; [tsimafu]
+
+English:    Great
+Mafulu:     baibe
+Kambisa:    mataka
+Korona:     baibe
+Afoa:       kalowo
+Kovio:      aputep; [tovenaetsi]
+
+English:    Hair (of head)
+Mafulu:     alome
+Kambisa:    ha; makoko (_dressed_)
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       auwataute; [voto(pe)]
+Kovio:      nanaled; [manala; manalreta].
+
+English:    Hair (of body)
+Mafulu:     ma(le)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       auwuti; [avute]
+Kovio:      ada; [akoatsi]
+
+English:    Hand
+Mafulu:     bodo(le); bodol' u'-tobo (palm) [156]
+Kambisa:    ia; ia'tobo (_palm_)
+Korona:     yaro' uba
+Afoa:       galatopute [kalaopue]
+Kovio:      mala-kapunatch; [mala=tu portosi]
+
+English:    Hard
+Mafulu:     kakava(ne)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       avava
+Kovio:      maradi; [unamane]
+
+English:    Head
+Mafulu:     ade(de)
+Kambisa:    hondu
+Korona:     ha
+Afoa:       ni)adi; [ade] [157]
+Kovio:      gagau; [kakao]
+
+English:    Head-wrap
+Mafulu:     ogoupe
+Kambisa:    suno
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Hear
+Mafulu:     alele
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       lanita
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Hill
+Mafulu:     kume
+Kambisa:    kumo
+Korona:     bunga
+Afoa:       itavi; [maive; lavave (_uninhabited_);  itave (_crest_)]
+Kovio:      la-ôâ-uta; [laoaka]
+
+English:    Hip
+Mafulu:     ol'u'ga(ye) [158]
+Kambisa:    huru
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Hook
+Mafulu:     --
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     kimai [159]
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Hot
+Mafulu:     olola
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     giganfe
+Afoa:       nunali
+Kovio:      midilamolamo
+
+English:    House
+Mafulu:     e(me); emo(ne) (_communal_)
+Kambisa:    e(m)
+Korona:     e
+Afoa:       geade; [kia(te); tumute (_communal_)]
+Kovio:      tupumagi; [dema(ki); dubumaki (_communal_)]
+
+English:    Husband
+Mafulu:     a(ne)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       omen)iva; [vale; mu] [160]
+Kovio:      anawab
+
+English:    Iron
+Mafulu:     tavili [161]
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     nani
+Afoa:       nai
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Kill
+Mafulu:     adede; ememe
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [amui]
+Kovio:      [mavemara]
+
+English:    Knee
+Mafulu:     amia
+Kambisa:    amiang
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:
+
+English:    Knife
+Mafulu:     indi(ve)
+Kambisa:    indi(fa)
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [tiveja(ve)] [162]
+Kovio:      [vesti]
+
+English:    Know
+Mafulu:     tsitsiva
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       nu)ali; [ni]
+Kovio:      [edemaka]
+
+English:    Leaf
+Mafulu:     tu(le)
+Kambisa:    idu
+Korona:     utu
+Afoa:       valupi
+Kovio:      aukwata; [aufu; aubota]
+
+English:    Leg
+Mafulu:     yovali; fande (shin); mude (thigh); mise (_calf_)
+Kambisa:    furo (_shin_); muda (_thigh_)
+Korona:     mude (_thigh_)
+Afoa:       wolupi (_thigh_); [keniame; kupuame (_thigh_)]
+Kovio:      alile (_thigh_); [inako; apota (_thigh_)]
+
+English:    Lime
+Mafulu:     abe
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     hava
+Afoa:       [kaute]
+Kovio:      wati.
+
+English:    Lip
+Mafulu:     ude
+Kambisa:    uba
+Korona:     udu
+Afoa:       getapi
+Kovio:      ridokalule (_upper_); akoitale (_lower_); [kijtakorutsi]
+
+English:    Live
+Mafulu:     asilando (_be alive_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     asihera
+Afoa:       kajli
+Kovio:      [watara (_alive_)]
+
+English:    Liver
+Mafulu:     dube
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     hade
+Afoa:       kimaule
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Long
+Mafulu:     sesada
+Kambisa:    busa
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [tsyani]
+Kovio:      [tovenaemita].
+
+English:    Louse
+Mafulu:     i(ye)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     hi
+Afoa:       iate
+Kovio:      [inepu].
+
+
+English:    Male
+Mafulu:     avoge
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Man
+Mafulu:     a(ne)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     a
+Afoa:       woale;[vale]
+Kovio:      kalauotoro;[abo(te); mala; abofu].
+
+English:    Many
+Mafulu:     tale; taluvi
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     harut
+Afoa:       tatele;[talele]
+Kovio:      maimitara.
+
+English:    Mat
+Mafulu:     --
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       unite
+Kovio:      tau-ud.
+
+English:    Milk
+Mafulu:     oubatsinge; oub'indidi [163] (_to suckle_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     obo
+Afoa:       mulape
+Kovio:      apiteu.
+
+English:    Mirror
+Mafulu:     aveve
+Kambisa:    idida
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Moon
+Mafulu:     one
+Kambisa:    hama
+Korona:     hoana
+Afoa:       oani;[one]
+Kovio:      nonitch;[onea, nonitsi].
+
+English:    Morning
+Mafulu:     tutsi
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       laliate' govelai [kuwitue]
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Mosquito
+Mafulu:     maingogo
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     igogesa
+Afoa:       nipope
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Mother
+Mafulu:     ma(me)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     uma
+Afoa:       aumen)ini [164]; [ine]
+Kovio:      nei; [nei, nonofu].
+
+English:    Mouth
+Mafulu:     ambode
+Kambisa:    gobang
+Korona:     adinu
+Afoa:       nautabe; [natave, yolote]
+Kovio:      akwot;[khidatsi].
+
+
+English:    Nail (_finger_)
+Mafulu:     fodo(le); koko (_of cassowary_)
+Kambisa:    bodong (_of toe_) [165]
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [viloipe]
+Kovio:      [tevetsi].
+
+English:    Name
+Mafulu:     i(ve)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       apete
+Kovio:      nitiab;[vitane].
+
+English:    Navel
+Mafulu:     kombolu
+Kambisa:    kumburu
+Korona:     koboro
+Afoa:       oatobe; [otove]
+Kovio:      autau; [koto].
+
+English:    Near
+Mafulu:     kugume
+Kambisa:    kuguraga
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       amauli;[amavola]
+Kovio:      kauwari.
+
+English:    Neck
+Mafulu:     gurube; kalolo (_throat_)
+Kambisa:    indu (_back_); aroro (_throat_)
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [kumulute]
+Kovio:      neneviro;[nelevio].
+
+English:    Necklace
+Mafulu:     sale, sambu (_shell_); tsiba, [Dog's incisors] sise [Dog's canine]
+            (_dogs' teeth_); yakeva (_pearl_)
+Kambisa:    sa (_shell_)
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [telenate [Dog's incisors]; lulate [Dog's canine]
+Kovio:      [kulolobotsi[Dog's incisors]; kitetsi[Dog's canine]].
+
+English:    Night
+Mafulu:     tu(be)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       guve'teletai[kuvite]
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Nipple
+Mafulu:     ouba' ul' unge [166]
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       oalube; [okobe]
+Kovio:      apiteu.
+
+English:    No
+Mafulu:     mi, ua(ne)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       muinu
+Kovio:      [nai].
+
+English:    Nose
+Mafulu:     unge
+Kambisa:    unga
+Korona:     unga
+Afoa:       kiti [ki(te)]
+Kovio:      watarupu;[wata(rube)].
+
+English:    Nostril
+Mafulu:     ung' ul' olo [167]
+Kambisa:    urorong
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+
+English:    Paddle
+Mafulu:     --
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     bara [168]
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Pig
+Mafulu:     ovo(le) (_wild_); ovota (_tame_); oleda (_large_); foilange
+(_wild boar_).
+Kambisa:    sika
+Korona:     o'o
+Afoa:       polu
+Kovio:      woromala; [voro(mala)].
+
+English:    Pot
+Mafulu:     uli(ne); kodige (_dish_);
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [kapite; lua(pe) (_dish_); nau(pe) (_earthen dish_)] [169]
+Kovio:      kaivitch; [apitsi; kuetsi; kapaitsi (_earthen dish_)].
+
+English:    Pumpkin
+Mafulu:     botame; tobo(le) (_goard_).
+Kambisa:    bata
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Rain
+Mafulu:     yangose
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     yagosa
+Afoa:       iti
+Kovio:      uteli.
+
+English:    Rat
+Mafulu:     giliminde
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     sui
+Afoa:       keni
+Kovio:      keniani.
+
+English:    Red
+Mafulu:     ilalama
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       boratu; [polatu]
+Kovio:      lolalumala.
+
+English:    Rib
+Mafulu:     auale
+Kambisa:    awari
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [malupe]
+Kovio:      [elavotsi].
+
+English:    River
+Mafulu:     yu(ve)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       ipe
+Kovio:      everi.
+
+English:    Road
+Mafulu:     enambe; foida (_along flank of mountain_)
+Kambisa:    enambo
+Korona:     enaba
+Afoa:       kani
+Kovio:      abatu.
+
+English:    Root
+Mafulu:     okasili
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     okusi
+Afoa:       kilu' mute
+Kovio:      mudene.
+
+English:    Rope
+Mafulu:     knoage
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     yu
+Afoa:       pumave; [pumave inate]
+Kovio:      pemarap; [leka; vilape].
+
+English:    Sago
+Mafulu:     balck' u; ta(ye) [170]
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Salt
+Mafulu:     ama(ne)
+Kambisa:    hanamo
+Korona:     ama
+Afoa:       limanevi
+Kovio:      [yota].
+
+English:    Sand
+Mafulu:     sanga(ve)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     soana
+Afoa:       nunu
+Kovio:      [utsiaio].
+
+English:    Scratch
+Mafulu:     fifiete; sisilimi (_one's self_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       malitana
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Sea
+Mafulu:     ise
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     isa
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      tapala.
+
+English:    See
+Mafulu:     ariri
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       na)nukava [171]
+Kovio:      [italara].
+
+English:    Shadow
+Mafulu:     sove; abebe; avevene (_of object_);
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       ala
+Kovio:      utupapu.
+
+English:    Sit
+Mafulu:     tegid' ande [172]
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       na)navi9
+Kovio:      [ularo].
+
+English:    Skin
+Mafulu:     ode
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     hode
+Afoa:       gotipe; [kotsi(pe)]
+Kovio:      komotoro; [kalukalutsi].
+
+English:    Sky
+Mafulu:     asolo(ne)
+Kambisa:    asoro
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [manape]
+Kovio:      abat; [abatsi].
+
+English:    Sleep
+Mafulu:     imaritade
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       utewu; [utevoi]
+Kovio:      [voile; waro (_rest_)].
+
+English:    Small
+Mafulu:     kisi; aka(ne); kisiaka(ne) (_very_)
+Kambisa:    ami'aga
+Korona:     kisibaga
+Afoa:       eveeve
+Kovio:      peipu; [utsiaitsi].
+
+English:    Smoke
+Mafulu:     iso(ne)
+Kambisa:    isong
+Korona:     isoa
+Afoa:       etaivi
+Kovio:      [itiaulo].
+
+English:    Snake
+Mafulu:     tsivili
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     hemai [173]
+Afoa:       nai; [kovo]
+Kovio:      toiepe; [toepo].
+
+English:    Soft
+Mafulu:     safe(le)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       tamenu; [oluolue]
+Kovio:      ketitau; [peopeo].
+
+English:    Sour
+Mafulu:     beekoi (_bitter_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Speak
+Mafulu:     ave(te)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       tananipa; [te]
+Kovio:      [wade].
+
+English:    Spear
+Mafulu:     eme(le); idika (_with barbs of cassowary claws_)
+Kambisa:    himi(ra)
+Korona:     hemi
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      inari.
+
+English:    Spit
+Mafulu:     sabete
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       luiteta
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Spittle
+Mafulu:     sabe
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Stand
+Mafulu:     yu
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       lugila; [kilai]
+Kovio:      [lavaka].
+
+English:    Star
+Mafulu:     alile
+Kambisa:    duba [174]
+Korona:     harira
+Afoa:       tui; [imuli]
+Kovio:      kapu.
+
+English:    Stay
+Mafulu:     vayu
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       loia
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Stone
+Mafulu:     bute
+Kambisa:    io
+Korona:     butia
+Afoa:       eviti; [evi(te)]
+Kovio:      geleo; [kile].
+
+English:    Sugar-cane
+Mafulu:     ale
+Kambisa:    teba [175]
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       tu(ami)
+Kovio:      apiu; [api].
+
+English:    Sun
+Mafulu:     eve
+Kambisa:    ewu(ri)
+Korona:     eurima
+Afoa:       wati; [vata(ve)]
+Kovio:      stamari; [kita].
+
+English:    Sweet
+Mafulu:     bebena
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Sweet potato
+Mafulu:     kupa
+Kambisa:    kupe
+Korona:     gupe
+Afoa:       gupe; [kupeame; vetoe]
+Kovio:      kouwai; [vetore].
+
+English:    Taro
+Mafulu:     munde
+Kambisa:    munda
+Korona:     mude
+Afoa:       ku(we)
+Kovio:      gamach; [gimale].
+
+English:    Taste, _v._
+Mafulu:     tovogi
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Thick
+Mafulu:     kakava(ne)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [evoevotupi]
+Kovio:      inep.
+
+English:    Thin
+Mafulu:     fafale; garibe
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [itape]
+Kovio:      krawida.
+
+English:    Tobacco
+Mafulu:     vilu (_native_); kuku (_foreign_); matsika (_stick_)
+Kambisa:    ewuta
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [emuna(te) (_native_)]
+Kovio:      [munamuna (_native_)].
+
+English:    To-day
+Mafulu:     audati
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       kailili
+Kovio:      [tetefa; vae].
+
+English:    Tomohawk
+Mafulu:     so(ve)
+Kambisa:    so(nda)
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [amu(te)]
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    To-morrow
+Mafulu:     aiti
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       kila
+Kovio:      [kavokae].
+
+English:    Tongue
+Mafulu:     usese
+Kambisa:    asisino
+Korona:     asiesa
+Afoa:       aivi
+Kovio:      tananio; [tzinao].
+
+English:    Tooth
+Mafulu:     ato(le)
+Kambisa:    usi [176]
+Korona:     atu
+Afoa:       noto(ab); [noto(ape)]
+Kovio:      kitira; [rita (tsi)].
+
+English:    Tree
+Mafulu:     i(ye)
+Kambisa:    i (_wood_)
+Korona:     i
+Afoa:       enade; [ea(te)]
+Kovio:      ida.
+
+English:    Valley
+Mafulu:     ole  (_below_)
+Kambisa:    horo
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Village
+Mafulu:     e(me)
+Kambisa:    haru
+Korona:     eda
+Afoa:       geade; [kia(te); mai(te)]
+Kovio:      deata; [dela].
+
+English:    Water
+Mafulu:     yu(ve)
+Kambisa:    iu
+Korona:     eu(wa)
+Afoa:       i(pe)
+Kovio:      eweo; [eveo; evori].
+
+English:    Weep
+Mafulu:     andavel'ete; availili
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       kowaitai
+Kovio:      [inivade].
+
+English:    White
+Mafulu:     kogola; fofoye (_ash colour_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     foa
+Afoa:       ilitu
+Kovio:      unimala; [aela].
+
+English:    Wife
+Mafulu:     amu(le)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       omen)iva [177]; [iva]
+Kovio:      anamara.
+
+English:    Wind
+Mafulu:     gubu(le)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     gubu(ra)
+Afoa:       kavi; [oive]
+Kovio:      tamara; [tsinu].
+
+English:    Wing
+Mafulu:     geoge; fala(le) (_feathers_); pilulupe (_of bat_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Woman
+Mafulu:     amu(le)
+Kambisa:    mamo [178]
+Korona:     amu
+Afoa:       iva
+Kovio:      anakave; [anatemada, anakave; anafu].
+
+English:    Wrist
+Mafulu:     bodul' u' gurube [179]
+Kambisa:    ia' u' gidiba
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Yam
+Mafulu:     ai(ne)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     hain
+Afoa:       loite
+Kovio:      darai; [tarae].
+
+English:    Yellow
+Mafulu:     yangogona [180]
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     yarem
+Afoa:       epe
+Kovio:      katech.
+
+English:    Yes
+Mafulu:     e
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       namoade
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Yesterday
+Mafulu:     arima
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       kila
+Kovio:      [orivafari].
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+Appendix V
+
+Notes on the Papuan Languages spoken about the Head Waters of the
+St. Joseph River, Central Papua
+
+By Sidney H. Ray, M.A.
+
+The grammars and vocabularies collected by the Rev. Father Egedi,
+the Rev. E. P. Money and Dr. W. M. Strong illustrate the languages
+spoken in the higher hill country extending from the district about
+Mount Yule to Mount Albert Edward and the Upper Vanapa River. They
+form three distinct groups.
+
+1. Fuyuge, comprising the dialects of Mafulu, Kambisa, Korona and
+Sikube.
+
+2. Afoa or Ambo, including Tauata.
+
+3. Kovio, including Oru Lopiko.
+
+
+SECTION I
+
+I. Classification.
+
+1. Fuyuge:--The first specimen of any lanugage of the Fuyuge group was
+collected by the Rev. James Chalmers in 1879. This was called by him
+Kabana, and was printed in a collection of vocabularies in 1888. [181]
+From a note on the original MS., the vocabulary was assumed to be
+the dialect of a village on Mount Victoria (called by Chalmers Mount
+Owen Stanley). [182] But as Sir William MacGregor pointed out, [183]
+there are no villages on that mountain, hence Chalmers, in assigning
+a locality to the vocabulary some time after its collection, must
+have been mistaken. The language of Chalmers' Kabana is nearly the
+same as that of a vocabulary collected by Mr. A. Giulianetti at the
+village of Sikube in the Upper Vetapa or Vanapa valley, north of
+Mount Lilley. This was published in 1898. [184]
+
+A few words from the village of Kambisa, in Sirima (Chirima)
+valley were published in the Annual Report on British New Guinea
+for 1905-6, [185] and I have since been favoured by the compiler,
+the Rev. P. J. Money, with a fuller list. The Rev. Father Egedi
+published in 1907 a vocabulary of Fuyuge along with his account of
+the Tauata or Afoa tribe. [186] Dr. Strong collected a vocabulary
+from the natives of Korona, a village situated close to the head of
+Galley Reach. This was collected with the help of a Motu-speaking
+native, and contains a few apparently Melanesian words. Dr. Strong
+was spontaneously told that these had been introduced from the coast
+in quite recent times. (_Cf_. § III.)
+
+The words in the comparative vocabulary are taken from an extensive
+collection in Mafulu by the Rev. Father Egedi. They represent the
+same dialect as the Grammar in Appendix I.
+
+That Mafulu, Kambisa, and Korona, with Sikube and Kabana, represent
+the same language is plain.
+
+The Kabana pronoun _nahu_, I, the Sikube _na(nio_) I, _nu_(_ni_) thou,
+and the Kambisa _na_, I, _nu_, thou, _hu_, he, agree with the Fuyuge
+_na, na(ni_), I, _nu, nu(ni_) thou, _u_, he. The Kabana _nauera_, mine,
+is the Fuyuge _naula_. The Kambisa _nara-ndo_, mine, _nura-ndo_, thine,
+_hura-ndo_ his, also show a suffix _ndo_ corresponding to Mafulu _ne_
+in _naula(ne_), mine, _nula(ne_) thine, _ula(ne_) his, and in the
+vocabulary the Kambisa suffix _nda_ corresponds to the Korona _de_ in
+the word for "chest." There is, however, no evidence that the Korona
+_de_ is equivalent to the Mafulu _ne_. The word given in Sikube for
+"woman," _amuri_, is the Fuyuge plural _amuli_, "women."
+
+A few other likenesses appear, as _e.g._, Kambisa suffix _ng_
+represents Mafulu _me, ne_; Kambisa _fa_, the Fuyuge _ve_; Kambisa _a_,
+Korona _la_, Mafulu _le_.
+
+The following extract shows the likeness of the vocabulary. [187]
+
+
+            Mafulu.     Kambisa.    Sikube.     Kabana.     Korona.
+
+Adze        so          so          cho         --          itau
+Arm, hand   --          ia          ia          ia          ya
+Belly       ombo        hombo       --          habe        obo
+Bird        nembe       neba        membe       --          nebe
+Cassowary
+plume       --          wasa        vasa        --          --
+Child, son  me, ese     isa         me          ese         isia
+Club        gilise      hadufa      adufa,      --          hadoga
+                                    girishia
+Dog         oi          hu          hu, fu      hoa         ho
+Ear         yangolo     gadoro      gaderu      gadero      i
+Eye         i           i           i           e           yago
+Forest      --          --          bu = garden --          bu
+Father      ba          --          --          ba          ba
+Fire        oki         uki         okia        okia        oke
+Foot        soge        siga        suku        suge        sogo
+Go          gege        --          henga       inga        hego
+Ground      bu, fa      hoa         bu = garden --          fa
+Hair, head  ade         ha          ha          ha          ha
+House       e           e           --          e           e
+Knife       indi        indi        indi        --          --
+Leaf        tu          idu         itu         idu         utu
+Lip, mouth  ude         uba         ude         ude         uau
+Moon        one         hama        --          hama        hoana
+Navel       kombolu     kumburu     --          habera =     koboro
+                                                  belly
+Nose        unge        unga        hunge       unuga       unga
+Pig         ovo         --          obu         --          o'o
+Rain        yangose     --          iangushe    iangose     yagosa
+Smoke       iso         iso         ishio       --          isoa
+Stone       bute        io          --          io          butia
+Sun, day    eve         ewuri       --          evurima     eurima
+Sugar-cane  --          teba        tebe        --          --
+Taro        munde       munda       mude        --          mude
+Thigh       mude        muda        mude        --          mude
+Tongue      usese       asisino     asese       asese       asiesa
+Tooth       ato         usi         ado         ado         atu
+Village     e           haru        e           --          eda
+Water       yu          iu          iu          iu          eu
+Woman       amu         ?mamo =     amu         amu         amu
+                          mother
+
+
+The numerals show similar agreements. These will be illustrated in
+the next section.
+
+2. Afoa.--The Afoa vocabulary was collected by Dr. Strong in
+the villages on Mount Pitsoko from a Fuyuge native who spoke
+Afoa fluently. Dr. Strong also obtained a short vocabulary from a
+native who came from a village apparently on the slopes of Mount
+Davidson. The language is substantially the same as the Tauata or
+Tauatape of which Rev. Father Egedi has published a Vocabulary and
+Grammar. [188] There are, however, a few slight differences which
+seem to confirm Father Egedi's statement that there is probably a
+difference of pronunciation in the various Afoa villages. [189] Father
+Egedi writes: _p, v, k, t, l, ts_ where Dr. Strong has: _b, w, g, d, r,
+t_. The latter also has final _i_ for _e_, _oa_ for _a_ or _o_, _ia_
+for _ea_, _u_ for _oi_ _ai_ for _ei_. Sometimes _b_ represents _m_
+or _v_. Some of Dr. Strong's words show marks of Afoa grammar, as,
+_e.g._, the words for eat, see, sit, give, head, husband or wife,
+mother, are: _na nai_, I eat; _na nu kava_, I thee see; _na navi_,
+I sit; _nu inie_, thou givest; _ni adi_, your head; _omen iva_, his
+wife or her husband; _aumen ini_, his mother. The Tauata words are
+added to the Afoa Vocabulary in square brackets.
+
+3. Kovio.--The language called Kovio by Dr. Strong is substantially
+the same as the Oru Lopiko of Rev. Father Egedi. [190] The same or
+a similar language is said to be found in four places, viz.--
+
+    1. Lopiko in the Inava valley.
+    2. Inavarene in the Inava valley.
+    3. Kwoifa district on upper Lakekamu River.
+    4. Villages round Pic Eleia.
+
+Details of these dialects are not given.
+
+
+
+
+
+SECTION II
+
+II. Comparison.
+
+The three groups of languages illustrated in these vocabularies
+present the usual Papuan characteristics of great differences. A
+certain amount of resemblance may be found in some of the pronouns,
+and possibly in a few other words, but generally speaking the languages
+are not only quite unconnected with each other, but are also distinct
+from the known Papuan languages surrounding them.
+
+
+                        I.          Thou.       He.         We.             You.        They.
+I.   Fuyuge             na, nani    nu, nuni    u, uni      di, dini        yi, yini    tu, tuni
+     Kambisa            na          nu          u           --              --          ha-ru
+     Sikube             na-nio      nu-ni       --          --              --          --
+     Kabana             nau         --          --          --              --          --
+II.  Afoa               na          nu-i        ome         --              --          --
+     Tauata             na, nai     nu, nu-i    ome, ome-i  nane, nane-i    nune, nunei ote, ote-i
+III. Kovio              na          ni          pi          --              --          --
+     Oru-Lopiko         na, naro    ni, niro    pi, piro    dae, daro       ali, alero  valo, valoro
+West Toaripi            ara-o       a-o         are-o       ela-o           e-o         ere-o
+     Namau              na-i        ni-i        u           ene-i           noro        oro
+     Kiwai              mo          ro          nou         nimo            nigo        nei
+North-east, Binandele   na          imo         owa         kaena, nakare   imomae      owawa
+East, Koita             da          a           au          no              yai         yau
+South-east, Mailu       ia          ga          noa         gea             aea         omoa
+
+
+It is interesting here to note the agreement in the forms of the
+first and second persons singular, with a wide difference in the other
+pronouns. Similar words for these two pronouns occur in other Papuan
+languages as _e.g._, Kai (Finschhafen) _no_, Kelana Kai _nai_, "I,"
+and Bongu and Bogadjim (Astrolabe Bay), _ni_, Kelana Kai _ne_, "thou."
+
+The widespread use of a suffix, used when the pronoun is emphatic,
+is noteworthy. The possessive case also is formed as in some other
+Papuan languages by a suffix added to the root of the pronoun. _Cf._--
+
+
+            My.         Thy.      His.      Our.        Your.       Their.
+Fuyuge      nau(le)     nu(le)    u(le)     diu(le)     yu(le)      ta(le)
+            naula(ne)   nula(ne)  ula(ne)   diula(ne)   yula(ne)    tala(ne)
+Kambisa     narando     nurando   hurando   --          --          haruando
+Tauata      neve        nie       omene     nanene      nuvene      otene
+Kovio       nemai       nimai     pimai     --          --          --
+Oru-Lopiko  nema        nima      pima      daema       alima       valoma
+Toaripi     arave       ave       areve     elave       eve         ereve
+Binandele   nato        ito       ounda,    kaenato     itomane     omida
+                                    owanda
+
+
+Sometimes the simple form of the pronoun is prefixed to the noun in
+Tauata to indicate the possessive, as in Namau and Koita. Tauata _na
+ate_, Koita _di omote_, Namau, _na uku_, "my head."
+
+The numerals also show great differences. As far as "three" they
+appear as follows:
+
+
+    Fuyuge.         Korona.         Sikitbe.        Afoa.           Tauata.         Kovio.              Oru Lopiko.
+1.  fida(ne)        fida(ne)        fidana          koane           kone            uniuni              konepu
+2.  gegeto          gegeda          iuara           atolowai        atoloai         karaala             kalotolo
+3.  gegeto m'inaa   gegeda-fidane   iuara-minda     atolowai-itime  atoloai-laina   naralavievi-napuevi konekhalavi
+
+
+Some of these words have other meanings. Thus Fuyuge 2, _gegeto_
+is given also as "few." In Tauata 1, _kone_ duplicated as _konekone_
+is "few," whilst _onioni_, means "alone." In Oru Lopiko 1, _konepu_
+compares with _onionipu_, "few."
+
+These numerals are all different from Mailu, Koita, Binandele,
+Toaripi and Namau.
+
+
+    Mailu.      Koita.        Binandele.    Toaripi.    Namau.          Kiwai.
+1.  omu         kobua, igagu  da            farakeka    monou           nao
+2.  ava         abu           tote          orakoria    morere          netowa.
+3.  aiseri      abi-gaga      tamonde       oroisoria   morere-monou    netowa-naobi
+
+
+The vocabulary shows very few agreements, and there is very little
+evidence in support of a connection of any one of these dialects with
+its neighbours. The following correspondences may be purely accidental.
+
+
+Bamboo. Afoa, _ila_; Namau, _ina_.
+
+Banana. Korona, _haba_; Iworo, _sabari_.
+
+Barter. Afoa, _tavatava_; Toaripi, _tavatava_.
+
+Belly. Oru Lop., _data_; Sogeri, Koiari, _detu_.
+
+Black. Fuyuge, _dube, duba_; Neneba, _aduve_; Koiari, Koita, _dubu_.
+
+Blood. Fuyuge, _tana_; Koiari, Koita, _tago_.
+
+Bone. Fuyuge, _fude, &c._; Toaripi, _uti_.
+
+Child. Fuyuge, _me(le_); Binandele, _mai_; Berepo, _me_.
+
+       Fuyuge, _isia_; Kambisa, _isa_; Ubere, _esi_; Neneba, _eche_.
+
+Coconut. Kambisa, _bao_; Koiari, _bagha_.
+
+Crocodile. Fuyuge, _fua, fuai_; Koiari, _fuie_.
+
+Dig. Fuyuge, _etsia_; Toaripi, _isei_.
+
+Dog. Fuyuge, _oi, ho_; Agi, Ubere, _o_; Koiari, &c., _to_.
+
+Eat, Drink. Fuyuge, _na, nene_; Namau, _na_.
+
+Fire. Tauata, _ena_; Koiari, _vene_; Koita, _veni_.
+
+Foot. Fuyuge, &c., _soge, suga_; Amara, _joka_.
+
+Male. Tauata, _mu_; Toaripi, _mo_. Oru Lopiko, _vitapu_; Toaripi,
+_vita_.
+
+Man. Fuyuge _a(ne_); Neneba, _ana_; Koiari, Koita, _ata_.
+
+Mother. Oru Lopiko, Kovio, _nei_, Uberi, _neia_; Koita, _neina_;
+Tauata; _ine_; Koiari, _ine_.
+
+Pig. Kambisa, _sika_; Musa River, _siko_.
+
+Fuyuge, _avo_; Koiari, _ofo_; Koita, _oho_.
+
+Rope. Fuyuge, _konange_; Gosisi, _goda_; Koiari, Koita,_gote_.
+
+Salt. Fuyuge, _ama(ne_); Neneba, Iworo, _amani_.
+
+Taro. Fuyuge, &c., _munde_, _muda_; Neneba, _muda_.
+
+Tree. Fuyuge, _i_, _iye_; Kovio, _ida_; Koiari, Koita, _idi_.
+
+Water. Fuyuge, &c., _yu_; Afoa, _i(pe_); Neneba, _ei_; Ubere, _e_.
+
+Woman. Fuyuge, _amu_; Iworo, Neneba, _amuro_, wife.
+
+
+
+
+SECTION III
+
+III. Papuan and Melanesian.
+
+Three Melanesian languages are spoken in the country around the lower
+courses of the St. Joseph and Aroa rivers, and are thus in immediate
+contact with the Papuan languages spoken about the upper waters. These
+Melanesian languages are the Mekeo, Kuni and Pokau. It is, therefore,
+of some importance to note whether any apparently non-Melanesian
+elements in these languages may be traced to the influence of the
+neighbouring Papuan tongues.
+
+In Grammar the only non-Melanesian characteristic which appears is the
+preceding of the substantive by the genitive, but in the vocabularies
+a few correspondences are found.
+
+
+Bamboo       Pokau, _ileile_; Fuyuge, _ele_; Afoa,
+             _ila_. Sinaugoro, _tobo_; Korono, _tobo_. Kuni, _bioni_; Mekeo,
+             _piengi_; Fuyuge, _bione_.
+Big          Kuni, _galoa_; Afoa, _kalowo_.
+Bird         Mekeo, _inei_; Afoa, _kile_; Oru Lopiko, _ite_.
+Breast       Pokau, _pede_; Oru Lopiko, _apetei_.
+Chest        Mekeo, _olanga_; Oru Lopiko, _ulako_.
+Couch        Kuni, _itsifu_; Tauata, _itsifu_.
+Crocodile    Roro, _puaea_; Kabadi, _ua_; Fuyuge, _fua_.
+Dog          Pokau, _oveka_; Kuni, _ojame_, _obeka_; Fuyuge,
+             _oi(e_); Afoa, _kovela_.
+Fork         Kuni, _ini_; Tauata, _ini_.
+Girdle       Kuni, _afafa_; Tauata, _afafe_.
+Hammock      Kuni, _totoe_; Fuyuge, _sosoe_; Tauata, _totolo_;
+             Oru Lopiko, _totoki_.
+Head         Mekeo, _kangia_; Oru Lopiko, _kakuo_.
+Hill         Mekeo, _iku_; Fuyuge, _ku(me_).
+House        Mekeo, _ea_; Fuyuge, _e(me_).
+Knife        Mekeo, _aiva_; Kuni, _atsiva_; Tauata, _tiveya_;
+             Oru Lopiko, _vetsi_.
+Many         Kuni, _talelea_; Afoa, _talele_; Fuyuge, _talele_.
+Rope         Mekeo, _ue_; Korona, _yu_.
+Spoon        Kuni, _nima_; Tauata, _dima_.
+Sweet Potato Kuni, _gubea_; Fuyuge, _kupa_, _gupe_; Afoa, _gupe_.
+White        Mekeo, _foenga_; Korona, _foa_.
+
+
+But there are many apparently non-Melanesian words in Mekeo, Kuni
+and Pokau, which are different in each language, and cannot be traced
+to the neighbouring Papuan. The inference is that such words may be
+remnants of other Papuan tongues spoken in the St. Joseph and Aroa
+Basins, which have been absorbed by the immigrant Melanesian speech.
+
+Only three Melanesian words in the list appear to have been adopted by
+the Papuans. These are: Tauata _nau_ (_pe_), earthen dish, which is
+Kuni, Motu, Pokau, &c., _nau_; Fuyuge asi boat, Pokau and Motu asi;
+and Fuyuge _bara_, paddle, the Motu, Kabadi _bara_, Mekeo _fanga_,
+oar. The Fuyuge _kokole_ fowl is also probably the Mekeo _kokolo_.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+NOTES
+
+[1] The photographs of skulls, articles of dress and ornament,
+implements and weapons were made in London after my return.
+
+[2] The Geographical Society's map used by me is somewhat confusing
+as regards the upper reaches of the St. Joseph or Angabunga river
+and the rivers flowing into and forming it. The Fathers' map makes
+the St. Joseph river commence under that name at the confluence, at
+a point a little to the west of 8° 30' S. Lat. and 147° E. Long.,
+of the river Alabula (called in one of its upper parts Loloipa),
+flowing from the north, and the river Aduala, flowing from Mt. Albert
+Edward in the north-east; and this arrangement, which is practically
+in accord with a map appended to the British New Guinea _Annual
+Report_ for June, 1900, is, I think, probably the most suitable and
+correct one. The Aduala is the river the upper part of which is in
+the Geographical Society's map called Angabunga. The Fathers' map
+shows the river Kea flowing into the Aduala at a distance of about
+two miles above the confluence of the latter with the Alabula; but,
+according to the Report map, this distance is about 12 miles.
+
+[3] Note the change from the Mafulu (Papuan) pronunciation _Mambule_
+to the Kuni (Melanesian) pronunciation _Mafulu_ and the similar change
+from the Mafulu _Ambo_ to the Kuni _Ajoa_.
+
+[4] See Dr. Seligmann's "Hunterian Lecture" in the _Lancet_ for
+February 17, 1906, p. 427; Seligmann and Strong in the _Geographical
+Journal_ for March, 1906, pp. 233 and 236; also Dr. Seligmann's
+"Classification of the Natives of British New Guinea" in the _Journal
+of the Royal Anthropological Institute_ for December, 1909, p. 329.
+
+[5] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 29.
+
+[6] _Ibid._ p. 31.
+
+[7] _Lancet_, February 17, 1906, p. 427.
+
+[8] _Geographical Journal_ for September, 1908, p. 274.
+
+[9] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 32.
+
+[10] British New Guinea _Annual Report_ for June, 1906, p. 29.
+
+[11] British New Guinea _Annual Report_ for June 30, 1906, pp. 85
+to 93.
+
+[12] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 33.
+
+[13] Apparently bows and arrows are not found among the tribes of the
+Lower Mambare river (_Annual Report_ for June, 1897, Appendix C, p. 7.)
+
+[14] _Annual Report_ for June, 1894, p. 32.
+
+[15] _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_ for December,
+1909, p. 329.
+
+[16] _Annual Report_ for June, 1897, Appendix C, p. 7.
+
+[17] _Geographical Journal_ for October, 1900, p. 422.
+
+[18] _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_ for December,
+1909, p. 330.
+
+[19] _British New Guinea_, p. 94.
+
+[20] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 32.
+
+[21] _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_ for December,
+1909, p. 329.
+
+[22] Seligmann and Strong--_Geographical Journal_ for March, 1906,
+p. 232.
+
+[23] Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 27.
+
+[24] Dr. Strong has referred (_Geographical Journal_ for September,
+1908, p. 272) to the considerable areas of open grass country at the
+source of the St. Joseph river; and in his remarks which appeared in
+the _Annual Report_ for June, 1906, p. 28, he referred to the same
+matter, and spoke of the valleys being for the most part less steep
+than those of the Kuni district.
+
+[25] I must state that Plate 2 represents a scene taken from a spot
+near to Deva-deva, which, though close to what is regarded as the
+boundary between the Kuni and Mafulu areas, is in fact just within
+the former. The general appearance of the scenery is, however,
+distinctly Mafulu.
+
+[26] Dr. Strong's measurements of seven Mafulu men referred to by
+Dr. Seligmann (_Journal of Royal Anthropological Institute_, Vol. 39,
+p. 329) showed an average stature of 59 1/2 inches, and an average
+cephalic index of 80.0. It will be noticed that my figures show a
+somewhat higher average stature, but that my average cephalic index
+is the same. Dr. Seligmann here speaks of the Mafulu as being almost
+as short as the men of Inavaurene, and even more round-headed.
+
+[27] This is the index calculated on average lengths and breadths. The
+average of the indices is 83.8, the difference arising from the
+omission in working out of each index of second points of decimals.
+
+[28] Dr. Keith thinks they are all skulls of males. They are now in
+College Museum, and are numbered 1186.32, 1186.33 and 1186.34 in the
+College Catalogue.
+
+[29] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p.16.
+
+[30] Dr. Haddon refers (_Geographical Journal_, Vol. 16, p.291)
+to the finding by the Mission Fathers of "another type of native,
+evidently an example of the convex-nosed Papuan," in the upper waters
+of the Alabula river. I gather from the habitat of these natives that
+they must have been either Ambo or Oru Lopiku. I should be surprised
+to hear the Semitic nose was common in either of those areas.
+
+[31] Dr. Seligmann, in speaking of the Koiari people, refers to an
+occasional reddish or gingery tinge of facial hair (_Melanesians of
+British New Guinea,_, p. 29). I never noticed this among the Mafulu.
+
+[32] Since writing the above, I have learnt that some of the dwarf
+people found by the expedition into Dutch New Guinea organised by
+the British Ornithologists' Union had brown hair. Mr. Goodfellow
+tells me that "the hair of some of the pygmies was decidedly _dark_
+brown"; and Dr. Wollaston gives me the following extract from his
+diary for March 1, 1911, relating to twenty-four pygmies then under
+observation:--"Hair of three men distinctly _not_ black, a sort of
+dirty rusty brown or rusty black colour--all others black-haired."
+
+[33] This plate and the plates of dancing aprons were produced by
+first drawing the objects, and then photographing the drawings. It
+would have been more satisfactory if I could have photographed the
+objects themselves. But they were much crumpled, and I was advised
+that with many of them the camera would not indicate differences of
+colour, and that in one or two of them even the design itself would
+not come out clearly.
+
+[34] Dr. Stapf, to whom I showed one of the armlets, No. 4, the
+materials of which are said to be the same as those used for this belt,
+said that the split cane-like material is a strip from the periphery
+of the petiole or stem of a palm, and that the other material is
+sclerenchyma fibre from the petiole or rhizome of a fern, and not
+that of a creeping plant. I may say that I felt a doubt at the time
+as to the complete accuracy of the information given to me concerning
+the vegetable materials used for the manufacture of various articles,
+and there may well be errors as to these.
+
+[35] Dr. Stapf, to whom I showed one of these belts, says that it is
+made of the separated woody strands from the stem of a climbing plant
+(possibly one of the Cucurbitaceae or Aristolochiaceae).
+
+[36] Dr. Stapf, having inspected one of the belts, thinks this material
+is composed of split strips of sclerenchyma fibre from the petiole
+or rhizome of a fern, and not that of a creeping plant.
+
+[37] Dr. Stapf, to whom I showed a written description which I had
+made of the plant, and who has also examined the belt, is of opinion
+that it belongs to the Diplocaulobium section of Dendrobium.
+
+[38] I have examined at the British Museum a belt made by the dwarf
+mountain people found by the recent expedition organised by the
+British Ornithologists' Union. This belt is made in hank-like form,
+remarkably similar to that of my Mafulu belt No. 7, though in other
+respects it differs from the latter, and it is much smaller. The only
+other thing of similar hank-like form which I have been able to find
+at the Museum is a small belt or head ornament (it is said to be the
+latter) made by Sakai people of the Malay Peninsula.
+
+[39] Chalmers describes a young woman in the foot hills behind
+Port Moresby who "had a net over her shoulders and covering her
+breasts as a token of mourning" (_Work and Adventures in New Guinea_
+p. 26). Compare also the Koita custom referred to by Dr. Seligmann
+(_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 164) for a widow to wear
+two netted vests. The same custom is found at Hula.
+
+[40] See reference to this question in the _Annual Report_ for June,
+1906, p. 13.
+
+[41] I shall from time to time have to refer to the croton, and in
+doing so I am applying to the plant in question the name commonly
+given to it; but Dr. Stapf tells me that the plant so commonly called
+is really a codioeum.
+
+[42] The Rev. Mr. Dauncey, of the L.M.S. station at Delena (a Roro
+village on the coast) told me that in his village it is a common thing
+for a native to pick up a small white snake about 12 inches long,
+and pass it through the hole in his nose; and that the Pokau people
+sometimes pass the tip of the tail of a larger black snake into these
+holes, the intention of both practices being to keep the hole open. In
+neither of these cases is the practice a part of an original ceremony
+connected with nose-piercing, such as that of Mafulu; but it may well
+be that all the practices have superstitious origins.
+
+[43] There is apparently no corresponding ceremony among the Koita
+natives (Seligmann, _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 72), nor
+among the Roro people (_Id_., p. 256), and I do not believe there is
+any such in Mekeo.
+
+[44] I do not think these pigtails are used as ornaments by the Roro
+and Mekeo people, though Dr. Seligmann says that a Koita bridegroom
+wears them in his ears on his wedding day (_Melanesians of British
+New Guinea_, p. 78).
+
+[45] Dr. Stapf, to whose inspection I have submitted two of these
+combs, said they were made of palm-wood--split and shaped pieces from
+the periphery of the petiole or stem of a palm--and that the material
+used for binding the teeth of the combs together was sclerenchyma
+fibre from the petiole or rhizome of a fern.
+
+[46] These earrings are, I think, sometimes found in Mekeo; but they
+have all come from the mountains.
+
+[47] See note on p. 27 as to the way in which these plates have
+been produced.
+
+[48] Only the two ends of the pattern have been copied, the
+intermediate part being the same throughout, as is shown.
+
+[49] I am unable to state the various forms and varieties of these
+vegetables, but I give the following native names for plants of the
+yam, taro, and sweet potato types:--Yams include _tsiolo, avanve,
+buba, aligarde, vaule, vonide, poloide_ and _ilavuide_. Taros include
+_auvari, elume, lupeliolu, kamulepe, ivuvana_ and _fude_. Sweet
+potatoes include _asi, bili, dube, saisasumulube_ and _amb' u tolo_
+(this last name means "ripe banana," and the reason suggested for
+the name is that the potato tastes rather like a ripe banana).
+
+[50] Dr. Stapf says the wood is that of a rather soft-wooded
+dicotyledonous tree (possibly urticaceous).
+
+[51] The Chirima boring instrument figured by Mr. Monckton (_Annual
+Report_ for June 30, 1906) is rather of the Mafulu type, but in this
+case the fly-wheel, instead of being a flat piece of wood, appears to
+be made of a split reed bound on either side of the upright cane shaft.
+
+[52] Hammocks are also used in the plains and on the coast, but only,
+I think, to a very limited extent; whereas in the mountains, of at
+all events the Mafulu district, they are used largely.
+
+[53] I had a considerable quantity of impedimenta, and unfortunately
+my condition made it necessary for me to be carried down also; and
+I had great difficulty in getting enough carriers.
+
+[54] Compare the differently shaped mortar found in the Yodda valley
+and described and figured in the _Annual Report_ for June, 1904, p. 31.
+
+[55] The practice of destroying the pigs' eyes in the Kuni district
+is referred to in the _Annual Report_ for June, 1900, p. 61.
+
+[56] This is subject to the qualification which arises from the fact
+(stated below) that a member of one clan who migrates to a village of
+another clan retains his _imbele_ relationship to the members of his
+own old clan, although he has by his change of residence obtained a
+similar relationship to the members of the clan in whose village he
+has settled.
+
+[57] See _Annual Report_ for June, 1910, which on p. 5 speaks of
+"several villages round about the Mission, known as Sivu."
+
+[58]  Compare the Koita system, under which under certain conditions
+the son of a chief's sister might succeed him (Seligmann, _Melanesians
+of British New Guinea_, p. 52). Such a thing could not take place
+among the Mafulu.
+
+[59] I do not know how far this pig-killer may be compared with the
+Roro _ovia akiva_, or chief of the knife, referred to by Dr. Seligmann
+(_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 219). The Mafulu pig-killer
+cannot be regarded as being even a quasi-chief, and his office is
+not hereditary. It is noticeable also that he is the man who kills
+the pigs, whereas the _ovia akiva_ only cuts up the bodies after the
+pigs have been killed by someone else.
+
+[60]  I do not suggest that these defences are peculiar to the
+Mafulu area. I believe they are used by other mountain natives of
+the Central District.
+
+[61] Though this curious-shaped hood in front of a house is apparently
+a speciality of the mountains, so far as British New Guinea is
+concerned, I do not suggest that it does not exist elsewhere. In fact,
+some of the native houses which I have seen in the Rubiana Lagoon
+district of the Solomon Islands had a somewhat similar projection,
+though in them the front wall of the house, with its little
+door-opening, was carried round below the outer edge of the hood,
+which thus formed part of the roof of the interior, instead of being
+merely a shelter over the outside platform, as is the case in Mafulu.
+
+[62] Dr. Haddon refers (_Geographical Journal, Vol. XVI._, p. 422)
+to conical ground houses with elliptical and circular bases found in
+villages on the top of steep hills behind the Mekeo district and on
+the southern spur of Mt. Davidson, and says that in some places, as
+on the Aduala affluent of the Angabunga (_i.e._, St. Joseph's) river,
+the houses are oblong, having a short ridge pole. I think that the
+elliptical houses to which he refers have probably been Kuni houses,
+to which his description could well be applied, and that the oblong
+houses have been Mafulu. The villages with very narrow streets,
+and the houses of which are, he says, built partly on the crest and
+partly on the slope, are also in this respect typically Kuni.
+
+[63] This photograph had to be taken from an awkward position above,
+from which I had to point the camera downwards to the bridge.
+
+[64] See also description of suspension bridge over Vanapa river in
+lower hill districts given in _Annual Report_ for June, 1889, p. 38.
+
+[65] Compare the Koita system under which the owner of the house owns
+the site of it also, and the latter passes on his death to his heirs
+(Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 89.)
+
+[66] See note 1 on p. 128.
+
+[67] Father Egedi describes in _Anthropos_ a Kuni method of preparing
+a fruit similar to the one described here, and which also gives rise to
+terrible smells. The tree is referred to by him as being a bread-fruit;
+and Dr. Stapf thinks that the _malage_ may possibly be one of the
+Artocarpus genus, of which some have smooth or almost smooth fruit,
+and some are said to have poisonous sap, and the seeds of many of
+which are eaten, or of some closely allied type.
+
+[68] The information obtained by me at Mafulu did not go beyond the
+actual facts as stated by me. I cannot, however, help suspecting
+that there is, or has been, a close connection between the building
+of anemone and the holding of a big feast, and that the latter
+may be compared with the tabu ceremonial of the Koita described by
+Dr. Seligmann (_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, pp. 141 and 145
+_et seq_.). Indeed there are some elements of similarity between the
+two feasts.
+
+[69] Compare the Roro custom for the messengers carrying an invitation
+to important feasts to take with them bunches of areca nut, which
+are hung in the _marea_ of the local groups of the invited _itsubu_
+(Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 218).
+
+[70] See note on p. 256 as to the use by me of the terms "grave,"
+"bury" and "burial."
+
+[71] _Ibid._
+
+[72] It is the custom among the Kuni people when any woman (not
+merely the wife of a chief) has her first baby for the women of
+her own village, and probably of some neighbouring villages also,
+to assemble in the village and to attack her house and the village
+club-house with darts, which the women throw with their hands at the
+roofs. At Ido-ido I saw that the roofs of the club-house and of some of
+the ordinary houses had a number of these darts sticking into them. The
+darts were made out of twigs of trees, and were about five or six feet
+long; and each of them had a bunch of grass tied in a whorl at or near
+its head, and some of them had a similar bunch similarly tied at or
+near its middle. See also Dr. Seligmann's reference (_Melanesians
+of British New Guinea_, p. 298) to the Roro custom for warriors,
+when returning from a successful campaign, to throw their spears at
+the roof and sides of the marea. In Mekeo there is no corresponding
+ceremony on the birth of a first child; but men, women and children
+of the village collect by the house and sing all through the night;
+and in the morning the woman's husband will kill a pig or dog for them,
+which they cook and eat without ceremony.
+
+[73] Dr. Seligmann refers to this custom among the Roro people
+(_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 256), and there is no doubt
+that it exists among the Mekeo people also. Father Desnoes, of the
+Sacred Heart Mission, told me that in Mekeo, though the pig used to
+be given when the boy adopted his perineal band at the age of four,
+five, six, or seven, it is now generally given earlier. The pig is
+there regarded as the price paid for the child, and is called the
+child's _engifunga_.
+
+[74] Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 67.
+
+[75] Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 71.
+
+[76] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 21.
+
+[77] In Mekeo such a devolution of chieftainship is the occasion for
+a very large feast.
+
+[78] This ceremony is different from the Mekeo ceremony on the
+elevation by a chief of his successor to a joint chieftainship, of
+which some particulars were given to me by Father Egedi; but there
+is an element of similarity to a Mekeo custom for the new chief,
+after the pigs have been killed and partly cut up by someone else,
+to cut the backs of the pigs in slices.
+
+[79] According to Dr. Seligmann, among the Koita the forbidden
+degrees of relationship extend to third cousins (_Melanesians of
+British New Guinea_, p. 82); whereas it will be seen that among the
+Mafulu it only extends, as between people of the same generation,
+to first cousins. But a Mafulu native who was grandson of the common
+ancestor would be prohibited from marrying his first cousin once
+removed (great-granddaughter of that ancestor) or his first cousin
+twice removed (great-great-granddaughter of that ancestor).
+
+[80] But see p. 178, note 1.
+
+[81] Half-a-dozen years ago, before open systematic killing and
+cannibalism were checked, it was a Kuni custom, when a woman died in
+her confinement, to bury the living baby with the dead mother. I have
+not heard of this custom in Mafulu, and do not know whether or not it
+exists, or has existed, there; but as regards matters of this sort the
+Mafulu and the Kuni are very similar. My statement that there is no
+burying alive must be taken subject to the possibility of this custom.
+
+[82] This custom is found elsewhere.
+
+[83] From Dr. Haddon's distribution chart in Vol. XVI. of _The
+Geographical Journal_, it will be seen that the Mafulu district is
+just about at the junction between his spear area and his bow and
+arrow area.
+
+[84] I have never seen the animal called the "Macgregor bear," and I
+do not know what it is. The Fathers assured me it was a bear; but in
+view of the great unlikelihood of this, I consulted the authorities
+at the Natural History Museum, and they think it is probably one of
+the marsupials. It is named after Sir William Macgregor. It is found
+in the mountains, where the forest is very thick.
+
+[85] Compare the Motumotu (Toaripi) practice of rubbing the dogs'
+mouths with a special plant, referred to by Chalmers (_Pioneering in
+New Guinea_, p. 305).
+
+[86] The birds of paradise which dance in trees include, I was told,
+what the Fathers called the "Red," the "Blue," the "Black," the
+"Superb" and the "Six-feathered." Those which dance on the ground
+include the "Magnificent."
+
+[87] In Mekeo the weir is made with wicker-work, at the openings in
+which basket fish-traps are placed.
+
+[88] _Pioneering in New Guinea_, pp. 3 and 4.
+
+[89] Dr. Stapf tells me that taro is usually propagated by means of
+tubers or division of crowns, that is that either the whole tuber
+is planted or it is cut up, as potatoes are done, into pieces, each
+of which has an eye, and each of which is planted. It would appear
+that the Mafulu method, as explained to me, amounts to much the same
+thing, the only difference being that instead of planting a crown, or a
+piece with an eye from which a fresh shoot will proceed, they let that
+shoot first grow into a young plant and then transplant the latter.
+
+[90] I have examined at the British Museum some net work of the
+dwarf people of the interior of Dutch New Guinea, brought home by
+the recent expedition organised by the British Ornithologists' Union,
+and found it to be similar in stitch to the Mafulu network.
+
+[91] The 1910 comet was regarded by some of the Mekeo people with
+terror, because they thought it presaged a descent of the mountain
+natives upon themselves.
+
+[92] See _Evolution in Art_ (1895), p. 264; and _Geographical Journal_,
+Vol. 16, p. 433.
+
+[93] I would point out, however, that the Inawae clan is part of,
+and is probably largely representative of, the original Inawae
+_ngopu_ group of the great Biofa tribe of Mekeo, and that this
+Inawae group is rather widely scattered over Mekeo (see Seligmann's
+_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 321 and pp. 369 to 372);
+so that the information obtained is probably not really of a merely
+local character.
+
+[94] Sir W. Macgregor, in describing (_Ann. Rep._, June, 1890,
+p. 47) the movements and actions of the Kiwai (Fly river mouth)
+natives prior to a canoe attack by them upon him, says: "The canoes
+darted hither and thither, as if performing a circus dance or a
+Highland reel, and all these movements were accompanied by the chant
+of a paean that sounded as if composed to imitate the cooing--soft,
+plaintive, and melodious--of the pigeons of their native forests";
+and he refers to the performance as a "canoe choral dance." It was,
+of course, not a dance in the sense in which I am dealing with the
+subject here; but the apparently imitative character of the singing is
+perhaps worth noticing in connection with this dancing question. See
+also the description (_Country Life_, March 4, 1911) by Mr. Walter
+Goodfellow, the leader of the recent expedition into Dutch New Guinea,
+of the dancing and accompanying singing of the Mimika natives whom
+he met there, and his suggestion that the final calls of these songs
+were derived from that of the greater paradise bird. Mr. Goodfellow
+has since told me with reference to these Mimika songs that he was
+forcibly struck by the resemblance of the termination of _most_
+of the songs to the common cry of the greater bird of paradise, and
+said: "They finished with the same abrupt note, repeated three times
+(like the birds)." Dr. Haddon has been good enough to lend me the
+manuscript of his notes on the dances performed in the islands of
+Torres Straits, which will probably have appeared in Vol. IV. of the
+_Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits_
+before this book is published. Here again I find interesting records
+of imitative dancing. One dance imitates the swimming movements of
+the large lizard (Varanus), another is an imitation of the movements
+of a crab, another imitates those of a pigeon, and another those of
+a pelican. At a dance which I witnessed in the Roro village of Seria
+a party from Delena danced the "Cassowary" dance; and Father Egedi
+says it is certainly so called because its movements are in some way
+an imitation of those of the cassowary.
+
+[95] Compare the Western Papuans, who, according to Dr. Seligmann,
+also have only two numerals, but who are apparently not able to
+count to anything like the extent which can be done by the Mafulu
+(_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 4). According to Mr. Monckton
+the Kambisi (Chirima valley) people only count on their fingers and
+up to ten, not on their toes and up to twenty (_Annual Report_, June,
+1906, p. 89). Father Egedi told me that the Mekeo people only count
+on their fingers and up to ten.
+
+[96] I believe that in Mekeo they begin with the left hand and with
+the small finger, thus reversing the Mafulu order of counting; but
+I am not quite certain as to this.
+
+[97] Though here and afterwards I use the word "man," it must be
+understood that the notes apply to deaths of women also.
+
+[98] This food taboo is with the Mafulu only an optional alternative;
+but it may be compared with the corresponding food taboo placed
+upon all the relatives of the deceased by the Koita (see Seligmann's
+_Melanesians of British New Guinea,_ p. 164).
+
+[99] I was told of this Mafulu practice as being adopted only on the
+death of the woman's child. But the custom is referred to by the Mekeo
+Government Agent (Mr. Giulianetti) in the _Annual Report_ for June,
+1900, pp. 73 and 78; and, according to him, its adoption applies
+also to deaths of other relatives--husband, father, and mother being
+especially mentioned by him--and he suggests that there are rules
+as regards these amputations, and says he understood that a mother
+would cut off the first joint for her children, and the second for
+her husband, father, or mother. He also gives information as to the
+way in which the amputation is effected.
+
+[100] The sticks are seen in the plates, having been placed on the
+grave before the photographs were taken.
+
+[101] I am not aware of any ground for believing that the community
+invited is one with which intermarriage is specially common. Indeed,
+as stated above, I do not think that there are special matrimonial
+relationships between communities.
+
+[102] _Melanesians of British New Guinea,_ p. 13.
+
+[103] I was told that in the Mekeo mourning-removal ceremony each of
+the persons wearing the insignia of mourning has to go through the
+ceremony, which consists of the cutting of his necklace or something
+else with a shell.
+
+[104] Compare Dr. Seligmann's references in _Melanesians of British
+New Guinea_ to the mourning removal ceremonies of the Koita (p. 165),
+the Roro (p. 277), and the Mekeo (p. 359).
+
+[105] I recognise that, though the terms "grave," "bury," and "burial"
+are correctly applied to the mode of interment underground of an
+ordinary person, the term "grave" is clearly an incorrect one for
+the overground platform box and tree box in one or other of which
+a chiefs body is placed; and the use with reference to this mode of
+disposal of the dead of the terms "bury" and "burial" is, I think,
+at least unsuitable. But with this apology, and for lack of a short
+and convenient, but more accurate, substitute adapted to the three
+methods, I use these terms throughout with reference to all of them.
+
+[106] This Mafulu practice of tree burial is referred to in the
+_Annual Report_ for June, 1900, p. 63.
+
+[107] Platform burial in one form or another is not peculiar to the
+Mafulu district. It is perhaps common among many of the mountain
+people. Sir William Macgregor found it in the mountains of the
+Vanapa watershed (_Annual Report_, 1897-8, pp. 22 and 23), and
+Dr. Seligmann regards it, I think, as a custom among the general class
+of what he calls "Kama-weka" (_Melanesians of British New Guinea_,
+p. 32). Mr. J. P. Thomson records its occurrence even in the lower
+waters of the Kemp Welch river (_British New Guinea_, p. 53, and
+see also his further references to the matter on pp. 59 and 67). In
+view of a suggestion which I make in my concluding chapter as to
+the possible origin of the Mafulu people, it is also interesting to
+note that platform or tree burial is, or used to be, adopted, for
+important people only, by the Semang of the Malay Peninsula and the
+Andamanese. As regards the Semang, though they now employ a simple form
+of interment, their more honourable practice was to expose the dead
+in trees (Skeat and Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_,
+Vol. II., p. 89); and, though the bodies of the Pangan (East Coast
+Semang) lay members were buried in the ground, those of their great
+magicians were deposited in trees (_Ibid._, Vol. II., p. 91); and
+apparently this was the case among the Semang as regards the bodies
+of chiefs (_Ibid._, Vol. I., p. 587). And concerning the Andamanese
+it is recorded that the skeleton of a man who, for reasons given, was
+believed to have been a chief was found lying on a platform of sticks
+placed across forks of a tree about 12 feet from the ground, a mode
+which was compared with the method of underground burial which had
+previously been met with (_Transactions of the Ethnological Society,
+New Series_, Vol. V. p. 42). Mr. Portman records (_History of our
+Relations with the Andamanese_, Vol. II., p. 547) similar tree burial
+of two chiefs and the wife of a chief, and refers to the practice of
+burying underground "or, what is more honourable," on a platform up
+in a tree (_Ibid_., Vol. I., p. 43). The practice is also mentioned
+by Mr. Man, who, after referring (_The Andaman Islanders_, p. 76)
+to underground interment and platform burial, of which "the latter
+is considered the more complimentary," states (pp. 76 and 77) that a
+small stage is constructed of sticks and boughs about 8 to 12 feet
+above the ground, _generally_ (the italics are mine) between the
+forked branches of some large tree, and to it the body is lashed.
+
+[108] I have been unable to find an account of any spiritual or partly
+spiritual being associated with the beliefs of Papuans or Melanesians
+who can be regarded as being similar to _Tsidibe_. Perhaps the
+nearest approach to him will be found in _Qat_ of the Banks Islands,
+of whom much is told us by Dr. Codrington in _The Melanesians_,
+and who apparently is not regarded as having been of divine rank,
+but is rather a specially powerful, but perhaps semi-human, spiritual
+individual, who, though not having originally created mankind and the
+animal and vegetable world and the objects and forces of nature as
+a whole, has had, and it would seem still has, considerable creative
+and influencing powers over them all. But I could learn no detailed
+legends concerning _Tsidibe_; and the scanty information given to me
+concerning him differs from what we know of _Qat_.
+
+[109] Dr. Stapf thinks it is probably a species of Podocarpus or
+Dacrydium.
+
+[110] Dr. Seligmann refers (_Melanesians of British New Guinea_,
+p. 185) to a specimen of _Ficus rigo_, in which a taboo, having the
+power of making Koita folk sick, is believed to be immanent. I do
+not know whether or not the _gabi_ tree is _Ficus rigo_, but, if it
+be so, there is an interesting similarity in this respect between
+these people and the Mafulu.
+
+[111] A knotted wisp of grass is, I think, a common form of taboo
+sign in parts of New Guinea; and Dr. Seligmann refers (_Melanesians of
+British New Guinea_, pp. 136 to 138) to its use by the Koita for the
+protection of cocoanuts and other trees and firewood, and as part of
+the protective sign for new gardens. The use of the wisp by the Mafulu
+people, as above described, is not a taboo used for the protection
+of an object from human interference, being intended to protect
+the travellers in some way from the spirit or spirits haunting the
+spot. But there is, I think, an underlying similarity of superstitious
+ideas involved by the two purposes for which the wisps are used.
+
+[112] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 281.
+
+[113] _The Melanesians_, p. 203.
+
+[114] Seligmann, _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p.85.
+
+[115] I imagine a somewhat similar superstitious origin may be assumed
+as regards the idea of general purification (I of course do not refer
+to mere physical surface washing) by bathing: and Father Egedi says
+(_Anthropos_, Vol. V., p. 755) that the Kuni people, after a cannibal
+feast, had to confine themselves until the end of the moon which
+commenced before the feast to certain food, and that they then all
+bathed in running water and returned purified and free to eat any food.
+
+[116] Apparently flying foxes are good omens in Tubetube (Southern
+Massim). See Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 653.
+
+[117] This is very different from the extensive food taboo restrictions
+which Father Egedi told me were placed upon the bachelors of Mekeo.
+
+[118] Dr. Seligmann puts their average stature at 60.5 in. (_Lancet,_
+Feb. 17th, 1906, p. 427), which is less than the Mafulu average of
+61.1 in. given by me above.
+
+[119] Dr. Seligmann puts their average cephalic index calculated
+from fifteen measurements at 78 (_Geographical Journal_, Vol. XXVII.,
+p. 234), which is below the Mafulu average cephalic index of 80 given
+by me above.
+
+[120] Father Egedi thinks that the Lapeka people have some Pokau
+blood in them. Their language is a mixture of Kuni and Mekeo.
+
+[121] Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 16.
+
+[122] _Geographical Journal_, Vol. XXVI I., p. 235.
+
+[123] _Ibid._
+
+[124] _Geographical Journal_, Vol. XXVII., p. 235.
+
+[125] P. 236.
+
+[126] _Ibid._
+
+[127] _Geographical Journal_, Vol. XXVII., p. 235.
+
+[128] _Nature_, 9 June, 1910, p. 434.
+
+[129] The Rev. Father Egedi's Vocabulary of Oru Lopiko gives the
+pronouns thus:
+
+						Singular.			Plural.
+
+		1st Person,		_na_, _naro_.		_dae_, _daro_.
+		2nd Person,		_ni_, _niro_.		_ali_, _alero_.
+		3rd Person,		_pi_, _piro_.		_valo_, _valoro_.
+
+
+The Possessives are formed with _ma_: _nema_, _nima_, _pima_, _daema_,
+_lima_, _valoma_.
+
+The Interrogatives are: _tsia_? who? _itara_? _vaina_? what
+thing? (S.H.R.)
+
+[130] These numerals differ from the Oru Lopiko of Father Egidi. He
+gives: _konepu_, one; _kalotolo_, two; _konekhalavi_, three;
+_maimitara_, many; _onionipu_, few. (S.H.R.)
+
+[131] Foot's joint.
+
+[132] Cf. M. _kon(on)de_, knot in wood.
+
+[133] Cf. Fire.
+
+[134] Cf. M. _tobo_, gourd.
+
+[135] Probably introduced. Mekeo _avaava_, Pokau _tavatava_, buy.
+
+[136] Introduced. Motu _asi_.
+
+[137] Cf. M. _kon(on)de_, knot in wood.
+
+[138] Cf. Fire.
+
+[139] Cf. Finger.
+
+[140] Cf. bag.
+
+[141] Sun its light.
+
+[142] _Na,_ I.
+
+[143] Arm's joint.
+
+[144] Cf. M. _kon(on)de,_ knot in wood.
+
+[145] Eyebrow's hair.
+
+[146] Eye-skin.
+
+[147] _Nu,_ thou.
+
+[148] Cf. Branch.
+
+[149] _Feneme_, eel.
+
+[150] Cf.  _tala(pe)_, sp. thread.
+
+[151] Finger's mother.
+
+[152] Cf. Earth.
+
+[153] Foot's hollow. Cf. Pumpkin.
+
+[154] Cf. Earth.
+
+[155] _Nu_, thou.
+
+[156] Hand's hollow.
+
+[157] _ Ni_, you.
+
+[158] Side's tongue.
+
+[159] Introduced (Motu, _Kimai_).
+
+[160] _omen_, his.
+
+[161] Also handcuffs.
+
+[162] _Nu_, thou.
+
+[163] To give the breast.
+
+[164] _aumen_, his?.
+
+[165] _Cf._ Finger.
+
+[166] Breast, its nose.
+
+[167] Nose, its hole.
+
+[168] Introduced (Kabadi, Motu, _bara_).
+
+[169] Kabadi, &c., _nau_.
+
+[170] Sagopalm's important part.
+
+[171] _Na_, I.
+
+[172] Sit and Stay.
+
+[173] _Cf._ M. ememe, _pierce._
+
+[174] _Cf._ Night, Darkness, Black.
+
+[175] _Cf._ M. _tsibe_, a reed.
+
+[176] _Cf._ M. _usi(le_), tusk.
+
+[177] _Omen_, he, his.
+
+[178] _Cf_. Mother.
+
+[179] Hand's neck.
+
+[180] _Yango(ne_) a plant of which the roots give a yellow stain
+
+[181] _British New Guinea Vocabularies_. London: The Society for
+Promoting Christian Knowledge.
+
+[182] _A Comparative Vocabulary of the Dialects of British New
+Guinea_. Compiled by Sidney H. Ray. London, 1895.
+
+[183] _Annual Report on British New Guinea_. 1896-7, p. 13.
+
+[184] _Annual Report on British New Guinea_. 1897-8, p. 35.
+
+[185] _British New Guinea. Annual Report for the Year ending 30th
+June_, 1906. p. 93.
+
+[186] _Anthropos II, Heft_ 6. pp. 1016-1021.
+
+[187] In comparing I have omitted the non-essential syllable.
+
+[188] _Anthropos_, II. _Heft_ 6, pp. 1009-1021.
+
+[189] _Op. cit._, p. 1009.
+
+[190] _Op. cit._, pp. 1016-1021.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Mafulu, by Robert W. Williamson
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+
+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Mafulu, by Robert W. Williamson
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Mafulu
+       Mountain People of British New Guinea
+
+Author: Robert W. Williamson
+
+Release Date: March 4, 2006 [EBook #17910]
+Last updated: January 27, 2009
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MAFULU ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<div class="frontmatter">
+<p class="div1"><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e49" class="divFigure">
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p000.jpg" alt="Mafulu Women Decorated for a Dance."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Mafulu Women Decorated for a Dance.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+
+</p>
+<h1 class="docTitle">The Mafulu</h1>
+<h1 class="docTitle"></h1>
+<h1 class="docTitle">Mountain People of British New Guinea</h1>
+<h2 class="byline"><span class="docAuthor">Robert W. Williamson</span>
+<br>
+With an Introduction
+<br>
+by
+
+<span class="docAuthor">A. C. Haddon, Sc.D., F.R.S.</span></h2>
+<h2 class="docImprint">With Illustrations and Map
+<br>
+Macmillan and Co., Limited<br>
+St. Martin&#8217;s Street, London<br>
+1912
+</h2><a id="d0e78"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e78">v</a>]</span><p class="div1"><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Preface</h2>
+<p>This book is the outcome of an expedition to British New Guinea in 1910, in which, after a short stay among the people of
+some of the western Solomon Islands, including those of that old centre of the head hunters, the Rubiana lagoon, and a preparatory
+and instructive journey in New Guinea among the large villages of the Mekeo district, I struck across country by a little
+known route, via Lapeka, to Ido-Ido and on to Dilava, and thus passed by way of further preparation through the Kuni country,
+and ultimately reached the district of the Mafulu villages, of whose people very little was known, and which was therefore
+the mecca of my pilgrimage.
+
+</p>
+<p>I endeavoured to carry out the enquiries of which the book is a record as carefully and accurately as possible; but it must
+be remembered that the Mafulu people had seen very few white men, except some of the Fathers of the Catholic Mission of the
+Sacred Heart, the visits of Government officials and once or twice of a scientific traveller having been but few and far between,
+and only short; that the mission station <a id="d0e86"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e86">vi</a>]</span>in Mafulu (the remotest station of the mission) had only been established five years previously; that the people were utterly
+unaccustomed to the type of questioning which systematic ethnological enquiry involves, and that necessarily there was often
+the usual hesitation in giving the required information.
+
+</p>
+<p>I cannot doubt, therefore, that future enquiries and investigations made in the same district will bring to light errors and
+misunderstandings, which even with the greatest care can hardly be avoided in the case of a first attempt on new ground, where
+everything has to be investigated and worked up from the beginning. I hope, however, that the bulk of my notes will be found
+to have been correct in substance so far as they go.
+
+</p>
+<p>I regret that my ignorance of tropical flora and fauna has made it impossible for me to give the names of many of the plants
+and animals to which I refer.
+
+</p>
+<p>There are many people, more than I can mention here, to whom I owe my grateful thanks. Prior to my departure for the South
+Seas Dr. Haddon took great trouble in helping and advising me, and, indeed, I doubt whether I should have ventured upon my
+solitary expedition if I had not had his stimulating encouragement.
+
+</p>
+<p>In New Guinea I had the never-failing hospitality and kindness of my good friend Monseigneur de Boismenu (the Bishop of the
+Mission of the Sacred Heart) and the Fathers and Brothers of the Mission. Among the latter I would specially mention Father
+Egedi and Father Clauser. Father Egedi (whose name is already familiar to students of New Guinea Ethnology) was my friend
+and travelling companion during a <a id="d0e96"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e96">vii</a>]</span>portion of my journeyings through the Mekeo and Kuni districts, and his Mekeo explanations proved invaluable to me when I
+reached my Mafulu destination. And dear good Father Clauser was a pillar of help in Mafulu. He placed at my disposal all his
+existing knowledge concerning the people, and was my intermediary and interpreter throughout all my enquiries. And finally,
+when having at some risk prolonged my stay at Mafulu until those enquiries were completed, I was at last compelled by the
+serious state of my health to beat a retreat, and be carried down to the coast, he undertook to do the whole of my photographing
+and physical measurements, and the care and skill with which he did so are evidenced by the results as disclosed in this book.<a id="d0e98src" href="#d0e98" class="noteref">1</a> I must also add that the <a href="#d0e49">frontispiece</a> and plates <a href="#d0e17127">17</a>, <a href="#d0e17429">67</a>, <a href="#d0e17434">68</a>, <a href="#d0e17439">69</a> and <a href="#d0e17446">70</a> are taken from previous photographs which Father Clauser kindly placed at my disposal. My remembrance of His Lordship the
+Bishop, and of the Reverend Fathers and the Brothers of the Mission will ever be one of affectionate personal regard, and
+of admiration of the spirit of heroic self-sacrifice which impels them to submit cheerfully to the grave and constant hardships
+and dangers to which their labour of love necessarily exposes them.
+
+</p>
+<p>Since my return home Dr. Seligmann has given me immense help, advising me upon my notes, placing material at my disposal,
+and afterwards reading through a considerable portion of my manuscript. Mr. T.A. <a id="d0e121"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e121">viii</a>]</span>Joyce and Mr. J. Edge Partington helped me in arranging and dealing with the things which I had brought back to the British
+Museum. Dr. Keith examined and reported upon some skulls which I had obtained, and advised me upon my notes on physique. Dr.
+Stapf helped me in matters of botanical identification; Mr. S.H. Ray has given me the full benefit of his wide knowledge of
+South Pacific linguistics, and has written the appendices to the book. And, finally, Dr. Haddon has very kindly read through
+my proof sheets.
+
+</p>
+<p>In conclusion, I would add that there is still an immense amount of detailed work to be done among the Mafulu people, and
+that the districts of the Ambo and Boboi and Oru Lopiku people, still further back among the mountains, offer an almost virgin
+field for investigation to anyone who will take the trouble to go there.
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e125"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e125">ix</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e98" href="#d0e98src" class="noteref">1</a></span> The photographs of skulls, articles of dress and ornament, implements and weapons were made in London after my return.
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e126"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Contents</h2>
+<p><a href="#d0e1007">Introduction, by Dr. A.C. Haddon</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>CHAPTER I
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e1073">Introductory</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>CHAPTER II
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e1325">Physique and Character</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>CHAPTER III
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e2133">Dress and Ornament</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>CHAPTER IV
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e2848">Daily Life and Matters Connected with It</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>CHAPTER V
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e3101">Community, Clan, and Village Systems and Chieftainship</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>CHAPTER VI
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e3428">Villages, Emone, Houses and Modes of Inter-Village Communication</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>CHAPTER VII
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e4117">Government, Property and Inheritance</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>CHAPTER VIII
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e4213">The Big Feast</a>
+<a id="d0e181"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e181">x</a>]</span></p>
+<p>CHAPTER IX
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e4687">Some Other Ceremonies and Feasts</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>CHAPTER X
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e4884">Matrimonial and Sexual</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>CHAPTER XI
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e4946">Killing, Cannibalism and Warfare</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>CHAPTER XII
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e5049">Hunting, Fishing and Agriculture</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>CHAPTER XIII
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e5193">Bark Cloth Making, Netting and Art</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>CHAPTER XIV
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e5340">Music and Singing, Dancing, and Toys and Games</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>CHAPTER XV
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e5495">Counting, Currency and Trade</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>CHAPTER XVI
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e5691">Language</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>CHAPTER XVII
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e5742">Illness, Death and Burial</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>CHAPTER XVIII
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e6060">Religion and Superstitious Beliefs and Practices</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>CHAPTER XIX
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e6333">Note on the Kuni People</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>CHAPTER XX
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e6442">Conclusion</a>
+<a id="d0e254"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e254">xi</a>]</span></p>
+<p>APPENDIX I
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e6925">A Grammar of the Fuyuge Language</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>APPENDIX II
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e11280">Note on the Afoa Language</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>APPENDIX III
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e11507">Note on the Kovio Language</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>APPENDIX IV
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e11750">A Comparative Vocabulary of the Fuyuge, Afoa, and Kovio Languages</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>APPENDIX V
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e15085">Notes on the Papuan Languages Spoken about the Head Waters of the St. Joseph River, Central Papua</a>
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e285"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e285">xiii</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div1"><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Plates</h2>
+<p></p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><span class="smallcaps">Plate</span>
+
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">  </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e49">Mafulu Women Decorated for a Dance.</a> ... <i>Frontispiece</i>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"> 1 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17033">Kuni Scenery.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"> 2 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17038">Mafulu Scenery.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"> 3 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17043">Skull A.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"> 4 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17048">Skull C.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"> 5 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17053">Husband, Wife and Child.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"> 6 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17058">Man and Two Women.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"> 7, 8 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17063">Man, Young Man and Boy.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"> 9 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17073">Different Types of Men.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">10 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17078">An Unusual Type.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">11, 12 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17083">Two Unusual Types.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">13 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17093">Fig. 1. Section of Man&#8217;s Perineal Band. Fig. 2. Decoration near end of Woman&#8217;s Perineal Band. Fig. 3. Section of Woman&#8217;s Perineal
+Band. Fig. 4. Section of Man&#8217;s or Woman&#8217;s Dancing Ribbon.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">14 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17104">Fig. 1. Belt No. 1. Fig. 2. Belt No. 3. Fig. 3. Belt No. 4.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">15 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17113">Fig. 1. Belt No. 5 (one end only). Fig. 2. Belt No. 6 (one end only). Fig. 3. Belt No. 7.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">16 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17122">A General Group.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">17 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17127">A Young Chief&#8217;s Sister decorated for a Dance.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">18, 19 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17132">Women wearing Illness Recovery Capes.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">20 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17142">Fig. 1. Ear-rings. Fig. 2. Jew&#8217;s Harp. Fig. 3. Hair Fringe.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">21 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17151">Man, Woman and Children.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">22, 23 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17156">A Little Girl with Head Decorations.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">24 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17166">Figs. 1, 2, 5, and 6. Women&#8217;s Hair Plaits decorated with European Beads, Shells, Shell Discs, Dog&#8217;s Tooth, and Betel Nut Fruit.
+Fig. 3. Man&#8217;s Hair Plait with Cane Pendant. Fig. 4. Man&#8217;s Hair Plait with Betel Nut Pendant.</a>
+<a id="d0e446"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e446">xiv</a>]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">25 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17175">Fig. 1. Leg Band. Figs. 2 and 4. Women&#8217;s  Hair Plaits decorated with Shells and Dogs&#8217;   Teeth. Fig. 3. Bone Implement used
+(as a Fork) for Eating.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">26 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17184">Group of Women.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">27 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17191">A Young Woman.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">28 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17196">Two Women.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">29 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17201">Two Women.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">30 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17208">Fig. 1. Mourning String Necklace. Fig. 2. Comb. Fig. 3. Pig&#8217;s Tail Ornament for Head. Fig. 4. Whip Lash Head Ornament. Fig.
+5. Forehead Ornament.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">31 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17221">Necklaces.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">32 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17226">A Necklace.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">33 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17231">Necklaces.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">34 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17238">Fig. 1. Armlet No. 5. Fig. 2. Armlet No. 4. Fig. 3. Armlet No. 2. Fig. 4. Armlet No. 1.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">35 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17249">Woman wearing Dancing Apron.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">36, 37 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17254">Decoration of Dancing Aprons.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">38, 39 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17264">Decoration of Dancing Aprons.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">40, 41 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17274">Decoration of Dancing Aprons.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">42, 43 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17284">Decoration of Dancing Aprons.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">44 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17296">Head Feather Ornaments.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">45 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17301">Head Feather Ornaments.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">46 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17306">Fig. 1. Head Feather Ornament. Fig. 2. Back Feather Ornament.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">47 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17313">Plaited Head Feather Frames.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">48 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17318">Mother and Baby.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">49 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17323">At the Spring.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">50 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17328">A Social Gathering.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">51 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17333">Fig. 1. Small Smoking Pipe. Fig. 2. Pig-bone Scraping Implement. Fig. 3. Stone Bark Cloth Beater. Fig. 4. Drilling Implement.
+Fig. 5. Bamboo Knife. Figs. 6 and 7. Lime Gourds.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">52 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17348">Fig. 1. Wooden Dish. Figs. 2 and 3. Water-Carrying Gourds.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">53 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17355">Fig. 1. Bag No. 3. Fig. 2. Bag No. 4. Fig. 3. Bag. No. 6.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">54 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17364">Village of Salube and Surrounding Country.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">55 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17369">Village of Seluku, with Chiefs <i>Emone</i> at End and Remains of Broken-down Burial Platform in Middle.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">56 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17374">Village of Amalala, with Chiefs <i>Emone</i> at End..</a>
+<a id="d0e649"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e649">xv</a>]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">57 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17379">Village of Amalala (looking in other direction), with Secondary <i>Emone</i> at End.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">58 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17384">Village of Malala, with Secondary <i>Emone</i> at End and Ordinary Grave and Burial Platform of Chief&#8217;s Child in Right Foreground.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">59 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17389">Village of Uvande, with Chief&#8217;s <i>Emone</i> at End.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">60 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17394">Village of Biave, with Chief&#8217;s <i>Emone</i> at End and Burial Platform of Chief&#8217;s Child in Middle.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">61 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17399">Chief&#8217;s <i>Emone</i> in Village of Amalala.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">62 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17404">Chief&#8217;s <i>Emone</i> in Village of Malala.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">63 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17409">House in Village of Malala.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">64 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17414">House in Village of Levo, with Child&#8217;s Excrement Receptacle to Left.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">65 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17419">Suspension Bridge over St. Joseph River.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">66 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17424">Bridge over Aduala River.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">67 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17429">Scene at Big Feast in Village of Amalala.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">68 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17434">Row of Killed Pigs at Big Feast at Village of Amalala.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">69 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17439">Scene at Village of Seluku during Preparations for Big Feast.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">70 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17446">Scene at Big Feast at Village of Seluku.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">71 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17453">Young Girl Ornamented for Perineal Band Ceremony.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">72 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17458">Feast at Perineal Band Ceremony.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">73 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17463">Figs, 1, 2, and 3. Points of War Spears. Fig. 4. Point of War-Arrow. Fig. 5. Point of Bird-Shooting Arrow.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">74 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17476">Fig. 1. Bow. Fig. 2. Shield (outside). Fig. 3. Shield (inside).</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">75 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17485">Fig. 1. Club (pineapple type of head). Fig. 2. Club (disc type of head). Fig. 3. Drum. Fig. 4. Adze.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">76 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17496">Fishing Weir.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">77 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17501">Planting Yams in Garden.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">78 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17506">Collecting Sweet Potatoes in Garden.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">79 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17511">Hammering Bark Cloth.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">80 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17516">The Ine Pandanus.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">81 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17521">Mafulu Network.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">82 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17526">Funeral Feast (not of Chief). Guests assembled to commence Dance down Village Enclosure.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">83 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17531">The same Funeral Feast. Guest Chief Dancing down Village Enclosure.</a>
+<a id="d0e857"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e857">xvi</a>]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">84 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17536">Platform Grave of Chief&#8217;s Child at Back. Ordinary Grave in Front.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">85 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17541">Group of Platform Graves of Chiefs and their Relations.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">86 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17546">Platform Grave of a Chief&#8217;s Child.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">87, 88 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17551">The <i>Gabe</i> Fig Tree, in which Chiefs&#8217; Burial Boxes are placed and which is Generally Believed to be Haunted by Spirits.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">89 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17561">The Remains of a Chiefs Burial Platform which has collapsed, and beneath which his Skull and some of his Bones are interred
+Underground.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">90 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17566">An <i>Emone</i> to which are hung the Skulls and some of the Bones from Chiefs&#8217; Burial Platforms which have Collapsed.</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">91 </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17571">A House with Receptacle for Child&#8217;s Excrement.</a>
+
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">	</td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17576">Map.</a></td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+
+</p>
+<p class="div1"><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Illustrations in Text</h2>
+<p></p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><span class="smallcaps">FIGURE</span>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"> 1. </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e2654">Leg band making (commencing stage)</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"> 2. </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e3018">Ancient Mortar</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"> 3. </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e3126">Illustrative Diagram of a Mafulu Community of Villages</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"> 4. </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e3487">Diagram of Front of <i>Emone</i> (Front Hood of Roof and Front Platform and Portions of Front Timbers omitted, so as to show Interior)</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"> 5. </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e3764">Diagram of Transverse Section across Centre of Emone</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"> 6. </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e3900">Diagrammatic Sketch of Apse-like Projection of Roof of <i>Emone</i> and Platform Arrangements</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"> 7. </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e4505">Diagram Illustrating Positions of People during Performance at Big Feast</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"> 8. </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e5242">Mafulu Net Making (1st Line of Network)</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"> 9. </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e5277">Mafulu Net Making (2nd, 3rd, and 4th Lines of Network)</a>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">10. </td>
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e5282">Mafulu Net Making (5th Line of Network, to which Rest of Net is similar in Stitch)</a></td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e1006"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1006">xvii</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e1007"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Introduction</h2>
+<p>By Dr. A.C. Haddon
+
+</p>
+<p>It is a great pleasure to me to introduce Mr. Williamson&#8217;s book to the notice of ethnologists and the general public, as I
+am convinced that it will be read with interest and profit.
+
+</p>
+<p>Perhaps I may be permitted in this place to make a few personal remarks. Mr. Williamson was formerly a solicitor, and always
+had a great longing to see something of savage life, but it was not till about four years ago that he saw his way to attempting
+the realisation of this desire by an expedition to Melanesia. He made my acquaintance in the summer of 1908, and seeing that
+he was so keenly interested, I lent him a number of books and all my <span class="abbr" title="manuscript"><abbr title="manuscript">MS.</abbr></span> notes on Melanesia; by the help of these and by the study of other books he gained a good knowledge of the ethnology of that
+area. In November, 1908, he started for Oceania for the first time and reached Fiji, from which place he had intended to start
+on his expedition. Circumstances over which he had no control, however, prevented the carrying out of his original programme;
+so he went to Sydney, and there arranged modified plans. He was on the point of executing these, when <a id="d0e1019"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1019">xviii</a>]</span>he was again frustrated by a telegram from England which necessitated his immediate return. It was a sad blow to him to have
+his long-cherished schemes thus thwarted and rendered abortive, but, undaunted, he set about to plan another expedition. Accordingly,
+in January, 1910, he once more set sail for Australia as a starting place for the Solomon Islands and British New Guinea,
+and this time achieved success; the book which he now offers to the public is the result of this plucky enterprise. In justice
+to the author it should be known that, owing to climatic and other conditions, he was unwell during the whole of his time
+in New Guinea, and had an injured foot and leg that hurt him every step he took. The only wonder is that he was able to accomplish
+so large and so thorough a piece of work as he has done.
+
+</p>
+<p>It is interesting to note the different ways by which various investigators have entered the field of Ethnology. Some have
+approached it from the literary or classical side, but very few indeed of these have ever had any experience in the field.
+The majority of field workers have had a previous training in science&#8212;zoology not unnaturally has sent more recruits than
+any other branch of science. A few students have been lawyers, but so far as I am aware Mr. Williamson is the first British
+lawyer who has gone into the field, and he has proved that legal training may be a very good preliminary discipline for ethnological
+investigation in the field, as it gives invaluable practice in the best methods of acquiring and sifting of evidence. A lawyer
+must also necessarily have a wide knowledge of <a id="d0e1023"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1023">xix</a>]</span>human nature and an appreciation of varied ways of thought and action.
+
+</p>
+<p>It was with such an equipment and fortified by extensive reading in Ethnology, that Mr. Williamson was prepared for his self-imposed
+task. Proof of his powers of observation will be found in the excellent descriptions of objects of material culture with which
+he has presented us.
+
+</p>
+<p>I now turn to some of the scientific aspects of his book. Mr. Williamson especially set before himself the work of investigating
+some tribes in the mountainous hinterland of the Mekeo district. This was a most happy selection, though no one could have
+foreseen the especial interest of these people.
+
+</p>
+<p>Thanks mainly to the systematic investigations of Dr. Seligmann and to the sporadic observations of missionaries, government
+officials and travellers, we have a good general knowledge of many of the peoples of the eastern coast of the south-eastern
+peninsula of New Guinea, and of some of the islands from the Trobriands to the Louisiades. The Ethnology of the fertile and
+populous Mekeo district has been mainly made known to us by the investigations of various members of the Sacred Heart Mission,
+and by Dr. Seligmann. What little we know of the Papuan Gulf district is due to missionaries among the coastal tribes, Mr.
+James Chalmers and Mr. W. Holmes. Dr. G. Landtman is at present investigating the natives of the delta of the Fly river and
+Daudai. The natives of the Torres Straits islands have also been studied as fully as is possible. But of the <a id="d0e1031"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1031">xx</a>]</span>mountain region lying behind the Mekeo district very little indeed has been published; so Mr. Williamson&#8217;s book fills a gap
+in our knowledge of Papuan ethnology.
+
+</p>
+<p>We have as yet a very imperfect knowledge of the ethnological history of New Guinea. Speaking very broadly, it is generally
+admitted that the bulk of the population belongs to the Papuan race, a dark-skinned, woolly-haired people who have also spread
+over western Oceania; but, to a greater or less extent, New Guinea has been subject to cultural and racial influences from
+all sides, except from Australia, where the movement has been the other way. Thus the East Indian archipelago has directly
+affected parts of Netherlands New Guinea, and its influence is to be traced to a variable degree in localities in the Bismarck
+archipelago, German New Guinea (Kaiser Wilhelm&#8217;s Land), Western Oceania, and British New Guinea or Papua, as it is termed
+officially.
+
+</p>
+<p>The south-eastern peninsula of New Guinea&#8212;or at all events the coastal regions&#8212;has been largely affected by immigrants, who
+were themselves a mixed people, and who came later at various times. It is to these immigrants that Mr. Ray and I applied
+the term Melanesian (Ray, S. H., and Haddon, A. C., &#8220;A Study of the Languages of Torres Straits,&#8221; <i>Proc. Roy. Irish Acad.</i>, 3rd ser., IV., 1897, p. 509). Early in 1894, Mr. Ray read a paper before the Anthropological Institute (<i>Journ. Anth. Inst.</i>, XXIV., p. 15), in which he adhered to our former discrimination of two linguistic stocks and added a third type of language
+composed <a id="d0e1043"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1043">xxi</a>]</span>of a mixture of the other two, for which he proposed the name Melano-Papuan. These languages, according to Mr. Ray, occur
+in the Trobriands, Woodlarks and the Louisiades, and similar languages are found in the northern Solomon Islands. For some
+years I had been studying the decorative art of British New Guinea, and from physical and artistic and other cultural reasons
+had come to the conclusion that the Melanesians of British New Guinea should be broken up into two elements: one consisting
+of the Motu and allied Melanesians, and the other of the inhabitants of the Massim district&#8212;an area extending slightly beyond
+that of Mr. Ray&#8217;s Melano-Papuans (&#8220;The Decorative Art of British New Guinea,&#8221; <i>Cunningham Memoirs</i>, X., <i>Roy. Irish Acad.</i>, 1894, pp. 253&#8211;269). I reinforced my position six years later (&#8220;Studies in the Anthropo-geography of British New Guinea,&#8221;
+<i>Journ. Roy. Geog. Soc.</i>, 1900, pp. 265, 414). Dr. Seligmann, in his valuable paper &#8220;A Classification of the Natives of British New Guinea&#8221; (<i>Journ. Roy. Anth. Inst.</i>, XXXIX., 1909, pp. 246, 315) corroborated these views and designated the two groups of &#8220;Melanesians&#8221; as the Eastern and Western
+Papuo-Melanesians. The following year he published the great book to which Mr. Williamson so frequently refers, and in which
+this classification is maintained, and these two groups together with the Papuans, are termed Papuasians.
+
+</p>
+<p>The Motu stock of the Western Papuo-Melanesians have extended their dispersal as far as the Mekeo district, where they came
+into contact with other peoples. It has been shown that the true Papuans are <a id="d0e1059"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1059">xxii</a>]</span>a narrow-headed people, but there are some puzzling exceptions, the explanation of which is not yet ascertained. The Papuo-Melanesians
+contain a somewhat broad-headed element, and there is a slightly broad-headed population in the central range of the south-east
+peninsula, the extent of which has not yet been determined. The questions naturally arise: (1) Is the true Papuan a variable
+stock including both long- broad-headed elements? or (2) Does the broad-headed element belong to an immigrant people? or,
+again (3) Is there an hitherto unidentified indigenous broad-headed race? I doubt if the time is ripe for a definite answer
+to any of these questions. Furthermore, we have yet to assign to their original sources the differences in culture which characterise
+various groups of people in New Guinea. Something has been done in this direction, but much more has yet to be learnt.
+
+</p>
+<p>So far I have not referred to a Negrito element in the Ethnology of New Guinea. From time to time we have heard rumours of
+pygmy people, and German travellers have recorded very short individuals in Kaiser Wilhelm&#8217;s Land; but it was not till the
+expedition to Netherlands New Guinea of the British Ornithological Union of 1910&#8211;11 that a definite pygmy race was demonstrated.
+I think this can be no longer denied, and the observations made by German ethnologists show that the race in a more or less
+modified state is widely spread. Now Mr. Williamson, whose work in New Guinea was contemporaneous with that of the Netherlands
+New Guinea expedition, <a id="d0e1063"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1063">xxiii</a>]</span>adduces evidence that this is also the case in British territory. It is worth recalling that de Quatrefages and Hamy (<i>Crania Ethnica</i>, 1882, pp. 207&#8211;210, 253&#8211;256) distinguish a &#8220;Negrito-Papuan&#8221; and a &#8220;Papuan&#8221; element in the Torres Straits. This problem will
+be discussed in Vol. I. of the Reports of the Cambridge Expedition to Torres Straits. I feel little doubt that Mr. Williamson
+has shown strong evidence that the Mafulu and probably other adjacent mountain tribes are essentially a pygmy&#8212;that is to say
+a Negrito&#8212;people who have been modified to some extent by Papuan and possibly Papuo-Melanesian influence, both physical and
+cultural. He has marshalled his data with great skill, and has dissected out, as it were, the physical and cultural elements
+of the Negrito substratum. It only remains for other observers to study Negritos in other parts of New Guinea to see how far
+these claims can be substantiated. It is evident therefore that, apart from the valuable detailed information which Mr. Williamson
+has given us concerning a hitherto unknown tribe, he has opened up a problem of considerable interest and magnitude.
+
+</p>
+<p>A.C. Haddon.
+
+
+
+
+
+</p>
+</div><a id="d0e1070"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1070">1</a>]</span><div class="bodytext">
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e1073"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Introductory</h2>
+<p>The <a href="#d0e17576">map</a> appended to this volume is (with the exception of the red lines and red lettering upon it) a reproduction of a portion of
+the map relating to the explorations and surveys of Dr. Strong, Mr. Monckton and Captain Barton, which was published in the
+<i>Geographical Journal</i> for September, 1908, and the use of which has been kindly permitted me by the Royal Geographical Society. I have eliminated
+the red route lines which appear in the original map, so as to avoid confusion with the red lines which I have added. The
+unbroken red lines and the red lettering upon my map are copied from a map, also kindly placed at my disposal, which has been
+recently prepared by Father Fillodean of the Mission of the Sacred Heart, and these lines mark roughly what the Fathers of
+the Mission believe to be the boundaries of the several linguistic areas within the district covered by their map. It will
+be observed <a id="d0e1084"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1084">2</a>]</span>that some of these lines are not continued so as to surround and complete the definition of the areas which they indicate;
+but this defect is unavoidable, as the Fathers&#8217; map only covered a relatively small area, and even in that map the lines were
+not all carried to its margin. It will also be noticed that, though the Fathers introduce the two names Oru Lopiku and Boboi
+as being linguistically distinct, they have not indicated the boundary line between the two areas. Father Egedi, however,
+informed me that this boundary passes along the ridge of hills south of the Ufafa river as far as Mt. Eleia, and thence along
+the Ukalama river to the Kuni boundary. The Ukalama river is not shown in the Geographical Society&#8217;s map; but I may say that
+it is shown in the Fathers&#8217; map as rising in Mt. Eleia, and flowing thence in a south-easterly direction, and so joining the
+St. Joseph river close to Dilava. The broken red line upon my map does not appear in the Fathers&#8217; map, but has been added
+by me to indicate what, I understand, the Fathers believe to be a continued boundary, so far as ascertained, of the Fuyuge
+linguistic area, called by them the Mafulu area, to which I am about to draw attention.
+
+</p>
+<p>The term Mafulu is the Kuni pronunciation of Mambule, which is the name, as used by themselves, of the people who live in
+a group of villages within and near the north-westerly corner of the area of the Fuyuge-speaking people, whose Papuan language,
+so far as ascertained, appears, subject to local dialectal differences, to be the same, and may, I was informed, <a id="d0e1088"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1088">3</a>]</span>be regarded as one common language throughout the Fuyuge area.
+
+</p>
+<p>The Fathers of the Mission have adopted the name Mafulu in a wider sense, as including all the people with whom they have
+come in contact of the Fuyuge-speaking area; and, though my investigations, which form the subject-matter of this book, have
+been conducted only in the neighbourhood of Mafulu itself, I was assured that, so far as the Fathers have been able to ascertain,
+all these Fuyuge people not only have similar languages, but also are substantially similar in physique and in culture. My
+observations concerning the Mafulu people may therefore, if this statement is correct, be regarded as applying, not only to
+the inhabitants of the portion of the north-westerly corner of the Fuyuge area in which the Mafulu group of villages is placed,
+but to those of the whole of the north-westerly portion of the area, and generally in a greater or less degree of accuracy
+to those of the northerly and north-easterly parts of the area, and possibly the southerly ones also.
+
+</p>
+<p>The boundaries of this Fuyuge-speaking area can hardly be regarded as definitely ascertained; and the discrepancies, even
+as regards the courses of the rivers and the positions of the mountains, which appear in the few available maps make it difficult
+to deal with the question. The area, so far as actually ascertained by the Fathers of the Mission, roughly speaking, covers,
+and seems to extend also some distance to the south or south-west of a triangle, the western apex of which is the junction
+of the river Kea with the <a id="d0e1094"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1094">4</a>]</span>river Aduala (a tributary of the St. Joseph),<a id="d0e1096src" href="#d0e1096" class="noteref">1</a> whose north-eastern apex is Mt. Albert Edward, and whose south-eastern apex is Mt. Scratchley. It includes the valley of
+the Aduala river and its streams (except those flowing into it from the north in the region of the western apex of the triangle)
+within its northern boundary, and the valley of the upper Vanapa river and its rivers and streams in the neighbourhood of
+its eastern boundary; but this eastern boundary has been found to extend also so as to include the upper valley of the river
+Chirima. How far the area extends to the south or south-west of the triangle above mentioned appears to be uncertain.
+
+</p>
+<p>The linguistic area to the north of the Mafulu or Fuyuge people is that of the Ambo people, who are somewhat similar in appearance
+to the Mafulu, and whose language is also Papuan, and, though differing from the Mafulu language, is, I was told, somewhat
+similar to it in grammatical construction and as regards a few of its words. The area to the west is that of the <a id="d0e1104"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1104">5</a>]</span>Kuni people, whose language is Melanesian, but whose ordinary modes of life are, I was informed, more like those of the Mafulu
+than are those of the Papuan-speaking Ambo. The areas to the east and south cannot be so definitely stated, but are dealt
+with below.
+
+</p>
+<p>As regards these Ambo people I may, in view of divergences of names which appear in maps, explain that Ambo is a contraction
+of Ambore, and is the name given to the people by their Mafulu neighbours, whilst Afoa is the name given to them by the Kuni
+people, and is adopted in the Geographical Society&#8217;s map.<a id="d0e1108src" href="#d0e1108" class="noteref">2</a> As regards the Kuni people, their name is the one adopted by themselves.
+
+</p>
+<p>Concerning the boundaries of the Fuyuge linguistic area as above indicated, and the people whose districts adjoin that area,
+I propose here to draw attention to four names, and to refer to some observations bearing on the subject of the probable Fuyuge
+boundary which are to be found in existing literature.
+
+</p>
+<p>The term Kovio, though primarily the name of Mt. Yule, and properly applicable to the people living in the neighbourhood of
+that mountain, is now, I think, often used to express all the mountain tribes of the hinterland of the Mekeo and Pokau, and
+perhaps the Kabadi, districts. But the use of this name has not, I believe, been generally associated with any question of
+linguistics.
+
+</p>
+<p>The area in the map which is called by the Fathers <a id="d0e1129"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1129">6</a>]</span>Boboi is occupied by people whose language, I was told by the Fathers, is Papuan, but is distinct from the languages of the
+Ambo and the Fuyuge areas.
+
+</p>
+<p>Kamaweka is a name which appears in several of Dr. Seligmann&#8217;s publications. It seems to have been originally used by Captain
+Barton to designate the natives of the district of which Inavaurene, to the north-east of the Mekeo plains, is the centre,
+but to have been afterwards regarded as a somewhat more general term; and I think Dr. Seligmann uses it in a very general
+sense, almost, if not quite, equivalent to the wide application above referred to of the term Kovio, and which might include
+the Papuan-speaking Boboi and Ambo people, and even perhaps the people of the northern Mafulu villages.<a id="d0e1133src" href="#d0e1133" class="noteref">3</a> But here again the use of the name has, I think, no reference to linguistics.
+
+</p>
+<p>If the Fathers&#8217; linguistic boundary lines are substantially correct, each of the two terms Kovio and Kamaweka, as now used,
+would appear to cover more than one linguistic area; and in any case these terms seem to have widened and to have become somewhat
+indefinite. It will be seen on reference to the map and to Father Egedi&#8217;s information as to the Oru Lopiku and Boboi boundaries
+that both Mt. Yule and Inavaurene are within the area which the Fathers call Oru Lopiku, but that Inavaurene is not far from
+<a id="d0e1147"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1147">7</a>]</span>their Boboi area. I suggest that it would be convenient for the present, pending further investigation and delimitation on
+the spot, and until we know something of the difference between the languages of the Oru Lopiku and Boboi people, to adopt
+the term Kovio as a general name for, and confine it to, the two areas Boboi and Oru Lopiku; though for linguistic purposes
+the names Boboi and Oru Lopiku, which at present indicate very little to us, may eventually be accepted and come into general
+use.
+
+</p>
+<p>The Koiari people of the foothills and lateral spurs behind the Motu area, also referred to from time to time in Dr. Seligmann&#8217;s
+writings, must be eastern next door neighbours of the Fuyuge-speaking people, the western boundary of these Koiari being stated
+by him to be the Vanapa river,<a id="d0e1151src" href="#d0e1151" class="noteref">4</a> and they being in fact regarded by him as being the eastern neighbours of the natives of &#8220;the mountains inland of Mekeo Nara
+and Kabadi,&#8221;<a id="d0e1156src" href="#d0e1156" class="noteref">5</a> and being referred to by him as being the people from whose district the Kamaweka and Kuni are reached by &#8220;passing westward&#8221;&#8212;the
+word used is &#8220;eastward,&#8221; but this is obviously a printer&#8217;s error&#8212;&#8220;in the mountains, keeping roughly parallel with the coast.&#8221;<a id="d0e1161src" href="#d0e1161" class="noteref">6</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>Turning to the question of the Fuyuge boundary, Dr. Strong says that the Fuyuge people occupy the upper waters of the St.
+Joseph river,<a id="d0e1168src" href="#d0e1168" class="noteref">7</a> and he is quoted by Dr. Seligmann as having stated that the Afoa <a id="d0e1173"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1173">8</a>]</span>language &#8220;is spoken in the villages on Mt. Pizoko and the northern slopes of Mt. Davidson,&#8221; and that &#8220;the Afoa villages lie
+to the north of the Fuyuge-speaking communities, stretching westward for an unknown distance behind Mt. Davidson.&#8221;<a id="d0e1175src" href="#d0e1175" class="noteref">8</a> If the information given to me verbally by the Fathers of the Mission of the Sacred Heart and the red linguistic boundary
+lines roughly drawn by them, and introduced into my map, be correct, these statements require modification, for according
+to the Fathers the Mafulu or Fuyuge-speaking area does not include any part of the St. Joseph river, as its extreme north-westerly
+corner lies to the east of the junction&#8212;close to the boundary line between the Afoa (Ambo) and the Kuni areas&#8212;of the rivers
+Alabula and Aduala, and Mt. Pizoko is within the Fuyuge area, and not within that of the Afoa, and Mt. Davidson is within
+the Boboi area. I think that, though the Fathers&#8217; lines are admittedly not exact, they and the information supplied by the
+Fathers to me are likely to be more trustworthy in these respects, especially as regards boundaries near to the actual Mafulu
+villages, than the earlier statements of Dr. Strong, as they are the outcome of recent and careful investigation; and, as
+regards Mt. Pizoko, I may mention that Dr. Strong himself seems to have subsequently regarded that mountain as being within
+the Mafulu district,<a id="d0e1180src" href="#d0e1180" class="noteref">9</a> which brings it into the Fuyuge area.
+
+</p>
+<p>The inclusion of the upper valley of the river <a id="d0e1188"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1188">9</a>]</span>Chirima within the Fuyuge or Mafulu-speaking area is perhaps surprising, as this valley is separated from the general Fuyuge
+area by one of the southern ridges of Mt. Albert Edward, and more or less so by the ridges of Mt. Stone Wigg and the Wharton
+range, and as the Chirima is a tributary flowing into the Mambare river, which is one of the great watercourses of Northern
+New Guinea. The Mafulu Fathers, however, had no doubt as to the correctness of the inclusion, which seems to open out the
+possibility of some, at all events, of the Fuyuge people having northern associations; and indeed Monseigneur de Boismenu
+told me that he believed that the Mafulu people were in touch with Northern New Guinea, and got some of their shell ornaments,
+or the shells from which they were made, from the northern coast.
+
+</p>
+<p>It is interesting, therefore, to turn for the purpose of comparison to the report of Mr. Monckton&#8217;s expedition to Mt. Albert
+Edward by way of the Upper Chirima valley in 1906<a id="d0e1192src" href="#d0e1192" class="noteref">10</a> and the illustrations accompanying it, with which I incorporate a description of the people of this valley given to Dr. Seligmann
+by Mr. Money, who was with Mr. Monckton.<a id="d0e1198src" href="#d0e1198" class="noteref">11</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>From these it appears that the Upper Chirima people are short in stature and sturdily built. Both sexes wear the perineal
+band, the front of which is made (I am not sure whether this applies to women as well as to men) to bulge out by padding.
+In some cases the men&#8217;s hair is tied up in a bunch with string, <a id="d0e1205"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1205">10</a>]</span>and in others it is bound up in various styles with native cloth. Some of the men have their hair done up in small plaits
+over the forehead. All the above descriptions, except that of the padding of the band, are applicable to the Mafulu. Some
+of the Chirima houses have a curious apse-like roof projection over the front platform, which is a specially distinctive feature
+of a Mafulu house, and one with this projection figured by Mr. Monckton is indistinguishable from a typical Mafulu house.
+The Chirima people place the bodies of their dead on raised platforms, and apparently sometimes put the body of an infant
+on the platform erection of an adult, but below the latter. This also is a practice of the Mafulu; and, though the latter
+people confine platform burial (if such it may be called) to chiefs and their families and important persons, it is possible
+that some such limitation of the custom exists in the Chirima valley also, but did not come under Mr. Monckton&#8217;s notice. A
+burial platform figured by him might well be a Mafulu burial platform, except that the curious cone-shaped receptacle for
+the child is a form for which I cannot vouch as regards the Mafulu. The Chirima have a special and peculiar form of netting,
+which Mr. Monckton&#8217;s illustration shows to be identical with the special form of Mafulu netting. On the other hand, as regards
+the Chirima weapons, implements and utensils, a comparison of Mr. Monckton&#8217;s verbal descriptions and figures with what I have
+seen in Mafulu, and describe in this book, leads me to the conclusion that, though many of these are similar to those of Mafulu,
+<a id="d0e1207"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1207">11</a>]</span>some of them are different. As examples of this I may say that the drill implements of the Chirima people are very similar
+to, and their stone cloth-beaters appear to be identical with, those used by the Mafulu; whilst on the other hand their war
+bows are much longer,<a id="d0e1209src" href="#d0e1209" class="noteref">12</a> and their method of producing fire seems to be totally different; also they apparently have bull-roarers, which to the best
+of my knowledge are unknown among the Mafulu. Again some of the Chirima weapons, as figured by Mr. Monckton, disclose ideas
+of artistic design, including that of the curved line and a rude representation of a man, which I have not met with among
+the Mafulu. As regards this last point I draw attention to Mr. Monckton&#8217;s figures of carving on a bow and on wooden clubs.
+I think, however, that in such matters as these local differences might well arise between people who are really more or less
+identical, especially if their respective districts are on opposite sides of the main mountain range of the country, and still
+more so if the people of one of the districts (in the present case I refer to the Chirima people) may perhaps have been subject
+to the influence of other people beyond them. As to this latter point, however, I should say that these Chirima people seem
+to be, so far as dress, ornaments, &amp;c., are concerned, much nearer to the Mafulu than they are to the natives of the Mambare
+river itself, as described by Sir William Macgregor.<a id="d0e1215src" href="#d0e1215" class="noteref">13</a> It is curious <a id="d0e1220"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1220">12</a>]</span>also that the dogs of the Chirima people are not yellow dingoes, but are black and white, as is the case in Mafulu.
+
+</p>
+<p>I notice that Dr. Seligmann suggests that these Chirima valley people are related to the natives of the neighbourhood of Mt.
+Yule,<a id="d0e1224src" href="#d0e1224" class="noteref">14</a> a statement which, though probably intended broadly, is in accord with the suggestion that they are connected with the Mafulu-speaking
+people.
+
+</p>
+<p>The natives of Mt. Scratchley (apparently the eastern or south-eastern side), visited by Sir William Macgregor in 1896, appear
+from his description of them<a id="d0e1231src" href="#d0e1231" class="noteref">15</a> to show a few points of resemblance to the Mafulu people. In particular I refer to their &#8220;dark bronze&#8221; colour, to the wearing
+by women of the perineal band (to which, however, is added a mantle and &#8220;in most cases&#8221; a grass petticoat, which is not done
+in Mafulu), to the absence of tattooing or cicatrical ornamentation, to their &#8220;large earrings made out of tails of lizards
+covered by narrow straps of palm leaves dyed yellow&#8221; (which, though not correctly descriptive of the Mafulu earring, is apparently
+something like it), to their use of pigs&#8217; tails as ear ornaments, to their plaiting of the hair and the decoration of the
+plaited hair with teeth and shells, to their small charm bags and to the shortness of their bows. Also to the construction
+of their houses, with the roof carried down to the ground, with a fireplace about <a id="d0e1236"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1236">13</a>]</span>2 feet wide extending down the centre of the building from one end to the other, and having an inclined floor on each side,
+and especially to the curious apse-like roof projections in front of these houses (Dr. Haddon calls them &#8220;pent roofs&#8221;<a id="d0e1238src" href="#d0e1238" class="noteref">16</a>), Sir William&#8217;s figure of which is, like that of the Chirima villages, identical, or nearly so, with that of a Mafulu house.
+But Sir William&#8217;s description of the physique of these Mt. Scratchley people and other matters make it clear, I think, that
+they belong to a type different from that of the Mafulu, though they must be next door neighbours of the Fuyuge-speaking people.
+Dr. Seligmann, in commenting upon this description of these people, expresses the opinion that they are Papuo-Melanesians.<a id="d0e1243src" href="#d0e1243" class="noteref">17</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>The natives in the region of Mt. Musgrave and Mt. Knutsford, as described by Mr. Thomson,<a id="d0e1250src" href="#d0e1250" class="noteref">18</a> appear, at all events so far as dress is concerned, to be utterly different from the Mafulu.
+
+</p>
+<p>Dr. Seligmann states that Dr. Strong has informed him that the southern boundary of the Fuyuge-speaking area is the Kabadi
+country,<a id="d0e1257src" href="#d0e1257" class="noteref">19</a> and he had previously referred to Korona, immediately behind the Kabadi and Doura districts, as being within the area,<a id="d0e1262src" href="#d0e1262" class="noteref">20</a> and, indeed, the Geographical Society&#8217;s map shows the Fuyuge area as at all events extending as far south as Korona. I do
+not know how far inland the Kabadi <a id="d0e1267"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1267">14</a>]</span>and Doura people extend; but I may say that the Mafulu Fathers expressed grave doubt as to the extension of the Fuyuge area
+so far south as is indicated by the map.
+
+</p>
+<p>If the Fuyuge area does in fact reach the Kabadi boundary, and if my notes on the Mafulu people are, as suggested, broadly
+descriptive of the natives of the whole Fuyuge area, there must be a very sudden and sharp differentiation, as the Kabadi
+people are apparently an offshoot from Mekeo,<a id="d0e1271src" href="#d0e1271" class="noteref">21</a> with apparently other Papuo-Melanesian blood (especially Roro) introduced.<a id="d0e1277src" href="#d0e1277" class="noteref">22</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>The contour and appearance of the country in the actual Mafulu district of the Fuyuge area is strikingly different from that
+of the immediately adjoining Kuni country, the sharp steep ridges and narrow deep-cut valleys of the latter, with their thick
+unbroken covering of almost impenetrable forest, changing to higher mountain ranges with lateral ridges among them, and with
+frequent gentle undulating slopes and wider and more open valleys; while, interspersed with the forests, are small patches
+and great stretches of grass land, sometimes thinly covered or scattered with timber and sometimes quite open and devoid of
+trees.<a id="d0e1285src" href="#d0e1285" class="noteref">23</a> And this <a id="d0e1294"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1294">15</a>]</span>condition continues, I was told, over the greater part of the triangular area above referred to.
+
+</p>
+<p>Plates <a href="#d0e17033">1</a> and <a href="#d0e17038">2</a> give, I think, a fair illustration of what I mean, the steep contours and thickly wooded character of the foreground and
+nearer middle distance shown by Plate <a href="#d0e17033">1</a> being typical Kuni scenery, and the more open nature of the country displayed by Plate <a href="#d0e17038">2</a> and the comparative freedom from forest of its foreground being typical of the higher uplands of Mafulu.<a id="d0e1310src" href="#d0e1310" class="noteref">24</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>It will be noticed that the physical character of the Mafulu country is more favourable to continued occupation than is that
+of the Kuni country; and it is a fact that the Mafulu people are not so restless and ready to move as are the Kuni folk; and,
+even when they do migrate, it is generally to a spot comparatively near to their old villages.
+
+</p>
+<p>The geological formation of the lower hills on which the actual Mafulu villages are placed and the intervening valleys is
+partly limestone; and I was told that limestone formation was also found further to the east.
+
+</p>
+<p>Throughout this book I shall use the term &#8220;Mafulu&#8221; as including, not only the little group of villages near the north-westerly
+corner of the Fuyuge linguistic area actually known by that name, but also the other groups of Fuyuge villages in the north-western
+<a id="d0e1322"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1322">16</a>]</span>portion of that area; and, as above indicated, it is believed by the Fathers of the Mission that I should be substantially
+correct if I included the whole of the northern and north-eastern, and probably the southern portions of the known part of
+that area, and possibly the entire area.
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e1324"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1324">17</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1096" href="#d0e1096src" class="noteref">1</a></span> The Geographical Society&#8217;s map used by me is somewhat confusing as regards the upper reaches of the St. Joseph or Angabunga
+river and the rivers flowing into and forming it. The Fathers&#8217; map makes the St. Joseph river commence under that name at
+the confluence, at a point a little to the west of 8&deg; 30&#8242; S. Lat. and 147&deg; E. Long., of the river Alabula (called in one of
+its upper parts Loloipa), flowing from the north, and the river Aduala, flowing from Mt. Albert Edward in the north-east;
+and this arrangement, which is practically in accord with a map appended to the British New Guinea <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1900, is, I think, probably the most suitable and correct one. The Aduala is the river the upper part of which
+is in the Geographical Society&#8217;s map called Angabunga. The Fathers&#8217; map shows the river Kea flowing into the Aduala at a distance
+of about two miles above the confluence of the latter with the Alabula; but, according to the Report map, this distance is
+about 12 miles.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1108" href="#d0e1108src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Note the change from the Mafulu (Papuan) pronunciation <i>Mambule</i> to the Kuni (Melanesian) pronunciation <i>Mafulu</i> and the similar change from the Mafulu <i>Ambo</i> to the Kuni <i>Ajoa</i>.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1133" href="#d0e1133src" class="noteref">3</a></span> See Dr. Seligmann&#8217;s &#8220;Hunterian Lecture&#8221; in the <i>Lancet</i> for February 17, 1906, p. 427; Seligmann and Strong in the <i>Geographical Journal</i> for March, 1906, pp. 233 and 236; also Dr. Seligmann&#8217;s &#8220;Classification of the Natives of British New Guinea&#8221; in the <i>Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute</i> for December, 1909, p. 329.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1151" href="#d0e1151src" class="noteref">4</a></span> <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 29.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1156" href="#d0e1156src" class="noteref">5</a></span> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 31.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1161" href="#d0e1161src" class="noteref">6</a></span> <i>Lancet</i>, February 17, 1906, p. 427.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1168" href="#d0e1168src" class="noteref">7</a></span> <i>Geographical Journal</i> for September, 1908, p. 274.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1175" href="#d0e1175src" class="noteref">8</a></span> <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 32.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1180" href="#d0e1180src" class="noteref">9</a></span> British New Guinea <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1906, p. 29.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1192" href="#d0e1192src" class="noteref">10</a></span> British New Guinea <i>Annual Report</i> for June 30, 1906, pp. 85 to 93.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1198" href="#d0e1198src" class="noteref">11</a></span> <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 33.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1209" href="#d0e1209src" class="noteref">12</a></span> Apparently bows and arrows are not found among the tribes of the Lower Mambare river (<i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1897, Appendix C, p. 7.)
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1215" href="#d0e1215src" class="noteref">13</a></span> <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1894, p. 32.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1224" href="#d0e1224src" class="noteref">14</a></span> <i>Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute</i> for December, 1909, p. 329.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1231" href="#d0e1231src" class="noteref">15</a></span> <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1897, Appendix C, p. 7.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1238" href="#d0e1238src" class="noteref">16</a></span> <i>Geographical Journal</i> for October, 1900, p. 422.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1243" href="#d0e1243src" class="noteref">17</a></span> <i>Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute</i> for December, 1909, p. 330.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1250" href="#d0e1250src" class="noteref">18</a></span> <i>British New Guinea</i>, p. 94.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1257" href="#d0e1257src" class="noteref">19</a></span> <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 32.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1262" href="#d0e1262src" class="noteref">20</a></span> <i>Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute</i> for December, 1909, p. 329.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1271" href="#d0e1271src" class="noteref">21</a></span> Seligmann and Strong&#8212;<i>Geographical Journal</i> for March, 1906, p. 232.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1277" href="#d0e1277src" class="noteref">22</a></span> Seligmann&#8217;s <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 27.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1285" href="#d0e1285src" class="noteref">23</a></span> Dr. Strong has referred (<i>Geographical Journal</i> for September, 1908, p. 272) to the considerable areas of open grass country at the source of the St. Joseph river; and in
+his remarks which appeared in the <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1906, p. 28, he referred to the same matter, and spoke of the valleys being for the most part less steep than those
+of the Kuni district.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1310" href="#d0e1310src" class="noteref">24</a></span> I must state that Plate <a href="#d0e17038">2</a> represents a scene taken from a spot near to Deva-deva, which, though close to what is regarded as the boundary between the
+Kuni and Mafulu areas, is in fact just within the former. The general appearance of the scenery is, however, distinctly Mafulu.
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e1325"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Physique and Character</h2>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Physique.</h3>
+<p>The Mafulu people are of short stature, though perhaps a trifle taller than the Kuni.
+
+</p>
+<p>They are as a rule fairly strong and muscular in build, the women in particular having very strongly developed thighs; but,
+speaking generally, their limbs are more slender, and their general development is slighter, than is usually the case among
+the Roro and Mekeo people.
+
+</p>
+<p>They appear to be usually mesaticephalic, but to have a very marked tendency to brachycephaly.
+
+</p>
+<p>Their noses seemed to me to be generally strong, and of prominent size, varying considerably in width of bridge, but usually
+having rather widely distending nostrils; and sometimes the width of the nose was equal to its length, or nearly so.
+
+</p>
+<p>Referring to the above matters, the following are the results of twenty measurements of Mafulu men. These were obtained from
+men of upwards of six different communities or groups of villages, so as to avoid the possible misleading character of measurements
+made in only one village or group of villages, in which some family relationship between the persons <a id="d0e1341"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1341">18</a>]</span>measured might militate against the true average character of the figures obtained.
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">No.</td>
+<td valign="top">Stature in cm.</td>
+<td valign="top">Length of head in cm.</td>
+<td valign="top">Breadth of head in cm.</td>
+<td valign="top">Cephalic index</td>
+<td valign="top">Cranial index (2 units deducted from cephalic index).</td>
+<td valign="top">Nose length in cm.</td>
+<td valign="top">Nose breadth in cm.</td>
+<td valign="top">Nasal index</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">1 </td>
+<td valign="top">150 </td>
+<td valign="top">18.5 </td>
+<td valign="top">14.7 </td>
+<td valign="top">79.5 </td>
+<td valign="top">77.5 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.9 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.4 </td>
+<td valign="top">89.8</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">2 </td>
+<td valign="top">155 </td>
+<td valign="top">18.8 </td>
+<td valign="top">15.1 </td>
+<td valign="top">80.3 </td>
+<td valign="top">78.3 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.8 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.8 </td>
+<td valign="top">100.0</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">3 </td>
+<td valign="top">155 </td>
+<td valign="top">19.5 </td>
+<td valign="top">14.8 </td>
+<td valign="top">75.9 </td>
+<td valign="top">73.9 </td>
+<td valign="top">5.3 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.3 </td>
+<td valign="top">81.1</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">4 </td>
+<td valign="top">157 </td>
+<td valign="top">18.5 </td>
+<td valign="top">15.4 </td>
+<td valign="top">83.2 </td>
+<td valign="top">81.2 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.3 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.3 </td>
+<td valign="top">100.0</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">5 </td>
+<td valign="top">153 </td>
+<td valign="top">18.9 </td>
+<td valign="top">14.6 </td>
+<td valign="top">77.2 </td>
+<td valign="top">75.2 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.8 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.4 </td>
+<td valign="top">91.7</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">6 </td>
+<td valign="top">151 </td>
+<td valign="top">18.6 </td>
+<td valign="top">14.3 </td>
+<td valign="top">76.9 </td>
+<td valign="top">74.9 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.9 </td>
+<td valign="top">3.8 </td>
+<td valign="top">77.6</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">7 </td>
+<td valign="top">151 </td>
+<td valign="top">19.3 </td>
+<td valign="top">15.2 </td>
+<td valign="top">78.8 </td>
+<td valign="top">76.8 </td>
+<td valign="top">5.4 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.4 </td>
+<td valign="top">81.5</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">8 </td>
+<td valign="top">163 </td>
+<td valign="top">19.4 </td>
+<td valign="top">14.5 </td>
+<td valign="top">74.7 </td>
+<td valign="top">72.7 </td>
+<td valign="top">5.6 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.4 </td>
+<td valign="top">78.6</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">9 </td>
+<td valign="top">162 </td>
+<td valign="top">18.8 </td>
+<td valign="top">15.2 </td>
+<td valign="top">80.9 </td>
+<td valign="top">78.9 </td>
+<td valign="top">5.3 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.0 </td>
+<td valign="top">75.5</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">10 </td>
+<td valign="top">163 </td>
+<td valign="top">17.4 </td>
+<td valign="top">15.1 </td>
+<td valign="top">86.8 </td>
+<td valign="top">84.8 </td>
+<td valign="top">5.5 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.6 </td>
+<td valign="top">83.6</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">11 </td>
+<td valign="top">155 </td>
+<td valign="top">18.0 </td>
+<td valign="top">14.0 </td>
+<td valign="top">77.8 </td>
+<td valign="top">75.8 </td>
+<td valign="top">5.3 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.4 </td>
+<td valign="top">83.0</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">12 </td>
+<td valign="top">157 </td>
+<td valign="top">17.4 </td>
+<td valign="top">14.6 </td>
+<td valign="top">83.9 </td>
+<td valign="top">81.9 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.6 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.0 </td>
+<td valign="top">87.0</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">13 </td>
+<td valign="top">158 </td>
+<td valign="top">19.7 </td>
+<td valign="top">14.8 </td>
+<td valign="top">75.1 </td>
+<td valign="top">73.1 </td>
+<td valign="top">5.3 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.3 </td>
+<td valign="top">81.1</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">14 </td>
+<td valign="top">160 </td>
+<td valign="top">17.9 </td>
+<td valign="top">14.4 </td>
+<td valign="top">80.4 </td>
+<td valign="top">78.4 </td>
+<td valign="top">5.1 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.3 </td>
+<td valign="top">84.3</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">15 </td>
+<td valign="top">153 </td>
+<td valign="top">17.7 </td>
+<td valign="top">14.7 </td>
+<td valign="top">83.1 </td>
+<td valign="top">81.1 </td>
+<td valign="top">5.2 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.1 </td>
+<td valign="top">78.8</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">16 </td>
+<td valign="top">156 </td>
+<td valign="top">18.5 </td>
+<td valign="top">14.8 </td>
+<td valign="top">80.0 </td>
+<td valign="top">78.0 </td>
+<td valign="top">5.5 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.5 </td>
+<td valign="top">81.8</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">17 </td>
+<td valign="top">152 </td>
+<td valign="top">17.7 </td>
+<td valign="top">14.9 </td>
+<td valign="top">84.2 </td>
+<td valign="top">82.2 </td>
+<td valign="top">5.6 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.0 </td>
+<td valign="top">71.4</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">18 </td>
+<td valign="top">154 </td>
+<td valign="top">18.6 </td>
+<td valign="top">14.9 </td>
+<td valign="top">80.1 </td>
+<td valign="top">78.1 </td>
+<td valign="top">5.2 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.5 </td>
+<td valign="top">86.5</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">19 </td>
+<td valign="top">150 </td>
+<td valign="top">17.8 </td>
+<td valign="top">15.2 </td>
+<td valign="top">85.4 </td>
+<td valign="top">83.4 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.9 </td>
+<td valign="top">3.9 </td>
+<td valign="top">79.6</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">20 </td>
+<td valign="top">147 </td>
+<td valign="top">18.8 </td>
+<td valign="top">14.5 </td>
+<td valign="top">77.1 </td>
+<td valign="top">75.1 </td>
+<td valign="top">4.6 </td>
+<td valign="top">3.8 </td>
+<td valign="top">82.6</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>Analysing these figures, we get the following results:&#8212;
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"></td>
+<td valign="top">Highest number.</td>
+<td valign="top">Lowest number.</td>
+<td valign="top">Average.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Stature<a id="d0e1758src" href="#d0e1758" class="noteref">1</a></td>
+<td valign="top">163 cm.(64.2 ins.)</td>
+<td valign="top">147 cm.(57.9 ins.)</td>
+<td valign="top">155.1 cm.(61.1 ins.)</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Head length </td>
+<td valign="top">19.7 cm. </td>
+<td valign="top">17.4 cm. </td>
+<td valign="top">18.5 cm.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Head breadth </td>
+<td valign="top">15.4 cm. </td>
+<td valign="top">14.0 cm. </td>
+<td valign="top">14.8 cm.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Cephalic index </td>
+<td valign="top">86.8 </td>
+<td valign="top">74.7 </td>
+<td valign="top">80.0</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Cranial index </td>
+<td valign="top">84.8 </td>
+<td valign="top">72.7 </td>
+<td valign="top">78.0</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Nose length </td>
+<td valign="top">5.6 cm. </td>
+<td valign="top">4.3 cm. </td>
+<td valign="top">5.1 cm.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Nose breadth </td>
+<td valign="top">4.8 cm. </td>
+<td valign="top">3.8 cm. </td>
+<td valign="top">4.3 cm.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Nasal index </td>
+<td valign="top">100.0 </td>
+<td valign="top">71.4 </td>
+<td valign="top">84.3<a id="d0e1836src" href="#d0e1836" class="noteref">2</a></td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Number of cranial indices under 75 </td>
+<td valign="top">= 4 (20 per cent.).</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Number of cranial indices between 75 and 80 </td>
+<td valign="top">= 10 (50 per cent.).</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Number of cranial indices over 80 </td>
+<td valign="top">= 6 (30 per cent.).</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+<a id="d0e1856"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1856">19</a>]</span></p>
+<p>There are a few points in connection with these figures to which I would draw attention. The very short man (No. 20&#8212;height,
+147 cm.) has a cranial index of 75.1, on the border line between dolichocephaly and mesaticephaly. He has also a short nose
+(4.6 cm.), and is one of the two with the narrowest noses (3.8 c.m.). The very tall man (No. 8&#8212;height, 163 cm.) has a long
+head (19.4 cm.), and the lowest dolichocephalic cranial index of 72.7, and is one of two with the longest noses (5.6 cm.).
+The other very tall man (No. 10&#8212;height, 163 cm.) has one of the two shortest heads (17.4 cm.), and the highest brachycephalic
+cranial index of 84.8, and has a long nose (5.5 cm.) The man (No. 2) whose nasal index is 100 has the mesaticephalic cranial
+index of 78.3 (almost the average index). The other man (No. 4) whose nasal index is 100 has a head of exactly the average
+length (18.5 cm.) and the greatest breadth (15.4 cm.), and the brachycephalic cranial index of 81.2. The man (No. 17) with
+the lowest nasal index of 71.4 has a very short head (17.7 cm.), and the brachycephalic cranial index of 82.2.
+
+</p>
+<p>The following tables, however, illustrate the fact that the measurements of these twenty men do not appear to indicate, as
+regards them, any marked <a id="d0e1861"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1861">20</a>]</span>connection between stature, cranial index, and nasal index.
+
+</p>
+<p>Order in stature (beginning with the shortest):
+
+</p>
+<p>20&#8212;1&#8212;19&#8212;6&#8212;7&#8212;17&#8212;5&#8212;15&#8212;18&#8212;2&#8212;3&#8212;11&#8212;16&#8212;4&#8212;12&#8212;13&#8212;14&#8212;9&#8212;8&#8212;10.
+
+</p>
+<p>Order in progress upwards of cranial indices:
+
+</p>
+<p>8&#8212;13&#8212;3&#8212;6&#8211;20&#8212;5&#8212;ll&#8212;7&#8212;1&#8212;16&#8212;18&#8212;2&#8212;14&#8212;9&#8212;15&#8212;4&#8212;12&#8212;17&#8212;19&#8212;10.
+
+</p>
+<p>Order in progress upwards of nasal indices:
+
+</p>
+<p>17&#8212;9&#8212;6&#8212;8&#8212;15&#8212;19&#8212;3&#8212;13&#8212;7&#8212;16&#8212;20&#8212;11&#8212;10&#8212;14&#8212;18&#8212;12&#8212;1&#8212;5&#8212;2&#8212;4.
+
+</p>
+<p>I brought home three Mafulu skulls, which Dr. Keith kindly had measured at the Royal College of Surgeons, with the following
+results<a id="d0e1877src" href="#d0e1877" class="noteref">3</a>:&#8212;
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Skull</td>
+<td valign="top">Length in cm.</td>
+<td valign="top">Breadth in cm.</td>
+<td valign="top">Height in cm.</td>
+<td valign="top">Cranial Index.</td>
+<td valign="top">Proportion of height to length.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">A    </td>
+<td valign="top">17.6  </td>
+<td valign="top">14.0  </td>
+<td valign="top">12.2  </td>
+<td valign="top">79.5  </td>
+<td valign="top">69.3</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">B    </td>
+<td valign="top">18.2  </td>
+<td valign="top">14.1  </td>
+<td valign="top">13.2  </td>
+<td valign="top">77.5  </td>
+<td valign="top">72.5</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">C    </td>
+<td valign="top">17.3  </td>
+<td valign="top">12.7  </td>
+<td valign="top">12.5  </td>
+<td valign="top">73.4  </td>
+<td valign="top">72.3</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>It will be observed that the lowest of these three cranial indices is a trifle higher than the lowest of those of the head
+measurements, that the highest of them is much lower than the highest of those of the head measurements, and that their average
+(76.8) is a little below the average of those of the head measurements.
+
+</p>
+<p>Dr. Keith had further measurements made of these <a id="d0e1938"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1938">21</a>]</span>skulls from the point of view of prognathism and characters of noses and orbits, with the following results:
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Skull.</td>
+<td valign="top">Basi-nasal length.</td>
+<td valign="top">Basi-alveolar length.</td>
+<td valign="top">Height of nose.</td>
+<td valign="top">Width of nose.</td>
+<td valign="top">Height of orbit.</td>
+<td valign="top">Width of orbit.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"> </td>
+<td valign="top">mm.   </td>
+<td valign="top">mm.   </td>
+<td valign="top">mm.   </td>
+<td valign="top">mm.   </td>
+<td valign="top">mm.   </td>
+<td valign="top">mm.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">A    </td>
+<td valign="top">98    </td>
+<td valign="top">102   </td>
+<td valign="top">48    </td>
+<td valign="top">26    </td>
+<td valign="top">40    </td>
+<td valign="top">35</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">B    </td>
+<td valign="top">99    </td>
+<td valign="top">96    </td>
+<td valign="top">49    </td>
+<td valign="top">25    </td>
+<td valign="top">42    </td>
+<td valign="top">35</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">C    </td>
+<td valign="top">97    </td>
+<td valign="top">102   </td>
+<td valign="top">47    </td>
+<td valign="top">26    </td>
+<td valign="top">38    </td>
+<td valign="top">35</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>Dr. Keith, referring to these skulls, says that they disclose relatively small brains, the cranial capacity of A being 1,230
+c.c., that of B being 1,330 c.c., and that of C being 1,130 c.c. He compares these figures with the average cranial capacity
+of the male European, which he puts at 1,500 c.c.
+
+</p>
+<p>The eyes of the Mafulu people are dark brown and very bright. I never saw among them those oblique eyes, almost recalling
+the Mongolian, which, according to Dr. Seligmann, are found, though rarely only, on the coast,<a id="d0e2021src" href="#d0e2021" class="noteref">4</a> and of which I saw many instances among the Kuni people.
+
+</p>
+<p>Their lips are usually not so thick as are those of the Mekeo and Roro people, and are generally finer and more delicate in
+shape.
+
+</p>
+<p>In view of their Papuan language I kept a sharp look out for the curious backward sloping foreheads and projecting brow ridges
+and Jewish-looking noses which are so often found among the Western Papuans; but, although I saw a few examples of these,
+they were rare, and I did not observe any <a id="d0e2030"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2030">22</a>]</span>noticeable tendency in these directions in the faces of the people generally.<a id="d0e2032src" href="#d0e2032" class="noteref">5</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>A curious characteristic with them is the big toe, which is usually much developed, and projects outwards at a larger angle
+than is the case with the Roro and Mekeo people, and is much used for holding on to roots, &amp;c., whilst travelling along their
+rough mountain paths.
+
+</p>
+<p>Their general colour is a dark sooty brown, a trifle darker, perhaps, than that of the Kuni people, and contrasting forcibly
+with the varying shades of chocolate which you find among the Roro and Mekeo people. They are smooth-skinned.
+
+</p>
+<p>Their hair is frizzly, and generally dark brown, often quite dark, almost even approaching to black, and sometimes perhaps
+quite black. But it is frequently lighter; and indeed I was often, when observing men&#8217;s hair lit up by sunshine, impressed
+by the fact that its brown colour was not even what we should in Europe call dark.<a id="d0e2044src" href="#d0e2044" class="noteref">6</a> I often saw marked variations in the depth of hair colour on the head of the same individual. I saw no examples of the comparatively
+straight or curly type of hair which is found in the Pokau district and elsewhere.<a id="d0e2050src" href="#d0e2050" class="noteref">7</a>
+<a id="d0e2061"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2061">23</a>]</span></p>
+<p>Plate <a href="#d0e17043">3</a> gives front and side views of the mesaticephalic (almost brachycephalic) skull A and Plate <a href="#d0e17048">4</a> gives similar views of the dolichocephalic skull C. All the photographs were made as nearly as possible exactly half the
+sizes of the originals; but the photographer has made the front view of skull A about an eighth of an inch too narrow (with,
+of course, a corresponding deficiency in height), so that the tendency to roundness of this skull is not quite sufficiently
+shown, and the proportion of its height to its length is reduced, in the plate. I am not a craniologist, and so I do not attempt
+to discuss the more detailed points of interest which arise in connection with these skulls.
+
+</p>
+<p>A good idea of the somewhat varying characters of the general physiques and features of the people will be obtained from my
+plates; but there are a few of these plates which I may mention here.
+
+</p>
+<p>The people shown in Plates <a href="#d0e17053">5</a>, <a href="#d0e17058">6</a>, <a href="#d0e17063">7</a>, <a href="#d0e17068">8</a>, <a href="#d0e17073">9</a> and <a href="#d0e17122">16</a> may, I think, be regarded as fairly typical, and I would draw attention to the somewhat Melanesian tendency of feature which
+is disclosed by the faces of the man in Plate <a href="#d0e17058">6</a>, the young man in the middle in Plate <a href="#d0e17063">7</a> and the fourth and sixth men from the left in Plate <a href="#d0e17073">9</a>; also to the great diversity shown in Plate <a href="#d0e17073">9</a>. The man shown in Plate <a href="#d0e17078">10</a>, with his thick and strong muscular <a id="d0e2107"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2107">24</a>]</span>development, is of a type which is occasionally seen, but which is, I believe, unusual. The two men figured in Plates <a href="#d0e17083">11</a> and <a href="#d0e17088">12</a> are, I think, specially interesting. The one to the right, with his somewhat backward sloping forehead, and slightly arched
+nose, shows a distinct tendency towards the type of the Western Papuan, to which I have already referred. The other one is
+in general shape of head and appearance of features not unlike some of the dwarf people found by the recent expedition into
+Dutch New Guinea (see the man to the left in Plate <a href="#d0e17048">4</a> of the page of illustrations in <i>The Illustrated London News</i> for September 2, 1911), and indeed there is almost an Australian tendency in his face. It is noticeable that he has a beard
+and moustache, which is quite unusual among the Mafulu. A somewhat similar type of face may be noticed in one or two of the
+other plates.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Character and Temperament.</h3>
+<p>It is difficult to speak with any degree of definiteness on this question. It must be borne in mind that the Mafulu people
+have been very little in touch with white people, the missionaries, who have only been there since 1905, and on rare occasions
+a Government official or scientific traveller, being almost the only white men whom the bulk of them have ever seen; and they
+have been but slightly affected by the outside influences which for some years past have been constantly brought to bear upon
+the natives of the adjoining coast line and the people of the Mekeo plains; so that comparisons of these people with their
+more up-to-date <a id="d0e2126"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2126">25</a>]</span>neighbours as regards their relative natural characters may well be in some respects misleading.
+
+</p>
+<p>Subject, however, to this caution I would say that they are lazy and easy-going (though not so much so as the Roro and Mekeo
+people), lively, excitable, cheerful, merry, fairly intelligent (this being judged rather from the young people), very superstitious,
+brave, with much power of enduring pain, cruel, not more revengeful perhaps than is usual among uncivilised natives, friendly
+one with another, not quarrelsome, but untrustworthy and not over-faithful even in their dealings with one another, though
+honest as regards boundaries and property rights and in the sense of not stealing from one another within their own communities
+(this being regarded as a most shameful offence), and of very loose sexual morality.
+
+</p>
+<p>A difference between them and the Mekeo and Roro natives is that they appear to be not so conservative as the latter, being
+more ready to abandon old traditions and adopt new ideas; though this characteristic is one which shows itself in the young
+people rather than in the elders with their formed habits.
+
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e2132"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2132">26</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1758" href="#d0e1758src" class="noteref">1</a></span> Dr. Strong&#8217;s measurements of seven Mafulu men referred to by Dr. Seligmann (<i>Journal of Royal Anthropological Institute</i>, Vol. 39, <a id="d0e1763"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e1763">18n</a>]</span>p. 329) showed an average stature of 59&frac12; inches, and an average cephalic index of 80.0. It will be noticed that my figures
+show a somewhat higher average stature, but that my average cephalic index is the same. Dr. Seligmann here speaks of the Mafulu
+as being almost as short as the men of Inavaurene, and even more round-headed.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1836" href="#d0e1836src" class="noteref">2</a></span> This is the index calculated on average lengths and breadths. The average of the indices is 83.8, the difference arising from
+the omission in working out of each index of second points of decimals.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e1877" href="#d0e1877src" class="noteref">3</a></span> Dr. Keith thinks they are all skulls of males. They are now in College Museum, and are numbered 1186.32, 1186.33 and 1186.34
+in the College Catalogue.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2021" href="#d0e2021src" class="noteref">4</a></span> <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p.16.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2032" href="#d0e2032src" class="noteref">5</a></span> Dr. Haddon refers (<i>Geographical Journal</i>, Vol. 16, p.291) to the finding by the Mission Fathers of &#8220;another type of native, evidently an example of the convex-nosed
+Papuan,&#8221; in the upper waters of the Alabula river. I gather from the habitat of these natives that they must have been either
+Ambo or Oru Lopiku. I should be surprised to hear the Semitic nose was common in either of those areas.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2044" href="#d0e2044src" class="noteref">6</a></span> Dr. Seligmann, in speaking of the Koiari people, refers to an occasional reddish or gingery tinge of facial hair (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea,</i>, p. 29). I never noticed this among the Mafulu.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2050" href="#d0e2050src" class="noteref">7</a></span> Since writing the above, I have learnt that some of the dwarf people <a id="d0e2052"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2052">23n</a>]</span>found by the expedition into Dutch New Guinea organised by the British Ornithologists&#8217; Union had brown hair. Mr. Goodfellow
+tells me that &#8220;the hair of some of the pygmies was decidedly <i>dark</i> brown&#8221;; and Dr. Wollaston gives me the following extract from his diary for March 1, 1911, relating to twenty-four pygmies
+then under observation:&#8212;&#8220;Hair of three men distinctly <i>not</i> black, a sort of dirty rusty brown or rusty black colour&#8212;all others black-haired.&#8221;
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e2133"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Dress and Ornament</h2>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Dress.</h3>
+<p>The perineal band, made of bark cloth, is the one article of dress which is universally worn by both men and women.
+
+</p>
+<p>These bands are made by both men and women, but are coloured by men only. They are commonly unstained and undecorated; but
+some of them, and especially those worn for visiting and at dances, are more or less decorated. Some that I have noticed are
+stained in one colour covering the whole garment; others in two colours arranged in alternate transverse bands, sometimes
+with narrow spaces of unstained cloth between; and again others have bands of one colour alternating with bands of unstained
+cloth. Some are decorated with lines or groups of lines of one colour, or alternating lines or groups of lines of two colours,
+painted transversely across the cloth. Others, while simply stained in one colour or stained or decorated in one of the ways
+above described, have another simple terminal design near the end of the garment.
+
+</p>
+<p>The men&#8217;s bands are usually small and narrow, as <a id="d0e2145"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2145">27</a>]</span>compared with those worn by the Roro and Mekeo people; and the women&#8217;s bands seemed to me to be generally even narrower than
+those of the men, particularly in front. Men&#8217;s bands, which I have measured, were about 6 inches wide at one end, narrowing
+down to about 3 inches at the other; and the widths of women&#8217;s bands were 4 or 5 inches or less at one end, narrowing down
+to about 2 inches at the other. But the bands of both men and women, especially those of the latter, often become so crumpled
+up and creased with wear that the portion passing between the legs dwindles down to about an inch or less in width. One is
+tempted to think, as regards both men and women, that, from the point of view of covering, the bands might be dispensed with
+altogether. This remark applies still more strongly to the case of young boys and unmarried girls, including among the latter
+big full-grown girls, who are in fact fully developed women, whose bands can hardly be regarded as being more than nominal,
+and who, especially the girls and young women, and even sometimes married women who are nursing their babies, can really only
+be described as being practically naked.
+
+</p>
+<p>Plate <a href="#d0e17093">13</a> (Figs, 1, 2, and 3) illustrates the staining and decoration of perineal bands.<a id="d0e2152src" href="#d0e2152" class="noteref">1</a> Fig. 1 is a section <a id="d0e2155"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2155">28</a>]</span>of a man&#8217;s band about 6 inches wide. The transverse lines, which extend along the whole length of the band, are in alternate
+groups of black and red. The background is unevenly stained yellow behind the black lines; but the background behind the red
+lines and the spaces intervening between the groups of lines are unstained. Fig. 2 is the pattern near the end of a woman&#8217;s
+band about 5 inches wide. The lines are coloured red. There is no pattern on the rest of the band; but the whole of the band,
+including the background of the pattern, is stained yellow. Fig. 3 is a section of a woman&#8217;s band about 2&frac12; inches wide. The
+colouring is in alternate bands of red and yellow with irregular unstained spaces between.
+
+</p>
+<p>I was struck with the gradual reduction of the women&#8217;s dress as I travelled from the coast, with its Roro inhabitants, through
+Mekeo, and thence by Lapeka and Ido-ido to Dilava, and on by Deva-deva to Mafulu. The petticoats of the Roro women gave way
+to the shorter ones of Mekeo, and these seemed to get shorter as I went further inland. Then at Lapeka they were still shorter.
+At Ido-ido, which is Kuni, the petticoats ceased, and there was only the perineal band. Then, again, at Dilava (still Kuni)
+this band was narrower, and at Deva-deva, and finally at Mafulu, it was often, as I have said, almost nominal.
+
+</p>
+<p>I was told that the age at which a boy usually begins to wear his band is about 10 or 12, or in the case of a chief&#8217;s son
+16 or 17; but that girls assume their bands at a somewhat earlier age, say at 7 or 8. <a id="d0e2161"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2161">29</a>]</span>So far as my personal observation went I should have thought that the usual maximum age of nakedness for both boys and girls
+was rather younger, and I never saw a naked boy of an age anything like 16.
+
+</p>
+<p>The assumption of the perineal band is the subject of a ceremony which will be dealt with hereafter.
+
+</p>
+<p>Caps are very often worn by men, but not by women or children. These are simply pieces of plain unstained bark cloth about
+9 inches wide, which are coiled and twisted on the head. The result is often a shapeless mass; but there are methods of arranging
+the cloth in definite ways which produce describable results. Sometimes the cloth is merely coiled several times around the
+head, so as to produce a tall thin turban-shaped band, the crown of the head being left uncovered. Often this plan is extended
+by turning the end of the cloth over, so as to cover the top of the head, thus producing in some cases a result which resembles
+a fez, and in other cases one which looks more like a tight skullcap. Again the cap often has its centre terminating in an
+end or tassel hanging over, thus making it look like a cap of liberty; and yet again I have seen the cap look almost like
+the square paper caps often worn by certain artisans at home. These caps are seen in several of the plates.
+
+</p>
+<p>Abdominal belts are commonly worn by both men and women, but not as a rule by children. There are several distinct forms of
+these:&#8212;
+
+</p>
+<p>(1) A thick strong dark-coloured belt (Plate <a href="#d0e17104">14</a>, Fig. I) made of tree bark; made and worn by men only. The belt is about 3 or more inches wide and is often so <a id="d0e2174"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2174">30</a>]</span>long that it passes twice round the body, the outer end being fastened to the coil beneath it by two strings. This form of
+belt is sometimes ornamented with simple straight-lined geometric patterns carved into the belt, but it is never coloured.
+The process of manufacture is as follows: they cut off a strip of bark large enough for one, two, three, or four belts, and
+coil it up in concentric circles, like the two circles of the belt when worn. They then place it so coiled into water, and
+leave it there to soak for a few days, after which they strip off the outer part, leaving the smooth inner bark, which they
+dry, and finally cut into the required lengths, to which they add the attachment strings made of native fibre.
+
+</p>
+<p>(2) A belt made of a material looking like split cane and thin strips from the fibre of what I was told was a creeping plant<a id="d0e2178src" href="#d0e2178" class="noteref">2</a>; made and worn by men only. The latter material is obtained by splitting the fibre into thin strips. These strips and the
+strips of split cane-like material are rather coarse in texture. The former are of a dull red-brown colour (natural, not produced
+by staining) and the latter are stone-yellow. The two are plaited together in geometric patterns. The width of the belt is
+about 2 inches. It only passes <a id="d0e2181"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2181">31</a>]</span>once round the man&#8217;s body; and the plaiting is finished with the belt on the body, so that it can only afterwards be removed
+by unplaiting or cutting it off.
+
+</p>
+<p>(3) A belt (Plate <a href="#d0e17104">14</a>, Fig. 2) made of stone-yellow unsplit cane; made and worn by both men and women. This is the simplest form of belt, being
+merely a strip of cane intertwined (not plaited) so as to form a band about half an inch wide, and left the natural colour
+of the cane. Both men and women, when short of food, use this belt to reduce the pain of hunger, by tightening it over the
+stomach. It is, therefore, much worn during a period of restricted diet prior to a feast. Women also use it, along with their
+other ordinary means, to bring about abortion, the belt being for this purpose drawn very tightly round the body. Often two,
+or even three, such belts are worn together.
+
+</p>
+<p>(4) A belt (Plate <a href="#d0e17104">14</a>, Fig. 3) made of coarse, sometimes very coarse, stone-yellow split cane or cane-like material; made and worn by men only.
+This belt is left the natural colour of the material, which is plaited so as to form a band from half an inch to 2 inches
+broad, the two ends of which are bound together with cane. It also, like No. 2, is finished on the body. A man will often
+wear two or three of these belts together.
+
+</p>
+<p>(5) A belt (Plate <a href="#d0e17113">15</a>, Fig. i) made out of the inner fibre of a creeping plant<a id="d0e2198src" href="#d0e2198" class="noteref">3</a>; made and worn by men <a id="d0e2201"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2201">32</a>]</span>only. The fibre threads used for this belt are very fine, so the plaiting is minute, instead of being coarse like that of
+No. 2; but it is generally done rather loosely and openly. The belt is usually about 2 inches wide or a trifle less and is
+often plaited in slightly varying geometric patterns. It is not stained in manufacture, but the natural stone-grey colour
+of the fibre soon becomes tinted as the result of wear and the staining of the wearer&#8217;s body, and in particular it often becomes
+an ornamental red. This belt also is finished on the man&#8217;s body.
+
+</p>
+<p>(6) A belt (Plate <a href="#d0e17113">15</a>, Fig. 2) made of the inner fibre of what I was told was another creeping plant<a id="d0e2208src" href="#d0e2208" class="noteref">4</a> and the stem of a plant which I believe to be one of the Dendrobiums<a id="d0e2211src" href="#d0e2211" class="noteref">5</a>; made and worn by men only. The fibres of the former plant are stained black; the reedy stems of the other plant are put
+in short bamboo stems filled with water, and then boiled. They are then easily split up into flattish straws, and become a
+colour varying from rather bright yellow to brown. For making the belt these two materials, looking rather like black and
+bright yellow straw, are plaited together in various geometrical patterns. The width of the belt is 2 inches, or a trifle
+more. It is tied at the ends with fibre string.
+
+</p>
+<p>(7) A rather special form of belt (Plate <a href="#d0e17113">15</a>, Fig. 3) <a id="d0e2219"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2219">33</a>]</span>used mainly for visiting and dancing; made and worn by both men and women. The belt is made out of a hank of loose separate
+strands between 4 and 5 feet long, tied together with string or bark cloth at two opposite points, so as to form a belt of
+between 2 feet and 2 feet 6 inches in length. For better description I would liken it to a skein of wool, as it looks when
+held on the hands of one person for the purpose of being wound off into a ball by someone else, but which, instead of being
+wound off, is tied up at the two points where it passes round the hands of the holder, and is then pulled out into a straight
+line of double the original number of strands, and so forms a single many-stranded belt of 2 feet or more in length. It is
+fastened round the waist with a piece of bark cloth attached to one of the points where the hank has been tied up.<a id="d0e2221src" href="#d0e2221" class="noteref">6</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>The number of strands is considerable. Belts examined by me and counted gave numbers varying from eighteen to thirty-five,
+and the number of strands of the belt round the body would be double that. Each strand is made of three parts plaited together,
+and is one-eighth of an inch or less in width. Various materials, including all the materials used for armlets (see below),
+are employed for making these belts, <a id="d0e2226"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2226">34</a>]</span>some for one and some for another. Sometimes a belt has its strands all plaited out of one material only, in which case the
+belt will be all of one colour. Sometimes its strands are plaited out of two different coloured materials. There is no colouring
+of the belt, except that of its strands.
+
+</p>
+<p>Belt No. 1, as worn, is seen in Plates <a href="#d0e17073">9</a> and <a href="#d0e17083">11</a>. Belt No. 3 is worn by the man at the extreme right in Plate <a href="#d0e17122">16</a>. It is worn by many of the women figured in the plates, and several of them have two belts. One of the women figured in Plates
+<a href="#d0e17132">18</a> and <a href="#d0e17137">19</a> has three of them. Belt No. 4 is worn by one of the men figured in Plates <a href="#d0e17063">7</a> and <a href="#d0e17068">8</a> (he has three of them). Belt No. 7 is worn by one or two of the women figured in the frontispiece, the one to the extreme
+right having a many-stranded belt, and it is excellently illustrated in Plate <a href="#d0e17127">17</a>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Capes made of bark cloth are made and worn by men and women. They are only put on after recovery from an illness by which
+the wearer has been laid up, including childbirth. The cape is simply a plain long narrow piece of undyed bark cloth. The
+corners of one end are fastened together, and the whole of that end is bunched up into a sort of hood, which is placed over
+the head, whilst the rest of the cloth hangs down as a narrow strip behind. The cape in no way covers or conceals any part
+of the body when viewed from the front or side. It is only worn for a few days; but whilst wearing it the wearer discards
+all, or nearly all, his or her ornaments. I could learn no reason for the custom. Plates <a href="#d0e17132">18</a> and <a href="#d0e17137">19</a> <a id="d0e2262"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2262">35</a>]</span>show these capes, and the way in which they are worn.
+
+</p>
+<p>Mourning strings (Plate <a href="#d0e17208">30</a>, Fig. 1) are made and worn by both men and women. These are plain undecorated necklaces varying much in size and appearance;
+sometimes they are made of undyed twisted bark cloth, and vary in thickness from one-sixteenth of an inch to an inch; sometimes
+they are only made of string, and are quite thin. There is always an end or tassel to the necklace, made out of the extremities
+of the neck part, and hanging in front over the chest; and, if the necklace is of string, and not of bark cloth, some bark
+cloth is twisted round this tassel. This sign of grief is after a death worn by the widow or widower or other nearest relative
+(male or female) of the deceased; and at times two people of equal degree of relationship will both wear it. It is worn until
+the formal ending of the mourning. The woman to the extreme right in Plate <a href="#d0e17184">26</a> is wearing one of these.
+
+</p>
+<p>Widows&#8217; vests. These are mourning garments, only worn by the widows of chiefs. The garment, which is made by women, is a vest
+made of string network (like a string bag), the mesh of which is the special Mafulu mesh, which will be described hereafter,
+and it is not coloured. It is plainly and simply made, with openings at the top for the neck, and at the sides for the arms
+(no sleeves), and coming down to about the waist, without any other opening either in front or at the back. This garment is
+also worn until the formal end of the period of <a id="d0e2274"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2274">36</a>]</span>mourning.<a id="d0e2276src" href="#d0e2276" class="noteref">7</a> I was unable to secure a picture of one of these.
+
+</p>
+<p>There is no special dress for chiefs to distinguish them from other people.
+
+</p>
+<p>European calico clothing has not been adopted by these people, even in the district where they are in touch with the missionaries.
+Indeed I may say that the people, happily for their own health, show no inclination to wear more clothing; and no doubt as
+a result of their conservatism in this respect they escape many a fatal cold and attack of pneumonia, and the spread of infectious
+skin diseases is somewhat reduced. I may also add that the Bishop and Fathers of the Mission do not attempt, or seem to desire,
+to urge the people who come under their influence to endanger their health and their lives for the sake of conforming to views
+as to clothing which have played such havoc with tropical natives in many parts of the globe.<a id="d0e2289src" href="#d0e2289" class="noteref">8</a>
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Physical Body Decoration, &amp;c.</h3>
+<p>Tattooing and body-scarring are not practised by either men or women among the Mafulu.
+
+</p>
+<p>Depilation. When a young man&#8217;s beard begins to grow, the hairs of the beard and moustache and eye-brows <a id="d0e2302"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2302">37</a>]</span>are extracted. No other depilation is practised by men, and none whatever by women; and none of them shave any part of the
+body. The depilation is effected with two fibre threads twisted round each other, the hair to be extracted being inserted
+between the threads. Anyone can do this, and there is no ceremony connected with it.
+
+</p>
+<p>Nose-piercing. The septa of the noses of both men and women are pierced at or after the age of 15 or 18, and either before
+or after marriage. This is done for men by men, and for women by women. There is no special person whose duty it is to do
+it, but he or she must be one who knows the incantations which are required. There is no restriction as to diet or otherwise
+placed upon the operator prior to the operation, but there is a day&#8217;s food restriction imposed upon the person whose nose
+is to be pierced.
+
+</p>
+<p>Two instruments are used for the operation, one being a piercing instrument made of pig bone and sharpened, and the other
+being a small wooden plug, also sharpened. The operator first visibly, but silently, engages in two incantations, during the
+former of which he holds up the thumb and first finger of his right hand, and during the latter of which he holds up the two
+instruments. He then with the thumb and first finger of his right hand holds the septum of the nose of the person to be operated
+upon, whom I will call the &#8220;patient,&#8221; and with the left hand pierces the septum with the bone instrument. He next inserts
+the wooden plug into the hole, so as to make it larger, and leaves the plug there. Then <a id="d0e2308"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2308">38</a>]</span>he takes a blade of grass, which he also inserts through the hole, by the side of the plug, and, holding the grass by the
+two ends, he makes it rotate round and round the plug. This is a painful process, which frequently causes tears and cries
+from the patient. He then probably goes through the same process with various other patients, as it is the custom to operate
+on several persons at the same time.
+
+</p>
+<p>The patients are then all lodged in houses built for the purpose, one house being for men and one for women. These are not
+houses which are kept permanently standing, but are specially built on each occasion on which the nose-boring operation is
+going to be performed. A great swelling of the patients&#8217; noses develops, and this spreads more or less over their faces. The
+patients are confined in the special houses until the holes in their noses are large enough and the wounds are healed. During
+this confinement each patient has himself to do what is requisite to further enlarge the hole by the insertion into it from
+time to time of pieces of wood and by putting in rolled up leaves and pushing pieces of wood inside these leaves. During all
+this period he is not allowed to come out of the house, at all events not so as to be seen, and his diet is confined to sweet
+potato, cooked in a certain way. The cooking for all the patients, men and women, is done by the woman nose-piercing operator,
+assisted by other women. The potatoes are wrapped up in leaves (usually banana), each potato being generally wrapped up separately
+in one or more leaves; and, when so wrapped up, they are <a id="d0e2312"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2312">39</a>]</span>cooked in red-hot ashes, and then taken to the houses where the patients are.
+
+</p>
+<p>When the hole in any patient&#8217;s nose has reached the requisite size, and the wound is healed, he inserts a large croton leaf<a id="d0e2316src" href="#d0e2316" class="noteref">9</a> into the hole; he may then come out and return to his own house, retaining the croton leaf in his nose. He must next occupy
+himself in searching for a black non-poisonous snake about 12 or 18 inches long, which is commonly found in the grass. I cannot
+say what snake this is, but I am advised that it is probably <i>Tropidonotus mairii</i>. Its native name is <i>fal&#8217; ul&#8217; obe</i>, which means &#8220;germ of the ground.&#8221; Until he finds this snake he must keep the croton leaf in his nose, and is still under
+the same restriction as to food, which is cooked in the same way and by the same persons as before. On finding the snake,
+he secures it alive, removes the croton leaf from the hole in his nose, and inserts into it the tail end of the living snake;
+then, holding the head of the snake in one of his hands, and the tail in the other, he draws the snake slowly through the
+hole, until its head is close to the hole. He then lets the head drop from his hand, and with a quick movement of the other
+hand draws it through the nose, and throws the snake, still living, away.<a id="d0e2325src" href="#d0e2325" class="noteref">10</a> This <a id="d0e2330"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2330">40</a>]</span>completes the nose-piercing; but there still rests upon the patient the duty of going to the river, and there catching an
+eel, which he gives to the people who have been feeding him during his illness.
+
+</p>
+<p>The nose-piercing is generally done at one of the big feasts; and, as these are rare in any one village, you usually find
+in the villages many fully-grown people whose noses have not been pierced; though as to this I may say that nose-piercing
+is more generally indulged in by chiefs and important people and their families than by the village rank and file. It commonly
+happens, however, that a good many people have to be done when the occasion arises. Each person to be operated upon has to
+provide a domestic pig for the big feast. I have been unable to discover the origin and meaning of the nose-piercing ceremony.<a id="d0e2334src" href="#d0e2334" class="noteref">11</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>Ear-piercing is done to both men and women, generally when quite young, say at seven or twelve years of age. Both the lower
+and the upper lobes are pierced, sometimes only one or the other, and sometimes both; but the lower lobe is the one more commonly
+pierced. They can do it themselves, or can get someone else to do it. There is no ceremony. The <a id="d0e2345"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2345">41</a>]</span>piercing is done with the thorn of a tree, and the hole is afterwards gradually widened by the insertion of small pieces of
+wood. They never make large holes, or enlarge them greatly afterwards, as the holes are only used for the hanging of pendants,
+and not for the insertion of discs. After the piercing the patient must, until the wound is healed, abstain from all food
+except sweet potato; but there is no restriction as to the way in which this food is to be cooked, or the person who is to
+cook it. There is as regards ear-piercing no difference between the case of chiefs&#8217; children and those of other people.
+
+</p>
+<p>Body-staining is usual with both men and women, who do it for themselves, or get others to help them. There is no ceremony
+in connection with it. The colours generally adopted are red, greyish-yellow and black. The red stain is procured from an
+earth, which is obtained from the low countries; but they themselves also have an earth which is used, and produces a more
+bronzy red. The yellow stain is also got from an earth. All these coloured earths are worked into a paste with water, or with
+animal fat, if they can get it. I think they also get a red stain from the fruit of a species of Pandanus; but I am not quite
+clear as to this. The black stain is obtained from crushed vegetable ashes mixed with fat or water. The staining of the face
+is usually of a simple character. It may cover the whole face all in one colour or in different colours, and often one side
+of the face is stained one colour, and the other side another colour. They also make stripes and spots or <a id="d0e2349"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2349">42</a>]</span>either of them of any colour or colours on any part of the face. The red colour (I think especially that obtained from the
+Pandanus fruit) is also often applied in staining the whole body, this being especially done for dances and visiting; though
+a young dandy will often do it at other times. The black is the symbol of mourning, and will be referred to hereafter.
+
+</p>
+<p>Hairdressing may be conveniently dealt with here. The Mafulu hairdressing is quite simple and rough, very different from the
+big, spreading, elaborately prepared and carefully combed mops of Mekeo. This is a factor which a traveller in this part of
+New Guinea may well bear in mind in connection with his impedimenta, as he has no difficulty in getting the Kuni and Mafulu
+people to carry packages on their heads, which the Mekeo folk are unwilling to do.
+
+</p>
+<p>The modes in which the men dress their hair, so far as I was able to notice, may be roughly divided into the following categories:&#8212;(<i>a</i>) A simple crop of hair either cut quite close or allowed to grow fairly long, or anything between these two, but not dressed
+in any way, and probably uncombed, unkempt and untidy. This is the commonest form. (<i>b</i>) The same as (<i>a</i>), but with a band round the hair, separating the upper part of it from the lower, and giving the former a somewhat chignon-like
+appearance, (<i>c</i>) The hair done up all over the head in three-stranded plaits a few inches long, and about an eighth of an inch thick, having
+the appearance of short thick pieces of string, (<i>d</i>) The top of the head undressed, but the sides, and sometimes the back, of the head done up in plaits like (<i>c</i>). (<i>e</i>) A <a id="d0e2376"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2376">43</a>]</span>manufactured long shaped fringe of hair, human, but not the hair of the wearer (Plate <a href="#d0e17142">20</a>, Fig. 3), is often worn over the forehead, just under the wearer&#8217;s own hair, so as to form, as it were, a part of it, pieces
+of string being attached to the ends of the fringe and passed round the back of the head, where they are tied. These fringes
+are made by tying a series of little bunches of hair close to one another along the double string, which forms the base of
+the fringe. Specimens examined by me were about 12 inches long and 1&frac14; inches wide (this width being the length of the bunches
+of hair), and contained about twenty bunches. It is usual to have two or three of these strings of bunches of hair tied together
+at the ends, thus making one broad fringe. These fringes are often worn in connection with styles (<i>c</i>) and (<i>d</i>) of hairdressing; but I never noticed them in association with (<i>a</i>) and (<i>b</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>I was told that men who have become bald sometimes wear complete artificial wigs, though I never saw an example of this.
+
+</p>
+<p>The hairdressing of the women seemed to be similar to that of the men, except that I never saw the chignon-producing band,
+that they do not wear fringes, and that the entire or partial plaiting of the hair is more frequently adopted by them than
+it is by the men. I do not know whether the women ever indulge in entire wigs.
+
+</p>
+<p>Method (<i>a</i>) is seen in many of the plates. Method (<i>b</i>) is illustrated, though not very well, in Plate <a href="#d0e17073">9</a> (the fourth and fifth man from the left) and in Plate <a href="#d0e17151">21</a> (the young man to the left, behind). Method (<i>c</i>) is adopted <a id="d0e2414"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2414">44</a>]</span>by four of the women in the frontispiece, by some of the women in Plate <a href="#d0e17122">16</a>, by the woman in Plate <a href="#d0e17127">17</a>, and by the little girl in Plates <a href="#d0e17156">22</a> and <a href="#d0e17161">23</a>. Method (<i>d</i>) is well illustrated by the second woman from the right in the frontispiece.
+
+</p>
+<p>The cutting of the hair of both men and women is effected with sharp pieces of stone of the sort used for making adze blades,
+or with sharp pieces of bamboo or shell.
+
+</p>
+<p>Infant deformation is not practised in any form by the Mafulu people; nor do they circumcise their children.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Ornaments.</h3>
+<p>The string-like plaits in which men and women arrange their hair, and especially those of the women, are often decorated with
+ornaments. Small cowrie and other shells, or native or European beads, or both, are strung by women on to these plaits, sometimes
+in a line along all or the greater part of the length of the plait, sometimes as a pendant at the end of it, and sometimes
+in both ways; and any other small ornamental object may be added. Dogs&#8217; teeth are also used by both men and women in the same
+way; but these are, I think, more commonly strung in line along the plaits, rather than suspended at the ends of them. Both
+men and women wear suspended at the ends of these plaits wild betel-nut fruit, looking like elongated acorns; and men, but
+not women, wear in the same way small pieces of cane, an inch or two long, into which the ends of the plaits are inserted.
+<a id="d0e2440"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2440">45</a>]</span>All these forms of decoration may be found associated together. They are in the case of men usually confined to the plaits
+at the sides, being also often attached to the side ends of the artificial fringes; but they are sometimes used for the back
+of the head also. The women often wear them also at the top of the head, and in wearing them at the sides sometimes have them
+hanging in long strings reaching to the shoulders.
+
+</p>
+<p>Plate <a href="#d0e17166">24</a> (Figs. 1, 2, 5, and 6) and Plate <a href="#d0e17175">25</a> (Figs. 2 and 4) are ornamented plaits cut off the heads of women. The ornaments shown include beads, shells, discs made out
+of shells, dogs&#8217; teeth and betel-nut fruit. Plate <a href="#d0e17166">24</a> (Figs. 3 and 4) are ornamented plaits cut off the heads of men, one of them having a cane pendant, and the other a pendant
+of betel-nut.
+
+</p>
+<p>The appearance of these things, as worn, is seen in Plates <a href="#d0e17122">16</a>, <a href="#d0e17184">26</a>, <a href="#d0e17191">27</a>, <a href="#d0e17196">28</a> and <a href="#d0e17201">29</a> (the habit of wearing a single dog-tooth at each side of the head, as shown by <a href="#d0e17191">27</a>, being a common one, and <a href="#d0e17196">28</a> showing the equally common habit of wearing a couple of betel-nuts at each side). Their appearance, when worn in abundance
+for a festal dance, is excellently shown in the frontispiece and in Plate <a href="#d0e17127">17</a>; and the little girl in Plates <a href="#d0e17156">22</a> and <a href="#d0e17161">23</a>, though too young to be a dancer, is decorated for an occasion.
+
+</p>
+<p>Pigs&#8217; tails are a common head decoration for women, and are also worn, though not so frequently, by men. These tails are covered
+with the natural hair of the tail, and are brown-coloured. They are suspended by strings passing round the crown of <a id="d0e2487"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2487">46</a>]</span>the head or from the plaits at the sides of the head. They are generally only about 6 inches long; but sometimes the ornaments
+into which they are made are much longer, and I have seen them worn by women hanging down as far as the level of the breast.
+These pigtails are sometimes worn hanging in clusters of several tails. They are also often, in the case of women, decorated
+with shells, beads, dogs&#8217; teeth, etc., which are attached like tassels to their upper ends.<a id="d0e2489src" href="#d0e2489" class="noteref">12</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>Plate <a href="#d0e17208">30</a>, Fig. 3 shows a pigtail ornament for hanging over the head, with the tails suspended on both sides and strings of beads and
+dogs&#8217; teeth hanging from the upper ends of the tails. The ornament is worn by the middle man in Plate <a href="#d0e17073">9</a> and by the little girl figured in Plates <a href="#d0e17156">22</a> and <a href="#d0e17161">23</a>, and it is seen more extensively worn by women decorated for dancing in the frontispiece and in Plate <a href="#d0e17127">17</a>, and by the girl in Plate <a href="#d0e17453">71</a>.
+
+</p>
+<p>A peculiar and less usual sort of head ornament (Plate <a href="#d0e17208">30</a>, Fig. 4), worn by both men and women, is a cluster of about a dozen or less of bark cloth strings, about 1&frac12; feet long, fastened
+together at the top, and there suspended by a string tied round the top of the head, so as to hang down like the lashes of
+a several-thonged whip over the back. The individual strings of the cluster are quite thin, but they <a id="d0e2520"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2520">47</a>]</span>are decorated with the yellow and brown straw-like material above referred to in connection with abdominal belt No. 6 (being
+prepared from the same plant, apparently Dendrobium, and in the same way), the material being twisted in a close spiral round
+the strings, and making them look, when seen from a short distance off, like strings of very small yellow and brown beads,
+irregularly arranged in varying lengths of the two colours, shading off gradually from one to the other. Even when so bound
+round, these strings are only about 1/16 to &#8539; of an inch thick.
+
+</p>
+<p>The Mafulu comb (Plate <a href="#d0e17208">30</a>, Fig. 2) differs in construction from the wooden combs, all made in one piece, which are commonly used in Mekeo. It is made
+of four, five, or six thin pieces of wood, which are left blunt at one end, but are sharpened to points at the other. These
+are bound together with straw-like work, sometimes beautifully done, the binding being nearly always near to the blunt ends,
+though it is sometimes almost in the middle.<a id="d0e2527src" href="#d0e2527" class="noteref">13</a> The combs so made are flat, with the blunt ends converging and generally fastened together, and the long sharp ends, which
+are the ends to be inserted into the hair, spreading outwards. The bound-up blunt ends are in fact a point, or, say, half
+an inch or less (occasionally more) across. The spread of the sharp ends varies from 1 to 2 inches or more. The <a id="d0e2530"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2530">48</a>]</span>straw-like binding may be light or dark brown, or partly one and partly the other. Sometimes only the two outside prongs meet
+together at the blunt end, and the inner prongs do not extend much, or at all, beyond the upper edge of the straw-like work
+binding. The fastening together of the blunt converging tips is done sometimes with native thread just at the tips, and sometimes
+with a little straw work rather further down; occasionally it is missing altogether. The comb figured is not so converging
+at the blunt ends or so spreading at the sharp ends as is usual, and its blunt ends are not bound together. These combs are
+only worn by men; they are commonly worn in front, projecting forwards over the forehead, as is done in Mekeo; but they are
+also worn at the back of the head, projecting sideways to either right or left. A feather (generally a white cockatoo feather),
+or sometimes two feathers, are often inserted into the straw-like work of the comb, so as to stand up vertically when the
+comb is worn, and there wave, or rather wag, backwards and forwards in the wind. I could not learn any significance in these
+feathers, such as applies to many of the upright head feathers worn by the young men of Mekeo. The comb is worn by several
+of the men figured in Plate <a href="#d0e17073">9</a>, one of them wearing it in front and the others having it standing out sideways at the back.
+
+</p>
+<p>The almost universal type of earring (Plate <a href="#d0e17142">20</a>, Fig. 1), varying from 2 to 3 inches in circumference, is made out of the tail of the cuscus. The ring is made by removing
+the hair from the animal&#8217;s tail, <a id="d0e2540"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2540">49</a>]</span>drying the tail, and fastening the pointed end into or on to the blunt cut-off stump end, tying them firmly together. The
+ring is then bound closely round with the yellow and brown material (Dendrobium) of belt No. 6; but a space of 1 or 2 inches
+is generally left uncovered at the part where the two ends of the tail are fastened together. The simplest form is a single
+earring, which passes through the hole in the ear; but I have seen two rings hanging to the ear; and frequently a second ring
+is hung on to the first, and often a third to the second, and sometimes a fourth to the third; or perhaps, instead of the
+fourth ring, there may be two rings hanging to the second one. In fact, there are varieties of ways in which the fancy of
+the wearer and the number of rings he possesses will cause him to wear them. They are worn by both men and women.<a id="d0e2542src" href="#d0e2542" class="noteref">14</a> They may be seen in several plates, but unfortunately are not very clear. The most distinct are, I think, those worn by the
+second woman from the left in Plate <a href="#d0e17184">26</a> and the woman on the left in Plate <a href="#d0e17196">28</a>. The second woman from the left in the frontispiece has two of them hanging from her right ear.
+
+</p>
+<p>Pigs&#8217; tails, similar to those worn from the hair, are also worn by both men and women, especially the latter, suspended from
+the ears; and here again they vary much in length, and are often decorated with tassel-like hanging ornaments of shells, beads,
+etc.
+
+</p>
+<p>Forehead ornaments (Plate <a href="#d0e17208">30</a>, Fig 5) are made by <a id="d0e2558"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2558">50</a>]</span>men and worn by them at dances. This ornament is a band, very slightly curved, which is worn across the forehead, just under
+and surrounding the basis of the dancing feathers. It is generally about 16 inches long and between 4 and 5 inches broad in
+the middle, from which it narrows somewhat towards the ends. Its manufacture consists of a ground basis of the material of
+belt No. 5, into which are interplaited in geometric patterns the two black and yellow and brown materials which are used
+for belt No. 6. It is fixed on to the forehead by means of strings attached to its two ends, and passing round, and tied at
+the back of, the head.
+
+</p>
+<p>Nose ornaments. These are straight pencil-shaped pieces of shell, generally about 6 inches long, which are passed through
+the hole in the septum of the nose. They are only worn at dances and on special occasions; but the people from time to time
+insert bits of wood or cane or bone or some other thing into the hole for the purpose of keeping it open. There are temporary
+pegs in the noses of the fifth man to the left in Plate <a href="#d0e17073">9</a> and the man in Plate <a href="#d0e17078">10</a>. The nose ornament is worn by the woman to the extreme right in the frontispiece.
+
+</p>
+<p>Necklaces and straight pendants, suspended from the neck and hanging over the chest, are common, though they are not usually
+worn in anything approaching the profusion seen in Mekeo and on the coast. These are made chiefly of shells of various sorts
+(cut or whole), dogs&#8217; teeth and beads, as in Mekeo. The shells include the cowries and the small closely packed overlapping
+cut shells so generally <a id="d0e2570"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2570">51</a>]</span>used in Mekeo for necklaces, and the flat disc-like shell sections, which are here, as in Mekeo, specially used for straight
+hanging pendants; also those lovely large crescent-shaped discs of pearl shell, which are well known to New Guinea travellers.
+The shells are, of course, all obtained directly or indirectly from the coast; in fact, these are some of the chief articles
+for which the mountain people exchange their stone implements and special mountain feathers, so the similarity in the ornaments
+is to be expected; but it is only within a quite recent time that the pearl crescents have found their way to Mafulu. I do
+not propose to describe at length the various forms of shell ornament, as they are very similar to, and indeed I think practically
+the same as, those of Mekeo. Some of the necklaces are figured in Plates <a href="#d0e17221">31</a>, <a href="#d0e17226">32</a> and <a href="#d0e17231">33</a>, and they are worn by many of the people figured in other plates, especially the frontispiece and Plate <a href="#d0e17127">17</a>. Straight pendant ornaments are seen in the frontispiece and in Plates <a href="#d0e17058">6</a>, <a href="#d0e17127">17</a>, <a href="#d0e17184">26</a> and others. The crescent-shaped pearl ornaments are seen in the frontispiece and in Plates <a href="#d0e17058">6</a>, <a href="#d0e17063">7</a>, <a href="#d0e17122">16</a>, <a href="#d0e17196">28</a> and others, a very large one being worn by the little girl in Plate <a href="#d0e17453">71</a>.
+
+</p>
+<p>There is, however, one shell necklace which is peculiar to the mountains, and, I think, to Mafulu (I do not know whether the
+Kuni people also wear it), where it is worn as an emblem of mourning by persons who are relatives of the deceased, but who
+are not sufficiently closely related to him to stain themselves with black during the period of mourning. This necklace is
+made of white cowrie shells varying in size <a id="d0e2610"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2610">52</a>]</span>from half an inch to an inch long, each of which has its convex side ground away, so as to show on one side the untouched
+mouth of the shell and on the other an open cavity. The shells are strung, sometimes closely and sometimes loosely, on to
+a double band of thin cord. Specimens of this type of necklace measured by me varied in length from 36 inches (with 97 shells)
+to 20 inches (with 38 shells). It is worn until the period of mourning is formally terminated. The middle necklace in Plate
+<a href="#d0e17231">33</a> is a mourning shell necklace, and it is seen on the neck of the woman to the right in Plate <a href="#d0e17201">29</a>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Pigs&#8217; tail ornaments similar to those already described are also worn suspended by neck-bands over the chest.
+
+</p>
+<p>Armlets and wrist-bands are worn by both men and women, and more or less by children, including quite young ones, at the higher
+end of the upper arm and just above the wrist. They are made by men only, and vary in width from half an inch to 5 or 6 inches,
+the wider ones being generally worn on the upper arm. There are several common forms of these: (1) The more usual form (Plate
+<a href="#d0e17238">34</a>, Fig. 4) is made of the thin and finely plaited stone-grey material described in abdominal belt No. 5, and is made in the
+same way, subject to the difference that the plaiting is more closely done. Measured specimens of this armlet varied in width
+from 1 to 2&frac14; inches, and displayed different varieties of diagonal twill stitch. (2) Another common form (Plate <a href="#d0e17238">34</a>, Fig. 3) is made of the coarser-plaited black and yellow and brown <a id="d0e2628"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2628">53</a>]</span>materials described concerning No. 6 belt, and is made in the same way. Specimens of this armlet varied in width from 1 to
+5 inches. (3) There is another form which in fineness of material and plait is between Nos. 1 and 2. I was told that this
+is made out of another creeping plant, and is left in its own natural unstained colour, which, however, in this case is a
+dull brown red. (4) Another form (Plate <a href="#d0e17238">34</a>, Fig. 2) is made of the coarse dull red-brown and stone-yellow materials described with reference to belt No. 2, and is made
+in the same way. A specimen of this armlet was 2&frac14; inches wide. (5) Another form (Plate <a href="#d0e17238">34</a>, Fig. 1) is in make something like No. 4, but the two materials used are the stone-yellow material of belt No. 2 and the
+black material of belt No. 6, and the plaiting materials are much finer in thickness than are those of armlet No. 4. Specimens
+of this armlet varied in width from &frac34; to 1&frac14; inches. (6) The beautiful large cut single-shell wrist ornament, commonly worn
+on the coast and plains, whence the Mafulu people procure it. Armlets will be seen worn by many of the people figured in the
+plates.
+
+</p>
+<p>There is no practice of putting armlets on young folk, and retaining them in after life, so as to tighten round and contract
+the arm.
+
+</p>
+<p>Leg-bands (Plate <a href="#d0e17175">25</a>, Fig. 1) and anklets are worn by both men and women, and also by children, just below the knee and above the ankle.
+
+</p>
+<p>There is a form of plaited leg-band somewhat similar in make to armlet No. 5, and between half-an-inch and an inch in width,
+though the colour of this <a id="d0e2645"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2645">54</a>]</span>leg-band is a dull brown. But the usual form of leg-band and anklet is made by women only out of thread fibre by a process
+of manufacture quite distinct from the stiff plait work adopted for some of the belts and for the armlets. They make their
+thread out of fine vegetable fibre as they proceed with the manufacture of the band, rolling the individual fibres with their
+hands upon their thighs, and then rolling these fibres into two-strand threads, and from time to time in this way making more
+thread, which is worked into the open ends of the then working thread as it is required&#8212;all this being done in the usual native
+method.
+
+</p>
+<p>I had an opportunity of watching a woman making a leg-band, and I think the process is worth describing. She first made a
+thread 5 or 6 feet long by the method above referred to, the thread being a two-strand one, made out of small lengths about
+5 or 6 inches long of the original fibre, rolled together and added to from time to time until the full length of 5 or 6 feet
+of thread had been made. The thread was of the thickness of very coarse European thread or exceedingly fine string. She next
+wound the thread into a triple loop of the size of the proposed leg-band. This triple loop was to be the base upon which she
+was to make the leg-band, of which it would form the first line and upper edge. It was only about 11 inches in circumference,
+and thus left two ends, one of which (I will call it &#8220;the working thread&#8221;) was a long one, and the other of which (I will
+call it &#8220;the inside thread&#8221;) was a short one. Both these threads <a id="d0e2649"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2649">55</a>]</span>hung down together from the same point (which I will call &#8220;the starting point&#8221;). She then, commencing at the starting point,
+worked the working thread round the triple base by a series of interlacing loops in the form shown (very greatly magnified)
+in Fig. 1; but the loops were drawn quite tight, and not left loose, as, for the purpose of illustration, I have had to make
+them in the figure. This process was carried round the base until she had again reached the starting point, at which stage
+the base, with its tightly drawn loop work all around it, was firm and strong, and there were still the two ends of thread
+hanging from the starting point. Here and at subsequent stages of the work she added to the lengths of these two ends from
+time to time in the way above described when they needed it, and the two ends of thread were therefore always present. Then
+began the making of the second line. This was commenced at the starting point, from which the two ends of thread hung, and
+was effected by a series of loops made with the working thread in the way already described, except that these loops, instead
+of passing round the whole of the base line, passed through holes which she bored with a thorn, as she went on, in the extreme
+bottom edge of that line, and also that, in making this second line, she passed the inside thread through each loop before
+she drew the latter tight; so that the <a id="d0e2651"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2651">56</a>]</span>second line was itself composed of a single internal thread, around which the loops were drawn. The second line was continued
+in this way until she again reached the starting point (but, of course, one line lower down), from which the two ends of thread
+hung down as before. The third and following lines were made by a process identical with that of the second one, the holes
+for each line being pricked through the bottom of that above it. I did not see the completion of the band, but I may say that
+the final line is similar to the second and subsequent ones, and is not a triple-threaded line like the first one. It was
+amazing to see this woman doing her work. She was an old woman, but she did the whole of the work with her fingers, and she
+must have had wonderful eyesight and steadiness of hand, as she made the minute scarcely visible prick holes, and passed the
+end of her working thread through them, with the utmost apparent ease and quickness.
+
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e2654" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Figure 1.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/b055.gif" alt="Leg-band making (commencing stage)."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Leg-band making (commencing stage).</p>
+</div><p>
+
+
+</p>
+<p>The band thus produced is of very small, close, fine work, and is quite soft, flexible and elastic, like European canvas,
+instead of being stiff and hard, like the plaited belts and armlets. The band is generally about an inch (more or less) in
+width. It is not dyed or coloured in any way, but is often decorated with beads, which are worked into the fabric in one or
+more horizontal lines, but as a rule, I think, only at irregular intervals, and not in continuous lines. These bands and anklets
+are seen in many of the plates. In Plates <a href="#d0e17078">10</a>, <a href="#d0e17083">11</a> and <a href="#d0e17088">12</a> the bead decorations are seen.
+<a id="d0e2669"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2669">57</a>]</span></p>
+<p>Dancing aprons are made out of bark cloth by both men and women, but coloured by men only. The apron, which is worn at dances
+by women only, is about 6 to 12 inches wide. It is worn, as shown in Plate <a href="#d0e17249">35</a>, in front of the body, being passed over the abdominal belt or a cord so as to hang over it in two folds, one behind the
+other; and the front fold, which is the part which shows (the back fold being more or less concealed), and is generally 18
+inches to 2 feet in length, has at its base a fringe made by cutting the end of the cloth up into strips, equal or unequal
+in width, the number of which may be only six or less, or may be fifteen or twenty. The front fold is often wholly or partly
+stained, the colour of the stain being usually yellow, and is always more or less covered with a decorative design, the colours
+of which are usually black and red. The back fold is generally stained yellow, but never has any design upon it. The fringe
+is also usually stained yellow, and is without design, except occasionally perhaps a few horizontal lines of colour.
+
+</p>
+<p>I may say here, as regards these colours, that, so far as my observation went, the colours of the decorative patterns were
+always black and red, and the general staining was always yellow; and indeed the last-mentioned colour does not show up against
+the natural colour of the cloth sufficiently clearly to adapt it for actual design work. I am not, however, prepared to say
+that this allocation of the colours is in fact an invariable one; and, as I know that red is used for general staining of
+perineal bands and dancing <a id="d0e2677"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2677">58</a>]</span>ribbons, it is possible that it, as well as yellow, is used for aprons.
+
+</p>
+<p>Numerous variations of design are to be found in these garments; and indeed I may say that it is in these and in the feather
+head decorations that the Mafulu people mainly indulge such artistic powers as they possess.
+
+</p>
+<p>Plates <a href="#d0e17254">36</a> to <a href="#d0e17289">43</a> are examples of decoration of the front folds of these dancing aprons<a id="d0e2689src" href="#d0e2689" class="noteref">15</a>; and I give the following particulars concerning them, first stating that, subject to what may appear in my particulars,
+the darker lines and spots represent black ones in the apron, and the lighter ones represent red ones.
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Plate.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Average width of apron in inches.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Notes on ground staining and other matters.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17254">36</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">6&frac12;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Background of design unstained, but back fold of apron and fringe stained yellow.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17259">37</a><a id="d0e2716src" href="#d0e2716" class="noteref">16</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">7&frac34;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Ditto    ditto      ditto
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17264">38</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">5&frac14;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Only a little irregular yellow staining behind the design. Back fold of apron and fringe stained yellow.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17269">39</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">6
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Background of design (except fringe part) unstained, but back fold of apron and fringe stained yellow.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17274">40</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">7
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Background of upper (zig-zag) part of design unstained, but that of lower (rectangular) part and whole of back fold of apron
+and fringe stained yellow.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17279">41</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">10&frac12;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Faintly tinted broad horizontal and vertical lines and triangles in figure represent yellow stain. No other staining in the
+apron.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17284">42</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">6&frac34;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Background of design unstained, but back fold end of apron and fringe stained yellow.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17289">43</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">6&frac34;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">No background staining in the apron. The smallness of the amount of decoration and the substitution of two tails for a fringe
+are, I think, unusual.
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+<a id="d0e2778"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2778">59</a>]</span></p>
+<p>Dancing ribbons are made out of bark cloth by both men and women, but are coloured by men only. These are worn by both men
+and women at dances, the ribbons hanging round the body from the abdominal belt or a cord, three or four or five of them being
+worn by one person, and one of these commonly hanging in front. They are generally 2 or 3 inches wide and about 4 feet long,
+but a portion of this length is required for hitching the ribbon round the belt. I think their ornamentation is confined to
+staining in transverse bands of alternating colour or of one colour and unstained cloth. <a href="#d0e17093">Plate 13, Fig. 4</a>, illustrates the colouring of two ribbons (each 2 inches wide), the alternation in one case being red and yellow, and in
+the other red and unstained cloth; and the men figured in <a href="#d0e17446">Plate 70</a> are wearing ribbons, though they are not very clearly shown in the plate.
+
+</p>
+<p>The feather ornaments for the head, and especially those worn at dances, and the feather ornaments worn on the back at dances
+present such an enormous variety of colours and designs that it would be impossible to describe them here without very greatly
+increasing the length of the book. The ornaments are often very large, sometimes containing eight or ten or even twelve rows
+of feathers, one behind another. They can usually be distinguished from those made by the Mekeo people by a general inferiority
+in design and make of the ornament as a whole, the Mafulu people having less artistic skill in this respect than the people
+of the lowlands. The ornaments include feathers of parrots, cockatoos, hornbills, <a id="d0e2789"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2789">60</a>]</span>cassowaries, birds of paradise, bower birds and some others. One never or rarely sees feathers of sea-birds, or waterfowl,
+or Goura pigeons (which, I was told, are not found among the mountains), as the Mafulu people in their trading with the people
+of the plains take in exchange things which they cannot themselves procure, rather than feathers, which are so plentiful with
+them.
+
+</p>
+<p>The black cassowary feather is important in Mafulu as being the special feather distinction of chiefs; but, though chiefs
+are as a rule possessed of more and better ornaments than are the poorer and unimportant people, they have no other special
+and distinctive ornament.
+
+</p>
+<p>Plates <a href="#d0e17296">44</a> and <a href="#d0e17301">45</a> illustrate some of these head feather ornaments. Plate <a href="#d0e17296">44</a>, Fig. 1, shows an ornament made out of the brown fibrous exterior of the wild betel-nut, black pigeon feathers and white
+cockatoo feathers, the betel fibre and black pigeon feathers being, I was told, only used in the mountains. Plate <a href="#d0e17296">44</a>, Fig. 2, shows one made out of brown feathers of young cassowary, white cockatoo feathers and red-black parrot feathers.
+Plate <a href="#d0e17296">44</a>, Fig. 3, shows one made out of bright red and green parrot feathers. Plate <a href="#d0e17301">45</a>, Fig. 1, shows one made out of black cassowary feathers, white cockatoo feathers, red parrot feathers and long red feathers
+of the bird of paradise. Plate <a href="#d0e17301">45</a>, Fig. 2, is made of cassowary feathers only. This ornament is worn in front of the head, over the forehead, and is specially
+worn by chiefs.
+
+</p>
+<p>Plate <a href="#d0e17306">46</a>, Fig. 1, shows a head feather ornament which is peculiar to the mountains. The crescent-shaped <a id="d0e2821"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2821">61</a>]</span>body of the ornament, which is made of short feathers taken from the neck of the cassowary, is worn in front over the forehead,
+and the cockade of hawk feathers stands up over the head.
+
+</p>
+<p>Plate <a href="#d0e17306">46</a>, Fig. 2, shows a back ornament of cassowary feathers which is specially intended to be worn by chiefs at dances. The custom
+is to have from five to twelve of these ornaments hanging vertically side by side, suspended to a horizontal stick, which
+is fastened on the chief&#8217;s back at the height of the shoulders, so that the feathers hang like a mantle over his back. The
+mode in which feather ornaments for the back are hung on sticks is seen in Plate <a href="#d0e17446">70</a>, where a stick with pendant ornaments is being held by two boys in front.
+
+</p>
+<p>Plaited frames (Plate <a href="#d0e17313">47</a>) are worn by men in connection with these head feather ornaments. These frames are flat curved bands, rigid or nearly so,
+generally forming half or nearly half a circle of an external diameter of about 9 inches, and being about 1 inch in width.
+They are worn at dances and on solemn occasions. They are placed round the top of the forehead, not vertically, but with their
+upper edges sloping obliquely forward, and have at their ends strings, which pass over the ears and are tied at the back of
+the head. These frames help to support the feather ornaments, and prevent them from falling down over the face. They are made
+by men only. A groundwork of small split cane or other material runs in parallel curved lines from end to end, single pieces
+of the material being generally doubled back at the <a id="d0e2836"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2836">62</a>]</span>ends so as to form several lines; and this is strengthened and ornamented by interplaiting into it either split cane or some
+other material obtained from the splitting of the inside fibre of a plant in the way previously referred to. There are varieties
+of material and of pattern worked up in different designs of interplaiting. Some of the materials are uncoloured or merely
+the natural colour of the material, and others are in two colours, generally brown or reddish-brown and yellow. These frames
+display a considerable amount of variety of artistic design.
+
+</p>
+<p>The feather erections used at special and important dances, and especially those worn by chiefs, are enormous things, towering
+6 or 12 feet above the wearer&#8217;s head, and are generally larger than those of Mekeo. They are held in a framework, which has
+an inverted basket-shaped part to rest on the head, and downward pointing rods, which are tied to the shoulders. The frames
+are to a great extent similar to those of Mekeo, but, having a larger burden to bear, they are more strongly made. These feather
+erections and their frames are seen in Plate <a href="#d0e17446">70</a>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Here, as in other parts of New Guinea, both men and women, but especially men, love to decorate themselves with bright flowers
+and leaves and grasses, these being worn in the hair and in bunches stuck into their belts, armlets and leg-bands, and indeed
+in any places where they can be conveniently fastened.
+
+</p>
+<p>It is not the practice with the Mafulu for mothers to wear the umbilical cords of any of their children, though apparently
+the Kuni people do so.
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e2847"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2847">63</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2152" href="#d0e2152src" class="noteref">1</a></span> This plate and the plates of dancing aprons were produced by first drawing the objects, and then photographing the drawings.
+It would have been more satisfactory if I could have photographed the objects themselves. But they were much crumpled, and
+I was advised that with many of them the camera would not indicate differences of colour, and that in one or two of them even
+the design itself would not come out clearly.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2178" href="#d0e2178src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Dr. Stapf, to whom I showed one of the armlets, No. 4, the materials of which are said to be the same as those used for this
+belt, said that the split cane-like material is a strip from the periphery of the petiole or stem of a palm, and that the
+other material is sclerenchyma fibre from the petiole or rhizome of a fern, and not that of a creeping plant. I may say that
+I felt a doubt at the time as to the complete accuracy of the information given to me concerning the vegetable materials used
+for the manufacture of various articles, and there may well be errors as to these.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2198" href="#d0e2198src" class="noteref">3</a></span> Dr. Stapf, to whom I showed one of these belts, says that it is made of the separated woody strands from the stem of a climbing
+plant (possibly one of the Cucurbitaceae or Aristolochiaceae).
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2208" href="#d0e2208src" class="noteref">4</a></span> Dr. Stapf, having inspected one of the belts, thinks this material is composed of split strips of sclerenchyma fibre from
+the petiole or rhizome of a fern, and not that of a creeping plant.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2211" href="#d0e2211src" class="noteref">5</a></span> Dr. Stapf, to whom I showed a written description which I had made of the plant, and who has also examined the belt, is of
+opinion that it belongs to the Diplocaulobium section of Dendrobium.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2221" href="#d0e2221src" class="noteref">6</a></span> I have examined at the British Museum a belt made by the dwarf mountain people found by the recent expedition organised by
+the British Ornithologists&#8217; Union. This belt is made in hank-like form, remarkably similar to that of my Mafulu belt No. 7,
+though in other respects it differs from the latter, and it is much smaller. The only other thing of similar hank-like form
+which I have been able to find at the Museum is a small belt or head ornament (it is said to be the latter) made by Sakai
+people of the Malay Peninsula.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2276" href="#d0e2276src" class="noteref">7</a></span> Chalmers describes a young woman in the foot hills behind Port Moresby who &#8220;had a net over her shoulders and covering her
+breasts as a token of mourning&#8221; (<i>Work and Adventures in New Guinea</i> p. 26). Compare also the Koita custom referred to by Dr. Seligmann (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 164) for a widow to wear two netted vests. The same custom is found at Hula.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2289" href="#d0e2289src" class="noteref">8</a></span> See reference to this question in the <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1906, p. 13.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2316" href="#d0e2316src" class="noteref">9</a></span> I shall from time to time have to refer to the croton, and in doing so I am applying to the plant in question the name commonly
+given to it; but Dr. Stapf tells me that the plant so commonly called is really a codi&#339;um.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2325" href="#d0e2325src" class="noteref">10</a></span> The Rev. Mr. Dauncey, of the L.M.S. station at Delena (a Roro village on the coast) told me that in his village it is a common
+thing for a native to pick up a small white snake about 12 inches long, and pass it through the hole in his nose; and that
+the Pokau people sometimes pass <a id="d0e2327"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2327">40n</a>]</span>the tip of the tail of a larger black snake into these holes, the intention of both practices being to keep the hole open.
+In neither of these cases is the practice a part of an original ceremony connected with nose-piercing, such as that of Mafulu;
+but it may well be that all the practices have superstitious origins.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2334" href="#d0e2334src" class="noteref">11</a></span> There is apparently no corresponding ceremony among the Koita natives (Seligmann, <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 72), nor among the Roro people (<i>Id</i>., p. 256), and I do not believe there is any such in Mekeo.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2489" href="#d0e2489src" class="noteref">12</a></span> I do not think these pigtails are used as ornaments by the Roro and Mekeo people, though Dr. Seligmann says that a Koita bridegroom
+wears them in his ears on his wedding day (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 78).
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2527" href="#d0e2527src" class="noteref">13</a></span> Dr. Stapf, to whose inspection I have submitted two of these combs, said they were made of palm-wood&#8212;split and shaped pieces
+from the periphery of the petiole or stem of a palm&#8212;and that the material used for binding the teeth of the combs together
+was sclerenchyma fibre from the petiole or rhizome of a fern.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2542" href="#d0e2542src" class="noteref">14</a></span> These earrings are, I think, sometimes found in Mekeo; but they have all come from the mountains.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2689" href="#d0e2689src" class="noteref">15</a></span> See <a href="#d0e2152">note on p. 27</a> as to the way in which these plates have been produced.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2716" href="#d0e2716src" class="noteref">16</a></span> Only the two ends of the pattern have been copied, the intermediate part being the same throughout, as is shown.
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e2848"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Daily Life and Matters Connected with It</h2>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Daily Life.</h3>
+<p>The early morning finds the wife and young children and unmarried daughters in the house. The husband has been sleeping either
+there or in the <i>emone</i> (clubhouse), but most probably the latter. The unmarried sons are in the <i>emone</i>, except any very young ones, who have not been formally admitted to it in a way which will be hereafter described. The women
+cook the breakfast for the whole family inside the house at about six or seven o&#8217;clock, and then take the food of the men
+to the <i>emone</i>. After breakfast most of the men and women go off to the gardens and the bush. The women&#8217;s work there is chiefly the planting
+of sweet potatoes, taro and other things, and cleaning the gardens; and in the afternoon they get food from the gardens and
+firewood from the bush, all of which they bring home to the village; also they have to clear off the undergrowth from newly
+cleared bush. The men&#8217;s work is mainly the yam and banana and sugar-cane planting, each in its season, and the cutting down
+of big trees and making fences, if they happen <a id="d0e2865"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2865">64</a>]</span>to be opening out new garden land. They also sometimes help the women with their work. Or they may have hunting expeditions
+in the bush, or go off in fishing parties to the river. In all matters the men of Mafulu, though lazy, are not so lazy as
+those of Mekeo and the coast. In the middle of the day the women cook the meal for everyone in the gardens, this being done
+on the spot, and there they all eat it. At three, four, or five o&#8217;clock all the people of the village have returned to it,
+except perhaps when they are very busy taking advantage of good weather for making new clearings or other special work. In
+the evening they have another meal cooked in the village. At every meal in the village the pigs have to be fed also, these
+sharing the food of the people themselves, or feeding on raw potatoes. Unless there is dancing going on, or they are tempted
+by a fine moonlight night to sit out talking, the people all terminate their routine day by going to bed early.
+
+</p>
+<p>As regards the daily social conduct of the people among themselves, I was told that the members of a family generally live
+harmoniously together (subject as regards husbands and wives to the matters which will be mentioned later), that children
+are usually treated kindly and affectionately by their parents, and that there is very little quarrelling within a village;
+and what I saw when I was among the Mafulu people certainly seemed to confirm all this.
+
+</p>
+<p>There are various detailed matters of daily life which will appear under their appropriate headings; but I will here deal
+with a few of them.
+
+
+<a id="d0e2871"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2871">65</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Food.</h3>
+<p>The vegetable foods of the Mafulu people are sweet potato and other plants of the same type, yam and other foods of the same
+type, taro and other foods of that type, banana of different sorts, sugar-cane, a kind of wild native bean, a cultivated reed-like
+plant with an asparagus flavour (what it is I do not know), several plants of the pumpkin and cucumber type, one of them being
+very small, like a gherkin, fruit from two different species of Pandanus, almonds, the fruit of the <i>malage</i> (described later on), and others, both cultivated and wild. The sugar-cane is specially eaten by them when working in the
+gardens.<a id="d0e2880src" href="#d0e2880" class="noteref">1</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>Their animal food consists of wild pig and, on occasions, village pig, a small form of cassowary, kangaroo, a small kind of
+wallaby, kangaroo rat, &#8220;iguana,&#8221; an animal called <i>gaivale</i> (I could not find out what this is), various wild birds, fish, eels, mice, a large species of snake and other things.
+
+</p>
+<p>Their staple drink is water, but when travelling they cut down a species of bamboo, and drink the watery fluid which it contains.
+After boiling any food in bamboo stems they drink the water which has <a id="d0e2908"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2908">66</a>]</span>been used for the purpose, and which has become a sort of thin flavoured soup.
+
+</p>
+<p>Betel-chewing is apparently not indulged in by these people as extensively as it is done in Mekeo and on the coast; but they
+like it well enough, and for a month or so before a big feast, during which period they are under a strict taboo restriction
+as to food, they indulge in it largely. The betel used by them is not the cultivated form used in Mekeo and on the coast,
+but a wild species, only about half the size of the other; and the lime used is not, as in Mekeo and on the coast, made by
+grinding down sea-shells, but is obtained from the mountain stone, which is ground down to a powder. The gourds (Plate <a href="#d0e17333">51</a>, Figs. 6 and 7) in which the lime is carried are similar to those used in Mekeo, except that usually they are not ornamented,
+or, if they are so, the ornamentation is only done in simple straight-lined geometric patterns. The spatulae are sometimes
+very simply and rudely decorated. The people spit out the betel after chewing, instead of swallowing it, as is the custom
+in Mekeo.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Cooking and Eating and Their Utensils.</h3>
+<p>They have no cooking utensils, other than the simple pieces of bamboo stem, which they use for boiling.
+
+</p>
+<p>Their usual methods of cooking are roasting and boiling.
+
+</p>
+<p>Roasting is usually effected by making a fire, letting <a id="d0e2924"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2924">67</a>]</span>it die down into red-hot ashes, and then putting the food without wrap or covering into the ashes, turning it from time to
+time. They also roast by holding the food on sticks in the flame of the burning fire, turning it occasionally. Stone cooking
+is adopted for pig and other meats. They make a big fire, on the top of which they spread the stones; when the stones are
+hot enough, they remove some of them, place the meat without wrap or covering on the others, then place the removed stones
+on the meat, and finally pile on these stones a big covering of leaves to keep in the heat. Stone cooking in the gardens is
+done in a slightly different way; there they dig in the ground a round hole about 1 foot deep and from 1&frac12; to 2 feet in diameter,
+and in this hole they make their fire, on which they pile their stones; and the rest of the process is the same as before.
+This hole-making process is never adopted in the village. The only reason for it which was suggested was that the method was
+quicker, and that in the gardens they are in a hurry. Of course, holes of this sort dug in the open village enclosure would
+be a source of danger, especially at night.
+
+</p>
+<p>Boiling is done in pieces of bamboo about 4 inches in diameter and about 15 or 18 inches long. They fill these with water,
+put the food into them, and then place or hold the bamboo stems in a slanting position in the flames. This method is specially
+used for cooking sweet potatoes, but it is their only method of boiling anything. Water, which they keep stored and carry
+in bamboo receptacles and hollow pumpkins, is boiled in bamboo stems in the same way. The bamboo <a id="d0e2928"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2928">68</a>]</span>storage vessels are generally from 2 to 5 feet long, the intersecting nodes, other than that at one end, having been removed.
+The pumpkins (Plate <a href="#d0e17348">52</a>, Figs. 2 and 3) are similar to those used by the Roro coast people and in Mekeo, except that the usual form, instead of being
+rather short and broad with a narrow opening, is longer and narrower, some of them being, say, 3 feet long, and often very
+curved and crooked in shape.
+
+</p>
+<p>Their only eating utensils are wooden dishes and small pieces of wood, or sometimes of cassowary or kangaroo bone, which are
+used as forks, and pieces of split bamboo, which are used for cutting meat; but these latter are used for other purposes,
+and rather come within the list of ordinary implements, and will be there described. They also use prepared pig-bones as forks;
+but these again are largely used for other purposes, and will be described under the same heading.
+
+</p>
+<p>The dishes (Plate <a href="#d0e17348">52</a>, Fig. 1) are made out of the trunk of a tree called <i>ongome</i>. The usual length of a dish, without its handles, is between 1 and 2 feet; its width varies from 9 inches to 1 foot, and
+its depth from 3 to 6 inches. It is rudely carved out of the tree-trunk,<a id="d0e2943src" href="#d0e2943" class="noteref">2</a> the work being done with stone adzes&#8212;unless they happen to possess European axes&#8212;and it generally has a handle at one or
+both ends. It is not decorated with carving in any way. The common form of handle is merely a simple knob about 3 inches long
+and 1&frac12; inches wide. But it is sometimes less <a id="d0e2946"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2946">69</a>]</span>simple, and I have a dish one of the handles of which is divided into two projecting pieces about 7&frac12; inches long and joined
+to each other at the end. The handle is always carved out of the same piece of wood as is the dish; never made separately
+and afterwards attached. The wooden forks are simply bits cut from trees and sharpened at one end, and they are without prongs.
+Their use is only temporary, and they are not permanently stored as household utensils. The cassowary and kangaroo bone implements
+(Plate <a href="#d0e17175">25</a>, Fig. 3) are also merely roughly pointed unpronged pieces of bone, and otherwise without special form. When eating <i>en famille</i> they do not always use these pointed wooden and bone sticks, but very commonly take the food out of the dish with their hands
+only; but if the family had guests with them they would probably use the sticks more, and their hands less. The men and women
+often eat together, sitting round the dish and helping themselves out of it, though, if there are too many to do this conveniently,
+pieces will be handed out to some of them.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Various Implements.</h3>
+<p>Besides the cooking and eating implements above described and other things, such as weapons of war and of hunting and fishing,
+and implements for manufacture, agriculture and music, which will be dealt with under their own headings, there are a few
+miscellaneous things which may be conveniently described here.
+
+</p>
+<p>Bamboo knives (Plate <a href="#d0e17333">51</a>, Fig. 5). These are <a id="d0e2964"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2964">70</a>]</span>simple strips made out of a special mountain form of bamboo, and are generally 8 to 10 inches long and about 1 inch wide.
+One edge is left straight for its whole length, and the other is cut away near the end, very much as we cut away one side
+of a quill pen, so as to produce a sharp point. The side edge which is used for cutting is the one which is not cut away at
+the end; and when it gets blunt it is renewed by simply peeling off a length of fibre, thus producing a new edge, bevelled
+inwards towards the concave side of the implement, and making a hard and very sharp fresh cutting edge. The point can of course
+be sharpened at any time in the obvious way.
+
+</p>
+<p>Pig-bone implements (Plate <a href="#d0e17333">51</a>, Fig. 2). These are the implements which are often used as forks, but they have straight edges also with which they are used
+as scraping knives, and they are utilised for many other purposes. The implement, which is, I think, similar to what is commonly
+found in Mekeo and on the coast, is made out of the leg-bone of a pig, and is generally from 5 to 8 inches long. One side
+of the bone is ground away, so as to make the implement flattish in section, one side (the outside unground part of the bone)
+being somewhat convex, and the other (where the bone has been ground away) being rather concave. Some of the joint end of
+the bone is left to serve as a handle; and from this the bone is made to narrow down to a blunt, rather flattish and rounded
+point, somewhat like that of a pointed paper-cutter. The side edge is used for scraping, and the point for sticking into things.
+<a id="d0e2971"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2971">71</a>]</span></p>
+<p>Smoking pipes are in the ordinary well-known form of Mekeo and the coast, being made of sections of bamboo stem in which the
+natural intersecting node near the mouthpiece end is bored and the node at the other end is left closed, and between these
+two nodes, near to the closed one, is a flute-like hole, in which is placed the cigarette of tobacco wrapped up in a leaf.
+They are, however, generally not ornamented; or, if they are so, it is merely in a simple geometric pattern of straight lines.
+I obtained one pipe (Plate <a href="#d0e17333">51</a>, Fig. 1) of an unusual type, being much smaller than is usual. A special feature of this pipe is its decoration, which includes
+groups of concentric circles. This is the only example of a curved line which I ever met with among the Mafulu villages, and
+it is probable that it had not been made there.
+
+</p>
+<p>Boring drills (Plate <a href="#d0e17333">51</a>, Fig. 4) are also similar to those of Mekeo and the coast, except that there the fly-wheel is, I think, usually a horizontal
+circular disc, through the centre of which the upright shaft of the implement passes, whereas in the Mafulu boring instrument
+the fly-wheel, through which the shaft passes, is a rudely cut flat horizontal piece of wood about 9 or 10 inches long, 2
+inches broad, and half an inch or less thick, and also that in Mafulu the native point, made out of a pointed fragment of
+the stone used for making club-heads, adze blades and cloth-beaters, is not generally replaced by a European iron point, as
+is so commonly the case in Mekeo and near the coast. These drills are used for boring dogs&#8217; teeth and shells and other similar
+hard-substanced <a id="d0e2982"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2982">72</a>]</span>things, but are useless for boring articles of wood or other soft substances, in which the roughly formed point would stick.<a id="d0e2984src" href="#d0e2984" class="noteref">3</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>Fire-making. This is a question of process, rather than of implement, but may be dealt with here. To produce fire, the Mafulu
+native takes two pieces of very dry and inflammable wood, one larger than the other, and some dry bark cloth fluff. He then
+holds the smaller piece of wood and the fluff together, and rubs them on the larger piece of wood. After four or five minutes
+the fluff catches fire, without bursting into actual flame, upon which the native continues the rubbing process, blowing gently
+upon the fluff, until the two pieces of wood begin to smoulder, and can then be blown into a sufficient flame for lighting
+a fire.
+
+</p>
+<p>Carrying bags. These are all made of network. I shall say something about the mode of netting and colouring them hereafter,
+and will here only deal with the bags and their use. They are of various sizes,
+
+</p>
+<p>(1) There are the large bags used by women for carrying heavy objects, such as firewood, vegetables and fruit, which they
+bring back to the village on their return in the afternoon from the gardens and bush. These bags are carried in the usual
+way, the band over the opening of the bag being passed across the front of the head above the forehead, and the bag hanging
+over the back behind. They are curved in <a id="d0e2996"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2996">73</a>]</span>shape, the ends of the bag being at both its top and bottom edges higher than are the centres of those edges, so that, when
+a bag is laid out flat, its top line is a concave one and its bottom line is a convex one. The network at the two ends of
+the top line is continued into the loop band by means of which the bag is carried. The usual dimensions of one of these bags,
+as it lies flat and unstretched on a table (the measurements being made along the curved lines) are as follows&#8212;top line about
+2 feet, bottom line about 3 feet, and side lines about 18 inches. But when filled with vegetables, firewood, etc., they expand
+considerably, especially those made of &#8220;Mafulu network,&#8221; of which I shall speak hereafter. These bags are uncoloured. (2)
+There are similar, but somewhat smaller, bags, in which the women carry lighter things, and which in particular they use for
+carrying their babies. They frequently carry this bag and the larger one together; and you will often see a woman with a big
+bag heavily laden with vegetables or firewood or both, and another smaller bag (perhaps also slung behind over the top of
+the big one, or hanging from her head at her side, or over her breast), which contains her baby, apparently rolled up into
+a ball. These bags also are uncoloured. (3) There are other bags, similar perhaps in size to No. 2, used for visiting and
+at feasts, dances and similar occasions, and also sometimes used for carrying babies. The top line of one of these is generally
+about 2 feet long, the bottom line a trifle longer, and the side lines about 1 foot. These are coloured in decorative patterns.
+(4) There <a id="d0e2998"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e2998">74</a>]</span>are small bags of various sizes carried by men slung over their shoulders or arms, and used to hold their betel-nut, pepper
+and tobacco and various little implements and utensils of daily life. These are sometimes uncoloured and sometimes coloured.
+(5) There are the very small charm bags, only about 2 inches or a trifle more square, which are used by both men and women
+(I think only the married ones) for carrying charms, and are worn hanging like lockets from the neck. They are sometimes coloured.
+
+</p>
+<p>Plate <a href="#d0e17355">53</a> gives illustrations of three of these bags&#8212;Fig. 1 being a woman&#8217;s ornamented bag No. 3, and Fig. 2 being a man&#8217;s ornamented
+bag No. 4; but this last-mentioned bag is rather a large one of its type, the usual difference in size between Nos. 3 and
+4 being greater than the two examples figured would suggest. The patterns of both these bags, and especially of the larger
+one, are more regular than is usually the case. The bag shown in Fig. 3 will be dealt with hereafter under the heading of
+netting.
+
+</p>
+<p>As regards women, the carrying of bags, either full or empty, hanging over their backs is so common that one might almost
+regard the bag as an additional article of dress. I may say here in advance of my observations on netting that the distinctive
+features of Mafulu bags, as compared with those made in Mekeo and on the coast, are the special and peculiar form of netting
+which is commonly adopted for some of them and the curious lines of colouring with which they are often ornamented.
+
+</p>
+<p>Hammocks are commonly used in the houses and <a id="d0e3009"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3009">75</a>]</span><i>emone</i> for sleeping.<a id="d0e3013src" href="#d0e3013" class="noteref">4</a> These also are made of network and will be referred to later. The distinctive feature of network mentioned in relation to
+bags applies to these also, but not that of colouring.
+
+</p>
+<p>Pottery is not made or used in Mafulu.
+
+</p>
+<div id="d0e3018" class="divFigure floatRight">
+<h3>Figure 2.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/b075.gif" alt="Ancient Mortar."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Ancient Mortar.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>I may perhaps refer here to what I imagine to be an ancient stone mortar, which I found at Mafulu, and which I have endeavoured
+to show in Fig. 2. A portion of the upper part of the original was broken away, and I regret that I did not try to sketch
+it just as it was, instead of adopting the easier course of following what had been the original lines. I am also sorry that
+its great weight made it impossible for me to bring it down with me to the coast,<a id="d0e3024src" href="#d0e3024" class="noteref">5</a> and that by an oversight I did not secure a photograph of it. The vessel was well and evenly shaped. It had perfectly smooth
+surfaces, without any trace of cutting or chipping, and must have been made by grinding. It was devoid of any trace of decoration.
+Its top external diameter was about 12 inches, its height, when standing upright on its base, was about 8 inches, and the
+thickness of the bowl at the lip <a id="d0e3027"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3027">76</a>]</span> about 1 inch. I was told that similar things are from time to time found in the district, generally on the ridges, far away
+from water. A Mafulu chief said that the Mafulu name for these things is <i>idagafe.</i> The natives have no knowledge of their origin or past use, the only explanation of the latter which was suggested being that
+they were used as looking-glasses by looking into the scummy surface of the water inside them.<a id="d0e3032src" href="#d0e3032" class="noteref">6</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>European things. The Mafulu people are now beginning, mainly through the missionaries of the Sacred Heart, and also through
+their contact with Mekeo and other lowland tribes, to get into touch with European manufactures. Trade beads, knives, axes,
+plane irons (used by them in place of stone blades for their adzes), matches and other things are beginning to find their
+way directly and indirectly into such of the villages as are nearest to the opportunities of procuring them by exchange or
+labour.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Domestic Animals.</h3>
+<p>Dogs may occasionally, though only rarely, be seen in the villages, but these are small black, brownish-black, or black and
+white dogs with very bushy tails, and not the yellow dingo dogs which infest the villages of Mekeo; and even these Mafulu
+dogs are, I was told, not truly a Mafulu institution, having been obtained by the people, I think, only recently from their
+Kuni neighbours. A tame cockatoo may also <a id="d0e3045"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3045">77</a>]</span>very occasionally be seen, and even, though still more rarely, a tame hornbill. There are no cocks and hens.
+
+</p>
+<p>The universal domestic animal of the Mafulu, however, is the pig, and he is so important to them that he is worthy of notice.
+These pigs are &#8220;village&#8221; pigs, which, though naturally identical with &#8220;wild&#8221; pigs&#8212;being, in fact, wild pigs which have been
+caught alive or their descendants&#8212;have to be distinguished from wild pigs, and especially so in connection with feasts and
+ceremonies.
+
+</p>
+<p>Village pigs are the individual property of the householders who possess them, there being no system of community or village
+ownership; and, when required for feasts and ceremonies, each household has to provide such pig or pigs as custom requires
+of it. They are bred in the villages by their owners, and by them brought up, fed and tended, the work of feeding and looking
+after them being the duty of the women. No distinguishing ownership marks are put upon the pigs, but their owners know their
+own pigs, and still more do the pigs know the people who feed them; so that disputes as to ownership do not arise. The number
+of pigs owned by these people is enormous in proportion to the size of their villages, and I was told that a comparatively
+small village will be able at a big feast to provide a number of village pigs much in excess of what will be produced by one
+of the big Mekeo villages.
+
+</p>
+<p>These village pigs often wander away into the bush, and may disappear from sight for months; but <a id="d0e3053"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3053">78</a>]</span>they nevertheless still continue to be village pigs. If, however, they are not seen or heard of for a very long time (say
+six months), they are regarded as having become wild pigs, and may be caught and appropriated as such. It is usual with village
+pigs to clip or shorten their ears and tails, or even sometimes to remove their eyes, so as to keep them from wandering into
+the gardens.<a id="d0e3055src" href="#d0e3055" class="noteref">7</a> But even a village pig thus marked as such would be regarded as having become a wild pig if it had disappeared for a very
+long time.
+
+</p>
+<p>Village pigs (as distinguished from wild pigs) are, as will be seen below, never eaten in their own village on ceremonial
+occasions, or indeed perhaps at all, being only killed and cut up and given to the visitors to take away and eat in their
+own villages.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Etiquette.</h3>
+<p>These simple people do not appear to have many customs which come under the heading of etiquette, pure and simple.
+
+</p>
+<p>A boy must soon, say within a few weeks, after he has received his perineal band leave the parental home, and go to live in
+the <i>emone;</i> but this rule only refers to his general life, and does not prohibit him from ever entering his parents&#8217; house. If he receives
+his band when he is very young, this rule will not begin to operate until he is ten or twelve years old. He is in no case
+under any prohibition from being in <a id="d0e3073"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3073">79</a>]</span>or crossing the village enclosure. A girl is allowed to enter the <i>emone</i>, though she may not sleep there, prior to receiving her band, but after that she must never enter it.
+
+</p>
+<p>A young unmarried man, who has arrived at the marriageable age, must not eat in the presence of women. He can eat in the bush,
+or inside the <i>emone</i>, but he must not eat on the platform of the <i>emone</i>, where women might see him. There appear to be no other customs of mutual avoidance, as, for example, that between son-in-law
+and mother-in-law, and with reference to other marriage relationships, such as are found in some of the Solomon Islands, and
+among various other primitive races.
+
+</p>
+<p>Children and unimportant adults must always pass behind a chief, not in front of him, and when a chief is speaking, everyone
+else, old and young, must be silent.
+
+</p>
+<p>Young men and girls associate and talk freely together in public among other people, but no young man would go about alone
+with a girl, unless he was misconducting himself with her, or wished to do so.
+
+</p>
+<p>Visiting is purely friendly and social, and there is no personal system of formal and ceremonial visiting, except as between
+communities or villages.
+
+</p>
+<p>There do not appear to be any forms of physical salutation, but there are recognised ways in which men address one another
+on meeting and parting. If A and B meet in the bush, A may say to B, &#8220;Where do you come from?&#8221;, and B will answer, &#8220;I come
+from&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;.&#8221; A may then say, &#8220;Where are you <a id="d0e3094"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3094">80</a>]</span>going to?&#8221;, and B will reply to this. Then B may put similar questions to A, and will be similarly answered. These questions
+are not necessarily asked because the questioner is really anxious for information, but are in the nature of a formality,&#8212;the
+equivalent of our &#8220;How do you do?&#8221; The system of asking and answering these questions, though well recognised as a social
+form, is not in practice strictly adhered to. Also A, on coming to a village and finding B there, and wishing to salute him,
+will call him by name, and B will then call A by name. Then A will say, &#8220;You are here,&#8221; and B will reply, &#8220;I am here.&#8221; This
+form is more strictly carried out than is the other one. Then when A leaves he will say to B, &#8220;I am going,&#8221; and B will answer,
+&#8220;Go.&#8221; Then B will call A by his name, and A will call B by name, and the formality is finished. If A, being very friendly
+with B, comes to his village to see him, on A&#8217;s departure B, and probably B&#8217;s family, will accompany A out of the village,
+and will stand watching his departure until he is about to disappear round the corner of the path; and then they will call
+out his name, and he will respond by calling out B&#8217;s name.
+
+</p>
+<p>Gestures may perhaps be included under this heading, though there is apparently but little to be said about the matter. When
+a question is asked, an affirmative reply is indicated by nodding the head, and a negative one by shaking it; and, though
+I asked if this was not probably the result of association with people who had been among white men, I was told <a id="d0e3098"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3098">81</a>]</span>that it was not so. A negative answer is also often expressed by shrugging the shoulders, and a kind of grimace with the lips.
+The nodding of the head to a negative question, such as &#8220;Are you not well?&#8221; signifies assent to the negative, that is, that
+he is not well, and so vice-versa with the shaking of the head.
+
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e3100"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3100">82</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2880" href="#d0e2880src" class="noteref">1</a></span> I am unable to state the various forms and varieties of these vegetables, but I give the following native names for plants
+of the yam, taro, and sweet potato types:&#8212;Yams include <i>tsiolo, avanve, buba, aligarde, vaule, vonide, poloide</i> and <i>ilavuide</i>. Taros include <i>auvari, elume, lupeliolu, kamulepe, ivuvana</i> and <i>fude</i>. Sweet potatoes include <i>asi, bili, dube, saisasumulube</i> and <i>amb&#8217; u tolo</i> (this last name means &#8220;ripe banana,&#8221; and the reason suggested for the name is that the potato tastes rather like a ripe banana).
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2943" href="#d0e2943src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Dr. Stapf says the wood is that of a rather soft-wooded dicotyledonous tree (possibly urticaceous).
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e2984" href="#d0e2984src" class="noteref">3</a></span> The Chirima boring instrument figured by Mr. Monckton (<i>Annual Report</i> for June 30, 1906) is rather of the Mafulu type, but in this case the fly-wheel, instead of being a flat piece of wood, appears
+to be made of a split reed bound on either side of the upright cane shaft.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3013" href="#d0e3013src" class="noteref">4</a></span> Hammocks are also used in the plains and on the coast, but only, I think, to a very limited extent; whereas in the mountains,
+of at all events the Mafulu district, they are used largely.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3024" href="#d0e3024src" class="noteref">5</a></span> I had a considerable quantity of impedimenta, and unfortunately my condition made it necessary for me to be carried down also;
+and I had great difficulty in getting enough carriers.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3032" href="#d0e3032src" class="noteref">6</a></span> Compare the differently shaped mortar found in the Yodda valley and described and figured in the <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1904, p. 31.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3055" href="#d0e3055src" class="noteref">7</a></span> The practice of destroying the pigs&#8217; eyes in the Kuni district is referred to in the <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1900, p. 61.
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e3101"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Community, Clan, and Village Systems and Chieftainship</h2>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Communities, Clans, and Villages.</h3>
+<p>The native populations of the Mafulu area are scattered about in small groups or clusters of villages or hamlets; and, as
+each cluster of villages is for many purposes a composite and connected whole, I propose to call such a cluster a &#8220;community.&#8221;
+Friendships, based on proximity and frequent intercourse and intermarriage, doubtless arise between neighbouring communities,
+but otherwise there does not appear to be any idea in the minds of the people of any general relationship or common interest
+between these various communities of the area. Each community regards the members of every other community within the area
+as outsiders, just as much so as are, say, the Ambo people to the north and the Kuni people to the west. If a community, or
+group of communities together, were the subject of an attack from either Ambo or Kuni natives, each of these being people
+whose language is different&#8212;as regards the Kuni utterly different&#8212;from that of the Mafulu, there would apparently <a id="d0e3109"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3109">83</a>]</span>be no thought of other Mafulu-speaking communities, as such, coming to assist in repelling the attack. Hence in dealing with
+the question of inter-village relationship, I have to fix my mind mainly upon the community and its constituent parts.
+
+</p>
+<p>Concerning the situation as between one community and another, as they regard themselves as quite distinct and unrelated,
+the only question which seems to arise is that of the ownership of, and rights over, the intervening bush and other land.
+The boundaries between what is regarded as the preserve of one community, within which its members may hunt and fish, clear
+for garden purposes, cut timber, and collect fruit, and that of an adjoining community are perfectly well known. The longitudinal
+boundaries along the valleys are almost always the rivers and streams, which form good boundary marks; but those across the
+hills and ridges from stream to stream are, I was told, equally defined in the minds of the natives, though no artificial
+boundary marks are visible. These boundaries are mutually respected, and trouble and fighting over boundary and trespass questions
+are, I was told, practically unknown, the people in this respect differing from those of Mekeo.
+
+</p>
+<p>A community comprises several villages, the number of which may vary from, say, two to eight. But the relationship between
+all the villages is not identical. There is a clan system, and there is generally more than one clan in a community. Often
+there are three or more of such clans. Each clan, however, has its own villages, or sometimes one village only, within <a id="d0e3115"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3115">84</a>]</span>the community, and two clans are never found represented in any one village,<a id="d0e3117src" href="#d0e3117" class="noteref">1</a> or any one clan spread over two or more communities.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 3 is a diagrammatic illustration of a typical Mafulu community, the circles representing villages of one clan, the squares
+those of another clan, and the triangle being the sole village of a third clan.
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e3126" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Figure 3.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/b084.gif" alt="Illustrative Diagram of a Mafulu Community of Villages."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Illustrative Diagram of a Mafulu Community of Villages.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>I have said that the entire community is for many purposes a composite whole. In many matters they act together as a community.
+This is especially so as regards the big feast, which I shall describe hereafter. It is so also to a large extent in some
+other ceremonies and in the organisation of hunting and fishing parties and sometimes in fighting. And the community as a
+whole has its boundaries, within which are the general community rights of hunting, fishing, etc., as above stated.
+
+</p>
+<p>But the relationship between a group of villages of any one clan within the community is of a much closer and more intimate
+character than is that of the community as a whole. These villages of one clan <a id="d0e3134"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3134">85</a>]</span>have a common <i>amidi</i> or chief, a common <i>emone</i> or clubhouse, and a practice of mutual support and help in fighting for redress of injury to one or more of the individual
+members; and there is a special social relationship between their members, and in particular clan exogamy prevails with them,
+marriages between people of the same clan, even though in different villages, being reprobated almost as much as are marriages
+between people of the same village.
+
+</p>
+<p>The Mafulu word for village is <i>emi</i>, but there are no words signifying the idea of a community of villages and that of a group of villages belonging to the same
+clan within that community. As regards the latter there is the word <i>imbele</i>, but this word is used to express the intimate social relationship existing between the members of a clan, and not to express
+the idea of an actual group of villages. Communities and villages have geographical names. The name adopted for a community
+will probably be the name of some adjoining river or ridge. That adopted for a village will probably be the name of the exact
+crest or spot on which it is placed, the minuteness of the geographical nomenclature here being remarkable. Clan-groups of
+villages, forming part of a community, have, as such, no geographical names, but a member of one such group will distinguish
+himself from those of another group by saying that he is a man of&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;, giving the name of the chief of the clan occupying the
+group.
+
+</p>
+<p>I was assured that, when there are two or more villages of a clan with a common chief and emone, they have originally been
+one village which has split up, an <a id="d0e3152"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3152">86</a>]</span>event which undoubtedly does in fact take place; while on the other hand the several villages of a clan, presumably the outcome
+of a previous splitting-up of a single village, will sometimes amalgamate together into one village, which thus becomes the
+only village of the clan. But two villages of different clans could never amalgamate in this way. The following are examples
+of these village changes:&#8212;
+
+</p>
+<p>Near to the Mafulu Mission station is a community called Sivu, which includes seven villages occupied by three clans, as follows<a id="d0e3156src" href="#d0e3156" class="noteref">2</a>:&#8212;
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">1. Voitele       </td>
+<td valign="top" rowspan="4">Belonging to a clan whose chief, Jaria, lives at Amalala, where the clan <i>emone</i> is.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">2. Amalala
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">3. Kodo-Malabe
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">4. Motaligo
+
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">5. Malala        </td>
+<td valign="top" rowspan="2">Belonging to a clan whose chief, Gito-iola, lived at Malala, where the clan <i>emone</i> is. (He has recently retired in favour of his eldest son, Anum&#8217; Iva, who is the present chief, and also lives there.)
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">6. Gelva
+
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">7. Seluku        </td>
+<td valign="top">Being the only village of a clan whose chief, Baiva, has recently died. His eldest son, who has succeeded him, is an infant.
+There is no regency.
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+<a id="d0e3197"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3197">87</a>]</span></p>
+<p>Also near the Mission station is a community called Alo, which includes four villages occupied by two clans, as follows:&#8212;
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">1. Asida         </td>
+<td valign="top" rowspan="3">Belonging to a clan whose chief, Amo-Kau, lives at Asida, where the <i>emone</i> is.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">2. Kotsi
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">3. Ingomaunda
+
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">4. Uvande        </td>
+<td valign="top">Being the only village of a clan whose chief is Iu-Baibe.</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>Referring to these villages, in the year 1899 the clan now occupying the four villages Voitele, Amalala, Kodo-Malabe and Motaligo
+had only a single village, Kaidiabe, the clan&#8217;s chief being the above-mentioned Jaria. Then there was a Government punitive
+expedition, following the attack of the natives upon Monseigneur de Boismenu (the present Bishop of the Mission of the Sacred
+Heart in British New Guinea) and his friends, who were making their first exploration of the district, in which expedition
+a number of natives, including the brother of the chief, were killed. After that the village was abandoned, and the three
+villages of Voitele, Amalala and Motaligo arose in its place. Subsequently after a big feast, which was held at Amalala in
+the year 1909, that village put out an offshoot, which is the present village of Kodo-Malabe. Also in the year 1909 the village
+of Uvande was represented by seven villages, all belonging to one clan under the chieftainship of Iu-Baibe, the names of which
+were Ipolo, Olona, Isisibei, Valamenga, Amada, Angasabe and Amambu; <a id="d0e3223"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3223">88</a>]</span>but after the feast above mentioned the people of that clan all abandoned their villages, and joined together in forming the
+present village of Uvande.
+
+</p>
+<p>The chief, that is the true chief, of a clan has his house in one of the villages of the clan, and if, as sometimes occurs,
+he has houses in two or more of these villages, there is one village in which is what is regarded as his usual residence,
+and this is the village in which is the <i>emone</i> of the clan.
+
+</p>
+<p>As regards the relative predominance of the various clans of a community and their respective chiefs in matters affecting
+the whole community (<i>e.g.,</i> the arranging and holding of a big feast), there is no rule or system. The predominance will probably, unless there be a
+great disparity in the actual size or importance of the clans, and perhaps even to a certain extent notwithstanding such a
+disparity, fall to the clan whose chief by his superior ability or courage or force of character, or perhaps capacity for
+palavering, has succeeded in securing for himself a predominating influence in the community.
+
+</p>
+<p>The word <i>imbele</i> and certain other words are used to designate the closeness or otherwise of the connection between individuals. <i>Imbele</i> signifies the close connection which exists between members of one clan, and a man will say of another member of his clan
+that he is his <i>imbele</i>. The word <i>bilage</i> signifies a community connection, which is recognised as being not so close as a clan connection; and a man will say of another,
+who is outside his own clan, but is a member of his own community, that he is his <i>bilage</i>. <a id="d0e3252"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3252">89</a>]</span>The expression <i>a-gata</i> signifies absence of any connection, and a man will refer to a member of another community, Mafulu, Kuni, Ambo, or anything
+else (there is no distinction between these in the use of the term) as being <i>a-gata</i>, thereby meaning that he is an outsider.
+
+</p>
+<p>This brings me to the question of the use by me of the term &#8220;clan&#8221; to designate the intimate association above referred to.
+To begin with, there is a considerable difference between the situation produced by the clan system, if it may be regarded
+as such, of Mafulu and that of, say, Mekeo, where one finds several clans occupying one village, and where members of one
+clan may be scattered over several more or less distant villages; though this latter difference might perhaps arise in part
+from natural geographical causes, the flat lowlands of the Mekeo people being highly favourable to inter-village communication
+over their whole areas, and to the holding of their recognised and numerous markets, whilst it may almost be assumed that
+such intercommunication would be more restricted, at all events in days gone by, among the Mafulu inhabitants of the mountains.
+
+</p>
+<p>Then again in Mafulu there are no clan badges, nor are there any realistic or conventional representations of, or designs
+which can to my mind be possibly regarded as representing, or having had their origin in the representation of, animals, birds,
+fishes, plants, or anything else. As regards this, however, it may be mentioned that the Mafulu people are very primitive
+and undeveloped, and have not in their art <a id="d0e3264"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3264">90</a>]</span>any designs which could readily partake of this imitative character, their artistic efforts never producing curves, and indeed
+not going beyond geometric designs composed of straight lines, rectangular and zig-zag patterns and spots.
+
+</p>
+<p>Also I was unable to discover the faintest trace of any idea which might be regarded as being totemistic, or having a totemistic
+origin. In particular, although enquiry was made from ten independent and trustworthy native sources, I could not find a trace
+of any system of general clan taboo against the killing or the eating of any animal, bird, fish, or plant. It is true that
+there are various temporary food taboos associated with special conditions and events, and that there are certain things the
+eating of which is regarded as permanently taboo to certain individuals; but the former of these restrictions are general
+and are not associated with particular clans or communities, and the latter restrictions relate separately to the individuals
+only, and apparently are based in each case on the fact that the food has been found to disagree with him; though whether
+the restriction is the result of mere common sense based upon individual experience, or has in it an element of superstition
+as to something which may be harmful to the individual concerned, is a point upon which I could not get satisfactory explanation.
+
+</p>
+<p>Again, still dealing with the question of totemism, I may say that the community and village names (as already stated, there
+are no clan names) do not appear to be referable to any possible totemistic objects. There <a id="d0e3270"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3270">91</a>]</span>is no specific ancestor worship, in connection with which I could endeavour to trace out an association between that ancestor
+and a totemistic object, and there is no special reverence paid to any animal or vegetable, except certain trees and creepers,
+the fear of which is associated with spirits and ghosts generally, and not with ghosts of individual persons, and except as
+regards omen superstitions concerning flying foxes and fireflies, which are general and universal among all these people,
+and except as regards the possible imitative character of the Mafulu dancing, which, if existent, is probably also universal.
+
+</p>
+<p>Moreover, I was told that now, at any rate, the people regard their <i>imbele</i> or clan relationship as a social one, as well as one of actual blood, a statement which is illustrated by the fact that,
+if a member of one clan leaves his village to reside permanently in a village of another clan, he will regard the members
+of the latter clan, and will himself be regarded by them, as being <i>imbele</i>, although he does not part with the continuing <i>imbele</i> connection between himself and the other members of his original clan.
+
+</p>
+<p>On the other hand the association between members of a clan is exceedingly close, so much so that a serious injury done by
+an outsider to one member of a clan (<i>e.g.</i>, his murder, or the case of his wife eloping with a stranger and her family refusing to compensate him for the price which
+he had paid for her on marriage) is taken up by the entire clan, who will join the injured individual in full force to inflict
+retribution; and, as already stated, the members of a clan <a id="d0e3288"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3288">92</a>]</span>share in one common chief and one common <i>emone</i>, intermarriage between them is regarded as wrong, and apparently each group of villages occupied by a single clan has in
+origin been a single village, and may well have a common descent. I think, therefore, that I am justified in regarding these
+internal sections of a community as clans.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Chiefs, Sub-Chiefs and Notables and Their Emone</h3>
+<p>At the head of each clan is the <i>amidi</i>, or chief of the clan. He is, and is recognised as being, the only true chief.
+
+</p>
+<p>He is the most important personage of his clan, and is treated with the respect due to his office; but, though he takes a
+leading part in all matters affecting the clan, he is not a person with any administrative or judicial functions, and he has
+no power of punishment or control over the members of the clan. In public ceremonial matters of importance, however, he has
+functions which rest primarily upon him alone, and he does, in fact, always perform these functions in his own village; and
+on the occasion of a big feast (as to which see below), he does so in whatever village of the clan that feast may be held.
+
+</p>
+<p>The chief lives in one of the villages of the clan, but may have houses in other villages of that clan also. In the village
+in which he mainly resides is his <i>emone</i> or club-house, which is the only true <i>emone</i> of the clan; and for the upkeep and repair of this he <a id="d0e3311"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3311">93</a>]</span>is responsible. This is the ceremonial <i>emone</i> in his own village, and is always the one used in connection with the ceremony of a big feast in any village of the clan;
+and, if the feast be held in a village other than that in which is his then existing <i>emone</i>, another one is built in that village in lieu of his former one in the other village.
+
+</p>
+<p>There is not in connection with these chiefs and their ceremonies any distinctive difference in importance between the right
+and the left as regards the positions occupied by them on the <i>emone</i> platform or the structure of the <i>emone</i>, such as is found among the Roro people.
+
+</p>
+<p>Next in rank to the chief, and at the head of each village of the clan, there is a sub-chief, or <i>em&#8217; u babe</i>, this term meaning &#8220;father of the village.&#8221; He is not regarded as a true chief, but he is entitled, and it is his duty, to
+perform in his own village all the functions of the chief, except those connected with the big feast. He and the similar sub-chiefs
+of the other villages of the clan are the persons who take the prominent part in supporting the chief in any ceremonial function
+concerning the whole clan in which the latter may be engaged, and in particular at the big feast. The <i>em&#8217; u babe</i> is usually a relative of the chief, and at all events is an important personage. He also has in his own village his <i>emone</i>, which is the principal <i>emone</i> of that village, and is used for all ceremonial functions in that village except the big feast, but it is not regarded as
+being a true <i>emone</i>. The chief holds in his own village of residence both <a id="d0e3344"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3344">94</a>]</span>his office of <i>amidi</i> and that of <i>em&#8217; u babe</i>, there being no other person holding the latter office in that village.
+
+</p>
+<p>Next in rank to the sub-chiefs come a number of <i>ake baibe</i>, which means &#8220;great men.&#8221; These are the leading people&#8212;the aristocracy&#8212;of the clan. There are no distinctive social grades
+of rank among them. Their number is often very large in proportion to the total number of male inhabitants of a village; indeed
+sometimes almost every member of a village will claim to belong to this class. These people are in no sense office-bearers,
+and have no special duties to perform, though on a ceremonial occasion they are entitled to have their importance borne in
+mind. Each of them also is entitled to have an <i>emone</i> (here again not a true <i>emone</i>) in his village, but in fact their numbers often make this practically impossible, and you rarely see more than two or three
+<i>emone</i> in one village.
+
+</p>
+<p>The above are all the chiefs and notables of the clan. There is no such thing as a war chief.
+
+</p>
+<p>Aristocracy in its various forms is not a condition to which a man attains on getting older&#8212;it is attained by inheritance.
+
+</p>
+<p>The office of the chief is hereditary in the male line by strict rules of descent and primogeniture. On the death of a chief
+his office descends to his eldest son, or if that son has died leaving children, it descends to the eldest son of that son,
+and so on for subsequent generations. Failing the eldest son or male issue in the male line of the eldest son, the office
+devolves upon the late chiefs second son or his male issue in the <a id="d0e3372"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3372">95</a>]</span>male line. And so on for other sons and their issue. Failing such male issue the office passes to a collateral relation of
+the late chief on his father&#8217;s side (<i>e.g.</i>, the late chief&#8217;s next eldest brother or that brother&#8217;s son, or the late chief&#8217;s second brother or that brother&#8217;s son), the
+ascertainment of the devolution being based upon a general principle of nearest male relationship in the male line and primogeniture.<a id="d0e3377src" href="#d0e3377" class="noteref">3</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>The chief holds his office for life, but he may in his lifetime resign it in favour of the person entitled to succeed him,
+and this in fact often occurs. He cannot, however, on the appointment of his successor still continue in office himself, so
+as to create a joint chieftainship, as is done in Mekeo. He, as chief, is subject to no special taboo, and there is no qualification
+for office, other, of course, than hereditary right; but no chief can perform the functions of his office, or build for himself
+an <i>emone</i>, until he has married. There is no ceremony on the chiefs accession to office on the death of his predecessor; but there
+is a ceremony (to be described hereafter) on a chief&#8217;s abdication in favour of his successor. Cases have, I was told, occurred
+in which a man has in one way or another forced himself into the position of chief, though not qualified by descent, and has
+thus become a chief, from whom subsequent chieftainship descent has been traced, but I could learn nothing of the circumstances
+<a id="d0e3388"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3388">96</a>]</span>under which this had occurred. Also it has happened that, when a chief has been weak, and has not asserted his position, a
+sub-chief has more or less usurped his power and influence, without actually upsetting his chieftainship or supplanting him
+in his performance of ceremonial duties.
+
+</p>
+<p>If the chief on acquiring office by inheritance is a child, or not qualified to act (<i>e.g.</i>, unmarried), he is nevertheless chief; but some person will usually act as his guardian, and perform his functions for him
+until he has qualified. This person will probably be one of the young chief&#8217;s eldest male paternal relations (<i>e.g.</i>, the eldest living brother of the last previous chief), and will presumably be a person of consequence; but he will not necessarily
+be one of the sub-chiefs.
+
+</p>
+<p>All the above observations concerning the hereditary nature of a chief&#8217;s office and subsequently explained matters apply also
+to the case of a sub-chief, except that there is no ceremony on his resigning office in favour of his successor, and that
+the usurpation of the office of a sub-chief, of the occurrence of which I found no record, would perhaps be more difficult
+of accomplishment. In the event of a village throwing off an offshoot village, or itself splitting up into two villages, the
+then existing sub-chief of the original village would continue his office in it or, in case of a division, in one of the villages
+resulting from the split, and the other village would have for its sub-chief some one of the <i>ake-baibe</i> of the original village, probably the one who was most active in organising the split. On the other hand, if several villages
+united into one, one <a id="d0e3403"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3403">97</a>]</span>only of their sub-chiefs could be sub-chief of the village arising from the amalgamation, and the others would sink to the
+rank of <i>ake-baibe</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>The observations concerning the hereditary nature of a chiefs rank also apply to the <i>ake-baibe</i>. I have no information concerning them on the other points; but these are not so important as regards these people, who have
+no official position and have no duties to perform.
+
+</p>
+<p>There are, as will be seen hereafter, a number of persons who are employed from time to time to perform various acts and functions
+of a ceremonious or superstitious character, notably the man who has the important duty of killing pigs at feasts; but these
+men are not by virtue of their offices or functions either chiefs or sub-chiefs, or even notables or important personages.
+It is in each case a matter of the specific personal power which the man is believed to possess. Any of them might happen
+to be an important personage, and the pig-killer, whose office is a prominent one, would probably be one; though in his case
+muscular strength would, I understand, be an important element of qualification.<a id="d0e3415src" href="#d0e3415" class="noteref">4</a>
+
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e3427"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3427">98</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3117" href="#d0e3117src" class="noteref">1</a></span> This is subject to the qualification which arises from the fact (stated below) that a member of one clan who migrates to a
+village of another clan retains his <i>imbele</i> relationship to the members of his own old clan, although he has by his change of residence obtained a similar relationship
+to the members of the clan in whose village he has settled.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3156" href="#d0e3156src" class="noteref">2</a></span> See <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1910, which on p. 5 speaks of &#8220;several villages round about the Mission, known as Sivu.&#8221;
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3377" href="#d0e3377src" class="noteref">3</a></span>  Compare the Koita system, under which under certain conditions the son of a chief&#8217;s sister might succeed him (Seligmann,
+<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 52). Such a thing could not take place among the Mafulu.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3415" href="#d0e3415src" class="noteref">4</a></span> I do not know how far this pig-killer may be compared with the Roro <i>ovia akiva</i>, or chief of the knife, referred to by Dr. Seligmann (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 219). The Mafulu pig-killer cannot be regarded as being even a quasi-chief, and his office is not hereditary. It is noticeable
+also that he is the man who kills the pigs, whereas the <i>ovia akiva</i> only cuts up the bodies after the pigs have been killed by someone else.
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e3428"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Villages, Emone, Houses and Modes of Inter-Village Communication</h2>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Villages and Their Emone and Houses.</h3>
+<p>The Mafulu villages are generally situated on narrow plateaux or ridges, sloping down on each side; but the plateaux are not
+usually so narrow, nor the slopes so steep, as are those of the Kuni district, and the villages themselves are not generally
+so narrow, as the contour of the country does not involve these conditions to the same extent. Also the Mafulu villages are
+on the lower ridges only, and not on the high mountains; but the actual elevations above sea-level of these lower ridges are,
+I think, generally higher than those of the top ridges of the Kuni. Plate <a href="#d0e17364">54</a> shows the position and surroundings of the village of Salube (community of Auga), and is a good representative example, except
+that the plate does not show any open grassland.
+
+</p>
+<p>The villages are, or were, protected with stockades and with pits outside the stockades, and sometimes with platforms on trees
+near the stockade boundaries, from which platforms the inhabitants can shoot and <a id="d0e3441"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3441">99</a>]</span>hurl stones upon an enemy climbing up the slope. The stockade is made of timber, is about 15 to 25 feet high, and is generally
+constructed in three or more parallel rows or lines, each of the lines having openings, but the openings never being opposite
+to one another. These protections have now, however, been largely, though not entirely, discontinued.<a id="d0e3443src" href="#d0e3443" class="noteref">1</a> It is, or was, also the practice, when expecting an attack, to put into the ground in the approaches to the village calthrop-like
+arrow-headed objects, with their points projecting upwards.
+
+</p>
+<p>The average size of the villages is small compared with that of the large villages of Mekeo, some of them having only six
+or eight houses, though many villages have thirty houses, and some of them have fifty or sixty or more. The houses and <i>emone</i> are much smaller than those of Mekeo, and much ruder and simpler in construction and they have no carving or other decoration.
+There are no communal houses.
+
+</p>
+<p>The houses are ranged in two parallel rows along the side of the ridge, with an open village space between them, the space
+being considerably longer than it is broad, and more or less irregular in shape. The houses are generally built with their
+door-openings facing inwards towards the village enclosure.
+
+</p>
+<p>At one end of the village, and facing down the open space, is the chief&#8217;s or sub-chief&#8217;s <i>emone</i>. These are, like the Roro <i>marea</i> and the Mekeo <i>ufu</i>, used, not only in connection with ceremonies, but also as living houses <a id="d0e3464"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3464">100</a>]</span>for men, especially unmarried men, and for the accommodation of visitors to the village. There are probably also in the village
+the <i>emone</i> of one or more of the notables before mentioned, of which one will be at the other end of the village and any others will
+be among the houses at the side of, and facing into, the village enclosure. There are not often more than three <i>emone</i>, true or otherwise, in one village.
+
+</p>
+<p>You of course do not find the surrounding palm groves of Mekeo and the coast; nor do you generally see the waste space behind
+the houses, or the ring of garden plots outside the waste space, the position of the village on its ridge being usually hardly
+adapted to the latter. You may, however, often find garden plots very near to the village. Each family has its own house,
+and, except as regards the <i>emone</i> and their use, there are no separate houses for men or women, or for any class of them.
+
+</p>
+<p>The Mafulu <i>emone</i> is an oblong building, erected on piles of very varying height, the interior floor being anything from 3 to 15 feet above
+the ground. In size also it varies very much, but generally it is internally about 12 to 15 feet long from front to back,
+and about 8 to 12 feet in width. The roof, which is thatched with long, rather broad leaves, is constructed on the ridge and
+gable principle, with the gable ends facing the front and the back, and the roof sloping on both sides in convex curves from
+the ridge downwards. Remarkable and specially distinctive features of the building are the thatched roof appendages projecting
+from the tops of the two gable <a id="d0e3482"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3482">101</a>]</span>ends (front and back), the forms of which appendages are somewhat like a hood or the convex fan-shaped semicircular roof of
+an apse, and in construction are sometimes made as rounded overhanging continuations of the upper part of the roof, and sometimes
+as independent additions, not continuous with, and not forming parts of, the actual roof. In front of the building, but not
+at the back, is a platform at a level about a foot below that of the inner floor, extending the whole length of the front
+of the building, and projecting forwards to a distance of from 2 to 5 feet. The approach from the ground to this platform
+in the case of a high-built emone is a rudely constructed ladder, but when the building is only low and near the ground it
+is generally merely a rough sloping piece of tree trunk, or even only a stump. The two gable ends are enclosed with walls
+made of horizontal tree branches, two or three of which are, at both the front and rear ends of the building, discontinued
+for a short distance in the centre, so as to leave openings. These openings are, say, 2 feet or more above the level of the
+front outside platform, and 1 foot or more above that of the inside floor, and are usually very small; so that, in entering
+or leaving the building, you have to step up to, or even climb, and wriggle yourself through the opening, and then step down
+on the other side. Inside the building you find the centre of the floor space occupied by a longitudinal fireplace, about
+2 feet broad, extending from front to back of the building; and the floors on each side of this fireplace slope upwards somewhat
+from the visible level of the fire-place <a id="d0e3484"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3484">102</a>]</span>towards the sides of the building. The fireplace part of the interior is, in fact, dropped to a level below that of the adjoining
+floors, so as to form a long trough, which is filled up with soil upon which the fire can burn; and it is the visible top
+level of this soil covering which is practically flush with the inside lower level of the adjacent upward-sloping floors.
+Some distance below the roof there is usually an open ceiling of reeds, used for the purpose of storing and drying fruits
+and other things, and especially, as will be seen hereafter, for drying fruit required in the preparation for the big feast.
+
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e3487" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Figure 4.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/b102.gif" alt="Diagram of Front of Emone (Front Hood of Roof and Front Platform and Portions of Front Timbers omitted, so as to show Interior)."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Diagram of Front of Emone (Front Hood of Roof and Front Platform and Portions of Front Timbers omitted, so as to show Interior).</p>
+</div><p>
+<a id="d0e3491"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3491">103</a>]</span></p>
+<p><a href="#d0e3487">Fig. 4</a> is a diagram of the front of an <i>emone</i>, disclosing the internal plan of the floor and fireplace, for which purpose the front hood of the roof and the front platform
+are omitted from the plan, and of the horizontal front timbers the third up from the bottom is shown at the ends only, the
+middle part being omitted, and small portions of the timbers immediately above them are omitted. The words in parentheses
+appearing in the explanatory notes to the figure are the Mafulu names for the various parts of the building.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>Explanatory Notes to Fig.</i> 4.
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>a</i>) Main posts, one at the front of the building, one in the middle, and one at the back (<i>apopo</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>b</i>) Posts supporting roof, a line of them running along each side (<i>tedele</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>c</i>) Posts supporting outer edge of flooring, a line of them on each side (<i>emuje</i> or <i>aje</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>d</i>) Post supporting inner edge of flooring and hearth, a line of them on each side (<i>foj&#8217; ul&#8217; emuje</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>e</i>) Lower ridge pole (<i>tanguve</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>f</i>) Main downward-sloping roof work, strongly made, going all the way back, only four or five of them on each side (<i>loko-loko</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>g</i>) Upper ridge pole (<i>tope</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>h</i>) Main horizontal roof work, resting on <i>f</i> (<i>gegebe</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>i</i>) Upper downward-sloping roof work, not so thick as <i>f</i> resting on <i>h</i>, going all the way back at intervals of about 1 foot (<i>engala</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>k</i>) Upper horizontal roof work, not so thick as <i>h</i>
+resting on <i>i</i> (<i>gegebe</i>)
+<a id="d0e3601"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3601">104</a>]</span></p>
+<p>(<i>l</i>) Thatch made of leaves (<i>asase</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p><i>Note.</i>&#8212;The roof (excluding the hood) projects forward and overhangs a little beyond the post <i>a</i>, so as to overhang the greater part, but not the whole, of the platform; the hood (not shown in this figure) is really intended
+to shelter the <span class="corr" title="Source: flatform">platform</span>.
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>m</i>) Pole supporting roof (<i>karia</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>n</i>) Pole supporting outer edge of floor (<i>karia</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>o</i>) Pole supporting inner edge of floor and enclosing hearth (<i>jakusube</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>p</i>) Floor, composed of transverse woodwork (<i>koimame</i>) with thin light longitudinal lath work on top of it (<i>ondovo</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>q</i>) Pole above inner edge of floor and edging hearth, not so thick as <i>o</i> (<i>bubuje</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>r</i>) Floor of fireplace, upon which soil is put (<i>foj&#8217; ul maovo</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>s</i>) Pieces of wood supported by <i>c</i> and <i>d</i>, going right across building and over floor of fireplace, but under its earth, all the way back (<i>kooije</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>t</i>) Wall timbers below top of door-opening, at front and back (<i>kautape</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p><i>Note.</i>&#8212;<i>t</i>(1)goes right across under door-opening, but the middle portion of it is omitted from the diagram, and the lower edges of
+timbers <i>t</i> (2) are partly broken off, so as to show floor and fireplace.
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>u</i>) Wall timbers above top of door-opening (<i>dibindi</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p><i>Note.</i>&#8212;<i>t</i> and <i>u</i> together-the whole wall-are called <i>bou</i>.
+<a id="d0e3727"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3727">105</a>]</span></p>
+<p>(<i>v</i>) Uprights bracing together <i>t</i> and <i>u</i> (Mafulu name unknown).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>w</i>) Ceiling made with reeds and used for storing and drying fruit, etc. It may occupy the whole length of the building and the
+whole width of it, or part only of either or both of these (<i>avale</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>x</i>) Space filled up with soil and used as hearth (<i>foje</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>y</i>) Door-opening, one at back also (<i>akomimbe</i>).
+
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e3764" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Figure 5.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/b105.gif" alt="Diagram of Transverse Section across Centre of Emone."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Diagram of Transverse Section across Centre of Emone.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e3764">Fig. 5</a> is a diagram of a transverse section across the centre of an <i>emone</i>, showing the internal construction. The explanatory note only deals with portions not explained in those to <a href="#d0e3487">Fig. 4</a>.
+<a id="d0e3778"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3778">106</a>]</span></p>
+<p><i>Explanatory Note to Fig.</i> 5.
+
+</p>
+<p>Post <i>a</i> is the main central support of the building corresponding with post <i>a</i> in Fig. 4. Posts <i>b b</i> are central side supports to the roof. Poles <i>c</i> and <i>d</i> are attached to posts <i>a b b</i>, and help to strengthen the fabric. These poles are also used for hanging up sleeping hammocks, the other extremities of
+which are hung to the <i>loko-loko</i> of the roof (<a href="#d0e3487">Fig. 4</a>, <i>f</i>). The name for post <i>a</i> is <i>dudu</i>, but this word is often used to express the whole structure <i>a b b c d</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>I have endeavoured in the diagrammatic sketch&#8212;Fig. 6&#8212;to illustrate the apse-like projection of the roof of an <i>emone</i> and the platform arrangements. I have in this sketch denuded the apse roof of its thatch, showing it in skeleton only; and
+I have shaded all timber work behind the platform, in order more clearly to define the latter.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>Explanatory Notes to Fig.</i> 6.
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>a</i>) Front end of thatch (<i>asase</i>) of main roof.
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>b c d</i>) Front apse-shaped roof (<i>siafele</i>), the thatch having been removed to show its internal construction.
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>b c, b e, b d</i>) Downward-sloping roof work (<i>engala</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>f f, c d</i>] Horizontal roof work (<i>gegebe</i>), carried round in curves.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>Note.</i>&#8212;Sometimes the apse-shaped roof is constructed as a continuation of the main roof of the building, in which case the <i>gegebe</i> of the former are a continuation of those of the latter. Sometimes the apse roof is a separate appendage, not connected with
+<a id="d0e3869"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3869">107</a>]</span>the main roof, and in that case the <i>gegebe</i> of the former are separate from those of the latter, and are fixed at their extremities to the <i>loko-loko</i> of the main roof.
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>g</i>) Posts supporting the platform (<i>purum&#8217;-ul&#8217; emuge</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>h</i>) Horizontal platform supports resting at one end on <i>g</i> and at the other end fixed to either the <i>tedele</i> or the <i>emuje</i>.
+
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e3900" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Figure 6.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/b107.gif" alt="Diagrammatic Sketch of Apse-like Projection of Roof of Emone and Platform Arrangements."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Diagrammatic Sketch of Apse-like Projection of Roof of Emone and Platform Arrangements.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>i</i>) Platform (<i>purume</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p><i>Note.</i>&#8212;It will be seen that the front <i>apopo</i> passes through the platform.
+<a id="d0e3919"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3919">108</a>]</span></p>
+<p>(<i>k</i>) Additional supports to the apse roof, which are sometimes added, but are not usual. Their lower ends rest on the platform
+and they are connected with the apse roof at its outer edge (Mafulu name unknown).
+
+</p>
+<p>(<i>l</i>) A stump by which to get on to the platform. This is often a rough sloping piece of tree-trunk; where the platform of the
+emone is high it is a rudely constructed ladder (<i>gigide</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p><i>Note.</i>&#8212;The entire fa&ccedil;ade of the front gable end is called <i>konimbe</i> (which means door) or <i>purume</i> (which means platform). That of the back gable end is called <i>apei</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>Note.</i>&#8212;The height of the door-opening above the outside platform is shown in this figure.
+
+</p>
+<p>The houses are in construction very similar to the <i>emone</i>, and in fact the above description of the latter may be taken as a description of a house, subject to the following modifications:
+(i.) The house is never raised high, its floor always being within a foot or two of the ground, (ii.) It is smaller than the
+<i>emone</i>, its average internal dimensions being about 8 to 12 feet long, and 8 to 10 feet wide, (iii.) The roof generally slopes down
+on both sides to the level of the ground (concealing the side structure of the house) or nearly so. (iv.) The projecting hood
+of the roof is only added at the front of the building, and not at the rear; and it is usually separate from, and not continuous
+with, the real roof.<a id="d0e3958src" href="#d0e3958" class="noteref">2</a> (v.) The platform is <a id="d0e3963"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3963">109</a>]</span>generally small and narrow, and often only extends for half the length of the front of the house, and, being always within
+a foot or two of the ground, it does not possess or require a ladder or tree-trunk approach; it is also narrower. Frequently
+there is no platform at all. (vi.) There is no entrance opening at the back of the house, (vii.) The front entrance opening
+is smaller and narrower and more difficult of entry. When the family are absent, they generally put sticks across this opening
+to bar entry, whereas the entrance opening of the <i>emone</i> is always open, (viii.) The centre house support very often consists of one post only, instead of a combination, (ix.) There
+is often on one side of the entrance opening a small space of the inside of the house fenced off for occupation by the pigs,
+and there is a little aperture by which they can get into this space from outside, (x.) The <i>avale</i> ceiling is usually absent; and, even if there be one, it will only extend under a small portion of the roof.<a id="d0e3971src" href="#d0e3971" class="noteref">3</a>
+<a id="d0e3980"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3980">110</a>]</span></p>
+<p>The following are explanations of my plates of villages and their buildings.
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Plate.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Explanation.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17369">55</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Village of Seluku (community of Sivu), with chief&#8217;s <i>emone</i> at the end facing up the enclosure.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17374">56</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Village of Amalala (community of Sivu), with chief&#8217;s <i>emone</i> at the end of the enclosure.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17379">57</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">The same village of Amalala (photographed in the other direction), with secondary <i>emone</i> at the end of the enclosure.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17384">58</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Village of Malala (community of Sivu), with secondary <i>emone</i> at the end of the enclosure.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17389">59</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Village of Uvande (community of Alo), with chief&#8217;s <i>emone</i> at the end of the enclosure.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17394">60</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Village of Biave (community of Mambu), with chief&#8217;s <i>emone</i> at the end of the enclosure.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17399">61</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">The chief&#8217;s <i>emone</i> in village of Amalala.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17404">62</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">The chief&#8217;s <i>emone</i> in the village of Malala, at the other end of the enclosure.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17409">63</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">A house in the same village.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><a href="#d0e17414">64</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">A house in village of Levo (community of Mambu).</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Communications.</h3>
+<p>The native paths of the Mafulu people, or at all events those passing through forests, are, like those of most other mountain
+natives, usually difficult for white men to traverse. The forest tracks in particular are often quite unrecognisable as such
+to an inexperienced white man, and are generally very narrow and beset with a tangle of stems and hanging roots and creepers
+of the trees and bush undergrowth, which catch the unwary traveller across the legs or body or hands or face at every turn,
+and are often so concealed by the grass and vegetation that, unless he be very careful, he is apt to be constantly tripped
+up by them; and moreover these entanglements are often armed with thorns or prickles, or have <a id="d0e4089"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4089">111</a>]</span>serrated edges, a sweep of which may tear the traveller&#8217;s clothes, or lacerate his hands or face. Then there are at every
+turn and corner rough trunks of fallen trees, visible or concealed, often more or less rotten and treacherous, to be got over;
+and such things are frequently the only means of crossing ditches and ravines of black rotting vegetable mud. Moreover the
+paths are often very steep; and, indeed, it is this fact, and the presence of rough stones and roots, which renders the very
+prominent outward turn of the people&#8217;s big toes, with their prehensile power, such useful physical attributes.
+
+</p>
+<p>Their bridges may be divided into four types, namely: (1) A single tree thrown across the stream, having either been blown
+down, and so fallen across it accidentally, or been purposely placed across it by the natives. (2) Two or more such trunks
+placed in parallel lines across the stream, and covered with a rough platform of transverse pieces of wood. (3) The suspension
+bridge. I regret that I am unable to give a detailed description of Mafulu suspension bridges, but I think I am correct in
+saying that they are very similar to those of the Kuni people, one of whose bridges is described in the <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1909, as being 150 feet long and 20 feet above water at the lowest part, and as being made of lawyer vine (I do
+not know whether this would be right for Mafulu), with flooring of pieces of stick supported on strips of bark, and as presenting
+a crazy appearance, which made the Governor&#8217;s carriers afraid of crossing it, though it was in fact perfectly safe, and had
+very little <a id="d0e4096"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4096">112</a>]</span>movement, even in the middle. I also give in Plate <a href="#d0e17419">65</a> a photograph taken by myself<a id="d0e4101src" href="#d0e4101" class="noteref">4</a> of a bridge over the St. Joseph river, close to the Kuni village of Ido-ido, which, though a Kuni bridge, may, I think, be
+taken as fairly illustrative of a Mafulu bridge over a wide river.<a id="d0e4104src" href="#d0e4104" class="noteref">5</a> Plate <a href="#d0e17424">66</a> is a photograph, taken in Mafulu, of another form of suspension bridge used by them, and adapted to narrower rivers, the
+river in this case being the Aduala. (4) The bamboo bridge. This is a highly arched bridge of bamboo stems. The people take
+two long stems, and splice them together at their narrow ends, the total length of the spliced pair being considerably greater
+than the width of the river to be bridged. They then place the spliced pair of bamboos across the river, with one end against
+a strong backing and support on one side of the river and the other end at the other side, where it will extend for some little
+distance beyond the river bank. This further end is then forcibly bent backward to the bank by a number of men working together,
+and is there fixed and backed. The bamboo stems then form a high arch over the river. They then fix another pair of stems
+in the same way, close to and parallel with the first one; and the double arch so formed is connected all the way across with
+short pieces of wood, tied firmly to the stems, so as to strengthen the bridge and form a footway, by which it can be crossed.
+They then generally add a hand rail on one side.
+<a id="d0e4113"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4113">113</a>]</span></p>
+<p>One can hardly leave the question of physical communications without also referring to the marvellous system of verbal communication
+which exists amongst the Mafulu and Kuni and other mountain people. Messages are shouted across the valleys from village to
+village in a way which to the unaccustomed traveller is amazing. It never seemed to me that any attempt was made specially
+to articulate the words and syllables of the message, or to repeat them slowly, so as to make them more readily heard at a
+distance off, though the last syllable of each sentence is always prolonged into a continuous sort of wail. This system of
+wireless telegraphy has, however, been before described by other writers, so I need say no more about it.
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e4116"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4116">114</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3443" href="#d0e3443src" class="noteref">1</a></span>  I do not suggest that these defences are peculiar to the Mafulu area. I believe they are used by other mountain natives of
+the Central District.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3958" href="#d0e3958src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Though this curious-shaped hood in front of a house is apparently a speciality of the mountains, so far as British New Guinea
+is concerned, I do not suggest that it does not exist elsewhere. In fact, some of the <a id="d0e3960"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e3960">109n</a>]</span>native houses which I have seen in the Rubiana Lagoon district of the Solomon Islands had a somewhat similar projection, though
+in them the front wall of the house, with its little door-opening, was carried round below the outer edge of the hood, which
+thus formed part of the roof of the interior, instead of being merely a shelter over the outside platform, as is the case
+in Mafulu.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e3971" href="#d0e3971src" class="noteref">3</a></span> Dr. Haddon refers (<i>Geographical Journal, Vol. XVI.</i>, p. 422) to conical ground houses with elliptical and circular bases found in villages on the top of steep hills behind the
+Mekeo district and on the southern spur of Mt. Davidson, and says that in some places, as on the Aduala affluent of the Angabunga
+(<i>i.e.</i>, St. Joseph&#8217;s) river, the houses are oblong, having a short ridge pole. I think that the elliptical houses to which he refers
+have probably been Kuni houses, to which his description could well be applied, and that the oblong houses have been Mafulu.
+The villages with very narrow streets, and the houses of which are, he says, built partly on the crest and partly on the slope,
+are also in this respect typically Kuni.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4101" href="#d0e4101src" class="noteref">4</a></span> This photograph had to be taken from an awkward position above, from which I had to point the camera downwards to the bridge.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4104" href="#d0e4104src" class="noteref">5</a></span> See also description of suspension bridge over Vanapa river in lower hill districts given in <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1889, p. 38.
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e4117"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Government, Property, and Inheritance</h2>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Government and Justice.</h3>
+<p>There is, as might be expected, no organised system of government among the Mafulu, nor is there any official administration
+of justice.
+
+</p>
+<p>As regards government, the chiefs in informal consultation with the sub-chiefs and prominent personages deal with important
+questions affecting the community or clan or village as a whole, such as the holding of big feasts and important ceremonies,
+the migrations or splitting-up or amalgamation of villages, and warlike operations; but events of this character are not frequent.
+And as to justice, neither the chiefs nor any other persons have any official duties of settling personal disputes or trying
+or punishing wrongdoers. The active functions of the chiefs, in fact, appear to be largely ceremonial.
+
+</p>
+<p>Concerning the question of justice, it would seem, indeed, that a judicial system is hardly requisite. Personal disputes between
+members of a village or clan, or even of a community, on such possible subjects as inheritance, boundary, ownership of <a id="d0e4129"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4129">115</a>]</span>property, trespass and the like, and wrongful acts within the village or the community, are exceedingly rare, except as regards
+adultery and wounding and killing cases arising from acts of adultery, which are more common.
+
+</p>
+<p>There are certain things which from immemorial custom are regarded as being wrong, and appropriate punishments for which are
+generally recognised, especially stealing, wounding, killing and adultery; but the punishment for these is administered by
+the injured parties and their friends, favoured and supported by public opinion, and often, where the offender belongs to
+another clan, actively helped by the whole clan of the injured parties.
+
+</p>
+<p>The penalty for stealing is the return or replacement of the article stolen; but stealing within the community, and perhaps
+even more so within the clan or village, is regarded as such a disgraceful offence, more so, I believe, than either killing
+or adultery, that its mere discovery involves a distressing punishment to the offender. As regards wounding and killing, the
+recognised rule is blood for blood, and a life for a life. The recognised code for adultery will be stated in the <a href="#d0e4884">chapter on matrimonial matters</a>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Any retribution for a serious offence committed by someone outside the clan of the person injured is often directed, not only
+against the offender himself, but against his whole clan.
+
+</p>
+<p>There is a method of discovering the whereabouts of a stolen article, and the identity of the thief, through the medium of
+a man who is believed to have special <a id="d0e4142"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4142">116</a>]</span>powers of ascertaining them. This man takes one of the large broad single-shell arm ornaments, which he places on its edge
+on the ground, and one of the pig-bone implements already described, which he places standing on its point upon the convex
+surface of the shell. To make the implement stand in this way he puts on the point, and makes to adhere to the shell a small
+piece of wild bees&#8217; wax, this being done, I was told, surreptitiously, though I cannot say to what extent the people are deceived
+by the dodge, or are aware of it. The implement stands on the shell for a few seconds, after which it falls down. Previously
+to doing this he has told his client of certain possible directions in which the implement may fall, and intimated that, whichever
+that may be, it will be the direction in which the lost article must be sought. He has also given certain alternative names
+of possible culprits, one of such names being associated with each of the alternative directions of falling. The fall of the
+implement thus indicates the quarter in which the lost article may be found and the name of the thief. Father Clauser saw
+this performance enacted in connection with a pig which had been stolen from a chief; the falling bone successfully pointed
+to the direction in which the pig was afterwards found, and there was no doubt that the alleged thief was in fact the true
+culprit. Presumably the operator makes private enquiries before trying his experiment, and knows how to control the fall of
+the implement.
+
+
+<a id="d0e4144"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4144">117</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Property and Inheritance.</h3>
+<p>The property of a Mafulu native may be classified as being (1) his movable belongings, such as clothing, ornaments, implements
+and pigs; (2) his house in the village; (3) his bush land; (4) his gardens.
+
+</p>
+<p>The movable belongings are, of course, his own absolute property.
+
+</p>
+<p>The village house is also his own; but this does not include the site of that house, which continues to be the property of
+the village. Every grown-up male inhabitant of the village has the right to build for himself one house in that village; he
+is not entitled to have more than one there, but he may have a house in each of two or more villages, and a chief or very
+important man is allowed two or three houses in the same village. On a house being pulled down and not rebuilt, or being abandoned
+and left to decay, the site reverts to the village, and another person may build a house upon it.<a id="d0e4154src" href="#d0e4154" class="noteref">1</a> Houses are never sold, but the ordinary life of a house is only a few years.
+
+</p>
+<p>The man&#8217;s bush land is his own property, and his ownership includes all trees and growth which may be upon it, and which no
+other man may cut down, but it does not include game, this being the common property of the community; and any member of the
+community is entitled to pass over the land, hunt on it, and fish in streams passing through it, as <a id="d0e4162"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4162">118</a>]</span>he pleases. The whole of the bush land of the community belongs in separate portions to different owners, one man sometimes
+owning two or more of such portions; and it is most remarkable that, though there are apparently no artificial boundary marks
+between the various portions, these boundaries are, somehow or other, known and respected, and disputes with reference to
+them are practically unknown. How the original allocations and allotments of land have been made does not appear to be known
+to the people themselves.
+
+</p>
+<p>The man&#8217;s garden plot or plots are also his own, having been cleared by him or some predecessor of his out of his or that
+predecessor&#8217;s own bush land; and he may build in his gardens as many houses as he pleases. His ownership of his garden plot
+is more exclusive than is that of his bush land, as other people are not entitled to pass over it. But on the other hand,
+if he abandons the garden, and nature again overruns it with growth&#8212;a process which takes place with great rapidity&#8212;it ceases
+to be his garden, and reverts to, and becomes absorbed in, the portion of the bush out of which it had been cleared; and if,
+as it may be, he is not the sole owner of that portion of bush, he loses his exclusive right to the land, which as a garden
+had been his own sole property.
+
+</p>
+<p>No man can sell or exchange either his bush land or his garden plots, and changes in their ownership therefore only arise
+through death and inheritance. This statement, however, is, I think, subject to the qualification that an owner of bush-land
+will sometimes <a id="d0e4168"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4168">119</a>]</span>allow his son or other male descendant to clear and make for himself a garden in it; but I am not sure as to the point.
+
+</p>
+<p>On a man&#8217;s death his widow, if any, does not inherit any portion of his property, either movable or immovable, but three things
+are allowed to her. She is generally allowed one pig, which will be required by her at a later date for the ceremony of the
+removal of her mourning; and she shares with her husband&#8217;s children, or, if there be none, she has the sole right to, the
+then current season&#8217;s crops and fruit resulting from the planting effected by her late husband and herself, though this is
+a right which, after her return home to her own people, she would not continue to exercise; and she is allowed to continue
+to occupy her husband&#8217;s house, but this latter privilege terminates at the mourning removal ceremony, when the house will
+be pulled down, and its site will revert to the village, and she will probably return to her own people in her own village,
+if she has not done so previously.
+
+</p>
+<p>Subject to these three allowances, I may dismiss the widow entirely in dealing with the law of inheritance. I may also dismiss
+the man&#8217;s female children by saying that, if there be male children, the females do not share at all in the inheritance, and
+even if there be no male children the female children will only perhaps be allowed, apparently rather as a matter of grace
+than of right, to share in his movable effects; and that, subject to this, everything goes to the man&#8217;s male relatives. I
+may also eliminate the man&#8217;s pigs, as <a id="d0e4174"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4174">120</a>]</span>apparently any pigs he has, other than that retained for his widow, are killed at his funeral.
+
+</p>
+<p>On the death of an owner everything he possesses goes, except as above mentioned, to his sons. They divide the movable things
+between them, but the bush and garden land pass to them jointly, and there is no process by which either of these can be divided
+and portioned among them. The male children of a deceased son, and the male children of any deceased male child of that deceased
+son (and so on for subsequent generations), inherit between them in lieu of that son. There does not appear, however, to be
+any idea in the Mafulu mind of each son of the deceased owner being entitled to a specific equal fractional share, or of the
+descendants of a deceased son of that owner being between them only entitled to one share, <i>per stirpes</i>. They apparently do not get beyond the general idea that these people, whoever they may be and to whatever generations they
+may belong, become the owners of the property.
+
+</p>
+<p>They take possession of and cultivate the existing gardens as joint property. Any one of them will be allowed to clear some
+of their portion of bush, and fence it, and plant it as a garden, and it will then become the sole property of that one man,
+and if he dies it will pass as his own property to his own heirs; though, as before stated, if he abandons it, and lets it
+be swallowed up by the bush, it will cease to be his own garden, and will again be included in the family&#8217;s joint portion
+of bush land, and on his death his heirs will only come into the joint bush ownership.
+<a id="d0e4183"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4183">121</a>]</span></p>
+<p>In this way the ownership of a garden must often be in several persons, with no well-defined rights <i>inter se</i>, and the general ownership of bush land which has never been cleared, or which, having been cleared, has been abandoned and
+reverted, must often be in a very large number of persons without defined rights. In fact, so far as bush land is concerned,
+one only has to remember that on the death of an owner it passes into joint ownership of children&#8212;that on the deaths of these
+children fresh groups of persons come into the joint ownership&#8212;that this may go on indefinitely, generation after generation&#8212;that
+bush, having once got into the ownership of many people, is hardly likely to again fall by descents into a single ownership&#8212;that
+indeed the tendency must be for the number of owners of any one portion of bush steadily to increase&#8212;and finally that there
+is no way by which the extensively divided ownership can be terminated by either partition or alienation&#8212;and one then realises
+the extraordinary complications of family ownership of bush land which must commonly exist.
+
+</p>
+<p>As regards both movable effects and gardens and bush land there must be endless occasions for dispute. How are the movable
+things to be divided among the inheritors, and, in particular, who is to take perhaps one valuable article, which may be worth
+all the rest put together? How are questions of doubtful claims to heirship to bush and garden land to be determined? How
+is the joint ownership of the gardens to be dealt with, and how is the work there to be apportioned, and the products of the
+gardens <a id="d0e4191"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4191">122</a>]</span>divided? How are the mutual rights of the bush land to be regulated, and especially what is to happen if each of two or more
+joint owners desires to clear and allocate to himself as a garden, a specially eligible piece of bush? Such situations in
+England would bristle with lawsuits, and I tried to find out how these questions were actually dealt with by the Mafulu; but
+there is no judicial system there, and the only answer I could get was that in these matters, as in the case of inter-community
+bush boundaries and personal bush boundaries, disputes were practically unknown; though it was pointed out to me, as regards
+bush land, that the amount of it belonging to any one family was usually so large that crowding out could hardly arise.
+
+</p>
+<p>If a man dies without male descendants in the male line, then, subject perhaps to some sort of claim of his daughters, if
+any, to share in his movable effects, his property goes to his nearest male relative or relatives in the male line. This would
+primarily be his father, if living, but the father could hardly be the inheritor of anything but movable things and perhaps
+garden land, as the deceased could not be the owner of bush land during the lifetime of his father. Subject as regards movable
+things and perhaps gardens to this right of the father, the persons to inherit everything would be deceased&#8217;s brothers and
+the male descendants in the male line of any such brothers who had died; or in default of these it would be the father&#8217;s (not
+the mother&#8217;s) brothers and their male descendants in the male line, and so on for more distant male relatives, every descent
+being traced <a id="d0e4195"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4195">123</a>]</span>strictly in the male line only, on a principle similar to that above explained.
+
+</p>
+<p>Male infants, by which term I mean young children, there being of course no infancy in the defined sense in which the term
+is used in English law, like adults, may become possessed of property by inheritance as regards bush and garden land, and
+by inheritance or otherwise as regards movable property, but they would hardly be likely to be the owners of houses; and the
+descent from these infants is the same as that in the case of adults.
+
+</p>
+<p>No woman can possess any property, other than movable property, and even this is at best confined to the clothes and ornaments
+which she wears. On the death of a married woman all her effects go to her husband, or, if he be dead, they go to her children
+or descendants, male and female, equally, If she has no children or descendants, they go to her husband&#8217;s father, or, failing
+him, to such other person or persons as would have been entitled to inherit if her effects had been those of her husband.
+Her own blood relations do not come in, as she had been bought and paid for by her husband. If the deceased woman were a spinster,
+then her effects would pass to her father, or, failing him, to her brothers, or, failing them, to her nearest male relatives
+on her father&#8217;s side.
+
+</p>
+<p>The guardianship of and responsibility for infant children whose father dies falls primarily upon the children&#8217;s mother, and
+she, if and when she returned to her own people, would probably take the children away with her, though her sons, who shared
+in the inheritance <a id="d0e4203"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4203">124</a>]</span>from their father, would usually come back again to their own village when they became grown up, and might do so even when
+comparatively young. If there is no mother of the children, the guardianship and responsibility is taken up by one or more
+of the relatives of either the deceased father or deceased mother of the children, and it might be that some children would
+be taken over by some of such relatives, and some by others. There appears, however, to be no regular rule as to all this,
+the question being largely one of convenience.
+
+</p>
+<p>Adopted children have in all matters of inheritance the same rights as actual children.
+
+</p>
+<p>From the above particulars it will be seen that there is no system of descent in the female line or of mother-right among
+the Mafulu, and I could not find any trace of such a thing having ever existed with them. As to this I would draw attention
+to the facts that the mother&#8217;s relatives do not come in specially, as they do among the Roro and Mekeo people, in connection
+with the perineal band ceremony; that a boy owes no service to his maternal uncle, as is the case among the Koita; that there
+is no equivalent of the Koita <i>Heni</i> ceremony; that in no case can a woman be a chief, or chieftainship descend by the female line; that children belong to the
+clan of their father, and not to that of their mother; and that no duty or responsibility for orphan children devolves specially
+upon their mother&#8217;s relations.
+
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e4212"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4212">125</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4154" href="#d0e4154src" class="noteref">1</a></span> Compare the Koita system under which the owner of the house owns the site of it also, and the latter passes on his death to
+his heirs (Seligmann&#8217;s <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 89.)
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e4213"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>The Big Feast</h2>
+<p>This is the greatest and most important social function of a Mafulu community of villages. I was unable to get any information
+as to its real intent and origin, but a clue to this may, I think, be found in the formal cutting down of the grave platform
+of a chief, the dipping of chiefs&#8217; bones in the blood of the slain pigs, and the touching of other chiefs&#8217; bones with the
+bones so dipped, which constitute such important features of the function, and which perhaps point to an idea of in some way
+finally propitiating or driving away or &#8220;laying&#8221; the ghosts of the chiefs whose bones are the subject of the ceremony.
+
+</p>
+<p>The feast, though only to be solemnised in one village, is organised and given by the whole community of villages. There is
+no (now) known matter or event with reference to which it is held. It is decided upon and arranged and prepared for long beforehand,
+say a year or two, and feasts will only be held in one village at intervals of perhaps fifteen or twenty years. The decision
+to hold a feast is arrived at by the chiefs of the clans of the community which proposes to give it. The village at which
+the feast is to be held will not necessarily be the largest one of the community, or one in which is a then existing <a id="d0e4220"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4220">126</a>]</span>chiefs <i>emone</i>. The guests to be invited to it will be the people of some other (only one other) community, and at the outset it will be
+ascertained more or less informally whether or not they will be willing to accept the invitation.
+
+</p>
+<p>When the feast has been resolved upon, the preparations for it begin immediately, that is a year or two before the date on
+which it is to be held. Large quantities will be required of yam, taro and sugar-cane, and of a special form of banana (not
+ripening on the trees, and requiring to be cooked); also of the large fruit of the <i>ine</i>, a giant species of Pandanus (see Plate <a href="#d0e17516">80</a>&#8212;the figure seated on the ground near to the base of the tree gives an idea of the size of the latter and of the fruit head
+which is hanging from it), which is cultivated in the bush, and the fruit heads of which are oval or nearly round, and have
+a transverse diameter of about 18 inches; and of another fruit, called by the natives <i>malage</i>, which grows wild, chiefly by streams, and is also cultivated, and the fruit of which was described to me as being rather
+like an apple, almost round, green in colour, and 4 or 5 inches in diameter.<a id="d0e4236src" href="#d0e4236" class="noteref">1</a> And above all things will be wanted an enormous number of village pigs (not wild pigs); and sweet potatoes must be plentiful
+for the feeding of these pigs. And finally they will need plenty of native tobacco for their guests. In view of these requirements
+it is obvious that a year or two is by no means an excessive period for the preparations for the feast.
+<a id="d0e4242"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4242">127</a>]</span></p>
+<p>The existing yam and taro gardens, intended for community consumption alone, will be quite insufficient for the purpose, and
+fresh bush land is at once cleared, and new gardens are made and planted, the products of these new gardens being allocated
+specially for the feast, and not used for any other purpose. There is also an extensive planting of sugar-cane, probably in
+old potato gardens. For bananas there will probably be no great need of preparation, as they are grown plentifully, and there
+is no specific appropriation of these; but the sufficiency of the supply of the tobacco for the visitors, and of the sweet
+potatoes for the pigs, has to be seen to, also that of the <i>ine</i> Pandanus trees, the fruit of which has often to be procured from elsewhere, and of the trees. And finally the village pigs
+must be bred and fattened, for which latter purpose it is a common practice to send young pigs to people in other communities;
+and these people will be invited to the big feast, and will have pig given to them, though not members of the invited community;
+but never in any case will any of them have a part of a pig which he himself has fattened. The cultivated vegetable foods
+and the pigs are not provided on a communistic basis, but are supplied by the individual members of the community, each household
+of which is expected to do its duty in this respect; and no person who or whose family has not provided at least one pig (some
+of them provide more than one) will be allowed to take part in the preliminary feast and subsequent dancing, to be mentioned
+below.
+
+</p>
+<p>The bringing in and storing of the <i>ine</i> and <i>malage</i> <a id="d0e4256"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4256">128</a>]</span>fruits commence at an early stage. The <i>ine</i> fruits are collected when quite ripe; they split the large fruit heads up into two or more parts, put these into baskets
+roughly made of cane (at least half a fruit head in each basket), and place these baskets in the <i>avale</i> or ceiling of the <i>emone</i>, where the fruits get dried and smoked by the heat and smoke of the fire constantly burning beneath. If, as is sometimes
+the case, the <i>emone</i> has no <i>avale</i> one is constructed specially for the purpose. The fruits are left there until required; in fact, if taken away from the smoke,
+they would go bad. Sometimes, instead of putting portions of the fruit heads into baskets, they take out from them the almond-shaped
+seeds, which are the portions to be eaten, string these together, each seed being tied round and not pierced, and hang them
+to the roof of the <i>emone</i> above the <i>avale</i>. The fruits of the <i>malage</i> are gathered and put into holes or side streams by a river, and there left for from seven to ten months, until the pulp,
+which is very poisonous, is all rotted away, a terrible smell being emitted during the process; they then take the pips or
+seeds, the insides of which, after the surrounding shells have been cracked, are the edible parts, and place these in baskets
+made out of the almost amplexicaul bases of the leaves of a species of palm tree, and so store them also on the <i>avale</i> of the <i>emone</i>.<a id="d0e4288src" href="#d0e4288" class="noteref">2</a>
+<a id="d0e4299"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4299">129</a>]</span></p>
+<p>Large preparations of a structural and repairing nature are also required in the village where the feast is to be held. The
+<i>emone</i>, the true chiefs <i>emone</i>, of the village is repaired or pulled down and entirely rebuilt; or, if that village does not possess such an <i>emone</i>, one is erected in it. In point of fact the usual practice is, I was informed, to build a new <i>emone</i>, the occasion of an intended feast being the usually recognised time for the doing of this.<a id="d0e4314src" href="#d0e4314" class="noteref">3</a> The houses of the village are put into repair. The people of the other villages of the same community build houses for themselves
+in the feast village, so that on the occasion of the feast all the members of the community (the hosts) will be living in
+that village. View platforms, from which the dancing can be watched, are built by all the people of the community. These are
+built between the houses where possible, or at all events so as to obstruct the view from the houses as little as possible.
+They are built on upright poles, and are generally between 12 and 20 feet high, each platform having a roof, which will probably
+be somewhat similar to the roofs of the houses. Sometimes there are two platforms under one roof, but this is not usual. Sometimes
+the platforms, instead of being on <a id="d0e4323"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4323">130</a>]</span>posts, are in trees, being, however, roofed like the others. Two or more houses may join in making one platform for themselves
+and their friends. All the above works are put in hand at an early stage.
+
+</p>
+<p>The following are done later, perhaps not till after the sending out of the formal invitation (see below), but they may conveniently
+be dealt with here. The people erect near to, but outside, the village in which the feast is to be held one or more sheds
+for the accommodation of the guests, the number of sheds depending upon the requirements of the case. These are merely gable
+and ridge-shaped roofs, which descend on each side down to the ground, or very close to it, being supported by posts, and
+there being no flooring. They are called <i>olor&#8217; eme</i>, which means dancers&#8217; houses. Posts about 20 or 25 feet high and 12 inches or nearly so in diameter are erected in various
+places in the village enclosure, and each of these posts is surrounded with three, four, or five upright bamboo stems, which
+are bound to the post so as together to make a composite post of which the big one is the strong supporting centre. The leaf
+branches of these bamboos, starting out from the nodes of the stems, are cut off 3 or 4 inches from their bases, thus leaving
+small pegs or hooks to which vegetables, etc., can be afterwards hung; and in the case of each post one only of its surrounding
+bamboos has the top branches and leaves left on. Each household is responsible for the erection of one post. I may here say
+in advance that upon these post clusters will be hung successively, yams and taro in the upper <a id="d0e4330"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4330">131</a>]</span>parts, human skulls and bones lower down, and croton leaves by way of decoration at the bottom. The sugar-cane and banana
+and <i>ine</i> and <i>malage</i> are dealt with in another way. There is a further erection of thin poles, which will be mentioned in its proper place.
+
+</p>
+<p>About six months before the anticipated date of the big feast there is a preliminary festivity, which is regarded as a sort
+of intimation that the long-intended feast is shortly to take place. To this festivity people of villages of any neighbouring
+communities, say within an hour or two&#8217;s walk, are invited. There is no dancing, but there is a distribution among the guests
+of a portion of each of the vegetables and fruits which will be consumed at the feast, and a village pig is killed and cut
+up, and its parts are also distributed among the guests, who then return home.
+
+</p>
+<p>After this preliminary festivity dancing begins in the village in which the feast is to be held and in the other villages
+of the same community, and this dancing goes on, subject to weather, every day until the evening prior to the day upon which
+the feast takes place. The men dance in the villages, beginning at about sundown, and going on through the evening, and perhaps
+throughout the night. Only men who or whose families have provided at least one pig for the feast are allowed to join in the
+dancing. Bachelors join in the dancing, subject to the above condition. The women dance outside their villages, and, as regards
+them, there is no pig qualification.
+
+</p>
+<p>About a month before the date on which the feast is <a id="d0e4344"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4344">132</a>]</span>proposed to be held, a formal invitation is sent out to the community which is to be invited to it, and who, as above stated,
+have already been approached informally in the matter. For this purpose a number, perhaps ten, twenty, or thirty, of the men
+of the community giving the feast start off, taking with them several bunches of croton leaves&#8212;one bunch for each village
+of the invited community. These men, if the invited community be some distance off, only carry the croton leaves as far as
+some neighbouring community, probably about one day&#8217;s journey off, where they stay the night, and then return. During their
+progress, and particularly as they arrive at their destination, they are all singing. Then the men of this neighbouring community
+carry the croton leaves a stage further; and so on till they reach their ultimate destination. This may involve two or three
+sets of messengers, but occasionally one or two of the original messengers may go the whole way. These croton leaves are delivered
+to the chiefs of the several clans of the invited community, and they are tied to the front central posts of the village <i>emone</i>, the true <i>emone</i> of the chiefs village, and, as regards other villages, the <i>emone</i> of the sub-chiefs.<a id="d0e4355src" href="#d0e4355" class="noteref">4</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>The exact date of the feast depends upon the guests, who may come in a month after receiving the croton leaves, or may be
+later; and the community giving the feast do not know on what date their guests will arrive <a id="d0e4369"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4369">133</a>]</span>until news comes that they are actually on their way, though in the meantime messengers will be passing backwards and forwards
+and native wireless telegraphy (shouting from ridge to ridge) will be employed.
+
+</p>
+<p>As soon as the formal invitation has been sent the people of the community giving the feast begin to bring in the yams from
+the gardens, which they do day by day, singing as they do so; and these yams are stored away in the houses as they are brought
+in. When the yams have all been collected, they are brought out and spread in one, two, or three long lines along the centre
+of the village open space. The owner of each post knows which are his own yams, and they will go to his post. When the yams
+are laid out on the ground, the chiefs inspect them, and select the best ones, which are to be given to the chiefs of the
+community invited to the dance. To these selected yams they tie croton leaves as distinguishing marks. Then each man stands
+by his own yams, and has a boy standing by his own post; each man picks up his best yams, and whilst holding these they all
+(only the men with the yams) begin to sing. The moment the song is over, each man rushes with his selected best yam to his
+post, and hands the yam to the boy, who climbs up the post, and hangs up the yam. After this they hang the rest of the yams,
+each man running with them to the post, and giving them to the boy, who climbs up and hangs the yam whilst the man runs back
+for another, the performance being all in apparent disorder and there being no singing. Some of the best-shaped <a id="d0e4373"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4373">134</a>]</span>yams are hung to little cross-sticks about 3 or 4 feet long, which the boys then and there attach to those bamboo stems which
+have their top branches and leaves left upon them, the sticks being attached just below these branches. These selected yams
+will include those with the croton leaves, which are intended for chiefs. Of the rest the better yams are hung up higher on
+the posts, and the poorer ones lower down. The lowest of them will probably be 5 or 6 feet from the ground.
+
+</p>
+<p>After hanging the yams, the next step is to erect in the ground all round the village enclosure and in front of the houses
+a number of tall young slender straight-stemmed tree poles, with the top branches and leaves only left upon them. These poles
+are connected with one another by long stems, fixed horizontally to them at a height of 7 or 8 feet from the ground, the stems
+thus forming a sort of long line or girdle encircling the village enclosure.
+
+</p>
+<p>The men then go to their gardens and bring in the sugar-canes, singing as they do so, and these they hang to the horizontal
+stems, but without ceremony. The sugar-canes are all in thick bundles, perhaps 12 or 18 inches thick, and these bundles are
+hung horizontally end to end immediately under the line of stems, so as also to make a continuous encircling line.
+
+</p>
+<p>Next they bring in the bananas, again singing, and these they hang up on the tall, slender tree poles, and on the platforms
+of the houses, and under the view platforms, but without ceremony.
+<a id="d0e4381"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4381">135</a>]</span></p>
+<p>Lastly, again singing, they bring in the taro, and hang these up, mixed with the yams (not below them) on the posts, again
+without ceremony. The hanging up of the taro is left to the last, and, in fact, is not done till it is known that the guests
+are on their way, as the taro would be spoilt by bad weather.
+
+</p>
+<p>In hanging the yam and the taro the people all work simultaneously&#8212;that is, they are all hanging yams at the same time and
+all hanging taro at the same time. But as regards the sugar cane and banana each man works in his own time without waiting
+for, or being waited for by, the others. Women may help the men in all these things, except the ceremonious hanging up of
+the yams.
+
+</p>
+<p>They do not, however, hang all the yam, sugar-cane, banana and taro, some of each being kept back in the houses for a purpose
+which will appear hereafter.
+
+</p>
+<p>The <i>ine</i> and <i>malage</i> fruits are not hung up at all, but are kept in the <i>avale</i> of the village <i>emone</i> until the day of the actual feast, when the various vegetables and fruits are, as will be seen, put in heaps for distribution
+among the guests.
+
+</p>
+<p>They then further decorate the posts with human skulls and bones, which are hung round in circles below the yams and taro,
+but not reaching to the ground. These are the skulls and bones of chiefs and members of their families and sub-chiefs and
+important personages only of the community, and the bones used are only the larger bones of the arms and legs; skulls will,
+so far as possible, be used for the purpose in preference to the other bones. These skulls and bones are taken <a id="d0e4404"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4404">136</a>]</span>from wherever they may then happen to be; some of them will be in burial boxes on trees,<a id="d0e4406src" href="#d0e4406" class="noteref">5</a> some may be in graves underground, and some may be hung up in the village <i>emone</i>; though it may here be mentioned that those underground and in the <i>emone</i> are not, as I shall show later, in their original places of sepulture.
+
+</p>
+<p>Finally croton leaves, tied in sheaves, are arranged round the posts below the skulls and bones, so as to decorate the posts
+down to the ground.
+
+</p>
+<p>One other specially important matter must here be mentioned. There will probably be in or by the edge of the village enclosure
+a high box-shaped wooden burial platform,<a id="d0e4422src" href="#d0e4422" class="noteref">6</a> supported on poles, and containing the skull and all the bones of a chief, these platforms and a special sort of tree being,
+as will be explained later on, the only places where they and their families and important personages are originally buried.
+If so, the people add to the bones on this platform such of the other skulls and special arm and leg bones, collected as above
+mentioned, as are not required for decorating the posts. If, as is most improbable, there is no such burial platform, then
+they erect one, and upon it place all the available skulls and special bones not required for the posts.
+
+</p>
+<p>These various preparations bring us to the evening before the day of the feast, upon which evening the women, married and
+unmarried, of the community, whose families have supplied pigs for the feast, dance <a id="d0e4428"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4428">137</a>]</span>together in full dancing decorations in the village enclosure, beginning at about sundown, and, if weather permits, dancing
+all through the night. There is no ceremony connected with this dancing.
+
+</p>
+<p>The next day is the feast day. The guests are in the special guest houses outside the village, where they are dressing for
+the dance. They have probably arrived the day before, in which case they may have come into the village to watch the women
+dancing in the evening; but they are not regarded as having formally arrived. These guests include married and unmarried men,
+women and children, nobody of the invited community being left behind, except old men and women who cannot walk. The women
+have brought with them their carrying bags, in which they carry all their men&#8217;s and their own goods (<i>e.g.</i>, knives, feathers, ornaments, etc.), including not only the things used for the ceremony, but all their other portable property,
+which they do not wish to expose to risk of theft by leaving at home.
+
+</p>
+<p>They have also brought special ornamental bags to be used in the dance as mentioned below.
+
+</p>
+<p>The people of the village in the meantime erect one, two, or three (generally three) trees in a group in the very centre of
+the village enclosure.
+
+</p>
+<p>And now come the successive ceremonies of the feast, in which both married and unmarried men and women take part; in describing
+these ceremonies I will call the people of the community giving the feast the &#8220;hosts,&#8221; and the visitors attending it the &#8220;guests.&#8221;
+
+</p>
+<p>First: All or nearly all the men hosts go in a body <a id="d0e4443"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4443">138</a>]</span>out of the village to the guests&#8217; houses, singing as they go. They are all fully ornamented for a feast, but do not wear their
+special dancing ornaments, and they do not carry their spears, or as a rule any other weapons. Each chiefs ornaments include
+a bunch of black cassowary feathers tied round his head behind, and falling down over his shoulders, this being his distinctive
+ornament; but otherwise his ornaments do not differ from those of the rest, except probably as regards quantity and quality.
+The object of this visit is to ascertain if the guests are ready, and if they are not ready the men hosts wait until they
+are so. Then the men hosts return to the village, singing as before, and all the guests, men and women, follow them; but they
+do not sing, and they do not enter the village. The men hosts, on returning, retire to their houses and the view platforms,
+where also are the women hosts, thus leaving the village enclosure empty.
+
+</p>
+<p>Second: All the women guests, except two, then enter the village. They are fully ornamented for the feast, but do not wear
+their special dancing ornaments. They all have large carrying bags on their backs, not the common ones of everyday use, but
+the ornamental ones; and in these they carry and show off all their own and their husbands&#8217; riches other than what they respectively
+are actually wearing. They enter at one end of the village enclosure (I will hereafter call this the &#8220;entrance end&#8221;) by the
+side of the end <i>emone</i> of the village (this may be the chiefs true <i>emone</i> or it may be the secondary <i>emone</i>), <a id="d0e4456"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4456">139</a>]</span>and walk in single file along one side of the village enclosure, and half of them walk round the other end (which I will call
+the &#8220;far end&#8221;) in front of the <i>emone</i> there (which also will be either the true one or the other one), and back again along the other side, until there are two
+rows of them, <i>vis-&agrave;-vis</i> at opposite sides of the enclosure, none of them remaining at the far end in front of the <i>emone</i> there. If they are very numerous, there may be lines on both sides of the enclosure, stretching from end to end; whereas
+if they are few only, they would be in facing lines at the far end only of the enclosure. This is all done silently.
+
+</p>
+<p>Third: All the women hosts, fully ornamented for a feast, but without special dancing ornaments, then enter the enclosure
+at the entrance end, and congregate at the far end of it, in front of the far <i>emone</i> and between the two facing lines of women guests, and facing towards the centre of the enclosure. The group of them stretches
+as far forward towards the centre of the enclosure as their number allows; but it will never extend beyond the special trees,
+which have been last erected in the centre. This also is done in silence.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fourth: The two women guests excluded from the general entry now come in. They are presumably the wives of chiefs. They are
+also decorated for the feast, but without full dancing ornaments. Each of them, however, holds in her mouth something intended
+to give her a terrible appearance, probably two pairs of pigs&#8217; tusks, one pair curling, crescent-like, upwards, <a id="d0e4474"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4474">140</a>]</span>and the other pair similarly curling downwards, or a piece of cloth; but this is only carried by her for this particular scene
+of the performance, and not afterwards. Each of them also carries two spears, one in each hand. These two women rush into
+the village enclosure, one entering at each side of the <i>emone</i> at the entrance end. They run along the two sides of the enclosure, one at each side, in front of the lines of women guests
+already there (between them and the central group of host women), brandishing their spears as they do so, but in silence.
+When they reach the far end of the enclosure they meet each other in front of the <i>emone</i> there; and then, if that happens to be the true (chief&#8217;s) <i>emone</i>, they brandish their spears in a hostile manner at the building, the spears sometimes even striking it, though they do not
+leave the women&#8217;s hands, and there is probably a little pause or halt in their running for the purpose of this attack. They
+then pass each other, and return as they had come, still brandishing their spears, but each on the opposite side, until they
+are both at the entrance end of the enclosure. If the <i>emone</i> at this end is the true <i>emone</i>, then the attack is made upon it, instead of upon the other one. They then generally again pass each other, and go round
+the enclosure a second time, and again attack the <i>emone</i> exactly as before. During the first part of this performance the host women congregated in the far end of the enclosure are
+all dancing a sort of non-progressive goose step, there being, however, no singing. But, when the two guest women on the return
+journey <a id="d0e4494"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4494">141</a>]</span>of their second circuit reach the front row of the host women, the latter advance in a body silently dancing (but not travelling
+so fast as the two guest women) down the enclosure, and so following the two guest women, until they are all congregated at
+the entrance end of the enclosure. The positions of the <i>dramatis person&aelig;</i> up to and including the stage of proceedings lastly described will be better understood by reference to <a href="#d0e4505">Fig. 7</a> and its accompanying notes. At <a id="d0e4502"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4502">142</a>]</span>the end of this stage the lines of guest women are still as shown; but the two special guest women and all the host women
+are at the entrance end of the enclosure.
+
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e4505" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Figure 7.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/b141.gif" alt="Diagram Illustrating Positions of People During Performance at Big Feast."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Diagram Illustrating Positions of People During Performance at Big Feast.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p><span class="smallcaps">Notes to <a href="#d0e4505">Fig. 7</a>.</span>
+
+</p>
+<p><img border="0" src="images/b141-1.gif" alt="Large rectangle."> = Two end <i>emone</i> of village.
+
+</p>
+<p><img border="0" src="images/b141-2.gif" alt="Small rectangle."> = Houses of village.
+
+</p>
+<p><img border="0" src="images/b141-3.gif" alt="Small circle."> = Guest women (general body) in two facing lines.
+
+</p>
+<p><img border="0" src="images/b141-4.gif" alt="Small diagonal cross."> = Host women in a group, all facing down the enclosure.
+
+</p>
+<p><img border="0" src="images/b141-5.gif" alt="Palm tree."> = Three special trees (to be afterwards knocked down).
+
+</p>
+<p><img border="0" src="images/b141-6.gif" alt="Dashed arrows."> = Courses followed by the two special guest women in stage 4.
+
+</p>
+<p><img border="0" src="images/b141-7.gif" alt="Solid arrows."> = Course followed by host women in second part of stage 4.
+
+</p>
+<p>N.B.&#8212;The decorated posts are scattered about the village enclosure.
+
+
+</p>
+<p>Fifth: Such of the guest men as are not going to join in the real ultimate dance (see heading 9) enter the village at the
+entrance end, they also being fully ornamented, but not wearing their special dancing ornaments. They carry their spears,
+and perhaps in their other hands their clubs or adzes. Any chiefs who may be among them wear their black cassowary feather
+ornaments, like those of the host chiefs. They all advance along the enclosure, jumping and dancing and brandishing their
+spears, but not singing; and in front of them go all the host women, dancing as before, also in silence. This double body
+of people, host women in front, and guest men behind, advance <i>en masse</i> along the village enclosure. When, in doing this, the guest men reach the three last-erected special trees in the middle
+of the enclosure, they attack the trees with their spears, never letting the spears leave their hands, and with kicks, and
+thus try to knock the trees down. If they succeed in doing so, then this part of the performance is at an end, and these guest
+men disperse and spread about at both sides and ends of the village; but the host and guest women return from wherever they
+are to the entrance end. If the guest men&#8217;s first attack on the trees is not successful, they pass them, and continue their
+advance, as before, to the far end of the enclosure and return back again in the other direction, the host women still dancing
+in front of them; and on this return journey <a id="d0e4561"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4561">143</a>]</span>they repeat their attack on the trees. If again unsuccessful, they go on to their starting point, and go a second time through
+the same performance as before, going up the enclosure, and, if necessary, down again; and, if still unsuccessful, they will
+probably try a third time, the host women always dancing in front of them as before. The whole of this is one continuous movement,
+going on till the trees are down. If after the third double attempt the guest men have still been unsuccessful, they relinquish
+their efforts; and in that case the pig-killer of the hosts&#8217; village (as to whom see below) steps forward, and cuts down the
+trees with his adze. When the trees are down, the performance is at an end, the guest men retire, and the host and guest women
+return to the entrance end, as above stated.
+
+</p>
+<p>Sixth: Such of the chiefs of the guests as do not intend to join in the real ultimate dance (heading 9) then step forward
+into the enclosure at the entrance end. Their number may be two or three or more. They wear their full dancing ornaments,
+including their black cassowary feather ornaments and the enormous feather erections on their heads, which for chiefs are
+even larger and heavier than for other people. They carry their drums, but not spears or clubs or adzes. The two special guest
+women who have already been mentioned and two other guest women, all with their full dancing ornaments, also come forward.
+A line is formed with the chiefs in the middle and the four women at the two ends. In front of this line are all the host
+women, still decorated as before, but without special dancing ornaments. Then the whole group, <a id="d0e4565"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4565">144</a>]</span>host women in front and the guest chiefs and their four attendant guest women in a line behind, dance forward along the enclosure.
+In doing this, they face the direction in which they are progressing, and their progress is slow. This is done to the accompaniment
+of the beating by the dancing chiefs of their drums, but there is no singing. When the dancing party reach the far end of
+the enclosure, they go back again in the same way; and so on again until the chiefs (with the great weights they are carrying)
+are tired; then they stop. But the men hosts thereupon politely press them to go on again, giving them in fact a sort of complimentary
+encore, and this they will probably do. After about half-an-hour from the commencement of the dancing they finally stop. Then
+the chief of the clan in one of whose villages the dance is held comes forward and removes the heavy head-pieces from the
+dancing chiefs.
+
+</p>
+<p>Seventh: An important ceremony now occurs. The chief of the clan cuts away the supports of the burial platform already mentioned,
+whereupon the platform falls to the ground, and the skulls and bones upon it roll on the ground. These are picked up, and
+the skulls and big arm and leg bones are put on one side. There is no singing or ceremony in connection with this. The platform
+is not rebuilt; and what is afterwards done with the skulls and bones will be seen hereafter.
+
+</p>
+<p>Eighth: There is now a distribution among the chiefs and more important male guests of the yam, taro, sugar-cane and bananas,
+which at the time of the <a id="d0e4571"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4571">145</a>]</span>hanging up on the village posts were kept back and put into the houses, and of tobacco. The chief of the clan, with help from
+others, makes a number of heaps of these things in the centre of the village enclosure, the number of heaps corresponding
+to the number of recipients. Then, standing successively before each of these heaps, he calls out in turn the names of the
+men who are to receive them, chiefs being given the first priority, and specially important people the next. Each man comes
+forward, usually bringing with him his wife or some other woman with a bag, picks up his heap, and takes it away. And so with
+all of them in turn, till all is finished. On each heap there is usually, but not always, a portion of a village pig, which
+has that morning been killed under the burial platform, before it was cut down. The guests, men and women, then return to
+the guest houses, where the women cook the food which has been given, and it is eaten by the men and themselves.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ninth: The real dance now takes place, beginning perhaps at 9 or 10 in the evening, and lasting the whole night, and perhaps
+till 10 o&#8217;clock the following morning. The dancing is done by some only of the guest men, and none of their women, and none
+of the hosts, either men or women, join in it. The dancers are all arrayed in full dancing ornaments, including their heavy
+head feather erections, and chiefs also wear their cassowary feathers; and they all carry their drums and spears, and sometimes
+clubs or adzes. After the dance has begun, the chief of the clan in whose village the dance occurs distributes, <a id="d0e4575"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4575">146</a>]</span>with assistance, among the more important of these dancers, especially chiefs, the skulls and bones which had been put on
+one side after the cutting down of the burial platform, and probably some or all of the skulls and bones which had been hung
+upon the big posts; and the dancers receiving these skulls and bones wear them as additional decoration upon their arms throughout
+the dance. Guest chiefs dance with the others, but owing to the heavy weight of the head ornaments they have to carry, they
+will be tired sooner than the others. The dancing party enter the village at the entrance end, walking backwards. Directly
+after they have entered the village they, still having their backs to it, begin to beat their drums, after doing which for
+a short time they turn round, and the dancing begins. The dancers beat their drums whilst dancing, but neither they nor the
+other people sing during the actual dancing. There are, however, intervals in the dancing (not the mere rest intervals, such
+as they have in Mekeo, and which they also have in Mafulu, but intervals which are themselves an actual part of the dance),
+and during these intervals the drums are not being beaten, and the dancers and the other people, hosts, guests, men and women,
+all sing. I shall have something more to say about dancing generally later on. At a subsequent stage the skulls and bones
+with which the dancers have been decorated, including those which had fallen from the burial platform, are all again hung
+up among the other skulls and bones on the big posts.
+
+</p>
+<p>Tenth: This is the stage at which occur various <a id="d0e4579"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4579">147</a>]</span>other ceremonies, which, though themselves quite distinct from that of the big feast, and performed, often several of them
+together, when there is no big feast, are also, some or all of them, generally or always introduced into it, as being a convenient
+occasion for them. The ceremonies in question are those connected with the assumption of the perineal band, admission to the
+<i>emone</i> and the giving of the right to carry a drum and dance, that of nose-piercing, and that on the devolution of chieftainship.
+The nose-piercing ceremony has already been described. The others will be dealt with later.
+
+</p>
+<p>Eleventh: Next comes the general distribution among the guests of the vegetables and fruits, including all those which have
+been hung up and displayed, as above described, and the <i>ine</i> fruit, prepared in two ways, and <i>malage</i> fruit. Every male guest who has joined in the real dance is, speaking generally, entitled to have a share; though sometimes,
+where there are two or three members of one family, shares may be given to one or two of them only, instead of to each. The
+chiefs of the community giving the feast work together in carrying out the distribution. The various things are collected
+into a number of heaps about the village, the number of heaps corresponding to the number of portions to be distributed; and
+each heap contains something of everything. Excluded from these heaps, however, are the <i>ine</i> seeds which have been put on strings and preserved separately, as before explained. For these are erected stakes about 10
+feet high, round which the strings of seeds <a id="d0e4595"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4595">148</a>]</span>are twined. The number of these stakes is less than the number of heaps, because they are only planted near to the heaps which
+contain none of the <i>ine</i> fruit prepared the other way, so that each dancing guest gets some of this fruit, done in either one way or the other. Then
+the chiefs of the hosts&#8217; community stand round one of the heaps and shout wildly, calling upon the recipient. This may be
+done by name, or it may in the case of a chief be done by the name of a spot, say a mound or hollow, adjoining the village
+from which he comes. Here, again, priority is given first to chiefs, and next to important personages. The man so called upon
+comes running forward with his wife or another woman, picks up his vegetables and fruit, and runs back again with them. Then
+the chiefs go on to another heap, and again afterwards to the others, one by one, going through the same process in each case,
+until everything has been distributed. Some of the women then go back to their own villages, carrying with them a portion
+of the food which has been given to their husbands, but leaving the rest with the latter. Sometimes some of the guest men
+go home also. But anyone who is proposing to return to the village of the feast must leave some of his food, or bring food
+on his return, as no more will be given to him.
+
+</p>
+<p>Twelfth: The next stage is the collection of the village pigs. This may take some time, as many of them are running about
+in the bush, and have to be caught; and some of them have been agisted out as above mentioned, and have to be fetched. This may involve a delay of a week or ten days, during which <a id="d0e4605"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4605">149</a>]</span>most or all of the guests remain, sleeping in their guest houses at night, and perhaps roaming about among other villages
+in the neighbourhood by day. During this interval there is neither singing nor dancing.
+
+</p>
+<p>Thirteenth: The village pigs are all brought in alive, and placed under the houses of the village, each pig having its legs
+tied up and being tied to the house. When all is ready, the chief of the clan announces that the killing of the pigs will
+take place on the following morning.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fourteenth: The next morning all the people, both hosts and guests, are in the village to watch the pig-killing; and people
+from other communities, who are not guests, and will not receive any pig, come too. The pigs are brought out one by one, and
+killed by hitting them on the head with clubs or adzes or anything else. This is not a chiefs duty. There is a man who is
+the recognised pig-killer, and who, as already stated, will probably be a man of some position, though not either a chief
+or a sub-chief. Where there are many pigs, as at the big feast, there will be a number of other men helping him. Each pig
+is killed on the site of the burial platform which has been cut down. As the pigs are killed, their bodies are carried away
+and placed on the ground in a row, commencing at the end of the village enclosure, and forming a central line along it; and
+it is usual also to place upon the row of dead pigs a continuous line of long thin poles, laid end to end, which are afterwards
+kept tied to the <i>emone</i> as a record of the total length of the line of pigs, and thus <a id="d0e4614"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4614">150</a>]</span>of the number of pigs killed. The number of pigs killed is generally very large in proportion to the size of the community
+giving the feast, much more so than is the case in the villages of Mekeo and the coast. It may be anything from fifty to over
+one hundred; in fact at a recent feast given by a community of seven villages, having between them about a hundred houses,
+they killed 135 pigs. Some chiefs of the hosts&#8217; community then take some of the bones (not skulls) from the big posts, and
+dip them into the mouths of the pigs, from which the blood is flowing. They have been seen to dip one bone into several pigs.
+There does not appear to be any method of selection of the bones to be dipped. They then touch with the bones which have been
+so dipped the skulls and all the other bones on the posts, which include the skulls and other special bones of all the chiefs
+and members of their families and other prominent people buried in and by the villages of the community since the last previous
+big feast was held there. After this all the bones are again hung up on the posts. I may say here in advance that, when the
+feast is over, all the bones are removed from the posts; and, the ceremony as regards those bones having been performed, they
+will never again be the subject of ceremonial observance. They, or some of them, may be hung up in the <i>emone</i>, but if so it is known that they are not to be used again for ceremonial purposes; or they may be put in a box in a tree,
+or hung up on a tree, not necessarily of the special species used for burying; or they may be simply flung away anywhere in
+the bush. Whilst the <a id="d0e4619"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4619">151</a>]</span>bodies of the slain pigs lie in a line, and before the cutting up, it is the duty of each man who has had a pig fed up for
+him to pay the man who has done so, the payment probably being a string of dogs&#8217; teeth, or head feather ornaments. Next, the
+hosts set to work to cut up the pigs. This is not done by a chief or special person, nor is there any ceremony connected with
+it. Each pig is cut into seven parts, namely, (1) the head, (2&#8211;5) the four legs, (6) the bowels and internal parts, and (7)
+the back and sides. I was told that each part of each pig is destined for a certain person, as arranged beforehand. It follows
+that, if there are, say, 100 pigs, there are 700 predestined pieces, which are known and remembered, though there are no means
+of recording them. It is difficult to believe the truth of this, but I was assured that it was correct. The pieces of each
+pig are placed on banana leaves, by the side of the spot where the body had lain, and all the pieces are distributed among
+the male guests. Everybody who has given a pig knows the length of each part of it, though he could not express it in numerals.
+Each male guest has a piece given to him, which, if the feast be a return feast, will correspond in some way, which I could
+not understand, with what he had himself provided at the previous feast. But dancers receive larger and better portions than
+do mere singers. People who have fed up pigs for members of the hosts&#8217; community also receive portions. In the distribution
+of pig each man is called in turn as before, and in the same order of priority, and runs up and gets his piece of pig, and
+<a id="d0e4621"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4621">152</a>]</span>runs back with it; but in this case he is not accompanied by a woman.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fifteenth: The feast is now over, and all the guests return to their homes, taking away with them everything that has been
+given to them.
+
+</p>
+<p>Sixteenth: The village has, however, to undergo a process which I may perhaps call purification. As soon as possible after
+the guests have gone, the men of the community go off into the bush and capture wild pigs, for which purpose they may have
+to hunt for three or four days, or even for a week or more. They must have at least one pig, and they generally have two or
+more, even up to six. When caught, the pigs are brought alive into the village, and are killed upon the site of the cut-down
+burial platform, this being done by the pig-killer. The pigs are then cut up and eaten by the members of the villages of the
+community, those of the village itself eating their portions there, and those of the other villages taking their portions
+away and eating them in their own villages. Except as regards the killing of the pigs on the site of the grave, the whole
+performance appears to be quite informal. After the eating of the pigs, perhaps on the same day, or if, as is probable, the
+feast lasts until late in the evening, then on the next day, the women of the village clear away the filthy mess of blood
+and garbage by which the village enclosure is filled, and sweep the enclosure from end to end with branches of trees. Then
+the bulk of the villagers leave the village and go off into the gardens and the bush for a period of about six months. The
+feast has <a id="d0e4627"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4627">153</a>]</span>denuded the village of food, including even sweet potatoes, to which they have had no time to attend during the period before
+the feast, and which have been used up in the feeding of the village pigs required for it. New gardens are needed, and therefore
+new bush has to be cut down, and the land must be cleared and planted with various things, and especially with sweet potato.
+For this purpose it is requisite or usual for them to build temporary houses on the scene of their labours, in which the people
+live. The old people, however, remain in the village, as do also some of the younger ones, who have to tend the gardens close
+to it. At the end of the period they all return, and village life goes on as usual. What the idea in the native mind may be
+concerning what I have called the purification of the village is a matter upon which I was unable to find any clue, beyond
+what may be suspected from the actual facts of the proceeding; but I think it probably has a superstitious origin. Although
+in theory all the village pigs have been killed and given to the guests at the big feast, there are always some left wandering
+in the bush, which have not been caught. These pigs are, however, never used in the purification ceremony, in which they always
+kill wild pigs only. It has been suggested to me that a reason for this may be that, if they killed village pigs, they would
+thereby advertise the fact that they had not killed and distributed all their village pigs at the big feast; but this hardly
+seems to be a satisfactory explanation. It clearly falls to the ground as regards present intent if, as I was <a id="d0e4629"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4629">154</a>]</span>told, there always is an unkilled residue of village pigs after a big feast. The practice of killing wild pigs only would
+seem to associate itself with the fact that pigs killed at this ceremony are eaten in the village itself, for there seems
+to be no doubt that among the Mafulu people village pigs are never eaten in their own village on ceremonial occasions; and
+indeed it seems doubtful whether they are ever eaten there at all.
+
+</p>
+<p>In fact, it appears to be a general custom in connection with all ceremonial feasts to which outside guests are invited, to
+kill village pigs only at the feast, and for these to be given to the guests to be eaten by them in their own villages, and
+afterwards to have a second feast, to which outside guests are not invited, and at which wild pigs are killed, and eaten by
+the villagers themselves within the village.
+
+</p>
+<p>The pig-killing is generally, and perhaps always, done in the morning.
+
+</p>
+<p>It is thought by the Mafulu Fathers of the Mission as regards the subsequent partial desertion of the village that, although
+it is only partial, and although there is a practical reason for it, it is based upon superstition, and is regarded by the
+people as being a formal leaving of the village, pending its complete purification.
+
+</p>
+<p>Plates <a href="#d0e17429">67</a> to <a href="#d0e17446">70</a> are reproductions of four photographs which Father Clauser was good enough to give me, the two former ones having been taken
+at the big feast held in the village of Amalala in the year 1909 and the two latter prior to and at a big feast held in the
+village of Seluku.
+<a id="d0e4645"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4645">155</a>]</span></p>
+<p>I have thought it better to avoid the insertion of frequent, and perhaps somewhat confusing, references to these plates in
+the body of my notes upon the feast, and to take the plates separately, drawing attention to what appear to be points of interest
+in them.
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e17429">Plate 67</a> represents the scene at Amalala immediately prior to or during the general distribution of vegetables and fruits (<i>ante</i> heading 11). A comparison of this scene with the village in its normal condition, as shown in Plates <a href="#d0e17374">56</a> and <a href="#d0e17379">57</a>, gives some idea of the very extensive and elaborate preparations which are made for the feast. On the right hand side are
+seen some view platforms, and beyond them on the same side is a normal house. Here and there are the big posts surrounded
+with bamboo stems (notice these posts denuded of their bamboo appendages still remaining in the village enclosure as shown
+in Plates <a href="#d0e17374">56</a> and <a href="#d0e17379">57</a>). Some of the vegetables are seen still hanging upon these post clusters, and near the base of two of them are seen the sheaves
+of croton leaves. There are apparently no skulls and bones upon the posts seen in the plate, but possibly the re-hanging of
+these had not been attended to when the photo was taken, or perhaps they had been suspended to other posts not shown in the
+photograph. Upon the ground are the heaps of vegetables, and close to some of these are the stakes round which are twined
+strings of seeds of the <i>ine</i> Pandanus.
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e17434">Plate 68</a> is a photograph taken after the subsequent pig-killing, and shows the pigs&#8217; bodies lying in a row along the centre of the
+village enclosure, with the <a id="d0e4674"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4674">156</a>]</span>measuring line of poles placed above them. It will be noticed that the elaborate view platforms have been cleared away, but
+that the bamboo stems have not yet been removed from their central posts.
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e17439">Plate 69</a> represents a scene at Seluku prior to a big feast then about to be held. The view platforms have not yet been erected. But
+the post clusters have been erected, and the yams and croton leaves have been hung upon them. In the centre of the village
+enclosure is the chief&#8217;s grave platform, which will be cut down during the festivities in the way above described.
+
+</p>
+<p>The bones of the chief are in the box-like receptacle at the top of the structure, and the receptacle rather further down
+(underneath the other one) contains the bones of a chief&#8217;s child.
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e17446">Plate 70</a> shows five men at the Seluku feast with full dancing ornaments, including the great feather head ornaments. One of them has
+donned a piece of European calico, and the one to the extreme right appears to have done the same. These would doubtless be
+regarded as highly decorative additions. A few long thin dancing ribbons can be seen hanging from their belts. The elaborate
+carved (turtle?) shell ornament hanging over the breast of the man to the left is certainly not of Mafulu make, and has probably
+come from the coast. I never saw anything like it when I was at Mafulu. The two boys in front are holding the ornament of
+elaborately prepared strings of feathers hung upon a stick, and worn by dancers on their backs, and into which the best feathers
+are generally put.
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e4686"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4686">157</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4236" href="#d0e4236src" class="noteref">1</a></span> See <a href="#d0e4288">note 1 on p. 128</a>.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4288" href="#d0e4288src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Father Egedi describes in <i>Anthropos</i> a Kuni method of preparing a fruit similar to the one described here, and which also gives rise to terrible smells. The tree
+is referred to by him as being a bread-fruit; and Dr. Stapf thinks that the <i>malage</i> may possibly be one of the Artocarpus genus, of which some have smooth or almost smooth fruit, and some <a id="d0e4296"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4296">129n</a>]</span>are said to have poisonous sap, and the seeds of many of which are eaten, or of some closely allied type.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4314" href="#d0e4314src" class="noteref">3</a></span> The information obtained by me at Mafulu did not go beyond the actual facts as stated by me. I cannot, however, help suspecting
+that there is, or has been, a close connection between the building of anemone and the holding of a big feast, and that the
+latter may be compared with the tabu ceremonial of the Koita described by Dr. Seligmann (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, pp. 141 and 145 <i>et seq</i>.). Indeed there are some elements of similarity between the two feasts.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4355" href="#d0e4355src" class="noteref">4</a></span> Compare the Roro custom for the messengers carrying an invitation to important feasts to take with them bunches of areca nut,
+which are hung in the <i>marea</i> of the local groups of the invited <i>itsubu</i> (Seligmann&#8217;s <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 218).
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4406" href="#d0e4406src" class="noteref">5</a></span> See note on <a href="#d0e5920">p. 256</a> as to the use by me of the terms &#8220;grave,&#8221; &#8220;bury&#8221; and &#8220;burial.&#8221;
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4422" href="#d0e4422src" class="noteref">6</a></span> <i>Ibid.</i></p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e4687"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Some other Ceremonies and Feasts</h2>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Ceremony on Birth.</h3>
+<p>There is no ceremony on the birth of a child, except in the case of the first-born of a chief. On this occasion the women
+of a neighbouring community are invited. They come in their full dancing ornaments, and armed in both hands with spears and
+either clubs or adzes. They rush into the village, first to the chiefs house and then to his <i>emone</i>; and at each of these they make a warlike demonstration, actually hurling their spears at the buildings with such force that
+the spears sometimes go through the thatch of the roof. Then follows a distribution of vegetables among the visitors, after
+which one, two, or three village pigs are killed under a chiefs burial platform or on the site of a past one, cut up in the
+ordinary way, as at the big feast, given to the visitors and taken away by them, and the ceremony is over. There is no singing.<a id="d0e4698src" href="#d0e4698" class="noteref">1</a>
+
+
+<a id="d0e4706"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4706">158</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Ceremony on Assumption of Perineal Band.</h3>
+<p>This ceremony is performed for both boys and girls, and usually for several at one time.
+
+</p>
+<p>The children are heavily adorned with ornaments, consisting, as a rule, chiefly of dogs&#8217; teeth, which are hung round their
+necks, or over their foreheads; and they usually have belts of dogs&#8217; teeth round their waists. Any persons may decorate the
+children.
+
+</p>
+<p>Prior to the ceremony a number of box-like receptacles are erected in the village by the children&#8217;s relatives, there being
+one receptacle for each child for whom the ceremony is to be performed. These receptacles are made with upright corner poles
+8 or 10 feet high, boxed in with cross-pieces of wood up to a height of 5 or 6 feet. In these receptacles are put yams and
+taro, upon their upright poles are hung bananas and upon their cross-pieces of wood are hung lengths of sugar-cane; all this
+being done by the families of the children.
+
+</p>
+<p>Guests are invited from some other community or <a id="d0e4718"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4718">159</a>]</span>communities. There is a dance, in which only people from outside communities take part. A village pig must be provided by
+the family of each child. Each of these pigs is killed by the pig-killer under a chiefs platform grave, or, if no such platform
+then exists, upon the site of one, and is cut up. Before the cutting-up, however, the child in each case stands upon the body
+of the pig, and whilst he so stands he is dressed with a feather ornament put over his head, but which, instead of being tied
+up in the usual way at the back of the head, is left with the ends hanging down over his shoulders. The putting on of this
+ornament is not a chiefs duty, but is done for each child by a certain person who has bought the pig from that child&#8217;s family.
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e17453">Plate 71</a> shows a little girl upon whom the perineal band ceremony has just been performed. She has a string of dogs&#8217; teeth over her
+forehead, and a belt of dogs&#8217; teeth round her waist, an enormous crescent-shell ornament, some long pigtails, and on her head
+is the feather ornament, which hangs down at the sides over her shoulders. <a href="#d0e17458">Plate 72</a> is a scene taken at the feast held in connection with the performance of the ceremony upon her and some other children.
+
+</p>
+<p>I could not find out who the person who buys the pig and performs the ceremony would ordinarily be, nor what motive he has
+for buying and paying for a pig which is about to be killed and cut up and distributed amongst other people; and I am convinced
+that there must be something further behind the matter, which I have been unable to ascertain. I may say <a id="d0e4729"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4729">160</a>]</span>that, knowing that among the Roro and Mekeo people a brother or other male relative of the child&#8217;s mother takes a prominent
+part in the perineal band ceremony, being the recipient of the dog or pig which is killed, and the person who puts the band
+upon the boy, I specially enquired as to any similar relationship on the part of the person who buys the pig and performs
+the ceremony among the Mafulu, but I could find no trace of anything of the sort.<a id="d0e4731src" href="#d0e4731" class="noteref">2</a> Nor, as already stated, could I find any system of service being rendered by a boy to his maternal uncle, such as exists
+among the Koita,<a id="d0e4740src" href="#d0e4740" class="noteref">3</a> nor anything in the nature of the Koita <i>Heni</i> ceremony, described by Dr. Seligmann.<a id="d0e4749src" href="#d0e4749" class="noteref">4</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>It will be seen that this purchasing of the pig by a person who takes a prominent part in the ceremony affecting an individual
+appears in other ceremonies of that nature among the Mafulu.
+
+</p>
+<p>Following this performance there is a general distribution among the people, including both visitors and members of the village,
+of the various vegetables and fruits, and among the visitors only of the portions of village pig. The vegetables are eaten
+then and there, but the visitors take away the pig for eating in their own villages. The actual putting on by the child <a id="d0e4759"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4759">161</a>]</span>of his perineal band is done afterwards without further ceremony.
+
+</p>
+<p>The same ceremony is observed in the case of the son or daughter of a chief, except that in this case the child is more fully
+decorated, the family give two or more pigs, there are more visitors, and the whole ceremony is on a larger scale; also that,
+after the performance of standing on the dead pig and receiving the feather ornament, the child is placed standing on a platform,
+which may be only 5 or 6 feet high, but may be as much as 15 feet, though no further ceremony appears to be performed whilst
+it is on that platform. If children of ordinary people undergo the ceremony at the same time as a chief&#8217;s child, they apparently
+stand on the platform also.
+
+</p>
+<p>When the ceremony is performed at a big feast, it is substantially the same as that above described, subject to certain variations,
+which almost naturally arise from the change of conditions. There is no special dancing, as distinguished from the dancing
+programme of the big feast. The vegetable food provided will be included in the general stock, so that the people of the village
+will not share in it; and the ceremony of standing on the pig is postponed till a later day, and on that day, the child, having
+worn his special ornaments, other than the feather ornament, at the big feast, will not again wear them when he stands on
+the pig, though his feather ornament is put upon him on that later day.
+
+</p>
+<p>It may be mentioned that this perineal band ceremony and all the other ceremonies relating personally to both <a id="d0e4767"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4767">162</a>]</span>children and adults, if not performed at a big feast, may be performed together, the people concerned in each ceremony being
+taken more or less in batches; and indeed this generally is so. But in that case each class of ceremony would be performed
+separately. One person may have more than one ceremony performed for him on the same occasion, but if so a separate pig must
+be provided in respect of each of these ceremonies, and there must be a separate receptacle and a separate supply of food
+in respect of each of them, though it does not follow that the total amount of food to be provided, other than pig, is proportionately
+increased.
+
+</p>
+<p>At a subsequent date there will be a purification ceremony, at which a wild pig or pigs will be killed and eaten by the villagers;
+though, if the perineal band ceremony has taken place during a big feast, the purification ceremony in connection with the
+latter will be the only one to take place.
+
+</p>
+<p>There is no system of seclusion of either boys or girls on attaining puberty, or in connection with initiation, or on attaining
+a marriageable age. Nor is there any initiation ceremony, or wearing of ceremonial masks, or use of bull-roarers. The custom
+by which chiefs&#8217; children, when assuming the perineal band, are made to stand on a platform reminds one, however, of the Hood
+Peninsular custom for girls to stand on a dubu platform for the initiation ceremony, as referred to by Dr. Seligmann.<a id="d0e4773src" href="#d0e4773" class="noteref">5</a>
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e4778"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4778">163</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Ceremony on Admission to Emone.</h3>
+<p>Both boys and girls must undergo a ceremony before being allowed to enter the <i>emone</i>. It generally takes place when they are two, three, or four years old. The preliminary decoration of the child is similar
+to that adopted for the perineal band ceremony, except that, if the child has lost either of its parents, this decoration
+is omitted. The erection of receptacles and provision of food and pigs, and the invitation of guests and dancing, and the
+killing of the pigs are the same as in the case of the other ceremony; also each child has to stand on the pig which his people
+provide for him.
+
+</p>
+<p>There is, however, no putting on of a feather ornament, but instead of it the following performance takes place:&#8212;Each child
+has been carried by its mother or father or other relative, but is taken from that person by the man who has bought the pig.
+This man places the child on the dead pig; then he immediately picks the child up again, and runs with it to one of the <i>emone</i>, upon the platform of which two rows of men are sitting, and hands it to the man at the end of one of the rows. The child
+is then rapidly passed from hand to hand along that row, and then along the other row, after which it is returned to its carrier,
+who runs with it to the other <i>emone</i>, on which also two rows of men are sitting, and where a similar performance takes place. During all this performance there
+is much shouting and calling out to the child-carrier to hurry. Finally, when the child is <a id="d0e4795"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4795">164</a>]</span>again handed back to this man, he returns it to its parents, and the ceremony is finished.
+
+</p>
+<p>The ceremony in the case of a chief&#8217;s child seems to be the same as that for other children, the platform business of the
+perineal band ceremony being apparently omitted in this case.
+
+</p>
+<p>If the ceremony is performed at a big feast, the variations are substantially similar to those of the perineal band ceremony;
+and in particular the placing of the child on the pig, and the running with it to the <i>emone</i>, are postponed to a later date.
+
+</p>
+<p>The observations as to the subsequent purification in connection with the perineal band ceremony apply to this ceremony also.
+
+</p>
+<p>It will be noticed that girls are included in this admission to the <i>emone</i>. When a girl has undergone the admission ceremony she has free entry into the <i>emone</i>&#8212;except that she must not sleep there&#8212;until she formally receives her perineal band, upon which her permission to enter the
+<i>emone</i> ceases.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Ceremony Conferring Right to Use Drum and Dance.</h3>
+<p>This ceremony also applies to both boys and girls; but I omitted to ascertain the age at which it usually occurs. It is similar
+to the perineal band ceremony, except that the child is dressed in dance ornaments (though not the fullest formal dance ornaments),
+until we reach the stage of standing on the pig, and putting on of the feather ornament, which is <a id="d0e4822"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4822">165</a>]</span>omitted; and, instead of it, the person who has bought the pig places the child upon it, and then for a short time beats a
+drum, after which he gives the drum to the child, who also beats it, and then returns it to him.
+
+</p>
+<p>I cannot say whether in this case there is any variation of the ceremony as regards a chief&#8217;s child; but I do not think there
+is.
+
+</p>
+<p>Here again I believe that, when the ceremony takes place at a big feast, the variations are similar to those above described,
+and in particular the standing on the pig and drum-beating are postponed.
+
+</p>
+<p>The observations as to the subsequent purification in connection with the perineal band ceremony apply to this one also.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Ceremony on Devolution of Chieftainship</h3>
+<p>When chieftainship devolves on the death of a chief to his successor, there is no ceremony connected with the devolution.<a id="d0e4835src" href="#d0e4835" class="noteref">6</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>When a chief resigns in his lifetime, however, there is a ceremony. There does not appear to be a special dance and feast
+connected with this, it being always tacked on to some other ceremony or group of ceremonies. This particular ceremony does
+not, in fact, begin until after the pig-killing. The retiring chief will have provided one or more pigs for the purpose of
+his ceremony, and these will have been killed with the others. He addresses the people and <a id="d0e4840"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4840">166</a>]</span>tells them that he is giving up his office and transferring it to his successor; but in doing so he says nothing about that
+successor&#8217;s title to succeed, that being always known and recognised. He then sits on his pig, and hands to his successor
+a bamboo knife, such as is used for the cutting up of pigs. The successor, having received the knife, takes the place of the
+retiring chief on the pig, and tells the people that he accepts the office of chief; after which he goes round to all the
+pigs which are there in connection with all the various ceremonies to be gone through, one after another, and in each case
+makes with the knife just given to him a small slit at the end of the mouth of each pig.<a id="d0e4842src" href="#d0e4842" class="noteref">7</a> This act is regarded as a performance by the new chief of a chiefs office; and, as under present customs the killing of the
+pig is commonly done by the pig-killer, and the cutting of it up is done by anybody, one is tempted to wonder whether the
+ceremony points to some chief&#8217;s duty of the past, which has ceased to exist, or to some unknown origin of the status of the
+pig-killer.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Ceremony on Building of a New Emone.</h3>
+<p>The usual occasion for the building of a new <i>emone</i> is an impending big feast, the then existing <i>emone</i> in the village being out of repair, or there being then no <a id="d0e4856"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4856">167</a>]</span>true <i>emone</i> in the village. But <i>emone</i> are built at other times also.
+
+</p>
+<p>The actual building of the <i>emone</i> is carried out by the whole clan without ceremony; but when it is finished they erect tall slender straight-stemmed tree
+poles, passing through the roof of the <i>emone</i>, and to these they tie bunches of croton leaves. When the <i>emone</i> is being built in anticipation of a big feast, these poles are like, and in fact are part of the series of, the poles erected
+for the purpose of the feast, as above described. Croton leaves are also attached to poles after the repairing of a then existing
+<i>emone</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>In the case of a new <i>emone</i>, after its completion they light a fire in it, and in that fire cook a wild pig; vegetable food is provided, and the clan,
+including members of the village and of other villages, have a little clan feast of the vegetables, followed by a cutting
+up and distribution of the pig. But there is no dancing.
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e4883"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4883">168</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4698" href="#d0e4698src" class="noteref">1</a></span> It is the custom among the Kuni people when any woman (not merely the wife of a chief) has her first baby for the women of
+her own village, and probably of some neighbouring villages also, to assemble in the village and to attack her house and the
+village club-house with darts, <a id="d0e4700"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4700">158n</a>]</span>which the women throw with their hands at the roofs. At Ido-ido I saw that the roofs of the club-house and of some of the
+ordinary houses had a number of these darts sticking into them. The darts were made out of twigs of trees, and were about
+five or six feet long; and each of them had a bunch of grass tied in a whorl at or near its head, and some of them had a similar
+bunch similarly tied at or near its middle. See also Dr. Seligmann&#8217;s reference (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 298) to the Roro custom for warriors, when returning from a successful campaign, to throw their spears at the roof and
+sides of the marea. In Mekeo there is no corresponding ceremony on the birth of a first child; but men, women and children
+of the village collect by the house and sing all through the night; and in the morning the woman&#8217;s husband will kill a pig
+or dog for them, which they cook and eat without ceremony.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4731" href="#d0e4731src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Dr. Seligmann refers to this custom among the Roro people (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 256), and there is no doubt that it exists among the Mekeo people also. Father Desnoes, of the Sacred Heart Mission,
+told me that in Mekeo, though the pig used to be given when the boy adopted his perineal band at the age of four, five, six,
+or seven, it is now generally given earlier. The pig is there regarded as the price paid for the child, and is called the
+child&#8217;s <i>engifunga</i>.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4740" href="#d0e4740src" class="noteref">3</a></span> Seligmann&#8217;s <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 67.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4749" href="#d0e4749src" class="noteref">4</a></span> Seligmann&#8217;s <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 71.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4773" href="#d0e4773src" class="noteref">5</a></span> <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 21.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4835" href="#d0e4835src" class="noteref">6</a></span> In Mekeo such a devolution of chieftainship is the occasion for a very large feast.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4842" href="#d0e4842src" class="noteref">7</a></span> This ceremony is different from the Mekeo ceremony on the elevation by a chief of his successor to a joint chieftainship,
+of which some particulars were given to me by Father Egedi; but there is an element of similarity to a Mekeo custom for the
+new chief, after the pigs have been killed and partly cut up by someone else, to cut the backs of the pigs in slices.
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e4884"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Matrimonial and Sexual</h2>
+<p>A boy is regarded as having reached a marriageable age at about 16, 17, or 18, and the age for a girl is a few years younger.
+They do not as a rule marry before they have received their perineal bands; but there does not appear to be any definite custom
+against their doing so; nor are there any acts which must be performed to qualify for marriage, nor any indications by dress
+or ornament or otherwise that a boy or girl has attained a marriageable age.
+
+</p>
+<p>Marriages are usually contracted with women of another community, though sometimes the wife will belong to a village of another
+clan in the same community. Very rarely only is she of another village of the same clan, and still more rarely is she of the
+same village, clan exogamy being the rule, and marriages within the clan, and still more within the village, being regarded
+as irregular and undesirable, and people who have contracted them being considered as having done wrong.
+
+</p>
+<p>There does not appear to be any system of special matrimonial relationship between any communities; and the mode described
+below, by which a youth will <a id="d0e4893"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4893">169</a>]</span>by lighting a fire decide in which direction he must travel to seek a wife, would be hardly consistent with any such system.
+
+</p>
+<p>They have their prohibitive rules of consanguinity; but these are based merely upon the number of generations between either
+party and the common ancestor. The number of degrees within which prohibition applies in this way is two, thus taking it to
+the grandparent; and the result is that no man or woman may properly marry any descendant of his or her paternal or maternal
+grandfather or grandmother, however distant the actual relationship of the persons concerned may be.<a id="d0e4897src" href="#d0e4897" class="noteref">1</a> Marriages within the prohibited degree do in fact occur; but they are discountenanced, and are rare.
+
+</p>
+<p>Polygyny is usual, and is largely practised. A man will often have two or three, or sometimes even four, wives; and a chief
+or rich man may have as many as six. In the case of an ordinary person the wives all live with their husband in the same house;
+but a chief or rich person may have two or more houses. A man who is already married, and then marries again, goes through
+a formality, if it may be so called, similar to that of a first marriage. Opposition from the first wife sometimes occurs,
+but this is unusual.
+<a id="d0e4905"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4905">170</a>]</span></p>
+<p>Infant betrothals are common; but they are quite informal, and not the subject of any ceremony. The parents in such cases,
+whether of the same or different communities, are usually intimate friends, and are thus led to offer their children to each
+other for intermarriage. There is a known case of a girl of 16 or 17 years of age, who was what I can only call betrothed
+to the unborn son of a chief. A curious element in this case was that at the date, prior to the birth of the proposed husband,
+of what I call the betrothal, the price for the girl was actually paid&#8212;a thing which is never done till the marriage&#8212;and that,
+as I was most solemnly assured, the living girl and the unborn boy were in fact regarded, not merely as betrothed, but as
+actually married, and that, when the boy died, which he did in infancy, long before marital relationship between them was
+possible, the girl was regarded as being a widow. I could not ascertain what happened as regards the price which had been
+paid for the girl. A couple betrothed in childhood are not subject to any restrictions as to meeting and mutual companionship,
+nor is there any mutual avoidance, nor any increased probability, based on their betrothal, of immorality between them; though
+in the more usual case of betrothal between children of different communities they in ordinary course are not likely to be
+constantly seeing each other.
+
+</p>
+<p>A young man will speak of his sweetheart, present or prospective, as his <i>ojande</i>, which means his &#8220;flower&#8221;; and this is so even if he does not yet know her; and, when asked where he is going, he <a id="d0e4913"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4913">171</a>]</span>will reply that he is going to seek an <i>ojande</i>. If he is not already betrothed, and is matrimonially inclined, he has various expedients for accomplishing his desires.
+A boy who wants to marry, and does not know where to seek a wife, will sometimes light a fire in the bush, or better still
+in an open space (not in the village), when the air is still, and wait until a slight breeze blows the flame or smoke a little
+in some one direction; and he will then select a community or village which lies in that direction as the spot in which to
+seek a wife.
+
+</p>
+<p>A boy will often carry in a small bag (this does not refer to the special small charm bag already described) some pieces of
+wood and stone, and will rub a piece of tobacco between two of these, and send this tobacco to the girl of his choice through
+a female relative of hers or some other friend; and he believes that in some mysterious way this will draw her heart towards
+him, and make her accept him. The pieces of wood and stone need not be of any particular kind; but he will have carried them
+for a considerable time, until they have, as he thinks, acquired the specific odour of his body; and it is then that they
+have obtained their special power. It is impossible to induce a boy to part with a piece of wood or stone which has been so
+seasoned by time, and would take long to replace. Sometimes a boy will acquire these things by purchase from a magic man,
+who professes to be able to impart to them a more effective power.
+<a id="d0e4920"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4920">172</a>]</span></p>
+<p>A proposal of marriage is usually made by the boy through some female relative of the girl, or other suitable person, and
+not directly by him to the girl herself.
+
+</p>
+<p>Another custom may be mentioned here, though it only relates to a man who is already married, but wants another wife or wives.
+In clearing the bush for yam gardens it is usual, as regards the smaller trees, to cut away the side branches only, leaving
+the main trunks for posts up which the yams will climb; but the man in question will in the case of one (only one) of these
+smaller trees leave uncut one, two, or three of the upper branches, the number so left being the number of the wives he desires;
+and everyone understands its meaning.
+
+</p>
+<p>As regards the relationship of unmarried boys and girls generally, they are allowed to associate together, without any special
+precautions to prevent misconduct, and a good deal of general immorality exists.
+
+</p>
+<p>The marriage ceremony, following a parental betrothal, or with parental acquiescence, is a very informal matter, and in fact
+both the bargaining for the wife and the ceremony of the marriage are in striking contrast to the elaborate system of bargaining
+and mock raiding by the girl&#8217;s family, and the wedding ceremonies, which are adopted in Mekeo. A day is fixed for the marriage,
+and on that day the boy goes to the house of the girl&#8217;s parents, after which he and she and her parents go to the house of
+the boy&#8217;s parents, and the girl is paid for then and there. After this the young people immediately live together <a id="d0e4929"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4929">173</a>]</span>as a married couple in the house of either his or her parents, until he has been able to build a house for himself. Neither
+are there any special ceremonies in connection with the fixing of the price. This is generally very small. Dogs&#8217; teeth, pearl
+shell, necklaces, adzes, etc., are the usual things in which it is paid; but there is always a pig, which has been killed
+under, or on the site of, the grave platform above referred to. The price, in fact, depends upon the position and wealth of
+the girl&#8217;s parents, except that there is always only one pig. The price is paid to the father of the girl, or, if dead, to
+her eldest brother or other nearest male paternal relative.
+
+</p>
+<p>A runaway marriage is still simpler. The boy has proposed to the girl through her friend, and she has consented; and they
+simply run off into the bush together, and remain in the bush, or the gardens, or a distant village, until the boy&#8217;s friends
+have succeeded in propitiating the girl&#8217;s father, and the price has been paid; and then the couple return to the village.
+
+</p>
+<p>After marriage, the husband and wife are not as a rule faithful to each other, the marriage tie being only slight. Adultery
+on the part of the wife, but not of the husband, is regarded as a serious offence, if discovered. The injured husband will
+beat the guilty wife, and is entitled to kill the man with whom she has misconducted herself, and will usually do so; though
+nowadays he often dares not do so in districts where he fears Government punishment. Sometimes he will be content if the adulterer
+pays him a big <a id="d0e4935"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4935">174</a>]</span>price, say a pig; and this compensation is now commonly accepted in districts where the husband dares not kill. In either
+case, the husband generally keeps the wife.
+
+</p>
+<p>Formal divorce or separation does not exist. A husband who wants to get rid of his wife will make her life so miserable that
+she runs away from him. But more usually the separation originates with the wife, who, not liking or being tired of her husband,
+or being in love elsewhere, will run away and elope altogether with another man. In such a case, the husband may retaliate
+on that other man in the way already mentioned; but that is rather the method adopted in cases of incidental adultery, and
+as a rule, when the wife actually elopes, she and her paramour go off to some other community, and the husband submits to
+the loss. He will, however, claim from the wife&#8217;s people the price which he paid for her on his marriage. This is sometimes
+paid, but not always; and, as the wife almost always belongs to another clan, and generally to another community, the refusal
+to pay this claim is one of the frequent causes of fighting, the members of the husband&#8217;s clan, and often the whole community,
+joining him in a punitive expedition.
+
+</p>
+<p>When a man dies, or at all events after the removal by the widow of her mourning, she goes back to her own people, generally
+taking with her any of their young children who are then living in the house. There is no devolution of the wife to the husband&#8217;s
+brother, or anything of that nature. Nor, in case of <a id="d0e4941"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4941">175</a>]</span>the death of the wife, does the husband marry her sister.
+
+</p>
+<p>Speaking of the people generally, it may certainly be said that sexual morality among men, women, boys and girls is very low;
+and there is no punishment for immorality, except as above stated.
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e4945"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4945">176</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4897" href="#d0e4897src" class="noteref">1</a></span> According to Dr. Seligmann, among the Koita the forbidden degrees of relationship extend to third cousins (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 82); whereas it will be seen that among the Mafulu it only extends, as between people of the same generation, to first
+cousins. But a Mafulu native who was grandson of the common ancestor would be prohibited from marrying his first cousin once
+removed (great-granddaughter of that ancestor) or his first cousin twice removed (great-great-granddaughter of that ancestor).
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e4946"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Killing, Cannibalism, and Warfare</h2>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Killing.</h3>
+<p>Individual killing in personal quarrel, as distinguished from slaying in warfare, is exceedingly rare, except in cases of
+revenge upon adulterers. In these cases, however, it is regarded as the appropriate punishment; and even the family of the
+adulterer would hardly retaliate, if satisfied as to his guilt. There is no system of head-hunting, or of killing victims
+in connection with any ceremonies, or of burying alive,<a id="d0e4954src" href="#d0e4954" class="noteref">1</a> or of killing old and sick people, though the ceremonial blow on the head of a reputed dying man must sometimes be premature.
+
+</p>
+<p>Abortion and infanticide, however, are exceedingly common, the more usual practice being that of procuring abortion. Although
+sexual immorality so largely exists, and young unmarried women and girls are known to indulge in it so freely, and it is not
+seriously reprobated, it is regarded as a disgrace for one to give birth to a child; and if she gets into trouble she will
+procure abortion or kill the child. The same thing is also common among married <a id="d0e4962"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4962">177</a>]</span>women, on the ground that they do not wish to have more children. There is another cause for this among married women, which
+is peculiar. A woman must not give birth to a child until she has given a pig to a village feast; and if she does so it will
+be a matter of reproach to her. If, therefore, she finds herself about to have a child, and there is no festal opportunity
+for her to give a pig, or if, though there be a feast, she cannot afford to give a pig, she will probably procure abortion
+or kill the child when born. I was told by Father Chabot, the Father Superior of the Mission, that among the neighbouring
+Kuni people a woman would kill her child for extraordinary reasons; and he furnished an example of this in a woman who killed
+her child so that she might use her milk for suckling a young pig, which was regarded as being more important. Whether such
+a thing would occur in Mafulu appears to be doubtful; but it is quite possible, more especially as the Mafulu women do, in
+fact, suckle pigs.
+
+</p>
+<p>Abortion is induced by taking the heavy stone mallet used for bark cloth beating, and striking the woman on the front of the
+body over the womb. It is also assisted by the wearing of the tight cane belt already mentioned. I could not hear of any system
+of using drugs or herbs to procure abortion; but herbs are used to produce general sterility, which they are believed to be
+effective in doing.
+
+</p>
+<p>Married women also often kill their children as the result of a sort of superstitious ceremony. The child being born, the
+mother, in accordance <a id="d0e4968"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4968">178</a>]</span>with the custom of the country, goes down to the river, and throws the placenta into it. She then, however, often takes a
+little water from the river, and gives it to the babe. If the latter seems by the movements of its lips and tongue to accept
+and take the water into its mouth, it is a sign that it is to live, and it is allowed to do so. If not, it is a sign that
+it is to die, and she throws it into the river. This custom, which is quite common, has presumably had a superstitious origin,
+and it seems to be practised with superstitious intent now. There appears, however, to be no doubt that it is also followed
+for the purpose of keeping or killing the child, according to the wish of the mother. There is further, confirming the last
+statement, a well-known practice, when the mother goes down to the river with her baby, for some other woman, who is childless
+and desires a child, to accompany the mother, and take from her and adopt the baby; and as to this, there is no doubt that,
+before doing so, the woman ascertains from the mother whether or not she intends to keep her child, and only goes with her
+to the river if she does not intend to keep it. This is done quite openly, with the full knowledge of the second woman&#8217;s husband
+and friends; and everyone knows that the child is not really hers, and how she acquired it.<a id="d0e4970src" href="#d0e4970" class="noteref">2</a>
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e4973"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4973">179</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Cannibalism.</h3>
+<p>There is no doubt that the Mafulu people have always been cannibals, and are so still, subject now to the fear in which they
+hold the controlling authority of the white man, and which impels such of them as are in close touch with the latter to indulge
+in their practice only in secrecy. Their cannibalism has been, and is, however, of a restricted character. They do not kill
+for the purpose of eating; and they only eat bodies of people who have been intentionally killed, not the bodies of those
+who have been killed by accident, or died a natural death. Also the victim eaten is always a member of another community.
+The killing which is followed by eating is always a hostile killing in fight; but this fight may be either a personal and
+individual one, or it may be a community battle. The idea of eating the body appears to be a continued act of hostility, rather
+than one of gastronomic enjoyment; and I could learn nothing of any belief as to acquiring the valour and power of the deceased
+by eating him. I was informed that the man who has killed the victim will never himself share in the eating of him, this being
+the case both as regards people killed in private personal fighting and those killed in war.<a id="d0e4979src" href="#d0e4979" class="noteref">3</a> I tried to find out if there were any ceremonies connected with the eating of human flesh; but could learn nothing upon the
+subject, the natives being naturally not readily communicative with white men on the matter.
+
+
+<a id="d0e4982"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4982">180</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Warfare.</h3>
+<p>Warfare generally occurs between one community or section of a community (probably a clan) and another community or section
+of one; it very rarely occurs within a community. Sometimes two communities join together in opposition to a third one; but
+alliances of this sort are usually only of a temporary character. War among these people is now, of course, forbidden by the
+British authorities, and indulgence in it is a serious punishable offence; but it cannot be said to be abolished.
+
+</p>
+<p>The usual ground for an attack is either that some member of the attacked community or section of a community has by personal
+violence or by spirit-supported sorcery killed a member of the attacking community or section, or it is of the matrimonial
+character above explained. The underlying idea of the war is a life for a life; and in the matrimonial matter one life is
+the sum of vengeance required. Hence the primary object of an attack has usually been accomplished when the attacking party
+has killed one of their opponents. If there are two or more persons whose deaths have to be avenged, a corresponding number
+of lives is required in the battle. Then the attacking party may suffer loss during the fight, in which case this has to be
+added to the account; and loss by the attacked is introduced into the other side of it to their credit. The number killed
+in a battle is not, however, often great.
+
+</p>
+<p>When the required vengeance has been accomplished, <a id="d0e4992"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4992">181</a>]</span>the attacking party usually cease fighting and return home, if the enemy allow them to do so. They may retire before their
+vengeance has been accomplished; but in that case they are probably doing so as a defeated party, with the intention of renewing
+the attack on a subsequent occasion. If the attacking party cease fighting and try to return, the enemy may continue their
+counter attack, especially if they have themselves suffered loss in the fighting; but I was told that the enemy would not
+as a rule follow the attacking party far into the bush. It may be that what is regarded by the attackers as a correct balance
+of lives struck, on which they may retire, is not so regarded by the enemy, in which case the latter may try to prolong the
+fight; and, if the attackers get away, there will probably be a retaliatory expedition, in which the position of attackers
+and attacked is reversed. The primary idea of a life for a life is, however, generally understood and acknowledged; and if
+the enemy recognise the truth of the alleged reason for the attack, and have not lost more life than was required to balance
+the account, they usually rest satisfied with the result.
+
+</p>
+<p>No ceremony or taboo appears to be adopted in anticipation of proposed hostilities for the purpose of securing success; but
+individual fighters often wear charms, upon whose efficacy they rely. Nor do there appear to be any omens in connection with
+them other than certain general ones to be referred to hereafter. The preparations for a fight and its conduct can hardly
+be regarded as subjects of much <a id="d0e4996"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e4996">182</a>]</span>organisation, as the chiefs are not war chiefs, and there are no recognised permanent leaders or commanders of the forces,
+and no recognised war councils or systematic organisation, either of the fighting party or of the conduct of the fight. All
+adult males of the community engaged are expected to take part, and the leadership will generally fall upon someone who at
+the moment is regarded as a strong and wise fighter.
+
+</p>
+<p>The men start off on their expedition as an armed, but unorganised, body, their arms being spears, bows and arrows,<a id="d0e5000src" href="#d0e5000" class="noteref">4</a> clubs, adzes and shields, and none of their weapons being poisoned. During their progress to the enemy&#8217;s community they are
+generally singing, and their song relates to the grievance the avenging of which is the object of the expedition. The warriors
+do not, I was told, as a rule carry a full supply of provisions, as they rely largely upon what they can find in the bush,
+and what they hope to raid from their enemy&#8217;s plantations. On reaching the scene of battle they adopt methods of spying and
+scouting and sentry duty, though only on simple and unscientific lines. They have apparently no generally recognised systems
+of signs of truce or truce envoys or hostages. There are certain recognised cries, which respectively signify the killing
+of a man and the taking of a prisoner, by which, when such an event occurs, the fighters on both sides are aware of it. An
+enemy wounded on the battlefield <a id="d0e5006"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5006">183</a>]</span>may be killed at once or may be taken prisoner. All prisoners, wounded or otherwise, are taken home by the party that secures
+them, and are then killed, apparently without any prior torture, and generally eaten. A prisoner thus carried off would be
+regarded as a man killed, which in fact he shortly will be. The women of a community follow their fighting men in the expedition,
+their duty being to encourage the fighters on the way out, and during the fight, by their singing; but they remain in the
+rear during the battle, and do not actually fight. These women, of course, also run the risk of being killed or wounded or
+taken prisoners.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fighting between two communities may go on intermittently for years. Then perhaps the communities may get mutually weary of
+it, and decide to make peace. This act is ratified by an exchange between the two communities of ceremonial visits, with feasts
+and pig-killing, but no dancing, the pigs and vegetables and fruit distributed by the hosts among the visitors on the return
+visit being exactly similar in character and quantity to what the latter have given the former on the prior visit.
+
+</p>
+<p>The Mafulu war spears are made out of a very hard-wooded palm tree and another hard red-wooded tree, the name of which I do
+not know. They are round in section, tapering at both ends, and are generally from 10 to 12 feet long, and about three-quarters
+of an inch in diameter at the widest part. There are three forms of point. The first (<a href="#d0e17463">Plate 73, Fig. 1</a>) is simply a tapering off in round section. The second <a id="d0e5015"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5015">184</a>]</span>(<a href="#d0e17463">Plate 73, Fig. 2</a>) is made square in section for a distance of 2 to 2&frac12; feet from the tip. The third (<a href="#d0e17463">Plate 73, Fig. 3</a>) is in section a triangle, of which two sides are equal and the other side is a little larger, this triangular form being
+carried for a foot or less from the tip, and the larger surface being barbed bilaterally. This last-mentioned form is also
+generally decorated with a little tuft of bright-coloured feathers, just above the point where the barbing begins.
+
+</p>
+<p>The bows (<a href="#d0e17476">Plate 74, Fig. 1</a>) are made of split bamboo, the convex side of the bow being the inner section of the split bamboo. These bows are quite short,
+generally about 4 feet long when straightened out, and have triangular-shaped knobs at the ends for holding the bowstrings.
+The bowstrings are made of what appears to be strong split canes (not sugar-canes). The arrows (<a href="#d0e17476">Plate 73, Fig. 4</a>) are from 6 to 8 feet long, which is extraordinary in comparison with the length of the bows, and are made in two parts,
+the shaft being made of a strong reed, and the point, which is inserted into the reed shaft and is generally a foot or more
+long, being single and round-sectioned, and made of the same materials as are used for spears. There are no feathers or equivalents
+of feathers, and the shaft end of the arrow is cut square and not notched.
+
+</p>
+<p>The clubs (<a href="#d0e17485">Plate 75, Figs, 1 and 2</a>) are stone-headed, the heads being of the pineapple and disc types; but these heads are the same as those used on the plains
+and coast, whose people, in fact, get them <a id="d0e5036"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5036">185</a>]</span>from the mountains, and as these are so well-known, it is not necessary for me to describe them.
+
+</p>
+<p>The adzes (<a href="#d0e17485">Plate 75, Fig. 4</a>) are of the usual type, the stone blade being lashed directly on to the handle. There are two common forms. In one, which
+is also used for ordinary adze work, the haft is cut from a natural branch, with the angle of the head part set obliquely.
+In the other, which is also used for cutting timber, the haft is cut from a branch with the angle of the head part set at
+right angles, or nearly so. I do not know to what extent this second form is common in New Guinea. It is not found in Mekeo.
+
+</p>
+<p>The shields (<a href="#d0e17476">Plate 74, Figs. 2 and 3</a>) are thick, heavy, cumbrous weapons, made out of the wood used for making wooden dishes. The outer surfaces are convex, and
+the inner ones concave, the natural convexity of the circular trunk of the tree from which they are made being retained. These
+shields are 4&frac12; to 5 feet long, and usually about 15 or 16 inches wide in the broadest central part, getting somewhat narrower
+towards the two ends, where they are rounded off. Each shield has two strong cane handles in the centre of its internal concave
+side, each of which handles is fixed by means of two pairs of holes bored through the shield, and of thongs which are passed
+through these holes and attached to the ends of the handles. The shields are carried by passing the left arm through the upper
+handle downwards, the left hand holding the lower handle.
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e5048"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5048">186</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4954" href="#d0e4954src" class="noteref">1</a></span> But see <a href="#d0e4970">p. 178, note 1</a>.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4970" href="#d0e4970src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Half-a-dozen years ago, before open systematic killing and cannibalism were checked, it was a Kuni custom, when a woman died
+in her confinement, to bury the living baby with the dead mother. I have not heard of this custom in Mafulu, and do not know
+whether or not it exists, or has existed, there; but as regards matters of this sort the Mafulu and the Kuni are very similar.
+My statement that there is no burying alive must be taken subject to the possibility of this custom.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e4979" href="#d0e4979src" class="noteref">3</a></span> This custom is found elsewhere.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5000" href="#d0e5000src" class="noteref">4</a></span> From Dr. Haddon&#8217;s distribution chart in Vol. XVI. of <i>The Geographical Journal</i>, it will be seen that the Mafulu district is just about at the junction between his spear area and his bow and arrow area.
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e5049"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Hunting, Fishing and Agriculture</h2>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Hunting.</h3>
+<p>This is engaged in more or less all the year round, especially as regards wild pigs when wanted for village killing. The animals
+chiefly hunted are pigs, kangaroos, wallabies, the &#8220;Macgregor bear,&#8221;<a id="d0e5057src" href="#d0e5057" class="noteref">1</a> large snakes, cassowaries and other birds.
+
+</p>
+<p>The hunting weapons and contrivances used are spears, bows and arrows, nets and traps; but adzes and clubs are used in connection
+with net hunting. The spears are those used for war. The bows and arrows employed for hunting animals and cassowaries are
+also the same as those used for war; but these are not much used. For bird-shooting (excluding cassowary-shooting) they generally
+use arrows (<a href="#d0e17463">Plate 73, Fig. 5</a>) the points of which are made of four rather fine pieces of bamboo cane, closely bound together at the place of insertion
+into the reed shaft, and also bound together further down, <a id="d0e5065"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5065">187</a>]</span>but with a piece of stick or some other material inserted between them inside this second binding, so as to keep them a little
+apart and make them spread outwards, thus producing a four-pronged point. The arrows vary in length from 5 to 6 or 7 feet,
+and their points vary from 4 to 10 inches. The adzes and clubs are the same as those used for war.
+
+</p>
+<p>The people generally hunt in large parties for pigs (hunted with either spears or nets), kangaroos and wallabies (hunted with
+nets only), and Macgregor bears, cassowaries, and big snakes (hunted with spears only). The hunters may be members of a single
+village or of a whole community. They generally return home on the same day, except when hunting the Macgregor bear, which
+is only found on the tops of high mountains, and so requires a longer expedition. They usually take out with them large numbers
+of young boys, who are not armed, and do not take part in the actual killing, but who, when the party reaches the hunting
+ground, spread out in the bush, and so find the animals. While doing this the boys bark like dogs. Sometimes dogs are taken
+instead, but this is unusual, as they have not many dogs.
+
+</p>
+<p>A preliminary ceremony is performed by a person whose special duty it is, and who, I think, is usually the pig-killer. He
+takes a particular kind of fragrant grass, makes an incantation over it, rubs it on the noses of the dogs (if there are any),<a id="d0e5071src" href="#d0e5071" class="noteref">2</a> and then ties it in several <a id="d0e5077"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5077">188</a>]</span>portions to the meshes of the net to be used. If there are dogs, but no net, then, after rubbing the dogs&#8217; noses, he throws
+the grass away. If there is a net, but no clogs, then, after making the incantation, he ties the grass on to the net as above
+mentioned. This appears to be the only ceremony in connection with hunting; and there is no food or other taboo associated
+with it, but some of the charms worn are intended to give success in hunting.
+
+</p>
+<p>In spear hunting, when children and not dogs are employed, the children shout as soon as the animal has been found, and then
+retreat; and, when the animal has been found by either children or dogs, the hunting men attack it with their spears, if possible
+surrounding it.
+
+</p>
+<p>In net hunting, which of course can only be adopted in fairly open spaces, the hunters place their net by means of pole supports
+in the form of a crescent, perhaps as much as 50 or 60 yards long, this length, however, requiring several nets put end to
+end together, and 2 or 3 feet high. The net is generally put across the base of a narrow ravine, or across a narrow ridge,
+these being the routes along which the animals usually travel. The children or dogs search for the animal, as in spear hunting;
+and when it is found, most of the hunters place themselves in a crescent-shaped formation behind the animal, so that it is
+between them and the net, and then gradually close in upon it, and so drive it into the net. Behind the net are other hunters,
+more or less hidden, who kill the animal with club or adze when it is caught in the <a id="d0e5083"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5083">189</a>]</span>net. They sometimes use spears in the event of an animal jumping over the net, and so trying to escape; though in net hunting
+the spears are more especially carried for purposes of self-defence in case of an attack by the animal.
+
+</p>
+<p>There is always an enormous amount of shouting all through the hunt. When the animal has been caught, they generally kill
+it then and there, except as regards pigs required alive for village ceremony, and which are disabled, but not killed. The
+huntings, except when pigs are specially required, are usually general; and when any sort of animal has been killed the hunters
+are content. They surround the beast, and make three loud shouting screams, by which the people of the village or community
+know, not only that an animal has been killed, but also what the animal is. It is then brought home, and eaten by the whole
+village, if the hunt be a village hunt, or by the community, if it be a community hunt.
+
+</p>
+<p>Individual hunting, in which I include hunts by parties of two or three, is also common. Solitary hunters are generally only
+searching for birds (not cassowaries); but parties of two or three will go after larger game, such as pigs, cassowaries, etc.
+Such parties hunt the larger game with spears, clubs and adzes, and shoot the birds, other than cassowaries, with bows and
+arrows. They kill their victims as they can, and bring them home; and they, and probably some of their friends, eat them.
+
+</p>
+<p>Trap hunting is much engaged in by single individuals. <a id="d0e5091"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5091">190</a>]</span>A common form of trap used for pigs is a round hole about 6 feet deep and 2 feet in diameter, which is dug in the ground anywhere
+in the usual tracks of the pigs, and is covered over with rotten wood, upon which grass is spread; and into this hole the
+pig falls and cannot get out. The maker of the hole does not necessarily stay by it, but will visit it from time to time in
+the hope of having caught a pig. Small tree-climbing animals are often caught by a plan based upon the inclination of an animal,
+seeing a continuous line, to go along it. A little pathway of sticks is laid along the ground, commencing near a suitable
+tree, and carried up to the base of that tree, and then taken up the trunk, and along a branch, on which it terminates, the
+parts upon the tree being bound to it with cane. At the branch termination of this path is either a noose trap, made out of
+a piece of native string tied at one end to the branch, and having at the other end a running noose in which the animal is
+caught, or a very primitive baitless framework trap, so made that the animal, having once got into it, cannot get out again.
+Or instead of a trap, the man will erect a small rough platform upon the same tree, upon which platform he waits, perhaps
+all night, until the animal comes, and then shoots it with his bow and arrow. Another form of trap for small animals is a
+sort of alley along the ground, fenced in on each side by a palisading of sticks, and having at its end a heavy overhanging
+piece of wood, supported by an easily moved piece of stick, which the animal, after passing along the alley, disturbs, so
+bringing <a id="d0e5093"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5093">191</a>]</span>down the piece of wood on to the top of it; this trap also has no bait. Large snakes are caught in nooses attached to the
+ground or hanging from trees.
+
+</p>
+<p>Birds of all kinds, except cassowaries, are killed with bows and arrows. There is also a method of killing certain kinds of
+birds of paradise which dance on branches of trees, and certain other kinds and bower birds, which dance on the ground,<a id="d0e5097src" href="#d0e5097" class="noteref">3</a> by means of nooses as above described, these being tied to the branch of the tree, or, in the case of ground nooses, tied
+to a stick or something in the ground. The natives know the spots where the birds are dancing, and place the noose traps there.
+Another method of killing birds is adopted on narrow forest-covered ridges of the mountains. An open space or passage about
+2 or 3 yards wide is cut in the bush, across the ridge; and across this passage are suspended three parallel nets, the inner
+or central one being of a close and impassable mesh, and the two outer ones having a mesh so far open that a bird striking
+against it can get through. These nets are made of very fine material, and so are not easily seen, especially as they are
+more or less in shade from the trees on each side of the passage. A bird flying from the valley on either side towards the
+ridge is attracted by this open passage, and flies into and along it; it strikes against one of the more open outer nets,
+and gets through it, but is confused and bewildered, and so is easily <a id="d0e5100"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5100">192</a>]</span>stopped by the central close-meshed net, where it is shot with bow and arrow.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Fishing.</h3>
+<p>Fishing is carried on by the Mafulu people by means of weirs placed across streams, the weirs having open sluices with intercepting
+nets, and smaller nets being used to catch such fish as escape the big ones. They do not fish with spears, hooks, or bows
+and arrows, or with fishing lines, as is done in Mekeo; and even their weir and net systems are different from the Mekeo ones.
+Fishing with them is more or less communistic, as it is generally engaged in by parties of ten or twenty men (women do not
+fish), and sometimes nearly all the men of a village, or even of a community, join in a fishing expedition; and everyone in
+the village or community shares more or less in the spoil. The fishing season is towards the end of the dry season, say in
+October or November, when work in the gardens is over, and the rivers are low. I cannot give the names of the fishes caught,
+but was told that the chief ones are large full-bodied carp-like fish and eels.
+
+</p>
+<p>The large weir nets are simply ordinary frameless nets about 3 to 5 yards long, and 1 yard wide, with a fairly small mesh.
+The smaller ones are hand nets, made in two forms. One of these is made of ordinary fine netting, and is bag-shaped, being
+strung on a round looped end of cane, of which the other end is the handle, the net being about the size of a good-sized <a id="d0e5109"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5109">193</a>]</span>butterfly net. The other form is also framed on a looped cane; but the loop in this case is larger and more oval in shape,
+and the netting is made of the web of a large spider. To make it they take the already looped cane to where there are a number
+of such webs, and twist the looped end round and round among the webs, until there is stretched across the loop a double or
+treble or quadruple layer of web, which, though flat when made, is elastic, and when used becomes under pressure more or less
+bag-shaped.
+
+</p>
+<p>The fishers first make a weir of upright sticks placed close together among the stones in the river bed, the weir stretching
+across the greater part of, or sometimes only half-way across, the river. The side of the river left open and undammed is
+filled up with stones to such a height that the water flowing over it is shallow, and the fish do not escape across it. In
+the middle of the weir they leave an open space or sluice, behind which they fasten the big net.<a id="d0e5113src" href="#d0e5113" class="noteref">4</a> <a href="#d0e17496">Plate 76</a> shows a weir on the Aduala river, a portion of the open sluice being seen on the left. After forming the weir, but before
+fixing the net, the fishers all join in a sort of prayer or invocation to the river. For example, on the Aduala river they
+will say, &#8220;Aduala, give us plenty of fish, that we may eat well.&#8221; This is the only ceremony in connection with the fishing,
+and there is no food or other taboo associated with it; but here again charms are often relied upon. The big net <a id="d0e5119"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5119">194</a>]</span>catches most of the fish which are carried down by the rush of water through the opening in the weir; but a group of fishermen
+stand round it with their hand nets, with which they catch any fish that leap out of the big net, and would otherwise escape,
+the ordinary hand nets being usually used for larger fish, and the cobweb ones for the smaller fish. They often have two or
+three of these weirs in the same stream, at some little distance from each other.
+
+</p>
+<p>A fishing party will often stay and live for some days at the place where they are fishing, and eat the fish each day as they
+catch it; so that what they bring home for the village or community may only be the result of the last day&#8217;s sport. But the
+women will sometimes come to the fishers, bring them food, and take some fish back to the village or community. Each community
+has waters which it regards as being its own; but disputes as to this apparently do not arise.
+
+</p>
+<p>A solitary individual sometimes goes off to catch fish with one of the hand nets above described or with his hands, and eats
+or keeps what he catches; but this is unusual.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Agriculture.</h3>
+<p>Agriculture is never communistic, being entirely an individual or family matter, men and households and families having their
+own gardens and plantations. The trees and plants chiefly cultivated are those already mentioned as being used for food.
+<a id="d0e5130"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5130">195</a>]</span></p>
+<p>The clearing of the ground is done by men, and is begun about the end of June. The trees and their branches are used for fencing,
+the fencing being also done by men. The clearing away of the undergrowth is done by women, who pile it in small heaps, which
+are spread over the cleared space, being so close together that they almost touch one another. When these have got quite dry,
+which may be in a few days, or not for some time, they burn them, and the ashes add fertility to the soil. There is no general
+digging up of the ground, as distinguished from the digging of holes for individual plants. The clearing of the trees is done
+with stone adzes, or in difficult cases by fire; but some of the people now have European axes, of which some have been acquired
+from white men, and some from plain and coast natives. In clearing for planting yam and plants of the yam type they leave
+the upright stems of some of the trees and shrubby undergrowth for the yams, etc., to trail over. Cultivation of some of the
+more usual plants is done as follows.
+
+</p>
+<p>Sweet potatoes and vegetables of similar type are planted by the women in August and September. They make little holes in
+the ground about 2 feet apart, and in them plant the potatoes, the roots used being the young sarmentose runners, which they
+cut off from the parent plants, the latter being merely cut down to the ground, and the old tubers being left in it. These
+runners are left to grow, and in about three or four months the young potatoes are ready for eating, and afterwards there
+will be a continuous supply from the runners. The digging up of the day-to-day <a id="d0e5135"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5135">196</a>]</span>supply of potatoes is done by the women, the work in this, and in all other digging, being done with small pointed sticks,
+roughly made and not preserved; though now they sometimes have European knives, these knives and axes being the two European
+implements which they use in agriculture, if they possess them.
+
+</p>
+<p>Yams and similar vegetables are planted by men in August and September, near to the young tree stems up which they are to
+trail, and at distances apart of 2 or 3 yards. In this case, however, there are two plantings. In the first instance the yam
+tubers are planted in pretty deep holes, the tubers being long. The yams then grow, and twine over the tree stems, and spread.
+After about ten months the men dig up the tubers, which in the meantime have grown larger, and cut away from them all the
+trailing green growth, and then hang the tubers up in the houses and <i>emone</i>, to let the new growing points sprout. Then in about another two months the men replant the smaller tubers, while the larger
+ones are retained for food.
+
+</p>
+<p>There are two curious Mafulu practices in connection with yam-planting. First, before planting each tuber they wrap round
+it an ornamental leaf, such as a croton, which they call the &#8220;sweetheart of the yam.&#8221; Against this leaf they press a piece
+of limestone. They then plant the tuber with its sweetheart leaf around it and the piece of limestone pressing against its
+side, and fill in the soil; but as they do the latter they withdraw the piece of limestone, which they use successively for
+other yams, and, indeed, keep in their houses for use <a id="d0e5144"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5144">197</a>]</span>year by year. In the villages near the Mafulu Mission Station the limestone used is generally a piece of stalactite, which
+they get from the limestone caves in the mountains. The belief is that by planting in this way the yams will grow stronger
+and better. Secondly, there is a little small-leafed plant of a spreading nature, only a few inches high, which grows wild
+in the mountains, but which is also cultivated, and a patch of which they always plant in a yam plantation. This plant they
+also call the &#8220;sweetheart of the yam&#8221;; and they believe that its presence is beneficial to the plantation.
+
+</p>
+<p>Yams are ready for supplying food eight or ten months after planting. They are not, like the potatoes, dug up from day to
+day, as they can be stored. The usual period of digging and storing is about June or July, and this digging is done by both
+men and women, the former dealing with the larger yams, which are difficult to get up, and the latter with the smaller ones.
+
+</p>
+<p>The yam is apparently regarded by the Mafulu people as a vegetable possessing an importance which one is tempted to think
+may have a more or less superstitious origin-witness the facts that only men may plant it and that it is the only vegetable
+in the planting of which superstitious methods are employed, and the special methods and ceremonies adopted in the hanging
+of the yams at the big feast. But I fancy this idea as to the yam is not confined to the Mafulu; and indeed Chalmers tells
+us of a Motu superstition which attributes to it a human origin;<a id="d0e5150src" href="#d0e5150" class="noteref">5</a> and a perusal <a id="d0e5155"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5155">198</a>]</span>of the chapter on sacrifices in Dr. Codrington&#8217;s book, <i>The Melanesians</i>, leaves the impression on one&#8217;s mind that among these people the yam is the one vegetable which is specially used for sacrificial
+purposes.
+
+</p>
+<p>Taro and similar vegetables are planted by women in August and September among the yams, at distances of 2 or 3 feet apart.
+For this purpose they take the young secondary growths which crop up round the main central plants during the year.<a id="d0e5162src" href="#d0e5162" class="noteref">6</a> They are ready for eating in, say, May or June of the following year. They are dug up by women from day to day as wanted,
+as they, like the sweet potato, cannot be kept, as the yams are, after being taken up. There is, however, a method when the
+taro is ripe and needs digging up, but is not then required for eating, of making a large hole in the ground, filling it with
+grass, digging up the taro, putting it on the grass in the hole, covering and surrounding it with more grass, and then filling
+up with soil, and so preserving the taro for future use by a sort of ensilage system. I was told that this was not done on
+the plains.
+
+</p>
+<p>Bananas are planted by men, this being done every year, and off and on all through the year, generally in old potato gardens.
+In this case they take the young offshoots, which break out near the <a id="d0e5167"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5167">199</a>]</span>bases of the stems. The closeness of planting varies considerably. The fruit is gathered all through the year by men. A banana
+will generally begin to bear fruit about twelve months after planting, though some sorts of banana take as long as two years.
+
+</p>
+<p>Sugar-cane is planted by men off and on during the whole year, generally in old potato gardens, the growing points at the
+tops of the canes being put into the ground at distances of 5 or 6 feet apart. Each plant produces a number of canes, and
+these begin to be edible after six or eight months. They are then cut for eating by both men and women.
+
+</p>
+<p>As regards both banana and sugar-cane, the people, after planting them in the potato gardens, allow the potatoes to still
+go on growing and spreading; but these potatoes are merely used for the pigs, the people only eating those grown in their
+open patches.
+
+</p>
+<p>Beans of a big coarse-growing sort, with large pods from 8 to 18 inches long, are planted by women about September by the
+garden fences of the potato and yam gardens, and allowed to creep up these fences. They furnish edible fruit in about three
+or four months from the time of planting, and are then gathered by the women. Only the inside seeds are eaten (not the pod);
+and even these are so hard that twenty&#8212;four hours&#8217; boiling does not soften them&#8212;indeed, they are usually roasted.
+
+</p>
+<p>Pandanus trees are grown in the bush and not in the gardens. The <i>ine</i> which is a large form (<a href="#d0e17516">Plate 80</a>), is always grown at a height of not less than 5,000 feet; but there is a smaller one which is grown <a id="d0e5183"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5183">200</a>]</span>by a river or stream. The <i>malage</i> is always grown in the valleys near brooks and rivers.
+
+</p>
+<p>As regards the gardens generally, they may be roughly divided into sweet potato gardens and yam gardens. In the former are
+also grown bananas, sugar-cane, beans, pumpkin, cucumber and maize; and in the latter taro and beans, and the reed plant with
+the asparagus flavour to which I have already referred. The general tending of the bananas and sugar-canes, and to a certain
+extent the yams, is done by men; but in other respects the garden produce is looked after by women, who also attend to the
+weeding and keeping of the gardens clean, the men looking after the fences.
+
+</p>
+<p>Having planted a certain crop in a garden, they let it go on until it is exhausted, the period for this being different for
+different crops; but afterwards they never again plant the same crop in the same garden. When a crop is exhausted, they may
+possibly use the same garden for some other purpose; but as a rule they do not do so, except as regards the use of old potato
+gardens for banana and sugar-cane. When fresh gardens are wanted, fresh portions of bush are cleared; and the old deserted
+gardens are quickly re-covered by nature with fresh bush, the growth of vegetation being very rapid. Most of the gardens are
+bush gardens, and, though these may sometimes be close to the village, you do not find a regular system of gardens within
+the village clearing, as you do in the Mekeo district, the situations of the villages being indeed hardly adapted for this.
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e5192"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5192">201</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5057" href="#d0e5057src" class="noteref">1</a></span> I have never seen the animal called the &#8220;Macgregor bear,&#8221; and I do not know what it is. The Fathers assured me it was a bear;
+but in view of the great unlikelihood of this, I consulted the authorities at the Natural History Museum, and they think it
+is probably one of the marsupials. It is named after Sir William Macgregor. It is found in the mountains, where the forest
+is very thick.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5071" href="#d0e5071src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Compare the Motumotu (Toaripi) practice of rubbing the dogs&#8217; mouths with a special plant, referred to by Chalmers (<i>Pioneering in New Guinea</i>, p. 305).
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5097" href="#d0e5097src" class="noteref">3</a></span> The birds of paradise which dance in trees include, I was told, what the Fathers called the &#8220;Red,&#8221; the &#8220;Blue,&#8221; the &#8220;Black,&#8221;
+the &#8220;Superb&#8221; and the &#8220;Six-feathered.&#8221; Those which dance on the ground include the &#8220;Magnificent.&#8221;
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5113" href="#d0e5113src" class="noteref">4</a></span> In Mekeo the weir is made with wicker-work, at the openings in which basket fish-traps are placed.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5150" href="#d0e5150src" class="noteref">5</a></span> <i>Pioneering in New Guinea</i>, pp. 3 and 4.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5162" href="#d0e5162src" class="noteref">6</a></span> Dr. Stapf tells me that taro is usually propagated by means of tubers or division of crowns, that is that either the whole
+tuber is planted or it is cut up, as potatoes are done, into pieces, each of which has an eye, and each of which is planted.
+It would appear that the Mafulu method, as explained to me, amounts to much the same thing, the only difference being that
+instead of planting a crown, or a piece with an eye from which a fresh shoot will proceed, they let that shoot first grow
+into a young plant and then transplant the latter.
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e5193"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Bark Cloth Making, Netting and Art.</h2>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Bark Cloth Making and Netting.</h3>
+<p>I put the two processes of bark cloth making and netting together, as being the only forms in which material is made in pieces
+of substantial size.
+
+</p>
+<p>Bark cloth is used for making perineal bands, men&#8217;s caps, illness-recovery capes, bark cloth head strings, mourning strings
+and dancing aprons and ribbons. Netting is used for fishing and hunting nets, sleeping hammocks, the various forms of carrying
+bags and the mourning vests worn by the widows of chiefs.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Bark Cloth Making.</h3>
+<p>Bark cloth is made by both men and women out of the bark of three different kinds of tree; but I do not know what these are.
+They strip the bark from the tree, and from the bark they strip off the outer layer, leaving the inner fibrous layer, which
+is about &#8539;th of an inch in thickness. They have no method of fastening two pieces of bark or cloth together, so every garment
+has to be a single piece, and the size of the piece to be made depends upon the purpose for <a id="d0e5208"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5208">202</a>]</span>which it is wanted. The cloth is made in the usual way by soaking the prepared bark in water for about twenty-four hours,
+and then hammering it with a heavy mallet upon the rounded surface of a cut-down tree trunk (<a href="#d0e17511">Plate 79</a>).
+
+</p>
+<p>The mallet used (<a href="#d0e17333">Plate 51, Fig. 3</a>), however, differs from the wooden mallet of Mekeo and the coast. It is a heavy black roller-shaped piece of stone, tapering
+a little at one or both ends, and being broader at the beating end than at the holding end. It varies in length from 10 to
+18 inches, and has a maximum width of about 2 or 2&frac12; inches. The beating surface is not flattened, as is the case with the
+Mekeo beaters, but it is rather deeply scored with a series of longitudinal and transverse lines, crossing each other at right
+angles, or nearly so. This scoring generally covers a surface space of about 3 inches by 1 or 2 inches, and is done with pointed
+pieces of similar stone, or with the tusks of wild pigs.
+
+</p>
+<p>As the hammering proceeds the bark becomes thinner and larger in surface, and when this process is finished, the cloth is
+hung up to dry.
+
+</p>
+<p>The colouring of the cloth, if and when this is added, is done by men only, and, like body-staining, is nearly always in either
+red, yellow, or black. The red stain is obtained from the two sorts of earth used for red face and body-staining, being, as
+in the other case, mixed with water or animal fat, so as to produce a paste. Another source of red stain used for cloth is
+the fruit of a wild tree growing in the bush, which fruit they chew and spit out. I do not know what the <a id="d0e5222"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5222">203</a>]</span>tree is, but I do not think it is the Pandanus, whose fruit is, I believe, used for body-staining. The yellow stain is obtained
+from the root of a plant which I understand to be rather like a ginger. They dry the root in the sun, and afterwards crush
+it and soak it in water, and the water so coloured becomes the pigment to be used. The black stain is obtained in the same
+way as that used for face-staining. These dyes are put on to the cloth with the fingers, which the men dip into the dye, or
+with feathers. In making a design they do not copy from a pattern placed before them, nor do they first trace the design on
+the cloth.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Netting.</h3>
+<p>In dealing with netting, I should begin with the making of the string; but, as I think the method adopted is not confined
+to the mountains, it is perhaps sufficient to refer to my previous description of thread-making in connection with the manufacture
+of leg-bands; though in most netting the strings are necessarily very much thicker and stronger than are the threads used
+for leg-bands, and they are three-stranded.
+
+</p>
+<p>Hunting and fishing nets are made by men in a simple open form of netting, worked on the common principle of the reef knot,
+and having diamond-shaped holes, with a knot at each corner of each hole. I shall refer to this form of netting as &#8220;ordinary
+network.&#8221; The nets are made of thick, strong material, except as regards the hand fishing nets, which are <a id="d0e5231"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5231">204</a>]</span>made of the fine material used for making leg-bands. These nets are never coloured.
+
+</p>
+<p>Hammocks are made by men. They are sometimes done entirely with ordinary network, and are then, I think, similar to Mekeo-made
+hammocks; but often only two or three lines of netting are done in this way, the rest of the net being made in a closer and
+finer pattern of interlacing knotless network, which is never adopted on the coast and Mekeo plains (all nets of this description
+found there having come down from the mountains) and which I will call &#8220;Mafulu network.&#8221;<a id="d0e5235src" href="#d0e5235" class="noteref">1</a> I have watched the making of one of these nets, and will endeavour to describe the process. The ultimate result of the Mafulu
+network part of this is shown in <a href="#d0e17521">Plate 81</a>.
+
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e5242" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Figure 8.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/b204.gif" alt="Mafulu Net Making (1st Line of Network)."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Mafulu Net Making (1st Line of Network).</p>
+</div><p>
+
+
+</p>
+<p>The maker first formed a base line of three strands of native string stretched out horizontally. This base line is marked
+<i>a b</i> in <a href="#d0e5242">Fig. 8</a>. He then wound a long length of netting string round a rough piece of stick to be used as a sort of netting shuttle. He next
+worked the netting string on to the base line by a series of loops or slip-knots as shown in <a href="#d0e5242">Fig. 8</a>, strand <i>c</i> of each loop bending upwards and becoming <a id="d0e5260"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5260">205</a>]</span>strand <i>d</i> of the next loop to the right, and the series of loops extending for the whole length of the base line, and thus constituting
+the first loop line of the net. The hitches of the loops, which appear loose and open in the figure for the purpose of showing
+their construction, were really drawn tight on the base line. On to these loops he then worked one line of ordinary network,
+as shown in <a href="#d0e5277">Fig. 9</a>, the strings <i>a b c d</i> in this figure being the loops above mentioned, and the knots of this also being, of course, drawn tight, and not made loose
+and open, as shown in the figure. The base of this line again formed a series made one of these lines of mesh for my instruction;
+but it is usual in the making of hammocks to have two or three of them, as appears in the figure. The next stage commenced
+the Mafulu network. The form of this is shown in <a href="#d0e5282">Fig. 10</a>; and here again the actual network was more closely drawn than is shown in the illustration, though it was not drawn tight,
+as in the case of the ordinary network. The first line of Mafulu network was worked on to the loops above <a id="d0e5274"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5274">206</a>]</span>it, so as to form a continuous line, in which many loops of Mafulu work were attached to each loop of the line of ordinary
+work above, the former being considerably smaller than the latter. The rest of the network is similarly made in the Mafulu
+method, each loop of each line being connected with a loop of the line above, until the worker almost reaches the other end
+of the hammock, which latter is finished off with ordinary network and a final base line, so as to correspond with the commencing
+end. Often there are only four or five loops of Mafulu network attached to each loop of ordinary network above them; and I
+have seen hammocks in which the mesh of the ordinary network part is much smaller, so that each loop of the bottom line of
+this mesh has attached to it only one loop of the top line of Mafulu mesh; and this last variation is common as regards carrying
+bags.
+
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e5277" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Figure 9.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/b205.gif" alt="Mafulu Net Making (2nd, 3rd, and 4th Lines of Network)."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Mafulu Net Making (2nd, 3rd, and 4th Lines of Network).</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e5282" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Figure 10.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/b206.gif" alt="Mafulu Net Making (5th Line of Network, to which Rest of Net is similar in Stitch)."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Mafulu Net Making (5th Line of Network, to which Rest of Net is similar in Stitch).</p>
+</div><p>
+
+
+</p>
+<p>The hammocks are never coloured; but they are sometimes decorated with a few Pandanus or <i>malage</i> seeds hung from their borders.
+
+</p>
+<p>The different forms of carrying bags have already <a id="d0e5293"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5293">207</a>]</span>been referred to. I will now deal with their manufacture and colouring. They are made exclusively by women; and the fibres
+used in their manufacture are not the same as those employed for making nets and hammocks. I will deal separately with the
+five forms already described by me.
+
+</p>
+<p>Nos. 1 and 2 are made of either ordinary or Mafulu network, and are never coloured. When these, or any other bags, are made
+of Mafulu network, their elasticity is very great. No. 3 is always made of Mafulu network, and coloured. No. 4 is made of
+Mafulu network, and is sometimes coloured, and sometimes not. No. 5 is made of Mafulu network, and is sometimes coloured.
+The string used in making this bag is different from that used for the others, and is obtained from the bark of a small shrub.
+
+</p>
+<p>The question of manufacture introduces another form of bag (<a href="#d0e17355">Plate 53, Fig 3</a>), which I may call No. 6. It is used by men for the purposes of No. 4, and No 5 is also sometimes made in the same way. The
+method of manufacture of No. 6 is, I was told, an uncommon one; and, though I was able to procure one of these bags, I had
+not an opportunity of observing the process by which it was made. The appearance of the bag, however, suggests a process not
+unlike that of knitting. Its outer surface displays a series of thick, strong trie ord-plaited, vertical ridges, all close
+together, and looking very like the outside ridges of a knitted woollen stocking; but on the inner surface these ridges are
+not to be seen, and the general appearance of this inside is one of horizontal lines. <a id="d0e5302"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5302">208</a>]</span>The material of this bag is much closer, thicker and heavier than is that of any of the others.
+
+</p>
+<p>The colouring of Nos. 3, 4 and 5 is not put into the netting after its manufacture, as is done with bark cloth. The string
+itself is dyed beforehand, and the lines of colour are worked into the bag in the process of netting. The colouring is confined
+to the front of the bag only, being the part which is visible when the bag is worn hanging over the back or shoulder. Speaking
+generally, the colouring is black; but there is often a little red introduced along with the black. The pattern is in the
+general form of parallel horizontal lines or stripes, which, however, are in places made to recess or turn downwards or upwards
+at right angles, and subsequently turn upwards or downwards again, and then continue horizontally as before, thus giving variety
+to the mere design of straight horizontal lines; and these rectangular breaks are often introduced at more or less symmetrical
+intervals. There are other details in these patterns, which can be observed in the plate. I have one of these bags the lines
+in which are blue, red and yellow; but I think this colouring is not usual. The pigments are obtained from the sources described
+above with reference to bark cloth.
+
+</p>
+<p>The colouring of my specimen of No. 6 bag is also worked into the bag in the process of knitting, or whatever that process
+should be called. But this colouring merely consists of four faint horizontal lines of pale reddish-brown; and I was told
+that these bags are generally uncoloured, or only slightly coloured in thin lines.
+<a id="d0e5308"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5308">209</a>]</span></p>
+<p>The mourning vests worn by chiefs&#8217; widows are, I believe, made of Mafulu network; but unfortunately I did not see one of these,
+and so cannot describe them.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Art, Design, etc.</h3>
+<p>Art and design among the Mafulu people are only of a simple and primitive type. There is no carving or other decoration on
+their houses, or even on their <i>emone,</i> nor is there any on their stone or wooden implements. Art and design, other than the arrangement of feather ornaments, is,
+in fact, apparently confined to the very simple designs scratched upon some of their broad abdominal belts, smoking pipes
+and lime gourds and perhaps occasionally on one or two other things, and to the plaited designs displayed in the manufacture
+of other abdominal belts and of arm and leg ornaments and plaited forehead ornaments and feather frames, and to the very simple
+linear patterns in which some of their network is made, and the ground-staining and pattern-colouring of their perineal bands,
+dancing aprons and ribbons. As regards the latter, the designs are of a very simple nature, never apparently representing
+anything either realistically or conventionally, and being confined to geometric designs of straight lines and bands, rectangular
+and zig-zag patterns with coloured triangles within the zig-zag patterns, and spots. The patterns of the perineal bands and
+dancing ribbons are very simple indeed; but those of the dancing aprons are more elaborate, covering a considerable surface
+of <a id="d0e5319"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5319">210</a>]</span>cloth, and often displaying a fair variety of design on the same apron.
+
+</p>
+<p>The Mafulu have no visible method of recording events or numbers, or sending messages, either by marks or notches on sticks,
+or tying of knots in string, or any other method, and they are quite unable to grasp the meaning of a map.
+
+</p>
+<p>The limited nature of the ideas of artistic design possessed by the Mafulu people is, I think, a matter for surprise. They
+are believed to have Papuan or Papuo-Melanesian blood in their veins. But, even if they also have another distinct and more
+primitive ancestry of their own, not associated with the Papuo-Melanesian types, or even with the pure Papuan types, found
+on the coast and in the plains, one would imagine that contact with these types would have caused the Mafulu people to learn
+something of the more advanced art which these other peoples display and that we should not have to record a sudden drop from
+artistic designs embodying curves and natural imitative art to a system confined to straight lines, zig-zags, and spots. This
+contact with the coast and plain people, or at all events with the latter, has certainly existed for some time back; for,
+though the mutual fear and antagonism between coast and mountain natives, which is usually found among savage peoples, has
+doubtless existed in this case, and is even now not altogether eradicated,<a id="d0e5325src" href="#d0e5325" class="noteref">2</a> direct or indirect trading <a id="d0e5328"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5328">211</a>]</span>relationship, including in particular the interchange of the stone implements and feathers of the mountains for the shell
+decorations of the coast, is not a mere recent development of the last few years only. It seems to me that the existence of
+this decorative hiatus points to a rather small inherent sense of design in the Mafulu mind. It may be, however, that the
+absence of imitative art, to which I have already referred in connection with totemism and clan badges, is partly due to the
+absence of totemism and of the imitative stimulus, which, as Dr. Haddon has more than once pointed out,<a id="d0e5330src" href="#d0e5330" class="noteref">3</a> arises from it.
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e5339"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5339">212</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5235" href="#d0e5235src" class="noteref">1</a></span> I have examined at the British Museum some net work of the dwarf people of the interior of Dutch New Guinea, brought home
+by the recent expedition organised by the British Ornithologists&#8217; Union, and found it to be similar in stitch to the Mafulu
+network.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5325" href="#d0e5325src" class="noteref">2</a></span> The 1910 comet was regarded by some of the Mekeo people with terror, because they thought it presaged a descent of the mountain
+natives upon themselves.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5330" href="#d0e5330src" class="noteref">3</a></span> See <i>Evolution in Art</i> (1895), p. 264; and <i>Geographical Journal</i>, Vol. 16, p. 433.
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e5340"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Music and Singing, Dancing and Toys and Games</h2>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Music and Singing.</h3>
+<p>The Mafulu people are naturally musical and have good musical ears&#8212;much more so than is the case in Mekeo and on the coast,
+thus conforming to what I believe to be a general rule that music is usually more indigenous in hill country than it is in
+the plains. Their instruments are the drum, the jew&#8217;s-harp and a small flute; but the flute is not a true Mafulu instrument,
+and has probably been acquired from Mekeo.
+
+</p>
+<p>The drum (<a href="#d0e17485">Plate 75, Fig. 3</a>) is like the Mekeo drum, but smaller, and its open end is cut in deep indentations. The wooden body of the drum is made from
+various trees. A pine tree is the favourite one; but others are used, including a tree the native name of which is <i>arive</i>, which word is also the native word for a drum. The membrane is made of the skin of a reptile, probably the &#8220;iguana.&#8221; The
+maker of a drum must climb up the tree from the wood of which he is about to make it, and there, until the drum is finished,
+he must remain sitting among the <a id="d0e5356"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5356">213</a>]</span>branches, or, if these are inconvenient for the purpose, he may erect a scaffold around the trunk of the tree, with a platform
+on the top of it, and work upon that. Whilst working, he must always keep the upper or tympanic end of his drum facing the
+wind, the idea of this being that the wind gets into the drum, and makes it musical. His food is brought to him, whilst in
+his tree, by some woman, probably his mother if he is a bachelor, or his wife if he is married, and he lets down a string
+by which he hauls it up; but he is under no special restriction as to the food he may eat. There is no superstition, such
+as is found among the Roro and Mekeo people, compelling him, in the event of his seeing a woman during the making of the drum,
+to throw it away and begin a new one.
+
+</p>
+<p>The jew&#8217;s-harp (<a href="#d0e17142">Plate 20, Fig. 2</a>), though seen in Mekeo, is, I was told, as regards its manufacture, an instrument of the mountains. It is made out of bamboo
+or palm, or some other tree having a hollow or soft interior, from which is cut a piece about 8 or 10 inches long. A portion
+of this piece is cut away longitudinally, leaving for the making of the instrument only two-thirds or half, or even one-third,
+of the convex outside stem circumference on one side and the flat surface of the cut-away part on the other, and the latter
+is then hollowed out, leaving, however, a solid head an inch or two long at one end. The hollow piece thus produced is cut
+into three longitudinal sections or strips, of which the two outside ones are longer than the central one. The two outside
+strips are left at their full width from the head downwards to a <a id="d0e5363"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5363">214</a>]</span>distance of 2 or 3 inches from the other end, from which point they are cut away, very much as one would cut away the divided
+nib of a quill pen, so that the actual tips of these two strips are quite slender, being no broader than their thickness.
+These two ends are tied together with fine vegetable fibre. The centre strip, which is generally narrower than the other two
+at its commencement by the head, is further reduced in width by a more immediate and gradual process of paring down, and so
+becomes a very slender vibrating tongue or reed, the tip of which goes almost up to, but does not quite reach, the point at
+which the tips of the two outer strips are bound together. A hole is bored through the solid head; and through this hole is
+passed a thick string of native make from 5 to 10 or 12 inches long, secured at one end by a knot on the flat side of the
+head, to keep the string from slipping out, and having at the other end a large, rough, ornamental tassel. The tassel is generally
+in part composed of the untwisted fibres of the string itself; but to these is added something else, such as a bunch of feathers,
+or two smaller bunches of feathers; and among these may be seen such miscellaneous articles as a fragment of dried-up fruit,
+or a part of the backbone of a fish. For playing the instrument, they place its tail end, with the hollow side inwards, to
+the mouth, holding the extreme tip of that end in the fingers of the left hand, and keep the tongue of the instrument in a
+constant state of vibration, by smart, rapid, jerky pullings of the tasselled string.
+
+</p>
+<p>The flute is merely a small simple instrument made <a id="d0e5367"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5367">215</a>]</span>out of a small bamboo stem, with one or two holes bored in it.
+
+</p>
+<p>All these instruments are played by both men and women; but the jew&#8217;s-harp and flute are regarded only as toys.
+
+</p>
+<p>I believe the Mafulu people occasionally sing at dances to the beating of the drums; but this is quite unusual; and they never
+sing to the music of the jew&#8217;s-harp or flute. Both men and women sing, generally several or many together, not so often alone.
+Their songs are all very simple, and are chiefly sung in unison or octaves. I was told that they sometimes accomplish simple
+harmonies, the notes of which may simultaneously rise or fall either with the same or different intervals, or may rise and
+fall in contrary motion; or the harmony may be produced by one man or part of the group sustaining a note, whilst another
+changes it; and I myself heard an example of the latter of these, and also heard singing in which, while a group of men were
+singing the same simple air, some of them were occasionally singing one part of it, whilst the others seemed to be singing
+another part, thus producing a very simple catch or canon. I am not, however, quite certain as to this. Their songs are both
+cheerful and plaintive; but the latter predominate, and are mainly in the minor key. The subjects of their songs are generally
+sentimental love, and include ditties by young men about their sweethearts; and I believe that some of their songs are indecent,
+though I am not sure of this. They <a id="d0e5373"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5373">216</a>]</span>also have warlike songs; and, when a special event occurs, songs are often composed with reference to it. For example, not
+long ago a chief was taken by the authorities to Port Moresby, and died there; and songs about this were sung all through
+his district. Anyone will compose a topical song; in fact, a man will begin singing one in the <i>emone,</i> making it up as he goes on, and the others will join. The men have a very pretty custom of singing together very softly when
+at the end of the day they have retired to their <i>emone,</i> and have lain down to sleep, the singing being very gentle, and producing what I can only describe as a sort of crooning
+sound, like a lullaby or cradle song. I once heard one of these songs sung by my carriers the last thing at night as they
+lay beneath the floor of the building in which I was sleeping; and the effect was absolutely charming.
+
+</p>
+<p>As an example of Mafulu music I give the following, which, though not, I fear, quite accurate, is I think a substantially
+correct version of the music of a war song sung by the Mambule and Sivu communities in connection with joint hostilities by
+them against another community, and I have so far as possible added the song itself.
+
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div class="divFigure">
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/music1.jpg" alt=""></p>
+<p>1st Verse: E! e! e! Si-vu Mambule juju la em u jeka le
+
+</p>
+<p>2nd Verse: E! e! e! Noul e nul em u ieka la bulu iuju le</p>
+</div><p>
+
+<a id="d0e5396"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5396">217</a>]</span></p>
+<p>It will be observed that the first line is whistling only. I was informed that it is a common practice to whistle the air
+before singing the first verse; though I did not gather that it was always done. It will also be noticed that simple harmonies
+occur in the fourth and fifth bars. I cannot say whether the two parts in the music are sustained or taken up by the voices
+upon any defined scheme, and, if so, what that scheme is. Nor can I say whether the voices which take the lower notes in the
+music are silent after the word <i>la,</i> or repeat that word in the sixth bar, with or without the upper voices, in order to bring the tune to a full close. I have
+only given two verses; and, as regards the song in question, I doubt if there were any more. Unfortunately I am unable to
+translate the words, and can only give the meanings of the following:&#8212;
+
+</p>
+<p><i>E! e! e!</i> are merely meaningless exclamatory sounds, such as we have in civilised songs. <i>Sivu</i> is the name of a Fuyuge community close to the Mission Station, being, in fact, the one referred to by me in my chapter on
+communities. <i>Mambule</i> is the name of another of these communities, further away from the station, being, as stated in my introductory chapter,
+the name of the community from which the name Mafulu arises. I cannot give verbal explanations of any of the other words;
+but I may say that a rough translation of the second verse is &#8220;My village, your village is alike (or equal.)&#8221;
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e5412"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5412">218</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Dancing.</h3>
+<p>The Mafulu people, like other New Guinea natives, are fond of dancing, and indulge in it extensively, especially in connection
+with feasts and ceremonies.
+
+</p>
+<p>Their dancing is of an exceedingly active and lively character. The movements of the feet are lively and jumping, often half
+a hop and half a run; and, whilst dancing, their heads are actively moving backwards and forwards and to both sides. The general
+progressive movement of a dancing party is slow, but not a crawl; and the progress along the village enclosure is usually
+accomplished by a series of diagonal advances, by which they zig-zag backwards and forwards across the enclosure, and in this
+way gradually travel along it. Very often the dancers divide themselves into two parties, which in their zig-zag progress
+alternately approach and recede from each other. The dancers are always facing in the direction in which at that moment they
+are moving. Men and women never dance together, except at the big feast, where they do so in the way already described.
+
+</p>
+<p>This method of dancing is in striking contrast to that of the Mekeo people, whose movements are generally very gentle and
+slow, those of the feet, which are accompanied by a corresponding genuflexion, downwards and outwards, being a slow slight
+step, usually barely more than a shuffle, the feet being hardly lifted off the ground, and those of the head being confined
+to a slow and sedate backwards and forwards nodding. Also the progress of a party of <a id="d0e5422"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5422">219</a>]</span>Mekeo dancers is generally very slow,&#8212;a crawl,&#8212;so much so as often to be barely perceptible, perhaps two or three inches being
+accomplished at each step, and the line of progress of a dancing party is usually a straight line down the village enclosure;
+and more commonly, though not always, the position of each dancer is sideways to the then actual direction of progression.
+And in Mekeo women and men often dance together in one group.
+
+</p>
+<p>Another difference between Mafulu and Mekeo dancing is that among the Mafulu, though the drum-beating and dancing go on simultaneously,
+the singing, in which all the dancers and non-dancers of both sexes join, does not usually take place during the actual dancing,
+but only during periodic pauses, in which the drum-beating and dancing cease; whereas in Mekeo the drum-beating, dancing and
+singing all go on continuously and simultaneously. As regards these Mafulu pauses in the dancing, I should explain that these
+are quite distinct from the resting pauses (in which there is neither drum-beating, dancing, nor singing) which are customary
+both among the Mafulu and the Mekeo people.
+
+</p>
+<p>A further difference arises as regards the dancing decorations. Both Mafulu and Mekeo natives have elaborate high framework
+head feather decorations, which are worn by some, but not necessarily all, of the dancers; and they are much ornamented about
+their bodies. But the Mafulu people generally wear their finest and most beautiful feathers on their backs, whereas among
+the Mekeo natives the head ornament <a id="d0e5428"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5428">220</a>]</span>is the chief feature of the decoration; and in Mekeo any man who has not a framework head decoration generally has sticking
+in his hair a tall, upright feather, which sways slowly backwards and forwards in response to the slow nodding movements of
+his head.
+
+</p>
+<p>The special dancing ornaments worn by the Mafulu are the aprons worn by women, the ribbons worn by men and women, the forehead
+ornaments worn by men, the long shell nose ornaments worn by both, and the huge head feather erections. But for dances the
+people generally wear all the decorative finery they possess or are able to borrow; and they usually with special care paint
+their faces in various colours, and their bodies red.
+
+</p>
+<p>The comparison above given between the dancing of the Mafulu people and that of the people of Mekeo brings me to a suggestion,
+made to me by Father Clauser, that the Mafulu mode of dancing had its origin in an imitation of that of the red bird of paradise,
+and the Mekeo mode in an imitation of that of the goura pigeon. In support of this suggestion he gave me the following information
+concerning the dancing of these birds, which may be compared with the description given above of the dancing of the Mafulu
+and Mekeo natives respectively:&#8212;
+
+</p>
+<p>The movements of the red birds of paradise, when dancing, are remarkably lively, the birds hopping and jumping about the tree
+branches and from branch to branch, and bobbing their heads backwards and forwards and from side to side, almost as though
+they had gone mad. The progression along the branches is <a id="d0e5436"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5436">221</a>]</span>fairly rapid; but there is not apparently any continuous line of progression in any given direction, and the birds seem to
+have a curious way of approaching and receding from each other as they do so. The birds always face in the direction in which
+they are at the time moving, and do not dance sideways. Moreover, the dance is an alternation of wild dancing and intermittent
+pauses; and during the dancing both the males and females are silent, but during the pauses they are uttering their songs
+or cries.
+
+</p>
+<p>The dancing movements of the goura pigeons are a gentle slow shuffle, and are accompanied by a slow bowing or nodding of the
+head. The progressive movement is exceedingly slow, and is always a continuous one in the same direction, and it is usually
+a sideways movement. The dancing and accompanying cooing of the pigeons go on continuously and simultaneously, and the rhythm
+of the latter is curiously like the more usual rhythm of the Mekeo drums.
+
+</p>
+<p>I have unfortunately never had opportunities of observing the dancing of either of these birds, and so cannot personally vouch
+for the correctness of the above descriptions of them. But Father Clauser has often watched them, and he is undoubtedly a
+careful observer, upon whose testimony we may rely; and I may add that my efforts since my return to England to obtain evidence,
+confirmatory or otherwise, of these descriptions have produced confirmation of some of the facts stated, and have not produced
+any contradictions.
+
+</p>
+<p>Then again attention must be drawn to the fact <a id="d0e5444"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5444">222</a>]</span>that the magnificent feather decoration of the bird of paradise is mainly upon or springing from its back or body, whilst
+the goura pigeon&#8217;s sole projecting decoration, and perhaps its chief beauty, is the crest upon its head, to which the Mekeo
+single upright head feather may be likened.
+
+</p>
+<p>My efforts to obtain light from native sources upon this question of imitation in Mafulu were fruitless, as the natives questioned
+knew nothing of it; and on my return from Mafulu to the coast I did not again pass through the Mekeo villages. But on reaching
+the coast I made further enquiries upon the subject from the Fathers there of the Mission, and obtained three interesting
+pieces of information. First, I was told that the Mekeo clan Inawae of the Mekeo village Oriropetana, whose clan badge is
+the goura pigeon, and who are not allowed to kill and eat it, and whose bird totem it appears to be, say that they are descended
+from the goura pigeon, and that an ancestor of theirs, though himself a man, had all the powers and faculties of movement
+of those birds, and that he used to dance with them, and so learnt the dance and taught it to his people. Unfortunately no
+enquiry had been made as to the question of any imitative character in their present dancing, and the information only emanated
+from a particular clan with a particular association with the bird. I therefore do not attach undue general importance to
+this case.<a id="d0e5448src" href="#d0e5448" class="noteref">1</a>
+<a id="d0e5459"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5459">223</a>]</span></p>
+<p>Secondly, I was told that the Pokau people, whose dance is practically the same as that of the Mekeo people, themselves say
+that their dancing is an imitation of that of the goura pigeon. This certainly tends to support Father Clauser&#8217;s suggestion
+as regards Mekeo. Thirdly, some natives of Kuni, who are undoubtedly very similar and closely related to the Mafulu, and whose
+dancing is very similar to that of the latter, were questioned on the subject in my presence, and under my direction. The
+question put was, &#8220;When Kuni people are dancing, are they in their dance imitating anything, and if so what?&#8221; (no mention
+or suggestion being made of a bird or of anything else). The answer was that they were imitating the dance of the <i>goloala</i>, which I was told was not the red bird of paradise, but was another small species of that bird with a yellowish-white body,
+yellow head and yellowish-white wings. The leading question was then put to them, whether they were sure the bird was the
+yellow one described by them, and not the red one; which question was answered definitely in the affirmative. And subsequently,
+when, in order to test their definiteness and certainty in what they had told me, I showed them a few postcard pictures of
+birds of paradise, which included the red one and others, but not one such as is above described, and almost invited them
+to recognise one of these as being the bird they meant, they were firm in <a id="d0e5465"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5465">224</a>]</span>their insistence that the bird to which they referred was not shown in any of the pictures. This, I think, helps to support
+Father Clauser&#8217;s suggestion as regards the Mafulu, subject of course to the question of the variety of bird of paradise which
+is imitated.
+
+</p>
+<p>Dealing with this question of imitation as a whole, and taking into consideration the apparently marked similarities between
+the dancing of the two tribes of natives and the two genera of birds, and the further element, perhaps not so strong, as to
+the similarities in distribution upon the bodies of their decorations, and bearing in mind the evidence obtained from native
+sources, which, though obviously only fragmentary and insufficient in character, is so far as it goes distinctly confirmatory,
+I am impelled to suggest that Father Clauser&#8217;s theory is not without foundation, and indeed amounts, subject to the question
+of the species of bird of paradise, to a very substantial possibility. And it is undoubtedly an interesting one.<a id="d0e5469src" href="#d0e5469" class="noteref">2</a>
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e5486"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5486">225</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Toys and Games.</h3>
+<p>The Mafulu children have neither dolls nor other toys, and do not make cat&#8217;s-cradles. The young boys amuse themselves with
+small bows and arrows and spears, which they make themselves. One common sport is for the boys, armed with their spears, to
+stand in a row and for another boy to roll in front of them a ball, made out of the root of a banana tree, with its many rootlets
+intertwined, and for the boys to try to hit it with their spears as it passes them. A similar game is played in Mekeo and
+on the coast; but there the ball is often made out of the outer fibre of a cocoanut. Small boys and girls amuse themselves
+with glissading down the steep grassy slopes. There is also a sort of fighting game for boys, in which young men sometimes
+join. A number of them divide themselves into two opposing groups, all armed with little darts, made of reeds on which a few
+leaves are left at the head ends; and these two groups mutually attack each other, advancing and retreating, according <a id="d0e5492"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5492">226</a>]</span>to the fortunes of the fight. Boys, and men also, play at tug-of-war, using long canes for ropes; and boys and girls have
+swings, constructed either by looping two flexible rope-like tree stems together at the bottom, or with a single rope, with
+a loop at the bottom, in which to place their feet. But there are no racing or jumping or gymnastic games, and no group or
+singing children&#8217;s games.
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e5494"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5494">227</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5448" href="#d0e5448src" class="noteref">1</a></span> I would point out, however, that the Inawae clan is part of, and is probably largely representative of, the original Inawae
+<i>ngopu</i> group of the great Biofa tribe of Mekeo, and that this Inawae group is rather widely <a id="d0e5453"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5453">223n</a>]</span>scattered over Mekeo (see Seligmann&#8217;s <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 321 and pp. 369 to 372); so that the information obtained is probably not really of a merely local character.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5469" href="#d0e5469src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Sir W. Macgregor, in describing (<i>Ann. Rep.</i>, June, 1890, p. 47) the movements and actions of the Kiwai (Fly river mouth) natives prior to a canoe attack by them upon
+him, says: &#8220;The canoes darted hither and thither, as if performing a circus dance or a Highland reel, and all these movements
+were accompanied by the chant of a paean that sounded as if composed to imitate the cooing&#8212;soft, plaintive, and melodious&#8212;of
+the pigeons of their native forests&#8221;; and he refers to the performance as a &#8220;canoe choral dance.&#8221; It was, of course, not a
+dance in the sense in which I am dealing with the subject here; but the apparently imitative character of the singing is perhaps
+worth noticing in connection with this dancing question. See also the description (<i>Country Life</i>, March 4, 1911) by Mr. Walter Goodfellow, the leader of the recent expedition into Dutch New Guinea, of the dancing and accompanying
+singing of the Mimika natives whom he met there, and his suggestion that the final calls of these songs were derived from
+that of the greater paradise bird. Mr. Goodfellow has since told me with reference to these Mimika songs that he was forcibly
+struck by the resemblance of the termination of <i>most</i> <a id="d0e5480"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5480">225n</a>]</span>of the songs to the common cry of the greater bird of paradise, and said: &#8220;They finished with the same abrupt note, repeated
+three times (like the birds).&#8221; Dr. Haddon has been good enough to lend me the manuscript of his notes on the dances performed
+in the islands of Torres Straits, which will probably have appeared in Vol. IV. of the <i>Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits</i> before this book is published. Here again I find interesting records of imitative dancing. One dance imitates the swimming
+movements of the large lizard (Varanus), another is an imitation of the movements of a crab, another imitates those of a pigeon,
+and another those of a pelican. At a dance which I witnessed in the Roro village of Seria a party from Delena danced the &#8220;Cassowary&#8221;
+dance; and Father Egedi says it is certainly so called because its movements are in some way an imitation of those of the
+cassowary.
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e5495"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Counting, Currency and Trade</h2>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Counting.</h3>
+<p>Mafulu counting is accomplished by the use of two numerals (one and two) and of the word &#8220;another&#8221; and of their hands and
+feet<a id="d0e5503src" href="#d0e5503" class="noteref">1</a>; and with these materials they have phraseology for counting up to twenty as follows:&#8212;
+
+</p>
+<p>1 = <i>Fida</i> (one).
+
+</p>
+<p>2 = <i>Gegedo</i> (two).
+
+</p>
+<p>3 = <i>Gegedo minda</i> (two and another).
+
+</p>
+<p>4 = <i>Gegedo ta gegedo</i> (two and two).
+
+</p>
+<p>5 = <i>Gegedo ta gegedo minda</i> (two and two and another) [or <i>Bodo fida</i> (one hand)].
+
+</p>
+<p>6 = <i>Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo</i> (two and two and two).
+<a id="d0e5545"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5545">228</a>]</span></p>
+<p>7 = <i>Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo minda</i> (two and two and two and another) [or <i>Bodo fida ta gegedo</i> (one hand and two)&nbsp;].
+
+</p>
+<p>8 = <i>Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo</i> (two and two and two and two) [or <i>Bodo fida ta gegedo minda</i> (one hand and two and another)&nbsp;].
+
+</p>
+<p>9 = <i>Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo minda</i> (two and two and two and two and another) [or <i>Bodo fida ta gegedo ta gegedo</i> (one hand and two and two)&nbsp;].
+
+</p>
+<p>10 = <i>Bodo gegedo</i> (two hands).
+
+</p>
+<p>11 = <i>Bodo gegedov&#8217; u minda</i> (two hands and another). [Note the &#8220;v&#8221; at the end of gegedo. The full word is really <i>gegedove</i>; but it is shortened to <i>gegedo</i>, unless the next word is a vowel. Also note the &#8220;u.&#8221; There are two words for &#8220;and,&#8221; namely <i>ta</i> and <i>une</i>. The &#8220;u&#8221; here is the <i>une</i> shortened, and put instead of <i>ta</i> for euphony].
+
+</p>
+<p>12 = <i>Bodo gegedo ta gegedo</i> (two hands and two).
+
+</p>
+<p>13 = <i>Bodo gegedo ta gegedo minda</i> (two hands and two and another).
+
+</p>
+<p>14 = <i>Bodo gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo</i> (two hands and two and two).
+
+</p>
+<p>15 = <i>Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida</i> (two hands and one foot).
+
+</p>
+<p>16 = <i>Bodo gegedo ta jovari fidari u minda</i> (two hands and one foot and another). [Note the &#8220;n&#8221; at the end of <i>fida</i>. The full word is really <i>fidane</i>, and the &#8220;n&#8221; is introduced here for euphony.]
+<a id="d0e5629"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5629">229</a>]</span></p>
+<p>17 = <i>Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida ta gegedo</i> (two hands and one foot and two).
+
+</p>
+<p>18 = <i>Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida ta gegedo minda</i> (two hands and one foot and two and another).
+
+</p>
+<p>19 = <i>Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida ta gegedo ta gegedo</i> (two hands and one foot and two and two).
+
+</p>
+<p>20 = <i>Bodo gegedo ta jovari gegedo</i> (two hands and two feet).
+
+</p>
+<p>As regards these numerals it will be seen that in some cases alternatives are given, whilst in other cases, where corresponding
+alternatives would appear to be equally applicable, they are not given; the reason is that in these latter cases the alternatives
+do not in fact appear to be used.
+
+</p>
+<p>There is no numerical phraseology to indicate any number above twenty; and in the ordinary affairs of life, although numeration
+can be carried in this cumbrous way up to twenty, they rarely use the numerals beyond ten, and anything over that will be
+referred to as <i>tale, tale, tale, tale</i> (which may be translated &#8220;plenty, plenty, plenty, plenty&#8221;).
+
+</p>
+<p>Important counting, such as that of pigs at a feast, is accomplished by the actual use of the hands and feet. The fingers
+stretched open mean nothing; Closing down the thumb of the right hand indicates one; closing down also the first finger of
+that hand indicates two; and so on with the other fingers of the right hand, till you reach the closing down of the thumb
+and all the fingers of the right hand, which indicates five. Then, keeping all the right hand closed, they begin with the
+left hand also. Closing <a id="d0e5659"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5659">230</a>]</span>down only the thumb indicates six; and so on as before, until the thumbs and all the fingers of both hands are closed, which
+indicates ten.<a id="d0e5661src" href="#d0e5661" class="noteref">2</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>Then they go to the feet. They keep both hands closed and together, and with the right fist they point to the toes, beginning
+with the big toe of the right foot, and so along the other toes of that foot, and then go to the big toe of the left foot,
+and so along the other toes of that foot, thus reaching the enumerative total of twenty. They do not, when wishing to indicate
+a number, simply place their fingers and hands and feet simultaneously in the requisite position for doing so. They always
+go through the whole process of finger and toe counting from the beginning. For example, to indicate eight, they turn in the
+thumb and all the fingers of the right hand, and afterwards the thumb and two fingers of the left hand, separately, and one
+alter another, until the right position is reached; and similarly as regards numbers over ten, they solemnly turn down all
+the fingers one after another, and then point to the toes one after another, until they get to the right one for indicating
+the desired number. When the fingers and toes of the person counting are exhausted, he has recourse to those of another person,
+if he wishes to count further, although he has then passed the limit of numerical phraseology. For the purpose of counting
+big numbers they are always sitting, and as in counting they exhaust hands and <a id="d0e5666"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5666">231</a>]</span>feet, the latter are put together, If, for example, they reach eighty, there are four men sitting, with all their hands and
+feet crowded together; and if the number be eighty-three, there is also a fifth man with a thumb and two fingers of his right
+hand closed up. Sometimes a number above ten, but not over twenty, is indicated with the hands only by counting up to ten
+in the ordinary way, and then opening all the fingers and counting again, until they reach the requisite amount in excess
+of ten.
+
+</p>
+<p>I do not think it can be said that these people have in their minds any real abstract idea of number, at all events beyond
+twenty. Each finger turned down and toe pointed to, in succession, seems to represent to their minds the article (<i>e.g.</i>, a pig) which is counted, rather than a step in a process of mental addition. But this is a matter upon which I can only
+express myself in a very general way; and indeed the mental stage at which the mere physical idea of the objects counted has
+developed into the abstract idea of numbers would in any case be exceedingly difficult to ascertain, or even, perhaps, to
+define.
+
+</p>
+<p>They never use pebbles or sticks or anything else of that kind, and have no method of recording numbers or anything else by
+notching sticks; and they have no weights or measures.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Currency and Trade.</h3>
+<p>The Mafulu people have no currency in the true sense, every transaction being one of exchange; but nevertheless some specific
+articles, especially some of <a id="d0e5680"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5680">232</a>]</span>the dearer ones, can only be acquired by the offering of certain other specific articles, and certain things have definite
+recognised relative values for the purpose of exchange.
+
+</p>
+<p>As examples of the former of these statements, I may say that a pig used to be always paid for in dogs&#8217; teeth&#8212;though this
+practice is not now, I think, so strict&#8212;and that some of their finer head feather dancing ornaments and ornamental nose pieces
+can still only be paid for in dogs&#8217; teeth; also that there is a special kind of feather ornament, composed of many small feathers
+fixed in a line on a string, which can only be obtained in exchange for a particular sort of shell necklace.
+
+</p>
+<p>As examples of recognised relative values, I may state that the proper payment in dogs&#8217; teeth for a pig is a chain of dogs&#8217;
+teeth equal in length to the body of the pig, the latter being measured from the tip of its nose to the base of its tail;
+and that the payment for the special feather ornament is its own length of the corresponding shell necklace.
+
+</p>
+<p>Exchange and barter is generally only engaged in between members of different communities, and not between those of the same
+community. An apparent exception to this arises in the purchase of pigs at certain ceremonies above referred to; but in this
+case it is really a matter of ceremony, and not one of ordinary barter. There are no regular markets, such as exist in some
+other parts of the country, the exchange of goods being effected by one or more individuals going with their articles of exchange
+to some other community, where they hope to get what <a id="d0e5688"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5688">233</a>]</span>they require. The nearest approach to a market arises intermittently when there is to be a big feast. Then the communities
+giving, and invited to, the feast require a large supply of ornaments, especially for those who are going to dance, and probably
+do not possess a sufficient quantity. They therefore have to procure these ornaments elsewhere; and the natural place to go
+to is some other community, possibly a long way off, which has recently been in the same want of extensive ornaments for a
+feast, and has procured and used them, and now has them, so to speak, in stock, and will be glad to dispose of them again.
+Thus ornaments used for feasts are sold and resold and travel about the country very extensively.
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e5690"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5690">234</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5503" href="#d0e5503src" class="noteref">1</a></span> Compare the Western Papuans, who, according to Dr. Seligmann, also have only two numerals, but who are apparently not able
+to count to anything like the extent which can be done by the Mafulu (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 4). According to Mr. Monckton the Kambisi (Chirima valley) people only count on their fingers and up to ten, not on their
+toes and up to twenty (<i>Annual Report</i>, June, 1906, p. 89). Father Egedi told me that the Mekeo people only count on their fingers and up to ten.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5661" href="#d0e5661src" class="noteref">2</a></span> I believe that in Mekeo they begin with the left hand and with the small finger, thus reversing the Mafulu order of counting;
+but I am not quite certain as to this.
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e5691"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Language</h2>
+<p>I have been fortunate in having had some interesting and valuable linguistic material placed at my disposal for publication
+by Father Egedi and in having had further material added to it by Dr. Seligmann and Mr. Sidney H. Ray. I have thought it better
+to deal with it in five appendices, and I am greatly indebted to Mr. Ray for having undertaken the laborious task of their
+compilation. I give the following explanation concerning these appendices.
+
+</p>
+<p>(1) Is a grammar of the Fuyuge language. The original manuscript is the work of Father Egedi, the, materials from which it
+was prepared by him having been collected in the Mafulu villages. The appendix is Father Egedi&#8217;s Grammar, translated and edited
+by Mr. Ray.
+
+</p>
+<p>(2) Is a short note on the Afoa language prepared by Dr. W. M. Strong, when he was Government Agent in Mekeo, and handed by
+him to Dr. Seligmann for publication. To this note Mr. Ray has added a footnote.
+
+</p>
+<p>(3) Is a note on the Kovio language prepared by Dr. Strong, and handed by him to Dr. Seligmann. <a id="d0e5702"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5702">235</a>]</span>This note refers to the languages spoken in the neighbourhoods of Inavarene and the Inava valley and of the Upper Lakekamu
+river, all of which were found by Dr. Strong to be somewhat similar. The footnote is by Mr. Ray.
+
+</p>
+<p>(4) Is a comparative vocabulary, prepared by Mr. Ray, of the languages of some of the different Papuan-speaking people of
+the mountain districts of Central British New Guinea. The words in the &#8220;Mafulu&#8221; column are taken from a very lengthy MS. vocabulary
+compiled by Father Egedi in Mafulu. Those in the &#8220;Kambisa&#8221; column were all collected by the Rev. P. J. Money in the Kambisa
+villages of the Upper Chirima valley during Mr. Monckton&#8217;s expedition, referred to in my introductory chapter. Most of these
+words are taken from the New Guinea <i>Annual Report</i> for 1905&#8211;6; but to them have been added other words, which had been collected by Mr. Money. The words in the &#8220;Korona&#8221; column
+are taken from an MS. vocabulary prepared by Dr. Strong at Korona, also mentioned in my introductory chapter, and handed by
+him to Dr. Seligmann. Those in the &#8220;Afoa&#8221; column are taken from an MS. vocabulary prepared by Dr. Strong in connection with
+his Afoa notes, to which are added in square brackets some other words taken from Father Egedi&#8217;s vocabulary in <i>Anthropos</i> II., 1907, pp. 1016&#8211;1021, this vocabulary being there called by him Tauata. The words in the &#8220;Kovio&#8221; column are taken from
+an MS. vocabulary prepared by Dr. Strong in connection with his Kovio notes, to which are added in square brackets some &#8220;Oru-Lopiku&#8221;
+words <a id="d0e5712"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5712">236</a>]</span>collected by Father Egedi, and published in <i>Anthropos</i> II., 1907, pp. 1016&#8211;1021. As regards this column I must explain that Dr. Strong&#8217;s words were all collected within the districts
+to which his notes refer, but that Father Egedi&#8217;s words, though in part collected there, were, I believe, in part collected
+further to the east.
+
+</p>
+<p>(5) Is a series of notes by Mr. Ray upon the matter contained in the previous appendices.
+
+</p>
+<p>I am perhaps open to criticism for introducing into a book of my own notes on the Mafulu people such extensive material written
+by others, and relating to other mountain districts as well as to that of the Mafulu; but my belief as to the probable similarity
+in many respects between the Papuan-speaking natives of these central mountain districts, and the obvious value and importance
+of the matter which has been so kindly placed at my disposal, justify me, I think, in introducing it; and indeed I should
+be doing but ill service to New Guinea ethnology if I did not take advantage of these opportunities which have been offered
+to me.
+
+</p>
+<p>Though I am not qualified to discuss these materials from the grammatical and scientific linguistic point of view, there are
+a few matters to which I should like to draw attention, as affecting statements appearing in this book, and which were written
+by me before I received this linguistic material.
+
+</p>
+<p>Regarding the question raised in my introductory chapter as to the extension of the Fuyuge linguistic area so far south as
+Korona, it will be noticed that a <a id="d0e5725"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5725">237</a>]</span>large number of the words in the Mafulu and Korona columns are the same, or very similar. Dr. Strong, in some unpublished
+MS. notes in Dr. Seligmann&#8217;s possession, to which I have had access, says as regards the Mafulu and Korona languages that
+&#8220;there is nothing to show that the two languages may not be for all practical purposes identical,&#8221; and Mr. Ray in his concluding
+notes classes Mafulu and Korona together as dialects of Fuyuge. The village of Sikube, mentioned by Mr. Ray, is, I believe,
+on the Upper Vanapa river and north of Mt. Lilley, and so is well within the Fuyuge-speaking area as defined by the Fathers.
+
+</p>
+<p>Concerning the Kambisa (Upper Chirima valley) column, the similarity of many of the words contained in it to those in either
+the Mafulu or the Korona column is obvious; and it is curious that some of these words appear to resemble the Korona words
+more than they do those of Mafulu. I also think I may say that the similarity between Kambisa words on the one hand, and those
+of either Mafulu or Korona on the other, is almost equal to the similarity between Mafulu and Korona; and Mr. Ray classes
+Kambisa along with Mafulu and Korona as dialects of Fuyuge. So the statement in the introductory chapter that the valley of
+the Upper Chirima river is included in the Fuyuge area has, I think, stood the test of some detailed linguistic comparison.
+
+</p>
+<p>The note by Dr. Strong upon what he calls the Kovio language and his Kovio vocabulary both relate to a district which is within
+the Fathers&#8217; Oru-Lopiku <a id="d0e5731"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5731">238</a>]</span>linguistic area; and I venture to repeat the suggestion, made in my introductory chapter, that for the present should adopt
+the term Kovio for the two areas which the Fathers call Oru-Lopiku and Boboi, though eventually we may be able to distinguish
+between these two areas.
+
+</p>
+<p>The Afoa or Tauata area is the Fathers&#8217; Ambo area. The Afoa column discloses a very few words which resemble the Fuyuge words;
+but it seems obvious that the Afoa language does not belong to the Fuyuge group, and this is the view taken of it by Mr. Ray.
+
+</p>
+<p>There are two matters in Mr. Ray&#8217;s classification in the fifth appendix which I wish to mention. It seems to have been already
+assumed that the Rev. James Chalmers&#8217; Kabana language could not have been collected on Mt. Victoria; and I would point out
+that this mountain is quite outside what now appears to be the Fuyuge area. As regards the Afoa language the references by
+Dr. Strong to Mt. Pizoko and Mt. Davidson bring me back to my observations upon the point in my introductory chapter. If the
+Fathers are right in putting Mt. Pizoko within the Fuyuge area, it is hardly correct to say (see introductory chapter) that
+the Afoa language is spoken in the villages on Mt. Pizoko; but it might well be, as quoted by Mr. Ray, that a Fuyuge native
+in a Mt. Pizoko village spoke Afoa fluently, as this mountain is close to the Fathers&#8217; Fuyuge-Afoa boundary. Also Mt. Davidson
+is according to the Fathers in the Boboi area; but Dr. Strong seems to have regarded it as Ambo, and to have treated <a id="d0e5737"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5737">239</a>]</span>vocabulary matter collected from a native who came from a village &#8220;apparently on the slopes of&#8221; that mountain as having been
+taken from an Ambo native. In this case, however, there seems to be some doubt as to where this native did in fact come from;
+and the eastern slopes of Mt. Davidson are not far from the Fathers&#8217; Afoa boundary.
+
+</p>
+<p>I think that these linguistic materials, taken as a whole, are, so far as they go, well in accord with the delimitation by
+the Fathers of the Fuyuge area, except as regards their view concerning Korona, as to which they did not profess actual knowledge,
+and merely expressed a doubt, and subject to the point that, for linguistic purposes at all events, the Fathers&#8217; use of the
+word &#8220;Mafulu&#8221; as representing the whole Fuyuge area is perhaps not desirable, and would be better replaced by the term &#8220;Fuyuge,&#8221;
+with subdivisions of &#8220;Mafulu,&#8221; &#8220;Korona,&#8221; and &#8220;Kambisa,&#8221; as given by Mr. Ray; though probably Sikube might be included in either
+Mafulu or Korona, as geographically it is evidently between these two.
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e5741"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5741">240</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e5742"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Illness, Death, and Burial</h2>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Ailments and Remedies.</h3>
+<p>All serious ailments occurring up to certain ages, and except in certain cases, are generally assumed to be the work of someone
+acting in connection with a spirit; but, speaking generally, no efforts appear to be made by imprecation or other supernatural
+method to propitiate or contend against these spirits, except by the use of general charms against illness, and except, so
+far as the propitiation or driving out of the spirit is involved, by one or other of the specific remedies for specific ailments
+mentioned below. The natives have, however, for common diseases cures of which some are obviously purely fanciful and superstitious,
+but some are probably more or less practical.
+
+</p>
+<p>The chief ailments are colds and complications arising from them, malaria, dysentery, stomach and bowel and similar complaints,
+toothache and wounds.
+
+</p>
+<p>Dysentery has recognised and accredited curers, both men and women. The operator chews and crushes with his teeth the root
+of a vegetable (I do not know what it is) which they grow in their gardens, and then <a id="d0e5754"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5754">241</a>]</span>wraps it up into a small bundle in a bunch of grass, and gives it to the patient to suck. This remedy does not appear to be
+effective.
+
+</p>
+<p>There are men who are specially skilled in dealing with stomach and bowel troubles. The operator takes in his hand a stone,
+and with the other hand he sprinkles that stone over with ashes. He then makes over it an incantation, in which, though his
+lips are seen to be moving, no sound comes out of them; after which he takes some of the ashes from the stone, which he still
+holds in his hand, and with these ashes he rubs the stomach of the patient, who, I was told, generally at once feels rather
+better, or says so.
+
+</p>
+<p>There are also women who deal with cases believed to be caused by the presence in the stomach of a snake, which has to be
+got out. Here the operator takes a piece of bark cloth, with which she rubs the front of the patient&#8217;s body, but without any
+incantation. Then, as she removes the cloth from the body, she makes a movement as though she were wrapping up in it something,
+presumably the escaped snake; and afterwards she carries the cloth away with her, and the cure is thus effected.
+
+</p>
+<p>A man with toothache will say that &#8220;a spirit is eating my teeth.&#8221; The people seem to have a knowledge of something inside
+the teeth, the nature of which I am not able to state definitely, but which apparently is, in fact, the nerve, and they recognise
+that it is in this something that the pain arises; but I could not ascertain the connection between this something and the
+spirit which is supposed to cause the <a id="d0e5762"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5762">242</a>]</span>trouble. If the aching tooth can be got at, they adopt a method the native explanation of which was translated to me as being
+a drawing or driving out of the mysterious something from the tooth. This is done in some way with an ordinary native comb,
+without extracting the tooth itself; but how it is done I could not ascertain. There is no incantation connected with the
+operation. Another cure is for the patient to chew the leaf of a certain tree (I do not know what tree), so that the sap of
+it gets into the hole in the tooth, and thereby, as they think, draws or drives out this nerve, or whatever the something
+may be. The Fathers of the Mission told me that both these two remedies do really appear to be effective.
+
+</p>
+<p>Wounds are the speciality of many healers with special knowledge of the curative properties of various plants, and who gather
+the plant, make an incantation over it, boil it in water, and then with that water wash the wound. There are also men who
+operate surgically on wounds with knives made of stone or shell or bamboo.
+
+</p>
+<p>Charms, probably of a poisonous nature, are used generally for the warding off of sickness, these being carried in the little
+charm bags.
+
+</p>
+<p>A general and universal cure for all ailments is a piece of bark, tied with a piece of string to the neck or head, all neck
+ornaments having been first removed.
+
+</p>
+<p>I regret that as regards all these matters I am only able to indicate shortly and generally the methods of cure, and can give
+no further explanation concerning them.
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e5772"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5772">243</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Death and Burial.</h3>
+<p><i>(Ordinary People.)</i>
+
+</p>
+<p>When a man or woman is regarded as dying, he or she is at once attended by a woman whose permanent office it is to do this,
+and who has other women and girls with her to assist her, these others including, but not necessarily being confined to, the
+females of the dying man&#8217;s own family and relatives. The house is full of women; but there is no man there. This special woman
+and the others attend the dying man,<a id="d0e5782src" href="#d0e5782" class="noteref">1</a> nursing him, washing him from time to time, and keeping the flies away from him; but they apparently do not attempt any measures
+for curing him, their offices only beginning when he is regarded as dying. In the meantime they all wail, and there are also
+a number of other women wailing outside the house.
+
+</p>
+<p>The special woman watches the dying person; and when she thinks he is dead she gives him a heavy blow on the side of the head
+with her fist, and pronounces him dead. She apparently does not feel his heart, or do more than watch his face; and I should
+think it may often be that in point of fact he is not dead when the blow is given, and might perhaps have recovered.
+
+</p>
+<p>Then the women inside the house say to one another that he is dead, and communicate the news to the people outside; whereupon
+the men in the village all commence shouting as loudly as they can. <a id="d0e5789"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5789">244</a>]</span>The reason given for this shouting is that it frightens away the man&#8217;s ghost; but if so it is apparently only a partial intimidation
+of the ghost, who, as will be seen hereafter, is subjected to further alarms at a later stage. The men communicate the news
+in the ordinary way adopted by these people of shouting it across the valleys; and so it spreads to other villages, and even
+to other communities. The man being dead, the wailing of the women inside and outside the house is changed into a true funeral
+wailing song; but this latter only continues for a few minutes. The special woman and some others, probably relatives only,
+remain in the house; but they do not touch the body at this stage. The other women, probably non-relatives, go out. The relatives
+of the deceased, both men and women, immediately smear their bodies with mud, but no one else in the village does so.
+
+</p>
+<p>This is the situation until the first party of women, generally accompanied by men, begin to come in from other villages of
+the same, and probably of one or more other, communities. These people have been laughing and playing and enjoying themselves
+on their way to the village, and do so freely until they get close to it. Then they commence wailing (not the funeral song)
+and shouting, calling the deceased by a relationship term, such as father, brother, etc., though they may never have heard
+of him before; and, doing this, they enter the village, and go to the house. The incoming women, but not the men, all arrive
+smeared with mud. The women crowd into and about the house, still wailing as before, but not the funeral song. <a id="d0e5793"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5793">245</a>]</span>They all see the body; and each woman, after seeing it, comes out and sits on the platform of the house or on the ground outside.
+The party of outside village women then cease their first wailing, and commence the funeral song, in which they are joined
+by the female relatives of the deceased and other women of the village. But again this only lasts for a few minutes, the period
+being longer or shorter according to the importance of the person who has died.
+
+</p>
+<p>Other similar parties, coming in from other villages, go through the same performance as they come into the village; and in
+each case, as the women of each fresh party come out of the house after seeing the corpse, there is a fresh outburst of the
+funeral song on the part of all the women present, but always only for a few minutes. This goes on till the last batch of
+visitors has arrived. The people of the village know when this last batch has come, because they have been told by cross-valley
+shouting which villages are sending parties. The total number of women in the village is then generally very large. After
+the last batch of visitors has arrived, and until the funeral ceremony, all the women again break out into the funeral song
+for a few minutes about once an hour in the daytime, but not so often at night.
+
+</p>
+<p>The funeral takes place probably about twenty-four hours after death. The body is now wrapped up by the special woman attendant,
+helped by the female relatives of the deceased, in leaves, especially banana leaves, and bark of trees, and remains so wrapped
+up in the house.
+<a id="d0e5799"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5799">246</a>]</span></p>
+<p>It is placed with the knees bent up to the chin, and the heels to the buttocks. In the meantime men of the village dig a grave
+2 or 3 feet deep in the village open enclosure. When all is ready the funeral song begins again, the singers this time being
+the female relatives of the deceased and the women who have come from outside villages, but not the other women of the village
+of the deceased. Men of the village then carry the corpse, wrapped and doubled up, and place it, lying on its back, in the
+grave. There is no real procession from the house to the grave, though all the people assemble at the latter; but during the
+whole of the time, until the body is in the grave, the singing by the women of the funeral song continues. As soon as the
+body is in the grave, all the men, both villagers and visitors, shout again as before, and for the same purpose. The grave
+is then filled up, the women in the meantime singing as before; and when this is done the funeral is over.
+
+</p>
+<p>The relatives of the deceased now go into mourning. The widow or widower or other nearest relative wears the mourning string
+necklace already described. He or she, and also the other near relatives, smear their faces, and sometimes, but not always,
+their bodies, with black, to which, as regards the face, but not the body, is added oil or water. Some more distant relatives,
+instead of blackening themselves, wear the mourning shell necklace. And all this will continue, nominally without break, until
+the mourning is formally removed, in the way to be explained hereafter. As a matter of fact, the insignia of mourning are
+not worn <a id="d0e5804"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5804">247</a>]</span>without interruption, and the black smearing is by no means so retained; but on any special occasion the person would take
+care to appear in mourning. There is a custom under which the widow or widower or other nearest relative may, instead of wearing
+the mourning string necklace, abstain during the period of mourning from eating some particular food, of which deceased was
+most fond.<a id="d0e5806src" href="#d0e5806" class="noteref">2</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>In connection with mourning, I should also mention a curious custom, which I understand is common, though not universal, for
+a woman who has lost a child, and especially a first-born or very clear child, to amputate the top end of one of her fingers,
+up to the first joint, with an adze. Having done this once for one child, she will possibly do it again for another child;
+and a woman has been seen with three fingers mutilated in this way.<a id="d0e5814src" href="#d0e5814" class="noteref">3</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>The family of the deceased invite men and women from some other community, but only one community, to a funeral feast, which
+is held after an interval of two or three days from the day of the funeral. On <a id="d0e5822"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5822">248</a>]</span>the day appointed these guests arrive. They are all well ornamented, but, with one exception, they do not wear their dancing
+ornaments. One of them, however, usually a chief or the son of a chief of the community invited, comes in his full dancing
+ornaments. All the guest men bring with them their spears, and perhaps adzes or clubs.
+
+</p>
+<p>When they arrive the following performances take place, the village enclosure being left by the villagers empty and open:&#8212;First
+two guest women enter the village enclosure at one end, and run in silence round it, brandishing spears in both hands, as
+at the big feast; but they make no hostile demonstration. When these two women have reached their starting point, they again
+do the same thing, brandishing their spears as before, and all the guest men, except the specially dressed one, follow them
+by advancing with a dancing step along the enclosure, they also brandishing their spears, and also being silent. Thus the
+whole group goes to the other end of the village, passing the grave of the deceased as they do so; then they turn round, and
+come back again in the same way, but on their return they stop before they reach the grave.
+
+</p>
+<p>Then the specially ornamented guest man enters alone, without his arms, but with his drum, which he beats. He dances up the
+village enclosure in a zigzag course, going from side to side of the enclosure, and always facing in the direction in which
+he is at the time moving; and during his advance he beats his drum., but otherwise he and all the other <a id="d0e5828"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5828">249</a>]</span>people are silent. When in this way he has reached the grave, the chief of the clan of the village where the funeral takes
+place, who does not wear any dancing ornaments, approaches him, and removes his heavy head ornament. This ends the first part
+of the ceremony; and the villagers and guests then chat and conduct themselves in the ordinary way.
+
+</p>
+<p>Plates <a href="#d0e17526">82</a> and <a href="#d0e17531">83</a> illustrate scenes at a funeral feast in the village of Amalala. In the former plate the grave is very clear, and the remains
+of an older grave are visible behind the post a little to the left. At the upper end of the village enclosure are the visitors,
+who are about to dance along the enclosure past the grave, and then back again up to it. The figures in the <i>emone</i> behind are Amalala men, watching the performance. In the latter plate the visitor chief is seen dancing along the village
+enclosure towards the grave.
+
+</p>
+<p>In the meantime the members of the family of the deceased bring in one or more village pigs and some vegetables. A number
+of sticks are laid upon the ground over the grave, the sticks crossing each other so as to form a rude ground platform (this
+is not done by any particular person), and these sticks are covered with banana leaves.<a id="d0e5843src" href="#d0e5843" class="noteref">4</a> The pigs are placed on this platform, and are then killed by the pig-killer and cut up, and the vegetables and pieces of
+pig are distributed by the chief of the clan, helped perhaps by the family of the deceased, among the male <a id="d0e5846"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5846">250</a>]</span>visitors. The one specially dressed visitor, being the only one who has really danced, gets much the largest share. For example,
+if there be two or more pigs, he will get an entire pig for himself. Then the ceremony is over, and the guests return home.
+The wood of the platform is not removed from the grave, but is left to rot there. The killing of the pigs at this ceremony
+is regarded as the act which will, they think, finally propitiate or drive away the ghost of the departed.
+
+</p>
+<p>It will be noticed that, though representatives from several communities may be invited and come to the funeral, only one
+community is invited to the subsequent funeral feast, just as only one community is invited to the big feast, which latter
+we must, I think, associate with the general superstitious idea of laying the ghosts of past departed chiefs and notables.
+I cannot say what is the reason for the confinement of these invitations to one community only, but it must, I think, have
+had some definite origin<a id="d0e5850src" href="#d0e5850" class="noteref">5</a>; and as to this I am struck by the similarity of the Massim idea, referred to by Dr. Seligmann, that an individual&#8217;s death
+primarily concerns the dead man&#8217;s hamlet and one other hamlet of his clan, with which certain death feasts are exchanged,
+other members of the clan being comparatively little affected.<a id="d0e5853src" href="#d0e5853" class="noteref">6</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>As soon as possible after the funeral pig-killing, they catch some wild pig or pigs, and kill and eat them, and <a id="d0e5860"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5860">251</a>]</span>sweep down the village by way of purification ceremony, very much as they do in the case of the big feast, except that it
+is on a very much smaller scale, and that the people do not afterwards leave the village.
+
+</p>
+<p>The ceremony of removal of the mourning may take place after an interval of only a week or two, or of so much as six months,
+the date often depending upon the occurrence of some other ceremony, at which the removal of the mourning can be carried out
+without necessitating a ceremony for itself only. Visitors from some other community attend. The ceremony only applies to
+the nearest relative&#8212;the person who wears the string necklace; but, on his or her mourning being ceremoniously removed, the
+mourning of all others in respect of the same deceased ceases automatically.<a id="d0e5864src" href="#d0e5864" class="noteref">7</a> This nearest relative has to provide a village pig. There is a feast, and dancing and pig-killing and distribution of food
+and pig, in the usual way, and this may be in the village of the deceased or in some other village of the community. The pig-killing
+is done by the pig-killer under the platform of a chiefs platform grave, or on the site of it. The pig, specially provided
+by the nearest relative, is bought and paid for by some person, as in the case of some of the ceremonies already described,
+and this person, after the killing of the pig, without special ceremony, cuts off the mourner&#8217;s string necklace, dips it in
+the blood of the pig, and throws it away; then he takes <a id="d0e5867"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5867">252</a>]</span>some coloured paint, usually red, and with it daubs two lines on each side of the face across the cheek of the mourner, who
+of course at this ceremony will still have his black paint. If the mourner has been refraining from food, instead of wearing
+the necklace, the ceremony is confined to the paint-daubing. Then the mourner pays this ceremonial pig-buyer for his services,
+probably in feathers or dog-teeth, and the mourning is at an end.
+
+</p>
+<p>There will at a later date be a purification ceremony, at which wild pigs will be killed, such as has already been described.<a id="d0e5871src" href="#d0e5871" class="noteref">8</a>
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Death and Burial.</h3>
+<p><i>(Chiefs.)</i>
+
+</p>
+<p>A dying chief is attended by the special woman and others in the way above described, except that many women of the clan are
+there, and that this special attendance and its accompanying wailing begin earlier, perhaps two or three days earlier, than
+in the case of an ordinary person, and that all the women of the clan who are not in the house wail outside it.
+
+</p>
+<p>In this case, however, there is a special ceremony for ascertaining whether or not the chief is in fact going to die&#8212;a ceremony
+which is usually performed at his own request. Some vegetable food, probably sweet potato, or perhaps sugar-cane or taro,
+is given him to eat; and this he will do although he may be <a id="d0e5888"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5888">253</a>]</span>very ill, and may not have been taking food, though of course, if he were insensible or unable to eat, this special ceremony
+could not be carried out. The inedible portions of this food, <i>e.g.,</i> the peel of the potato or the hard fibres of the sugar-cane, are then handed to certain magical persons of the community,
+whose special duty it is to perform the ceremony about to be described, but as to whom I was unable to ascertain who and what
+they are, and whether they have any other special functions besides those of this ceremony. Some of these portions of food
+may even be sent to some similar magic person of high reputation in another community, in order that he also may perform the
+same ceremony. Each of these magic persons also has handed to him a portion of a perineal band belonging to, and recently
+worn by, the ailing chief.
+
+</p>
+<p>Each of the magic men then wraps up the portion of food which has been given to him in the piece of band; and this he again
+wraps up in leaves, and continues doing so until the parcel has become a round ball 4 or 5 inches in diameter. The men then
+separate, and each of them goes off alone to a spot outside the village, where he collects some very dry firewood, and heaps
+it up against the trunk of a tree to a height of, say, 6 feet. He then engages in an incantation, after which he puts the
+ball inside the bottom of the wood pile, and lights the pile at the bottom. Then he lies down by this fire and closes his
+eyes. After an interval of perhaps two to five minutes he gets up, as though awakening from a bad dream, and hears <a id="d0e5895"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5895">254</a>]</span>the wailing in the adjoining village, and asks himself what all this wailing is about; and he then appears to remember for
+what purpose he is there, goes to the fire, and takes out the ball. If the fire has burnt or scorched the food wrapped up
+in the ball, it is an indication that the chief is to die. If not, it indicates that he will live. These magic men then return
+to the village, and report the result. If their report be that the chief is going to live, the people cease their wailing,
+but if it be that he is to die, the wailing continues.
+
+</p>
+<p>Pausing here for a moment, I may admit that, though I have told the tale of this ceremony, with its private cogitations&#8212;real
+or pretended&#8212;of the magic men, as it was told to me, the tale is open to obvious questions. How can a magic man from a distant
+community hear the wailing? What would happen if the results of the ceremonies of the various magic men were to differ? What
+would be the situation if a chief whose death was indicated by the ceremony lived, or if one whose recovery was foretold became
+worse and died? All these points I tried to elucidate without success; but possibly the answer to the query as to divergence
+of results may be that the men take care that the results of their experiments shall not differ.
+
+</p>
+<p>It is believed by the natives that, if a hostile community can secure some of the food remnants and band, and hand them to
+their own magic man, for him to go through the same ceremony, he may maliciously bring about an unfavourable result, and thus
+may cause <a id="d0e5901"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5901">255</a>]</span>the death of the chief. If the belief that such a thing had happened arose, it would be a <i>casus belli</i> with that other community; and a case is known in which an inter-community fight did occur on this ground.
+
+</p>
+<p>If the report be that the chief is to die, the special woman attendant will give him the blow on the head, as in the case
+of the ordinary villager. The shouting of the men outside when the chiefs death is announced is much louder than in the case
+of a commoner; and as they shout they brandish their spears, and strike the roof of the chiefs house with the spear points,
+and some of the men strike it with adzes and clubs. The spreading of the news to other communities is on a wider scale, and
+the number of people who respond to the news and come to the funeral is very great, and includes a larger number of chiefs
+and prominent men; there are more, and much larger, parties of them. The funeral song of the women, commenced on the announcement
+of death, lasts much longer&#8212;indeed for hours. In fact, as numerous large bodies of people keep coming in, and some of these
+coming from a distance may not arrive until just before the funeral, and as the funeral song has to be recommenced as each
+fresh party comes in, and lasts so much longer each time, it follows that this funeral song practically continues without
+ceasing from the moment when death is announced until the actual funeral. The immediate smearing by men and women of their
+bodies with mud is done by all the members of the entire community. When the guests reach the village, they are all, both
+<a id="d0e5908"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5908">256</a>]</span>men and women, smeared with mud, and they loudly call on the dead chief by his title <i>amidi</i>, or as <i>babe</i> (father). Also the various chiefs&#8217; wives among the guests remain in the house after seeing the body, instead of coming out
+with the other guest women.
+
+</p>
+<p>The funeral does not take place till thirty-six or forty-eight hours after the death. The various chiefs&#8217; wives take part
+in the wrapping up of the body; and to the ordinary wrappings are added large pieces of bark cloth.
+
+</p>
+<p>The grave<a id="d0e5920src" href="#d0e5920" class="noteref">9</a> is quite different from that of a commoner. There are two methods of sepulture adopted for chiefs, the grave being in both
+cases in or by the edge of the open village enclosure.
+
+</p>
+<p>The first of these methods is a burial platform, a very rough erection of upright poles from 9 to 12 feet high, the number
+of which may be four, or less or more than that, at the top of which erection is a rude wooden box-shaped receptacle, about
+2 or 3 feet square, and from 6 inches to a foot deep, and uncovered at the top, in which receptacle the corpse is placed.
+Sometimes the supporting structure, instead of being composed of a number of poles, is only a rough tree trunk, on which the
+lower ends of the branches are left to support the box.
+<a id="d0e5925"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5925">257</a>]</span></p>
+<p>The second method is tree burial. The tree in which this is done is a special form of fig tree called <i>gabi</i>, the burial box, similar to the one above described, being placed in its lowest fork, or, if that be already occupied, then
+in the next one, and so on.<a id="d0e5931src" href="#d0e5931" class="noteref">10</a> A tree has been seen with six of these boxes in it, one above another. This tree is specially used for such burials. The
+natives will never cut it down. In selecting a village site they will often specially choose one where one of these trees
+is growing; and indeed the presence of such a tree in the bush raises a probability that there is, or has been, a native village
+there.<a id="d0e5937src" href="#d0e5937" class="noteref">11</a>
+<a id="d0e5975"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5975">258</a>]</span></p>
+<p>If a burial platform afterwards falls down through decay, the people throw away all the bones, except the skull and the larger
+bones of the arms and legs; and these they deal with in one of three alternative ways. They either (1) dig a shallow grave
+in the ground under the fallen platform, and put the skull and special bones there, and then fill in the grave with soil,
+on this put a heap of stones, and on these put the wooden remains of the collapsed platform, planting round them tobacco or
+croton, or some other fine-leaved plant, or (2) they put the skull and special bones in a box on the <i>gabi</i> burying tree, or (3) they take them to the <i>emone</i>, and there hang them up till they are wanted for a big feast. In the same way, if a tree box falls, they retain only the
+skull and large arm and leg bones, and replace them in a new box in the same tree.
+
+</p>
+<p>We have already seen a chiefs burial platform in the two plates <a href="#d0e17439">69</a> and <a href="#d0e17446">70</a> relating to the big feast at Seluku, and the following plates are additional illustrations:&#8212;<a href="#d0e17536">Plate 84</a> is the grave of a chiefs child in the village of Malala. The supports of the grave rise from the village enclosure fence
+behind, and are quite distinct from the underground commoner&#8217;s grave, which is seen in front. <a id="d0e5995"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5995">259</a>]</span>The positions of the two graves can be seen in the general view of the village (<a href="#d0e17384">Plate 58</a>). <a href="#d0e17541">Plate 85</a> is a group of graves of chiefs and chiefs&#8217; relatives in the village of Tullalave (community of Auga). <a href="#d0e17546">Plate 86</a> shows the grave of a chiefs child in the village of Faribe (community of Faribe). The form of this grave is quite different
+from those of the others, and is not, I think, so common, but a grave somewhat resembling it is seen in <a href="#d0e17394">Plate 60</a>.
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e17551">Plate 87</a> is a <i>gabi</i> fig tree, used for tree burial, near to the village of Seluku, and <a href="#d0e17556">Plate 88</a> shows the remains of an old burial box in one of its forks. The bones are still in this box, and indeed one of them may be
+just discerned at the extreme left, close to the upright stem of the tree.
+
+</p>
+<p><a href="#d0e17561">Plate 89</a> illustrates what I have said as to what is done when a burial platform falls down from decay. The skull and larger arm and
+leg bones of the body have been buried underground, and upon these have been heaped first stones and then the remains of the
+collapsed platform, and one little foliage plant and dried-up looking specimens of others can be seen around it. This picture
+was taken in the village of Seluku, and the actual position of the grave in the village enclosure is seen in <a href="#d0e17369">Plate 55</a>. <a href="#d0e17566">Plate 90</a>, of an <i>emone</i> in the village of Voitele (community of Sivu) illustrates the alternative plan of hanging the skull and bones up in the <i>emone</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>At the funeral all the women present, those of the village and of the whole community and the guests, join in singing the
+funeral song; but here again there is <a id="d0e6037"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6037">260</a>]</span>no actual procession, and the carrying of the body is not necessarily entrusted to any particular person. When the grave,
+whether on a platform or on a tree, is reached, all the men present begin to shout loudly, and there is a terrible noise.
+They all have their spears, but there is no brandishing of them. Then some men (anyone may do this) climb up to the box, and
+others hand the wrapped body up to them, and they place it lying on its back in the box. This ends the actual burial ceremony.
+
+</p>
+<p>The black mourning face, and sometimes body-staining is then adopted by all the people of the community, and perhaps also
+by chiefs from other communities who have been friends of the dead chief. The special string necklace worn by the nearest
+relative and the other family emblems of mourning are the same as in the case of an ordinary person, except that the chiefs
+widow will probably also wear the special mourning network vest already described, and that the mourning shell necklace, which
+in the case of an ordinary man is only worn by distant relatives, is worn by all the married men and women of the clan who
+have or can procure it.
+
+</p>
+<p>The subsequent ceremony and feast are in this case held one or two days after the funeral, the acceleration in the case of
+a chief being necessary in consequence of the retention of the corpse above ground and the foul smell which immediately begins
+to emanate from it. This feast is on a very large scale, though here again only one community is invited. The guests enter
+the village just as they do in the case of the death of an <a id="d0e6043"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6043">261</a>]</span>ordinary person; but they are all specially well decorated, and the one guest who comes in full dancing ornaments will certainly
+be a chief, or at least a chiefs son. The subsequent part of the ceremony, up to the removal of the head feather ornament
+from the dancer, is the same; but this removal is done by the nearest male relative of the deceased chief, who will probably
+be the person to whom the chieftainship has descended. Then follows the feast itself. The vegetables and village pigs for
+the feast are provided by the whole clan, and are in very large quantities. No platform of sticks is placed on the grave,
+the grave in this case not being underground; but the banana leaves are placed around (not under) the supports of the burial
+platform, or around the trunk of the burial tree. The pigs are killed upon these banana leaves by the pig-killer and his helpers,
+and the killed pigs are then placed in circles around the platform or tree, and are there cut up. The distribution of food
+and pig&#8217;s flesh is made by the chiefs nearest male relative, with assistance, here again the special dancer getting the largest
+share, and the ceremony is then over, and the guests return to their villages.
+
+</p>
+<p>And now a true desertion of the village by its inhabitants takes place, as indeed is necessary, as the putrefying body is
+becoming so offensive; and it will be at least two or three weeks before the emission of the smells is over. The villagers
+all go off into the bush, with the exception of two unhappy men, more or less close relatives of the dead chief, who have
+to remain in <a id="d0e6047"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6047">262</a>]</span>the village. Whilst there alone they are well ornamented, though not in their full dancing decoration, but in particular,
+though not themselves chiefs, they wear on their heads the cassowary feathers which are the distinctive decoration of a chief,
+and they carry their spears. There they remain amidst the awful stench of the decomposing body and all the mess and smell
+of the pigs&#8217; blood and garbage about the village. It is a curious fact that, in speaking of these two men, the natives do
+not speak of them as watching over the body of the chief, but as watching over the blood of the killed pigs.
+
+</p>
+<p>When the stench is over, the villagers in the bush are informed, and they then return to the village. Then follow the killing
+and eating of wild pigs and sweeping down of the village, as in the case of the death of an ordinary person, but again on
+a much larger scale.
+
+</p>
+<p>It will be noticed that, though the desertion of the village after a big feast lasts for six months, that which follows a
+chiefs funeral only lasts for a few weeks.
+
+</p>
+<p>The removal of the mourning takes place after an interval which may be anything between one and six months. This is a special
+ceremony, and will not be postponed for the purpose of tacking it on to some other ceremony, as in the case of an ordinary
+person&#8217;s mourning removal; but other ceremonies will often be tacked on to it. The guests invited are from only one other
+community. Here again the person actually dealt with is the chief mourner, and the removal of mourning from him or her terminates
+the mourning for <a id="d0e6055"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6055">263</a>]</span>everyone. The village pigs for this occasion are provided by the dead man&#8217;s family, and not by the whole clan, as in the case
+of a chiefs funeral feast. There will probably be two or three of such pigs provided; but, as the ceremony is also available
+for various other ceremonies, there may be a considerable number of pigs killed. The dancing and pig-killing and feast are
+the same as those of an ordinary mourning-removal ceremony, but on a larger scale. The pig-killing in this case is done round
+the platform or tree on which the chief is buried. The buyer of the pig, who cuts off the mourning necklace and daubs the
+face of the chief mourner, if not a chief, will at all events be a person of importance; but the ceremonies relating to all
+these matters are identical with those already described. There is also the subsequent purification ceremony, at which wild
+pigs are killed and eaten as before.
+
+</p>
+<p>The graves of chiefs&#8217; wives and members of their families, and other persons of special importance, are platform or tree graves,
+like those of chiefs, and the funeral ceremonies on the deaths of these people are very similar to those of chiefs, though
+they are on a scale which is smaller, in proportion to the relative smallness of the importance of the person to be buried;
+and they are subject to a few detailed differences, which the difference of the situation involves. The special magic ceremony
+for ascertaining if the patient is or is not going to die is not performed in the case of these people.
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e6059"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6059">264</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5782" href="#d0e5782src" class="noteref">1</a></span> Though here and afterwards I use the word &#8220;man,&#8221; it must be understood that the notes apply to deaths of women also.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5806" href="#d0e5806src" class="noteref">2</a></span> This food taboo is with the Mafulu only an optional alternative; but it may be compared with the corresponding food taboo
+placed upon all the relatives of the deceased by the Koita (see Seligmann&#8217;s <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea,</i> p. 164).
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5814" href="#d0e5814src" class="noteref">3</a></span> I was told of this Mafulu practice as being adopted only on the death of the woman&#8217;s child. But the custom is referred to
+by the Mekeo Government Agent (Mr. Giulianetti) in the <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1900, pp. 73 and 78; and, according to him, its adoption applies also to deaths of other relatives&#8212;husband, father,
+and mother being especially mentioned by him&#8212;and he suggests that there are rules as regards these amputations, and says he
+understood that a mother would cut off the first joint for her children, and the second for her husband, father, or mother.
+He also gives information as to the way in which the amputation is effected.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5843" href="#d0e5843src" class="noteref">4</a></span> The sticks are seen in the plates, having been placed on the grave before the photographs were taken.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5850" href="#d0e5850src" class="noteref">5</a></span> I am not aware of any ground for believing that the community invited is one with which intermarriage is specially common.
+Indeed, as stated above, I do not think that there are special matrimonial relationships between communities.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5853" href="#d0e5853src" class="noteref">6</a></span> <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea,</i> p. 13.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5864" href="#d0e5864src" class="noteref">7</a></span> I was told that in the Mekeo mourning-removal ceremony each of the persons wearing the insignia of mourning has to go through
+the ceremony, which consists of the cutting of his necklace or something else with a shell.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5871" href="#d0e5871src" class="noteref">8</a></span> Compare Dr. Seligmann&#8217;s references in <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i> to the mourning removal ceremonies of the Koita (p. 165), the Roro (p. 277), and the Mekeo (p. 359).
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5920" href="#d0e5920src" class="noteref">9</a></span> I recognise that, though the terms &#8220;grave,&#8221; &#8220;bury,&#8221; and &#8220;burial&#8221; are correctly applied to the mode of interment underground
+of an ordinary person, the term &#8220;grave&#8221; is clearly an incorrect one for the overground platform box and tree box in one or
+other of which a chiefs body is placed; and the use with reference to this mode of disposal of the dead of the terms &#8220;bury&#8221;
+and &#8220;burial&#8221; is, I think, at least unsuitable. But with this apology, and for lack of a short and convenient, but more accurate,
+substitute adapted to the three methods, I use these terms throughout with reference to all of them.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5931" href="#d0e5931src" class="noteref">10</a></span> This Mafulu practice of tree burial is referred to in the <i>Annual Report</i> for June, 1900, p. 63.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e5937" href="#d0e5937src" class="noteref">11</a></span> Platform burial in one form or another is not peculiar to the Mafulu district. It is perhaps common among many of the mountain
+people. Sir William Macgregor found it in the mountains of the Vanapa watershed (<i>Annual Report</i>, 1897&#8211;8, pp. 22 and 23), and Dr. Seligmann regards it, I think, as a custom among the general class of what he calls &#8220;Kama-weka&#8221;
+(<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 32). Mr. J. P. Thomson records its occurrence even in the lower waters of the Kemp Welch river (<i>British New Guinea</i>, p. 53, and see also his further references to the matter on pp. 59 and 67). In view of a suggestion which I make in my concluding
+chapter as to the possible origin of the Mafulu people, it is also interesting to note that platform or tree burial is, or
+used to be, adopted, for important people only, by the Semang of the Malay Peninsula and the Andamanese. As regards the Semang,
+though they now employ a simple form of interment, their more honourable practice was to expose the dead in trees (Skeat and
+Blagden, <i>Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula</i>, Vol. II., p. 89); and, though the bodies of the Pangan (East Coast Semang) lay members were buried in the ground, those
+of their great magicians were deposited in trees (<i>Ibid.</i>, Vol. II., p. 91); and apparently this was the case among the Semang as regards the bodies of chiefs (<i>Ibid.</i>, Vol. I., p. 587). And concerning the Andamanese it is recorded that the skeleton of a man who, for reasons given, was believed
+to have been a chief was found lying on a platform of sticks placed across forks of a tree about 12 feet from the ground,
+a mode which was compared with the method of underground burial which had previously been met with (<i>Transactions of the Ethnological Society, New Series</i>, Vol. V. <a id="d0e5960"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e5960">258n</a>]</span>p. 42). Mr. Portman records (<i>History of our Relations with the Andamanese</i>, Vol. II., p. 547) similar tree burial of two chiefs and the wife of a chief, and refers to the practice of burying underground
+&#8220;or, what is more honourable,&#8221; on a platform up in a tree (<i>Ibid</i>., Vol. I., p. 43). The practice is also mentioned by Mr. Man, who, after referring (<i>The Andaman Islanders</i>, p. 76) to underground interment and platform burial, of which &#8220;the latter is considered the more complimentary,&#8221; states
+(pp. 76 and 77) that a small stage is constructed of sticks and boughs about 8 to 12 feet above the ground, <i>generally</i> (the italics are mine) between the forked branches of some large tree, and to it the body is lashed.
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e6060"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Religion and Superstitious Beliefs and Practices</h2>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Religion and Superstitions.</h3>
+<p>These are subjects which I should hardly have ventured to introduce into this book if I had had to rely exclusively upon enquiries
+made only during my stay among the Mafulu villages, without having the benefit of five years&#8217; observation by the Mafulu Fathers
+of the Mission. And, notwithstanding this additional facility, my notes on these questions will be found to involve puzzles
+and apparent inconsistencies; and there is no part of the book which should be read and accepted with greater reserve and
+doubt as to possible misunderstanding. Subject to this caution, I give the information as I have obtained it.
+
+</p>
+<p>I heard nothing to justify the idea of the Mafulu people having any belief in a universal God or All Father; but there is
+a general belief among them in a mysterious individual named <i>Tsidibe</i>, who may be a man, or may be a spirit (they appear to be vague as to this), who has immense power, and who once passed through
+their country in a direction from east to west. Wherever you may be, if you speak of this <a id="d0e6073"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6073">265</a>]</span>personage, and ask to be told in which direction he travelled, they always point out one which is from east to west. They
+believe that it was <i>Tsidibe</i> who taught them all their customs, including dancing and manufacture, and that he ultimately reached and remained in the
+land of the white man, where he is now living; and that the superior knowledge of the white man in manufacture, and especially
+in the making of clothes, has been acquired from him. The idea of his ultimate association with the white man can hardly,
+however, be a very ancient tradition. One of the Fathers was seriously asked by a native whether he had ever seen <i>Tsidibe</i>. They seem to think that he is essentially a beneficent being. They regret his having left their country; but they have no
+doubt as to this, and do not regard him as still continuing to exercise any influence over them and their affairs, have no
+ceremonies or observances with reference to him, and do not address to him any supplications. As traces of his passage through
+their country they will show you extraordinarily shaped rocks and stones, such as fragments which have fallen from above into
+the valley, and rocks and stones which have lodged in strange positions. But there are no ceremonies with reference to these
+and the natives have no fear of them, and indeed they will proudly point them out to you as evidences of this mysterious being
+having been in their country, and of his power. They would not hesitate to touch one of these stones, but they would never
+injure it. I learnt nothing about him which would justify me in suggesting that the Mafulu people <a id="d0e6081"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6081">266</a>]</span>deified him as an ancestor, or even regarded him as being one, though some of the matters attributed to him are perhaps not
+dissimilar from those often attributed to deified ancestors.<a id="d0e6083src" href="#d0e6083" class="noteref">1</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>They certainly have a lively belief in ghosts of people who have lived and died, and in spirits which have never occupied
+human form, all of whom (ghosts and spirits) are evil disposed, and in sorcery.
+
+</p>
+<p>Every human being, male and female, has during life a mysterious ghostly self, in addition to his bodily visible and conscious
+self; and this ghostly self will on his death survive him as a ghost. There appears to be no idea of this ghostly self leaving
+the body in times of sleeping or dreaming; though, if a man dreams of someone who is dead, he thinks that he has been visited
+by that person&#8217;s ghost.
+
+</p>
+<p>At death the ghost leaves the body, and becomes, and remains, a malevolent being. There is no idea of re-incarnation, or of
+the ghost passing into any animal or plant, though, as will be seen hereafter, it sometimes apparently <i>becomes</i> a plant; and there is no difference in their minds between the case of a person <a id="d0e6110"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6110">267</a>]</span>who has died naturally and one who has been killed in battle or otherwise, or between persons who have or have not been eaten,
+or who have or have not been buried, though in case of burial there are the methods of getting rid of the ghost; and there
+is no superstitious avoidance of graves or fear of mentioning a deceased person by name, and no superstition as to the shadows
+of living persons passing over graves and sacred places. Except as above stated, I found no trace of any belief in a future
+state.
+
+</p>
+<p>When on the death of a man or woman or child, the ghostly self leaves the body, or at all events when the funeral pig-killing
+has been performed, the ghost goes away to the tops of the mountains, where apparently it exists as a ghost for ever. The
+shouting immediately after the death, and afterwards at the funeral, are steps towards driving it there; and the pig-killing
+ceremony completes the process. On reaching the mountains the ghost <i>becomes</i> one of two things. The ghost of a young or grown-up person up to, say, forty or forty-five years of age becomes the shimmering
+light upon the ground and undergrowth, which occurs here and there where the dense forest of the mountains is penetrated by
+the sun&#8217;s beams. It is apparently only the light which shimmers on the ground and undergrowth, and not that in the air. The
+ghost of an elderly person over forty or forty-five years of age becomes a large sort of fungus, which is indigenous to the
+mountains, where alone it is found. Any native who on a hunting expedition or otherwise meets with a glade in which this shimmering
+<a id="d0e6117"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6117">268</a>]</span>light occurs will carefully pass round it, instead of going across it; and any native finding one of these fungi will neither
+eat nor touch, nor even tread upon it; though indeed, as regards the eating, I understand that this particular fungus is one
+of the poisonous non-edible forms. A native who, after the recent death of another, is travelling in the mountains, and there
+finds a young fungus of this species only just starting into growth, will think that it is probably the ghost of the recently
+departed one.
+
+</p>
+<p>As regards the use by me with reference to both sunbeams and fungi of the word &#8220;<i>becomes</i>&#8221; I recognise that it may justify much doubt and questioning. The idea of actually <i>becoming</i> the flickering light or the fungus, as distinguished from that of entering into or haunting it, is a difficult one to grasp,
+especially as regards the flickering light. I tried to get to the bottom of this question when I was at Mafulu; but the belief
+as to actual <i>becoming</i> was insisted upon, and I could get no further. I cannot doubt, however, that there is much room for further investigation
+on the point, which is of a character concerning which misapprehension may well arise, especially in dealing with such simple
+and primitive people as are the Mafulu natives.
+
+</p>
+<p>The foods of these ghosts in both their forms are the ghostly elements of the usual native vegetable foods (sweet potato,
+yam, taro, banana, and in fact every vegetable food) and the ghostly elements of the excrement of the still living natives;
+and the ghosts come down from the mountains to the villages and <a id="d0e6132"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6132">269</a>]</span>gardens to procure these foods. Here again the difficulty as to meaning above referred to arises, as they can hardly imagine
+that the flickering lights cease to flicker in their mountain glades, or that the fungi cease to exist in their mountain habitats
+during these food-seeking incursions; and yet, unless this be so, the superstitious difficulty is increased. A ghost is also
+sometimes for some reason or other dissatisfied with his mountain abode; and he will then return to the village (not apparently
+in the visible form of a flickering light or a fungus).
+
+</p>
+<p>As the intentions of the ghost towards living humanity are always evil, his visits, whether for procuring food or in consequence
+of dissatisfaction with his habitat, are feared by the people; but I could not ascertain what was the nature of the injuries
+by the ghost to themselves of which they were afraid, nor could I hear of any actual instance of a disaster or misfortune
+which had been attributed to the machinations of such a ghost. When sleeping in their dark enclosed houses, however, the people
+fill up all openings by which the ghost might enter (this does not apply to the <i>emone</i>, the entrance openings of which are not closed at night; but perhaps the fact that a number of men are always sleeping together
+there gives them confidence); and when the Mission Station at Mafulu was started the natives were amazed at the missionaries
+daring to sleep alone in rooms with open doors and windows, through which the ghosts might enter.
+
+</p>
+<p>Having by the shouting prior to and at the dead <a id="d0e6141"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6141">270</a>]</span>man&#8217;s funeral wholly or partially driven his ghost to the mountains, and in some way, as it would seem, further placated or
+influenced the ghost by the subsequent pig-killing over or by his grave at the funeral feast, there is no method of which
+I could gain information by which the people can actually keep him there, or prevent his periodic returns to the village and
+gardens for food, or his return from a mountain home with which he is dissatisfied; and there are apparently no prayers, incantations
+or other ceremonies for the purpose of placating, or intimidating, or in any way influencing the ghost. This statement is
+subject, however, to the existence of the practice of pig-killing at the various other ceremonies before described (always
+apparently done under or by or on the site of a chiefs grave), which is evidently superstitious in character, and must have
+reference to the ghosts of the departed chiefs and notables, being intended, or having originally been intended, to placate
+or influence them in some way or other; and especially it would seem that this must be so as regards the dipping of the mourner&#8217;s
+string necklace in dead pigs&#8217; blood at the mourning-removal ceremony, and as regards the pig-killing at the big feast, at
+which the skulls and bones of all the then departed chiefs and notables are carefully collected, and made the objects of ceremonious
+dipping in blood, or touching with bones so dipped, and after which these skulls and bones may be thrown away, as not requiring
+further ceremony. And concerning all these ceremonies, if we bear in mind the special fear which many primitive people <a id="d0e6143"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6143">271</a>]</span>seem to have of the ghosts of their great men, as distinguished from those of the unimportant ones, it seems, I think, to
+be natural that the graves and the skulls and bones of the great ones should be those which are specially dealt with, and
+the dealing with which may possibly, so far as the big feasts are concerned, have been the original purpose for which the
+feasts were held.
+
+</p>
+<p>The mental attitude and conduct of the people towards ghosts may have originated in some form of ancestor worship, but I found
+nothing now existing to indicate this; and in particular I could learn nothing of any recognition of, or ceremonial observances
+with reference to, the individual ghosts of known persons, as distinguished from the ghosts generally.
+
+</p>
+<p>I could find no direct information as to any belief in ghosts of animals or plants; but the fact that the living edible plants
+have a ghostly self, upon which the human ghosts feed, seems to involve the idea during the life of those plants; and in that
+case one sees no reason why the ghost of the plant should not survive the plant itself, just as the ghost of the living person
+survives him at his death. Also the existence of a ghostly element in human excrement opens out a wide field of ghostly possibilities.
+
+</p>
+<p>Spirits which have never been human beings are also malevolent; though when we come to the operations of magic men or sorcerers,
+and to incantations and the use of charms, the powers in connection with all of which appear to be ascribed to spirits, it
+will be <a id="d0e6151"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6151">272</a>]</span>noticed that these are by no means necessarily and invariably engaged or used for malevolent purposes.
+
+</p>
+<p>I was not able to obtain any satisfactory information as to these spirits, or their supposed attributes, nor, except as regards
+illness and death, as to the nature of, and ground for, the fears which the natives feel concerning them; indeed, this is
+a subject upon which most natives all over the world are inclined to be reticent, partly or largely from fear. Even as regards
+the sacred places which these spirits are supposed to haunt, though the natives are not unwilling to pass them, and will mention
+the fact that they are sacred, they are unwilling to talk about them. My notes as to spirits, other than those in connection
+with sorcery producing illness and death, must therefore be practically confined to the sacred places haunted by the spirits,
+and the demeanour and acts of the natives with reference to, and when they pass, these places.
+
+</p>
+<p>Speaking generally, any place which has something specially peculiar or unusual in its appearance is likely to be regarded
+as the abode of a spirit. A waterfall, or a deep still pool in the course of a river (but not the river itself), or a deep
+narrow rocky river ravine, or a strangely shaped rock come under this category. There are also certain trees and creepers
+which are regarded as implying the presence of a spirit in their vicinity, although that vicinity has in itself nothing unusual.
+I can, however, only give a few illustrative examples of this general idea.
+
+</p>
+<p>There are three special trees and two or three <a id="d0e6159"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6159">273</a>]</span>special creepers which imply the presence of a spirit. What the creepers are I could not ascertain; but the trees are a very
+large palm which grows on the mountains and not on the coast, a form of pine tree,<a id="d0e6161src" href="#d0e6161" class="noteref">2</a> and the <i>gabi</i> fig-tree, used for burial of chiefs.<a id="d0e6167src" href="#d0e6167" class="noteref">3</a> It does not necessarily follow that every specimen of any one of these trees and creepers is spirit-haunted; but some are
+known to be so, and all are apparently so much under suspicion that, though the natives will speak of them and will pass them,
+they are afraid to cut them down.
+
+</p>
+<p>At the time when the path near the newly erected Mission Station at Mafulu was being opened some of these creepers had to
+be cleared away, and the Mission Fathers had the utmost difficulty with the natives, only two or three of whom could be persuaded
+to help in the work, whilst the others stood aloof and afraid. In the same way, when the Fathers wanted to cut down some of
+the special palms, only two natives were induced to help in this, and even they only did so on the condition that the Fathers
+themselves made the first strokes; and the Fathers were warned by the natives that evil would befall them. It was a curious
+coincidence that the Father who did this tree-cutting, being then and having been for a long time past <a id="d0e6184"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6184">274</a>]</span>perfectly well in health, was that evening taken ill with a bad sore, which nearly necessitated his being carried down to
+the head Mission Station on the coast.
+
+</p>
+<p>There is a very common ceremony performed when natives, in travelling through the country, pass a spirit-haunted spot. The
+leader of the party turns round, and in a low voice tells the others that they are approaching the spot, whereupon they all
+become silent, though up to that point they have been chattering. The leader then takes a wisp of grass and ties it in a knot,
+and all the others do the same. They then walk on in silence for a period, which may be anything from five to fifteen minutes,
+after which, as they pass the spot, the leader turns round and throws his bunch of grass on the ground, and the others do
+the same. In this way they avert the danger and afterwards chatter as before.<a id="d0e6188src" href="#d0e6188" class="noteref">4</a> Another somewhat similar ceremony commences, like the former one, with silence; but, instead of throwing grass down as they
+pass the haunted spot, the visible sign of which in this case is a hole in the ground, the leader stops and looks round at
+the others, and then presses the palm of his hand down into the interior of the hole, and the <a id="d0e6194"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6194">275</a>]</span>others do the same; and after this all is safe and well, as in the former case. In travelling through the country these holes
+with numerous impressions of hands in them are to be seen; and you may in one day&#8217;s journey pass several of these signs of
+haunted places, of either or both sorts, within a comparatively short distance of one another. The hole in which the people
+put their hands may not have originally existed, and may have been produced by the oft-repeated pressure of hands on the ground
+as natives passed the haunted spot; but on this point I am unable to make any statement. Nor have I been able to ascertain
+what the difference, if any, is, or has been, between the places where they put grass and those in which they merely press
+the hands.
+
+</p>
+<p>I found no evidence of any general idea of supernatural powers being possessed by natural inanimate objects, such as rivers
+or rocks; but, as already stated, fishers are in the habit of addressing the stream in supplication for fish, and it is possible
+there are other examples of the same sort of thing, which I did not discover.
+
+</p>
+<p>Magic or sorcery, and those who practise it, and incantations and charms, and those who supply charms, are naturally associated
+with either ghosts or spirits, or both. Among the Mafulu people they are, I was assured, associated solely with spirits, and
+not with ghosts; and, though I have no confirmatory evidence of the accuracy of this statement, I can only in these notes
+assume that it is correct. It may well be, however, that in the minds of the people themselves the <a id="d0e6200"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6200">276</a>]</span>distinction between the ghost of a person who has lived and died and the spirit which has never lived in visible human form
+is not really quite clearly defined; or that powers which are now regarded by them as spirits have had an origin, possibly
+long ago, in what were then believed to be ghosts. I shall revert to this point at a later stage.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Sorcery.</h3>
+<p>The Mafulu magic men or sorcerers are different from those of the Mekeo plains. There is not among the Mafulu, as there is
+in Mekeo, a large body of powerful professional sorcerers, who are a source of constant terror to the other people of their
+own villages, and are yet to a certain extent relied upon and desired by those people as a counterpoise to the powers of sorcerers
+of other villages; and a Mafulu native, unless prevented by a fear of outside hostility in no way connected with the supernatural,
+will travel alone outside his own community in a way in which fear of the sorcerers would make a Mekeo native unwilling to
+do so. The Mafulu sorcerers are a somewhat less powerful people; but they claim, and are supposed to have, certain powers
+of divination, or actual causation, or both, of certain things. So far as I could learn, the sorcerer&#8217;s supernatural powers
+would never be exercised in a hostile way against anyone of his own village, or indeed of his own clan, or even, as a rule,
+of his own community. Apparently the sorcerer&#8217;s victim is nearly always a member of some other community; and the sorcerers
+<a id="d0e6207"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6207">277</a>]</span>of a community do not appear to be in any way either feared or shunned by the members of that community. And, even as regards
+their acts of hostility against members of other communities, these do not seem to be performed to an extent in any way approaching
+what is found in Mekeo.
+
+</p>
+<p>It seemed to me at first, as regards these sorcerers, that there was a confusion in the Mafulu mind between divination and
+causation. The question as to this arose specially in connection with the ceremony for ascertaining whether a chief was or
+was not going to die. The people of a clan and the ailing chief certainly assume that the sorcerers who perform the ceremony
+under instructions, whether they be of the same community or of some other community, will by their magical powers merely
+divine the death or recovery of the chief; and the idea does not enter their heads that these sorcerers may actually cause
+the death. And yet they will accuse a hostile sorcerer of causing the death by an exactly similar ceremony, and will go to
+war over the matter. Probably, however, it is rather a question of the sorcerer&#8217;s assumed volition&#8212;that is, it is assumed
+that the friendly sorcerer does not want the chief to die, and the people rely upon him to confine himself to a divination
+ceremony, and not to engage in hostile sorcery; whereas a hostile sorcerer might do the latter. I may add that I was led to
+suspect that the burning test was regarded as being only a matter of divination, and that the causation, if it occurred, was
+effected by means of the previous incantation.
+<a id="d0e6211"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6211">278</a>]</span></p>
+<p>There are also, besides the sorcerers, a number of specialists, who can hardly perhaps be called true sorcerers, but who have
+certain specific powers, or are acquainted with certain specific forms of incantation, and whose services are from time to
+time sought by the people. It is impossible for me to point to any definite line of demarcation between the true sorcerers
+and these smaller people; and it cannot be doubted that the powers of the latter, like those of the former, are, or have been,
+based upon the supernatural, even though they themselves do not claim to be and are not regarded as being magic men in the
+highest sense. I think I may regard them as being more or less the Mafulu equivalents of the Roro individuals whom Dr. Seligmann
+calls &#8220;departmental experts.&#8221;<a id="d0e6214src" href="#d0e6214" class="noteref">5</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>Dealing first with the true sorcerers, they undoubtedly include among their number the men who perform the special ceremonial
+already described for ascertaining whether a sick chief is or is not destined to die. They also seem to include the makers
+or providers of the various charms, including those which are carried in the little charm bags and the love charms used by
+young men, as already mentioned. There are also two other matters which are regarded as coming within the province of the
+true sorcerers, of which one relates to rain and the other relates to illness and death. I will deal with them separately.
+
+</p>
+<p>The rain sorcerer is apparently merely a diviner. Dr. Seligmann would perhaps include him among the departmental experts,
+but the Fathers of the Mission <a id="d0e6223"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6223">279</a>]</span>regard him as being a true sorcerer. He is the man to whom the people go in anticipation of a proposed important event, such
+as a big feast, or perhaps a fighting or large hunting expedition, to ascertain and inform them whether the period in which
+it is proposed that the event shall occur will be fine or wet; but he does not profess to be able to do more than this, and
+they never expect him to prevent or bring about the rain, or in any way hold him responsible for the weather as it may in
+fact eventually occur.
+
+</p>
+<p>The sorcery connected with illness and death is not so simple; and there is no doubt that it is not confined to powers of
+divination, but includes powers of actual causation. This department of sorcery obviously includes the ceremonial in connection
+with the supposed dying chief. But it is not confined to this ceremony, as it is generally believed by the Mafulu people that
+sickness, which does not necessarily end in death, and death itself, can be, and commonly is, brought about by the operation
+of sorcerers in one way or another through the medium of certain things. The only things of this nature concerning which I
+was able to obtain information are (1) the inedible part of some vegetable food which the victim has recently eaten (<i>e.g.,</i> the outside part of a sweet potato or banana or the cane part of a sugar cane), and (2) the victim&#8217;s discharged excrement
+or urine. I found no trace of any use for purposes of sorcery of the edible remnants of the victim&#8217;s food, nor (except as
+regards a woman&#8217;s placenta, to which I shall refer presently) of any part of his body, such as his hair or nails; and, in
+fact, the free way in <a id="d0e6230"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6230">280</a>]</span>which the natives throw away their hair when cut is inconsistent with any belief as to its possible use against them.
+
+</p>
+<p>First, the inedible remnants of recently consumed vegetable food. The use of this as a medium for causing illness and death
+is apparently confined to the case of a victim who has passed the stage of very young childhood. Why this is so I could not
+learn; though in point of fact a mere infant would hardly be eating such things as a regular practice. A man or woman, however,
+never carelessly throws aside his own food remnants of this character; and his reason for this is fear of sorcery. He carefully
+keeps them under his control until he can take them to a river, into which he throws them, after which they are harmless as
+a medium against him. The fear concerning these remains is that a sorcerer will use them for a ceremony somewhat similar to
+that described in connection with the death of a chief, but in a hostile way. No such precautions are taken with reference
+to similar food eaten by very young children.
+
+</p>
+<p>Secondly, the discharged excrement and urine. This, for some reason, only applies to the case of an infant or quite young
+child. Here again I could not learn the reason for the limitation; but it is confirmed by the fact that grown-up persons take
+no pains whatever to avoid the passing of these things into the possession of other people, whereas, as regards little children,
+the mothers or other persons having charge of them always take careful precautions. The mother picks up her little child&#8217;s
+excrement, and wraps it in a leaf, <a id="d0e6236"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6236">281</a>]</span>and then either carefully hides it in a hole in the ground, or throws it into the river, or places it in a little raised-up
+nest-like receptacle, which is sometimes erected near the house for this purpose, and where also it is regarded as being safe.
+One of these receptacles, shaped like an inverted cone, is shown in <a href="#d0e17571">Plate 91</a>, and a somewhat similar one is seen in <a href="#d0e17414">Plate 64</a>. As regards the urine, she pours upon it, as it lies on the ground or on the house floor or platform, a little clean water
+which she obtains from any handy source, or sometimes from a little store which, when away from other water supply, she often
+carries about with her for the purpose. I could get no information as to the way in which the sorcerer would use the excrement
+or urine as a medium for hostile purposes; though there is apparently no process similar to that of the fire used in connection
+with the inedible food remnants of the adult.
+
+</p>
+<p>It will have been noticed that the mode of rendering the inedible food remnants of a grown-up person immune from sorcery,
+and one of the methods of making the infants&#8217; excrement immune, is that of throwing them into the river; and even as regards
+infants&#8217; urine, which apparently is not, and as a rule hardly could be, actually thrown into the river, the protection is
+obtained by pouring water upon it. I think that the belief among the islands of the Pacific in the power of water to protect
+against the machinations of spirits or ghosts is not confined to the Mafulu natives, or indeed to those of New Guinea. Dr.
+Codrington mentions its existence as regards human excrement in <a id="d0e6246"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6246">282</a>]</span>Melanesia.<a id="d0e6248src" href="#d0e6248" class="noteref">6</a> I would also refer to a custom of the Mafulu women after childbirth of throwing the placenta into the river, a practice which
+is similar to that of the Koita women, who drop the placenta into the sea.<a id="d0e6253src" href="#d0e6253" class="noteref">7</a> Probably these practices relating to placenta are also based upon some idea of protection from sorcerers and spirits, although
+I was informed that among the Mafulu there is no superstitious fear connected with the matter now. If the custom is in fact
+superstitious in origin, the list of media for the use of sorcery already given by me requires enlarging.<a id="d0e6259src" href="#d0e6259" class="noteref">8</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>Serious illness or death of either an adult or an infant, if not caused by visible accident, is by the Mafulu, as by other
+natives, generally attributed, subject to limitations, to the sorcerers. The belief of the Mafulu as to this arises if the
+victim, being an ordinary person, is comparatively young, or in the strength of life, say under forty or forty-five, or if
+the victim, being a chief or a member of a chief&#8217;s family or a person of very high position, is even over that age, unless
+he is very old, and old age is recognised as the natural cause of his illness or death.
+
+</p>
+<p>If the belief arises that the calamity, especially that of death, has been brought about by spiritualistic <a id="d0e6269"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6269">283</a>]</span>influence, the family will probably go to some person who is believed to be in touch with spirits and able to designate the
+culprit. I cannot say whether or not the person so employed is regarded as being a sorcerer in the full sense of the word,
+or as merely one of the inferior types of magic men above referred to. Probably he is only the latter, as I do not think there
+are any juvenile sorcerers among the Mafulu, and this particular person may be quite a young boy; indeed, there is in a village
+near to the Mafulu Mission Station a young boy who is supposed to have this power. As a matter of fact this boy is not quite
+right in his head; but this state of mind is not among the Mafulu in any way a necessary, or indeed a usual, qualification
+for a sorcerer or magic man of any sort. The person appealed to will perhaps tell them who has done the deed, or will make
+some oracular statement which will lead to his identification. The culprit identified by him will in any case be a member
+of another clan, and most probably of another community. When he has been discovered, there will probably be a fight, in which
+the members of the victim&#8217;s clan, or even, especially if the victim be a chief or big person, the whole of his community,
+will join the injured relatives, this question of suspected causing of death being, like that of non-repayment of the price
+paid for a runaway wife, one of the frequent causes of intercommunity fighting.
+
+</p>
+<p>Reverting here to the matter of ghosts and spirits, one cannot help noting a similarity between, on the one hand, the ghostly
+element of living food plants and <a id="d0e6273"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6273">284</a>]</span>the ghostly element of human excrement, which constitute the food of the ghosts, and, on the other hand, the physical inedible
+remnants of food recently eaten by an adult victim and the physical excrement and urine of an infant victim, which are the
+media used for hostile sorcery through the power of spirits; though, as regards the latter, I have no evidence of a belief
+that the spirits eat them. I tried to get further into this matter, but was unable to do so. Again one is struck by the fact
+that the special <i>gabi</i> tree, which is the tree used for the interment of chiefs and notables, is one of the trees whose presence is regarded as
+indicating a place inhabited by spirits. These elements of similarity tend, I think, to suggest the possibility of some confusion
+in the native mind as to the difference between ghosts and spirits, or of some originally ghostly origin in what are now regarded
+as spirits.
+
+</p>
+<p>The class of magic men who are something less than sorcerers, and whose powers are perhaps confined to the knowledge of certain
+specific forms of incantation, would probably include the person who does the nose-boring, and perhaps the person who detects
+the causes of death above referred to. It would also, I think, include the men who ascertain the whereabouts of a stolen article
+and discover the thief, and who perform the ceremony in connection with hunting, and the persons who effect, or profess to
+effect, cures of a more or less superstitious nature, all of whom are probably not regarded as full sorcerers.
+
+</p>
+<p>The professional pig-killer is not, as such, either a sorcerer or a magic man in the minor sense; and, if <a id="d0e6282"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6282">285</a>]</span>there has originally been anything of a superstitious or magic character associated with him or his functions, I was unable
+to find any trace of it, except perhaps as regards the ceremony and incantation in connection with hunting, which apparently
+is commonly performed by him.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Charms.</h3>
+<p>The Mafulu people believe in charms. I have already referred to those used by young men desirous of marrying. But there are
+many other more important charms for various purposes, such as averting illness and death, success in hunting and fishing,
+and perhaps preservation in time of war. These charms may be stones, small pieces of different sorts of bark, flowers, or
+various kinds of poisons, though the poisons appear to be only used for averting illness and death. They are all procured
+from sorcerers, who may be of the same or of some other village, or of another community, and there are sorcerers who have
+specialities in certain sorts of charms. These charms are often carried inside the small charm bags already mentioned.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Omens.</h3>
+<p>They believe in omens; but of these I was only able to hear of two examples&#8212;namely, flying foxes,<a id="d0e6294src" href="#d0e6294" class="noteref">9</a> and fireflies, the latter, though common in the plains, <a id="d0e6300"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6300">286</a>]</span>being rare on the mountains, and both of these are bad omens. Any person or party starting off on a journey, or on a hunting
+or fishing expedition, and meeting either of these creatures would probably at once turn back; and I was told that even a
+full war party starting off on a punitive expedition would turn back, or at least halt for a time, if it met one or other
+of them. I cannot help thinking there must be some other omens, which I have failed to discover.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>General.</h3>
+<p>Referring generally to supplications, incantations, and acts of propitiation, the only examples of them which I was able to
+discover were the above-mentioned supplication to the river prior to fishing, which is apparently spoken by the fishers themselves,
+and not merely by a sorcerer or magic man, and the incantations in connection with nose-piercing, with hunting, with a dying
+chief, with the stone operation for stomach complaints, and with the plant remedies for wounds, and the acts of propitiation,
+if such they are, in connection with ceremonious pig-killing, and especially with the ceremonies performed at a big feast
+and at or following a funeral; and as regards the incantations I could learn nothing as to their nature, nor as to the specific
+spiritual powers for the influencing of which they are intended, nor the way in which those powers are moved by them.
+
+</p>
+<p>In fact, concerning the whole question of ghosts, spirits, sorcery, charms, omens and superstitions, I <a id="d0e6309"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6309">287</a>]</span>cannot imagine that I have accomplished more than the mere touching of the fringe of it; and I am sure that, when the Mafulu
+people have got rather more into touch with civilisation, and become more accessible and communicative about these things,
+there will be much more to be learnt. It may perhaps be that some of the apparently superstitious acts are, like many such
+acts performed in England, based upon beliefs which have long since been forgotten, and have themselves become mere formalities,
+to which the natives do not attach serious superstitious importance; though their fear of ghosts and spirits is undoubtedly
+a very real and general one.
+
+</p>
+<p>There are no secret societies or mysteries, such as are met with in some of the Solomon Islands, and they have no superstition
+as to sneezing.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Taboo.</h3>
+<p>The subject of taboo may perhaps be referred to under the present heading, for, though there appear to be no totemic taboos,
+and though I have no material showing that the Mafulu taboos are based on superstitious ideas, it may, I imagine, be assumed
+that, while some of these taboos are possibly partly based on medical common sense, the element of superstition enters more
+or less into many of them. I have already referred to a few general restrictions connected with etiquette, and what I now
+propose to mention are food taboos.
+
+</p>
+<p>Young men are not supposed to eat wild pig until <a id="d0e6320"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6320">288</a>]</span>they have married, but this is the only food restriction which is put upon them.<a id="d0e6322src" href="#d0e6322" class="noteref">10</a> A woman who is about to give birth to a child must eat no food whatever for a day or rather longer (never more than two days),
+before the child is born. I have already referred to the food taboo on persons undergoing the nose-piercing operation, and
+the optional food taboo to which the nearest relative of a deceased person may submit, in lieu of wearing the mourning string.
+There is also a general taboo against any food other than sweet potato and chewing of betel-nuts, with its condiments of lime
+and pepper, upon any male person who intends to take part, either as a dancer or singer, in any ceremonial dance. This latter
+term includes the dance at a big feast and the women&#8217;s dance on the eve of it, but not the dancing during the six months&#8217;
+interval before it. It also includes the dance at any of the various minor ceremonies above described, and at a funeral ceremony.
+The period of restriction in the case of the big feast begins when the formal croton-leaf invitation has gone out to the guests,
+about a month before the date of the feast. In the case of a funeral it is necessarily only quite short, and in cases of other
+ceremonies it varies, being largely dependent on the length of period during which the approach of the ceremony is known.
+During the period of restriction the people avail themselves largely of the privilege of betel-chewing, and prior to a big
+feast their mouths get very red. In connection with personal ceremonies upon assumption of the <a id="d0e6325"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6325">289</a>]</span>perineal band, admission to the <i>emone</i> (excepting, as regards this, the case of a child of very tender years), qualifying for drumming and dancing, devolution of
+chieftainship and nose-piercing, the person concerned, male or female, is under the same food restriction for a day prior
+to that of the ceremony, and as regards nose-piercing this taboo is prior to the actual piercing, and is quite distinct from
+the subsequent taboo already referred to. There does not appear to be any taboo connected with fishing, hunting or war.
+
+</p>
+<p>The observance of all these taboos is secured only by superstitious belief or public opinion, or both, there being no method
+of enforcing them by punishment or by any exercise of authority by the chiefs.
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e6332"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6332">290</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6083" href="#d0e6083src" class="noteref">1</a></span> I have been unable to find an account of any spiritual or partly spiritual being associated with the beliefs of Papuans or
+Melanesians who can be regarded as being similar to <i>Tsidibe</i>. Perhaps the nearest approach to him will be found in <i>Qat</i> of the Banks Islands, of whom much is told us by Dr. Codrington in <i>The Melanesians</i>, and who apparently is not regarded as having been of divine rank, but is rather a specially powerful, but perhaps semi-human,
+spiritual individual, who, though not having originally created mankind and the animal and vegetable world and the objects
+and forces of nature as a whole, has had, and it would seem still has, considerable creative and influencing powers over them
+all. But I could learn no detailed legends concerning <i>Tsidibe</i>; and the scanty information given to me concerning him differs from what we know of <i>Qat</i>.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6161" href="#d0e6161src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Dr. Stapf thinks it is probably a species of Podocarpus or Dacrydium.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6167" href="#d0e6167src" class="noteref">3</a></span> Dr. Seligmann refers (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 185) to a specimen of <i>Ficus rigo</i>, in which a taboo, having the power of making Koita folk sick, is believed to be immanent. I do not know whether or not the
+<i>gabi</i> tree is <i>Ficus rigo</i>, but, if it be so, there is an interesting similarity in this respect between these people and the Mafulu.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6188" href="#d0e6188src" class="noteref">4</a></span> A knotted wisp of grass is, I think, a common form of taboo sign in parts of New Guinea; and Dr. Seligmann refers (<i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, pp. 136 to 138) to its use by the Koita for the protection of cocoanuts and other trees and firewood, and as part of the
+protective sign for new gardens. The use of the wisp by the Mafulu people, as above described, is not a taboo used for the
+protection of an object from human interference, being intended to protect the travellers in some way from the spirit or spirits
+haunting the spot. But there is, I think, an underlying similarity of superstitious ideas involved by the two purposes for
+which the wisps are used.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6214" href="#d0e6214src" class="noteref">5</a></span> <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 281.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6248" href="#d0e6248src" class="noteref">6</a></span> <i>The Melanesians</i>, p. 203.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6253" href="#d0e6253src" class="noteref">7</a></span> Seligmann, <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p.85.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6259" href="#d0e6259src" class="noteref">8</a></span> I imagine a somewhat similar superstitious origin may be assumed as regards the idea of general purification (I of course
+do not refer to mere physical surface washing) by bathing: and Father Egedi says (<i>Anthropos</i>, Vol. V., p. 755) that the Kuni people, after a cannibal feast, had to confine themselves until the end of the moon which
+commenced before the feast to certain food, and that they then all bathed in running water and returned purified and free
+to eat any food.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6294" href="#d0e6294src" class="noteref">9</a></span> Apparently flying foxes are good omens in Tubetube (Southern Massim). See Seligmann&#8217;s <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 653.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6322" href="#d0e6322src" class="noteref">10</a></span> This is very different from the extensive food taboo restrictions which Father Egedi told me were placed upon the bachelors
+of Mekeo.
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e6333"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Note on the Kuni People</h2>
+<p>Father Egedi, who has studied the Kuni people, and has written a series of articles about them in numbers of <i>Anthropos</i>, told me that he regarded them as being a cross between the Papuan-speaking Mafulu and the Melanesian-speaking Papuo-Melanesians
+of Mekeo and the adjoining coast. Whether or not this is absolutely and strictly correct is a question upon which I will not
+venture to express an opinion.
+
+</p>
+<p>In general physique and appearance the Kuni are distinctly and strongly of the type of the Mafulu, whilst their language is
+Melanesian; and, as regards other matters, they in some respects resemble and in other respects differ from the Mafulu.
+
+</p>
+<p>As regards physique, Father Egedi distinguishes the Kuni from the natives of the adjoining coast by their slighter development,
+slender limbs and darker colour of skin, in which respects they resemble the Mafulu; but he regards them as being lower-statured
+than the tribes of the interior, which term includes the Mafulu,<a id="d0e6345src" href="#d0e6345" class="noteref">1</a><a id="d0e6350"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6350">291</a>]</span>with greater regularity of features, and of lighter colour, all of which tallies, I think, with my own observation of them.
+But the fact that they are shorter in stature than the Mafulu, who are themselves shorter than the coast natives, is perhaps
+a matter for surprise, if they are a cross between the two. I have not measured any Kuni heads; but I should be disposed from
+general observation to say that they are very similar to those of the Mafulu, being predominantly mesaticephalic, with tendencies
+to brachycephalism.<a id="d0e6352src" href="#d0e6352" class="noteref">2</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>Many of the Lapeka people, who are Kuni, but are on the borders of the Upper Mekeo district, seemed to me to have distinctly
+flattish faces, with remarkably delicately cut features&#8212;some of the women in particular being exceedingly pretty in profile&#8212;and
+very bright sparkling eyes. Where these local characteristics came from I cannot say, as it could hardly be the result of
+an intermixture of Mekeo blood.<a id="d0e6360src" href="#d0e6360" class="noteref">3</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>The oblique eye, which is occasionally found on the coast,<a id="d0e6365src" href="#d0e6365" class="noteref">4</a> but which I never saw in Mafulu, is, according to Father Egedi, present, though only rare, among the Kuni. His large amount
+of opportunity for observation, and his known care and ability in this respect, compel me to assume his accuracy; but I can
+say that I saw a good many of these eyes among them, and indeed once, having about twenty of these Kuni <a id="d0e6371"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6371">292</a>]</span>people squatting in front of me, I observed that about half of them had distinctly oblique eyes.
+
+</p>
+<p>Father Egedi speaks of their hair as being &#8220;generally black, rarely bright, and more rarely chestnut&#8221;; and as to this, I would
+refer to the fact that the predominating colour of hair among the Mafulu is dark or darkish brown, so that in this respect
+the Kuni apparently tend more to the black-haired coast type of native than do the Mafulu.
+
+</p>
+<p>Concerning matters other than physique and language, as I only passed through the Kuni district, and did not attempt serious
+ethnological investigation there, I can say but little beyond what I learn from Father Egedi&#8217;s articles and a few other sources;
+and the material thus available only deals with a few questions.
+
+</p>
+<p>It would appear from Father Egedi&#8217;s observations that the relationship between villages arising from the splitting up into
+two or more of an original family village is not so permanent as I believe it to be among the Mafulu. Dr. Seligmann says<a id="d0e6379src" href="#d0e6379" class="noteref">5</a> that among the Kuni Father Egedi &#8220;could find no trace of intermarrying groups, or groups of clans claiming common descent,&#8221;
+which statement applies to my investigations among the Mafulu. He further says<a id="d0e6384src" href="#d0e6384" class="noteref">6</a> that &#8220;The Dilava folk&#8221; (Dilava is a Kuni village) &#8220;marry into all the surrounding villages; and when a death occurs it is
+the head of the family of the deceased who says when mourning shall cease&#8221;&#8212;<a id="d0e6388"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6388">293</a>]</span>statements of which the former, and I believe the latter, could hardly be correctly made concerning the Mafulu. He also refers<a id="d0e6390src" href="#d0e6390" class="noteref">7</a> to Kuni war chiefs, an office which does not exist among the Mafulu, and apparently understands that the office of these
+war chiefs is non-hereditary, a statement which could not be made of any Mafulu chief; and he refers<a id="d0e6395src" href="#d0e6395" class="noteref">8</a> to a funeral ceremony which is quite unknown in Mafulu. But his statement<a id="d0e6398src" href="#d0e6398" class="noteref">9</a> that the <i>kufu</i> (club-house) system seems less developed than in Mekeo would apply very strongly to the Mafulu.
+
+</p>
+<p>The Kuni superstitious remedies for illnesses, as described by Father Egedi, are quite different from those of Mafulu, and
+their food restrictions, as enumerated by him, are in some respects substantially distinct from those of the Mafulu, though
+some of them are more or less similar.
+
+</p>
+<p>According to him Kuni women, though they may not enter the village <i>kufu</i> or club-house, are allowed upon its platform, which is not the case with the Mafulu <i>emone</i>; and eldest sons of Kuni influential people may not enter into the <i>kufu</i> until their parents have given a specific feast, which custom is apparently not identical with that of the Mafulu above described
+by me, and which applies to all sons of all members of the village, and not merely to those of influential people.
+
+</p>
+<p>The Kuni houses differ from those of the Mafulu, being more or less round or oval in apparent <a id="d0e6420"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6420">294</a>]</span>shape, even though the floor is rectangular. Also according to Father Egedi, Kuni <i>kufu</i> are of several various sorts, and some of them are constructed in specific ways, and have specific carved and painted decorations,
+some of which are imitative of animals and objects held in veneration; and these different types of club-house, which include
+one used only by elderly bachelors and widowers, have specific names&#8212;all of which is quite different from what is found in
+Mafulu. Among these club-houses Father Egedi includes one built at feast times higher up the ridge, outside the village, for
+guests&#8217; accommodation, which, though apparently somewhat similar in purpose to the guests&#8217; houses at a Mafulu feast, differs
+from them in form. Indeed, as regards building construction, the only point of strong similarity between the Kuni and the
+Mafulu which I can trace is the long fireplace extending from front to back of the building, which with the Kuni is apparently
+very like that of the Mafulu.
+
+</p>
+<p>Father Egedi&#8217;s statement as to Kuni cannibalism, that speaking generally it appears to be confined to the bodies of people
+killed in war or in private vendetta, and that, though other cases are recorded, they are regarded as a violation of a custom
+and are detested, might be equally well said of the Mafulu; though I did not actually hear of any known record there of the
+other cases mentioned. Again his statement that the actual killer must not share in the feast holds good with the Mafulu;
+but I believe that this idea exists elsewhere also.
+<a id="d0e6427"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6427">295</a>]</span></p>
+<p>Concerning the Kuni implements I can only refer to Dr. Seligmann&#8217;s statement,<a id="d0e6430src" href="#d0e6430" class="noteref">10</a> that they do not appear to use bows and shields&#8212;which, if correct, is a point of difference between them and the Mafulu&#8212;and
+to a few other things referred to by Father Egedi in his articles. From his descriptions I should imagine that the Kuni pig-bone
+implements and their bamboo cutting knives are similar, and that their wooden vegetable dishes are somewhat similar to those
+of the Mafulu. But the Kuni have cooking pots (which they get from the coast), and use forks and spoons and various other
+implements and utensils which are not found in Mafulu, and their mode of producing fire is quite different from the Mafulu
+mode.
+
+</p>
+<p>I recognise that the above comparative notes on Kuni culture are only of a very fragmentary character; but Father Egedi expresses
+the general opinion that, though the language of the Kuni people is Melanesian, their habits and customs &#8220;may be considered
+as making one with those of the Mafulu people.&#8221;
+
+</p>
+<p>On the whole question of Kuni relationship it can, I think, hardly be doubted that the Kuni have some characteristics which
+are clearly those of the Mafulu and other central mountain tribes, and others which are obviously those of the Papuo-Melanesians
+of the adjacent plains and the coast beyond; and the only question seems to be the nature and origin of the Kuni relationship
+to these two types of people. It may be, as suggested by Father Egedi, that they are actually a cross between these two mixed
+types; or, if <a id="d0e6439"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6439">296</a>]</span>the suggestion in my concluding chapter as to the possible presence in these Mafulu and other mountain people of Negrito blood
+be correct, it may be that the Kuni people are merely another result of the general Negrito-Papuo-Melanesian intercrossing,
+in which the Papuan and Melanesian elements have been more predominant than they have been with the Mafulu.
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e6441"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6441">297</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6345" href="#d0e6345src" class="noteref">1</a></span> Dr. Seligmann puts their average stature at 60.5 in. (<i>Lancet,</i> Feb. 17th, 1906, p. 427), which is less than the Mafulu average of 61.1 in. given by me above.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6352" href="#d0e6352src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Dr. Seligmann puts their average cephalic index calculated from fifteen measurements at 78 (<i>Geographical Journal</i>, Vol. XXVII., p. 234), which is below the Mafulu average cephalic index of 80 given by me above.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6360" href="#d0e6360src" class="noteref">3</a></span> Father Egedi thinks that the Lapeka people have some Pokau blood in them. Their language is a mixture of Kuni and Mekeo.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6365" href="#d0e6365src" class="noteref">4</a></span> Seligmann&#8217;s <i>Melanesians of British New Guinea</i>, p. 16.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6379" href="#d0e6379src" class="noteref">5</a></span> <i>Geographical Journal</i>, Vol. XXVI I., p. 235.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6384" href="#d0e6384src" class="noteref">6</a></span> <i>Ibid.</i></p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6390" href="#d0e6390src" class="noteref">7</a></span> <i>Geographical Journal</i>, Vol. XXVII., p. 235.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6395" href="#d0e6395src" class="noteref">8</a></span> P. 236.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6398" href="#d0e6398src" class="noteref">9</a></span> <i>Ibid.</i></p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6430" href="#d0e6430src" class="noteref">10</a></span> <i>Geographical Journal</i>, Vol. XXVII., p. 235.
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e6442"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Conclusion</h2>
+<p>What is the origin of these Mafulu people, with their short stature, small and somewhat rounded heads, slight but active build,
+sooty brown skin, and frizzly hair, predominantly brown in colour, and with their comparatively primitive ideas of organisation,
+and simple arts and crafts?
+
+</p>
+<p>The question is one of no mere local interest, as the answer to it will probably be the answer to a similar question concerning
+most, and perhaps all, of the other Papuan-speaking people of the mountainous interior of the Central District of British
+New Guinea, and may even be a key to the past early history of the entire island.
+
+</p>
+<p>It has, I think, been hitherto believed that all these mountain people had a mixed Papuan and Melanesian ancestry; but it
+was impossible to be among them, as I was, for some time without being impressed by the difference in appearance between them
+and the people of the adjacent coast and plains, and suspecting that, though they had Papuan and Melanesian blood in <a id="d0e6451"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6451">298</a>]</span>their veins, there was also some third element there. And the name which obtruded itself upon my mind, whilst in Mafulu, was
+Negrito.
+
+</p>
+<p>The dark skin and the comparatively rounded heads, and, I think, some shortness of stature are found elsewhere in British
+New Guinea; though shortness of stature and rounded heads are unusual, and, I believe, only local, and I do not know whether
+even the Papuan skin is ever quite so dark as that of the Mafulu people. But the almost universal shortness of stature, the
+comparatively slight, but strong and active, build and the brown colour of the hair seemed entirely different from anything
+that I had ever seen or read of as regards either the Papuans or the Melanesians; and all of these, coupled with the tendency
+to roundness of head, were consistent with a partial negrito ancestry.
+
+</p>
+<p>Then on my return to England I learnt that dwarf people had been found by the recent expedition into Dutch New Guinea organised
+by the British Ornithologists&#8217; Union. Dr. Haddon has expressed the opinion that these dwarf people and some dwarf people previously
+found by Dr. Rudolph Poch in German New Guinea are all negritoes, or negritoes crossed with Papuans.<a id="d0e6457src" href="#d0e6457" class="noteref">1</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>Dr. Keith, to whom I submitted all my notes upon the measurements and physique of the Mafulu people, and who measured and
+examined the three skulls which I brought home, wrote to me as follows:&#8212;
+
+</p>
+<p>&#8220;I have examined the observations you have made on the Mafulu. From your paper one can form, for <a id="d0e6466"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6466">299</a>]</span>the first time, a picture of the physical characters of this tribe; but, when I proceed to assign the tribe to its proper
+race, I am at once met by difficulties. In my opinion the short stature, the pigmented skin, and the small heads inclined
+to brachycephaly indicate a strong negrito element, which we know is widely distributed in the far east, and certainly, as
+we should expect, occurs in certain districts of New Guinea. In the three crania there were characters which one could assign
+to Papuan, as well as to a Melanesian stock.... A brown or reddish tinge is seen not infrequently in the hair of negritoes.
+You will see that I am inclined to look on the Mafulu as showing a very considerable degree of negrito blood, and to regard
+the more primitive tribes of New Guinea as being of this nature. If that were so, the Mafulu might be regarded as belonging
+to the older population of New Guinea, both Papuan and Melanesian having added something to their civilisation, as well as
+their physical characters.&#8221;
+
+</p>
+<p>Dr. Keith then is inclined to agree with my suggestion concerning the origin of the Mafulu; and Dr. Haddon, having seen my
+notes upon physique, said that he endorsed the views expressed by Dr. Keith. And if the view suggested be correct as regards
+the Mafulu or Fuyuge people, I am prepared to say that from what I have heard of the other mountain Papuan-speaking people
+of that part of New Guinea, including the Oru Lopiku (Kovio), Boboi and Ambo people, I am convinced that it must be correct
+as regards them <a id="d0e6470"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6470">300</a>]</span>also, though the relative predominance of the three strains may well vary with these different people.
+
+</p>
+<p>I am hardly qualified to enter into the discussion as to the relationship, if any, existing between the principal hitherto
+known dwarf races, the Pygmies of Central Africa, the Semang of the Malay Peninsula, the Andamanese and the Aetas of the Philippine
+Islands, or to deal with the question whether or not all or some of them are to be grouped together as forming a distinct
+and related type, or are to be regarded as unconnected in the sense that each of them is merely a local variation, sharing
+a common ancestry with some other taller negroid race.
+
+</p>
+<p>As, however, my suggestion of a partial negrito origin of the Mafulu people necessarily brings me into contact with this wider
+question, and the latter is still one upon which opinions differ, I may perhaps briefly tabulate some of the chief physical
+characters of the Andamanese, the Semang, the Aetas, the dwarf people recently found in Dutch New Guinea and the Mafulu. I
+think I may omit the African pygmies from my tables.
+
+
+</p>
+<p><i>Stature.</i>
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Andamanese
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">4&#8242; 10&frac12;&#8243;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">This is the figure given by Mr. Portman (<i>Journal of Anthropological Institute</i>, vol. 25, p. 366) and by Dr. Haddon (<i>Races of Man and their Distribution</i>, p. 9), and is very near the 4&#8242;10&frac34;&#8243; given by Mr. Man (<i>The Andaman Islanders</i>, p. 5), and adopted by Messrs. Skeat and Blagden (<i>Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula</i>, p. 573).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Semang
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">4&#8242; 10&frac34;&#8243;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Skeat and Blagden (<i>Pagan Races</i>, &amp;c., p. 573) and Haddon (Races of Man, &amp;c., p. 9).
+<a id="d0e6510"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6510">301</a>]</span>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Aetas
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">4&#8242; 10&#8243;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">This is Dr. Haddon&#8217;s figure (<i>Races of Man, &amp;c.</i>, p. 9), and it is within half an inch of the 4&#8242; l0&frac12;&#8243; given by Dr. Semper (<i>Journal of Anthropology</i> for October, 1870, p. 135). Dr. Meyer gives a number of varying measurements (see <i>Journal of Anthropological Institute,</i> vol. 25, p. 174), and Reed gives the average of 48 males, some of whom were not pure types, only 4&#8242; 9&#8221; (<i>Negritos of Zambales</i>, p. 32).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Dutch New Guinea dwarfs
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">4&#8242; 9&#8243;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Captain Rawling (<i>Geographical Journal</i>, vol. 38, p. 245).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Mafulu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">5&#8242; 1&#8243;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">It is merely suggested by me that they are <i>partly</i> negrito, which, if correct, would explain the somewhat higher stature.
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p><i>General Physique.</i>
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Andamanese
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Well proportioned, and with good muscular development (Man, <i>Journal of Anthropological Institute</i>, vol. 12, pp. 72 and 73).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Semang
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Sturdily built (Haddon, <i>Races of Man, &amp;c.</i>, p. 9).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Aetas
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Well formed and sprightly (Earle, <i>Papuans</i>, p. 123), and with limbs which, corresponding to their stature, are uncommonly slender, but well formed (Semper, <i>Journal of Anthropology</i> for October, 1870, p. 135). Well-built little men with broad chests, symmetrical limbs, and well-developed muscles (Reed,
+<i>Negritos of Zambales,</i> p. 34).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Dutch New Guinea dwarfs
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Of sturdy build (Rawling, <i>Geographical Journal</i>, vol. 38, p. 241).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Mafulu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Fairly strong and muscular, but rather slender and slight in development.</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p><i>Cephalic Index.</i>
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Andamanese
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">82
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">This is Dr. Haddon&#8217;s figure (<i>Races of Man, &amp;c.</i>, p. 9). Messrs. Skeat and Blagden say they are decidedly brachycephalic (<i>Pagan Races, &amp;c.</i>, p. 573).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Semang
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">78.9
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Dr. Haddon&#8217;s figure (<i>Races of Man, &amp;c.</i>, p. 9). Skeat and Blagden describe them as brachycephalic to mesatecephalic (<i>Pagan Races, &amp;c.</i>, p. 34).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Aetas
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">80
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Dr. Haddon&#8217;s figure (<i>Races of Man, &amp;c.</i>, p. 9). Skeat and Blagden describe them as decidedly brachycephalic (<i>Pagan Races, &amp;c.</i>, p. 573). Reed gives 82 as the average (<i>Negritos of Zambales</i>, p. 34).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Dutch New Guinea dwarfs
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">80.2
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">This figure is calculated by me from the actual length and breadth given by Captain Rawling (<i>Geographical Journal</i>, vol. 38, p. 245).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Mafulu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">80</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+<a id="d0e6664"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6664">302</a>]</span></p>
+<p><i>Nasal Index.</i>
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Andamanese
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">?
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Semang
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">101
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Calculated by me from average of actual measurements of 5 people given by Skeat and Blagden (<i>Pagan Races, &amp;c.</i>, p. 577).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Aetas
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">?
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Reed records highly varying indices, the bulk of which were hyperplatyrhine (87.9&#8211;108.8), and nearly all the others of which
+were ultraplatyrhine (109 and over) (<i>Negritos of Zambales</i>, pp. 34, 35).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Dutch New Guinea dwarfs
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">80.9
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Calculated by me from Captain Rawling&#8217;s actual figures.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Mafulu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">84.3</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p><i>Colour of Skin.</i>
+
+</p>
+<p>Descriptions of this are so general, and so much depends in each case upon the relative meanings attached by each writer to
+the terms used by him, that I prefer to depend as regards the Andamanese, Semang, and Aetas upon Dr. Haddon&#8217;s descriptions,
+which are doubtless based upon his comparison of those given in previous literature.
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Andamanese
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Very dark (<i>Races of Man, &amp;c.</i>, p. 9).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Semang
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Dark chocolate brown, approximating to black. (<i>Ibid.</i>).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Aetas
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Dark sooty brown (<i>Ibid.</i>).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Dutch New Guinea dwarfs
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Brown (Rawling, <i>Geographical Journal</i>, vol. 38, p. 245).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Mafulu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Dark sooty brown.</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p><i>Texture of Hair.</i>
+
+</p>
+<p>This is frizzly in all cases, as with other negroids, the word &#8220;woolly&#8221; often used being, I imagine, intended to imply frizzly.
+<a id="d0e6759"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6759">303</a>]</span></p>
+<p><i>Colour of Hair.</i>
+
+</p>
+<p>This being a point which seems to me to be rather interesting, I propose to quote various descriptions.
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Andamanese
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Varies from sooty black to dark brown, old gold, red and light brown; and, though these may be the colours of individual hairs,
+the general appearance is sooty black or yellowish-brown.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Portman (<i>History of our Relations with the Andamanese</i>, p. 30).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">    </td>
+<td valign="top">Varies between black, greyish-black and sooty, the last perhaps predominating.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Man (<i>The Andaman Islanders</i>, p. II).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">    </td>
+<td valign="top">Black, with a reddish tinge.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Haddon (<i>Races of Man, &amp;c.</i>, p. 9).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Semang
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Brownish-black, not a bluish-black like that of the Malays.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Skeat and Blagden (<i>Pagan Races, &amp;c.,</i> p. 46).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">    </td>
+<td valign="top">Brownish-black.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Haddon (<i>Races of Man, &amp;c.,</i> p. 9).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Aetas
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Brown-black, shining.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Semper (<i>Journal of Anthropology</i> for October, 1870, p. 135).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">    </td>
+<td valign="top">Rich dark brown.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Writer of article on Semper&#8217;s work (<i>Id</i>.).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">    </td>
+<td valign="top">Varying from a dark seal-brown to black.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Meyer (<i>Journal of Anthropological Institute</i>, vol. 25, p. 174).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">    </td>
+<td valign="top">Dirty black colour, in some instances <i>sun-burned at top to</i> a reddish-brown. [The italics are mine.]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Reed (<i>Negritos of Zambales</i>, p. 35).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">    </td>
+<td valign="top">Black, sometimes tinged with red.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Haddon (<i>Races of Man</i>, &amp;c., P. 9).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Dutch New Guinea dwarfs.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Black.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Rawling (<i>Geographical Journal</i>, vol. 38, p. 245).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">    </td>
+<td valign="top">The hair of some of the pygmies was decidedly <i>dark</i> brown.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Statement made to me by Mr. Walter Goodfellow.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">    </td>
+<td valign="top">Hair of 3 men (out of 24) distinctly not black, a sort of dirty rusty brown or rusty black colour; all others black-haired.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Extract supplied to me by Dr. Wollaston from his Diary.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Mafulu.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Generally dark brown, often quite dark, approaching to black, and sometimes perhaps quite black. But frequently lighter, and
+often not what we in Europe should call dark.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"></td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+<a id="d0e6904"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6904">304</a>]</span></p>
+<p>I think that the above tables indicate that, though there are differences, there are elements of similarity between (i) the
+Mafulu people, (2) the Dutch New Guinea dwarfs, and (3) one or more of the Andamanese, Semang and Aetas; but in my comparison
+of the Mafulu and the dwarfs of Dutch New Guinea with the other previously known dwarf races I would specially draw attention
+to their similarity in shortness of stature and (as regards most of the Mafulu and a few of the Dutch New Guinea people) colour
+of hair; and this impels me to venture to say a few words on the larger question.
+
+</p>
+<p>I have searched through much existing literature concerning the various hitherto discovered dwarf races of the world with
+reference to the question whether, even assuming that these people have an original primary ancestry from which the taller
+negroid races also are descended, they must be regarded as having become a related type, separate and distinct from the latter,
+as now existing, or whether they must all be treated as merely separate local variations, each of them having failed to develop,
+or retrograded, and in other respects become different in type from taller negroid races among or near to whom they are found.
+And I am struck by the fact that, though the natural tendency to local variation in stature, shape of head, colour and other
+matters is brought forward in support of the latter theory, no one seems, in connection with the general question, to have
+noted the fact that, whilst the hair colour of negroes, Papuans and Melanesians is black, the hair of all these various dwarf
+people <a id="d0e6909"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6909">305</a>]</span>seems to be predominantly brown, and that this variation explanation, if regarded as applying to these dwarf races separately
+and independently of one another, involves a remarkable coinciding double variation (in stature and predominant colour of
+hair) exhibited by all these dwarf people as compared with the taller negroids.
+
+</p>
+<p>On the other hand, if there has been an original separation of descendants of common primary ancestors of all the negroid
+races, which, through variation, has resulted in two main types, one predominantly full-sized and always black-haired, and
+the other always short and predominantly brown-haired, and the pygmies (negritoes and negrilloes) are to be regarded as being
+all descendants of the latter type, who have since for some reason become geographically separated, there would appear to
+be nothing remarkable in the double variation.
+
+</p>
+<p>But in that case we are, I take it, justified in regarding the dwarf races as being a separate type, to be distinguished from
+the taller races; and, if that be so, there appears to be substantial ground for thinking that the Dutch New Guinea dwarf
+people and the Mafulu people are in part descended from people of that type.
+
+</p>
+<p>I may also draw attention (for what they are worth as points of detail) to the facts already noted, that the Semang and Andamanese,
+who bury their ordinary folk under ground, adopt tree burial, and apparently, as regards the Semang, platform burial not on
+trees also, as a more honourable method of disposing of the bodies <a id="d0e6917"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6917">306</a>]</span>of important people and chiefs; and that as regards these matters the Mafulu custom is similar.
+
+</p>
+<p>Also the very simple ideas of the Mafulu, as compared with Papuans and Melanesians, in matters of social organization, implements,
+arts and crafts, religion and other things may well, I think, be associated with a primitive negrito origin.
+
+</p>
+<p>If the Mafulu people may be properly regarded as having a negrito ancestry, distinct in type from that of either the Papuans
+or the Melanesians, the negrito element would presumably be the earlier one, Papuan and Melanesian infusion having occurred
+subsequently. Indeed it may well be believed that the negrito element is derived from an original ancestry who were probably
+the earlier inhabitants of New Guinea.
+
+
+
+
+</p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e6457" href="#d0e6457src" class="noteref">1</a></span> <i>Nature</i>, 9 June, 1910, p. 434.
+</p>
+</div>
+</div>
+<div class="backmatter"><a id="d0e6924"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e6924">307</a>]</span><p class="div1"><a id="d0e6925"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>A Grammar of the Fuyuge Language</h2>
+<p>Translated and Edited by <span class="smallcaps">Sidney H. Ray</span>, M.A., from the Manuscript of the <span class="smallcaps">Rev. Father Egedi</span>, S.C.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Phonology.</h3>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>I. Alphabet.</h4>
+<p>Vowels: <i>a, e, i, o, u</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Consonants: <i>k, g; t, d; p, b, f, v; m, n; r, l; s; y</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>The vowels are pronounced as in Italian, the consonants as in English. The sound of the Italian <i>c</i> is also found, but is rare.
+
+</p>
+<p>It is sometimes difficult to distinguish between <i>o</i> and <i>u</i>. Ex. <i>ombo(le)</i> or <i>umbo(le)</i>, belly.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>G, b</i>, and <i>d</i>, are often preceded by a nasal, sometimes constant (and then marked in the vocabulary), sometimes variable according to the
+pronunciation of individuals. For the nasals <i>m</i> is employed before <i>p</i> and <i>b</i>, and <i>n</i> before other consonants.
+
+</p>
+<p>The <i>i</i> and <i>y</i> are very difficult to distinguish, especially when they follow one another. Ex. <i>iye</i> or <i>ye</i>, or <i>ie</i>, tree; <i>iangolo</i> or <i>yangolo</i>, ear. Father Egidi wrote <i>j</i> for <i>y</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>The <i>l</i> and <i>r</i> are very difficult to determine. Ex. <i>aliete</i> or <i>ariete</i>, to salute; <i>naul&#8217;i</i> and <i>naur&#8217;i</i>, my eye. In the vocabulary <i>l</i> is used generally.
+
+</p>
+<p>The <i>s</i> is often <i>ts</i>. Ex. tsivu and sivu; su(le) and tsu(le grass. Also in the future suffix <i>t</i> or <i>ts</i>. Ex. <i>nati</i> or <i>natsi</i>, I will eat.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>II. Elision.</h4>
+<p>A great number of Fuyuge words terminate in an open syllable of which the vowel is generally <i>e</i>. This <a id="d0e7070"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e7070">308</a>]</span>syllable is usually omitted at the end of a phrase, and nearly always when the following word commences with a consonant.
+But if the following word begins with a vowel the final <i>e</i> only falls away. Thus the complete form of a word is rarely used, except to avoid confusion, or for the sake of emphasis.
+The following are examples:
+
+</p>
+<p><i>ovo(le),</i> pig: <i>ovol&#8217; ovoge,</i> boar, <i>ovo momombe,</i> sow.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>ifa(ne),</i> beautiful: <i>ifa ta,</i> very fine, <i>ifan&#8217; aka,</i> less fine.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>da(le),</i> who? <i>nu da?</i> who art thou? <i>dal&#8217; aua?</i> who is this?
+
+</p>
+<p><i>i(nde),</i> to give: <i>ne i,</i> give me, <i>ne ind&#8217; u,</i> give it to me.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>-a(le)</i>, with: <i>andal&#8217; a?</i> with what? <i>indiv&#8217; al&#8217; ongai</i>, cut with the knife.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>a(le),</i> here: <i>a mo ma?</i> must I put it here? <i>al&#8217; itatsi,</i> he will sleep here.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>u(ne),</i> and: <i>kitoval&#8217; u kene,</i> black parroquet and white, <i>amb&#8217; un&#8217; ale,</i> banana and sugar cane.
+
+</p>
+<p>Note (1). The <i>b</i> in an elision sometimes changes to <i>p.</i> Ex. <i>obe,</i> bud, <i>op&#8217;indie,</i> to bud.
+
+</p>
+<p>(2). Sometimes two syllables are elided: Ex. <i>taume, tame,</i> from which comes <i>ovo ta,</i> a tame pig, and <i>ovo taum&#8217; ifa,</i> the tame pig is good.
+
+</p>
+<p>(3). Words which do not end in <i>e,</i> rarely elide a final vowel, and never the last syllable. Ex. <i>kuku,</i> tobacco, <i>kuk&#8217; oko nei,</i> give me a little tobacco; <i>na,</i> I, <i>nu,</i> thee, <i>ongo</i> at the foot of, <i>na n&#8217; ong&#8217; ando,</i> I am at thy feet; <i>umbubi, wash, umbub&#8217; u,</i> wash him.
+
+</p>
+<p>(4). Some verbs in <i>-ri</i> or <i>-li</i> however often omit this syllable. Ex. <i>ivo(ri)</i> to wipe, <i>na ga kodig&#8217; ivo,</i> I have wiped the plates; <i>tsimi(li),</i> to lick, <i>ama tsimi,</i> lick the salt; <i>itu(lili)</i> to split, <i>ol&#8217; itu,</i> split the wood.
+
+</p>
+<p>In the grammar and vocabulary the syllable which may be elided is enclosed in a bracket, and in compound words and phrases
+the elision is marked with an apostrophe, as in the preceding examples.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>III. Vowel Changes.</h4>
+<p>1. A final <i>o</i> sometimes changes to <i>u</i> if the word following begins with a vowel.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>oko,</i> some, a little, <i>kuk&#8217; oku ind&#8217; uno,</i> give him some tobacco to smoke.
+
+</p>
+<p>2. An initial <i>o,</i> on the other hand, sometimes changes to <i>u</i> when the preceding word begins with <i>a.</i>
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>ongo,</i> under; <i>na</i> ungo ando, remain at my feet.
+<a id="d0e7262"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e7262">309</a>]</span></p>
+<p>3. The final <i>a</i> of the word <i>na,</i> I, becomes <i>e</i> when it is followed by the verb <i>indi</i> in the imperative.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>ne i, ne inde,</i> give me, but <i>nuga na indi,</i> thou hast given me.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Nouns.</h3>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>I. Gender.</h4>
+<p>There is no modification or grammatical difference to mark gender.
+
+</p>
+<p>Sex is indicated by separate words in the case of human beings: <i>an(e)</i> man, <i>me(le)</i> boy, <i>ena(ne)</i> brother, <i>amu(le)</i> woman, <i>ame(le)</i> girl, <i>eta(de)</i> sister.
+
+</p>
+<p>For mammals the words <i>avoge,</i> male, or <i>momobe,</i> female, follow the noun: <i>ovol&#8217; avoge,</i> boar, <i>ovo&#8217; momobe,</i> sow.
+
+</p>
+<p>Dr. Strong notes that the sex of birds is sometimes denoted by the adjective <i>ifa(ne),</i> good, <i>i.e.,</i> &#8220;ornamented,&#8221; for the male bird, and <i>ifan&#8217; ul&#8217; amu,</i> the &#8220;wife of the ornamented&#8221; for the female: <i>uruv&#8217; ifa,</i> the male hornbill; <i>uruv&#8217; ifan ul&#8217; amu,</i> the female hornbill.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>II. Number.</h4>
+<p>Only nouns indicating persons have been found with plurals. These are formed by changing the final <i>e</i> to <i>i.</i> Sometimes the <i>e</i> is changed to <i>a;</i> this may indicate the dual.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>amu(le)</i> woman, plur. amuli and amula; <i>so(le),</i> young man, plur. <i>soli</i> and <i>sola; me(le),</i> child, plur. <i>meli</i> and <i>mela.</i>
+
+</p>
+<p>Note (1). The word <i>a(ne)</i> man, has a double plural in two different meanings: <i>ani,</i> the men; <i>ake(da)</i> the married men.
+
+</p>
+<p>(2). The shortened form of the word is often used in the plural. This naturally is the same as the singular.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>III. Case.</h4>
+<p>1. There is no modification of the noun to express case, but the equivalents of cases are shown by suffixes. The vocative
+alone often takes a final <i>a</i> as in the interrogative form.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>Tayova, a tsia!</i> Tayo, come here!
+
+</p>
+<p>The subject, direct object, and indirect object are however easily recognised by their position in the sentence. The subject
+comes first, followed by the direct object, then the indirect object if there be one, <a id="d0e7409"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e7409">310</a>]</span>with the verb at the end. If there are complements they immediately precede the word which governs them.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>naga kuku nu inde,</i> I tobacco to thee gave; <i>Baiv&#8217; u mega nembe u fod&#8217; al&#8217; ema,</i> Baiva&#8217;s child bird his bow-with killed; <i>nuni ake mu letsi gatsi,</i> thou men their village-to will-go.
+
+</p>
+<p>2. The genitive is expressed by means of the possessive adjective.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>ovo&#8217;u ma,</i> hair of the pig, lit. pig his hair.
+
+</p>
+<p>3. Persons belonging to a place sometimes omit the adjective.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>A Kotsi,</i> a man of Kotsi; <i>An&#8217;Alol&#8217;,</i> a man of Alole; <i>Alol&#8217; amu,</i> a woman of Alole; <i>Ambov&#8217;amu,</i> a woman of Ambove; <i>Tseluku ul&#8217; akeda,</i> men of Tseluku.
+
+</p>
+<p>4. Position in a place, or motion to or from a place is shown in the following ways. When the noun has a shortened for <i>-tsi</i> is suffixed. If there is no short form the final <i>e</i> of the noun is changed to <i>i</i> and <i>-tsi</i> is added.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>nani etsi ando,</i> I am in the house; <i>nuni bulitsi gatsi,</i> thou wilt go to the garden; <i>naga Mambutsi l&#8217;a tela,</i> I have come here from Mambo.
+
+</p>
+<p>Note (1). Some proper names of places do not take the suffix <i>-tsi.</i> Ex. <i>amul&#8217; Alol&#8217; itatsi,</i> the woman will sleep at Alole.
+
+</p>
+<p>(2). Other proper names, especially those of mountains and the villages built on them, take the suffix <i>-tu</i> (upon) instead of <i>-tsi.</i> Ex. <i>Falitu gatsi,</i> I will go to Faliba, lit. I will go upon Faliba.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>IV. Interrogative Nouns.</h4>
+<p>The noun in Fuyuge has a special form to indicate the interrogative. If the noun ends in <i>e,</i> this vowel is changed to <i>a.</i> If already ending in <i>a,</i> the <i>a</i> takes a strong accent. To any other vowel ending <i>a</i> is added.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>ovo(le)</i> pig: interrog. <i>ovola?</i> is it a pig?
+
+</p>
+<p><i>bulomakao,</i> cow, &amp;c.: interrog. <i>bulomakaoa?</i> is it a cow?
+
+</p>
+<p><i>kuku,</i> tobacco: interrog. <i>kukua?</i> is it tobacco?
+
+</p>
+<p><i>kupa,</i> sweet potato: interrog. <i>kupa?</i> is it a sweet potato?
+
+
+<a id="d0e7541"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e7541">311</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>V. Demonstrative Nouns.</h4>
+<p>These are similar to the Interrogative Nouns and are formed by the addition of the syllables <i>-aua, -ana,</i> or <i>-ala</i> instead of <i>a.</i> This form is both affirmative and interrogative.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>oyand&#8217; aua?</i> is it a flower? or, it is a flower.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>Tayov&#8217; aua,</i> it is Tayo; <i>kuku aua,</i> it is tobacco; <i>an&#8217; ala,</i> it is a man; <i>Ambov&#8217; ana,</i> it is Ambo.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Adjectives.</h3>
+<p>I. Adjectives have no Gender. In the expression of Case, Interrogative and Demonstrative forms they are the same as Nouns.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>a baibe, amu baibe,</i> man tall, woman tall; <i>uli baibitsi mau,</i> pot big-in put it, put it in the big pot; <i>ifana?</i> is it good? <i>ifan&#8217; ala,</i> it is good.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>II. Adjectives of Quality.</h4>
+<p>1. Number.
+
+</p>
+<p>Number is expressed as with nouns by changing <i>e</i> to <i>i.</i> Some adjectives in <i>-a</i> add <i>i.</i> There are no adjectives with the plural in <i>-a.</i> Some adjectives in <i>-a(ne)</i> have the plural <i>-ai.</i>
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>kakava(ne)</i> strong, plur. <i>kakavani; safa(le),</i> plur. <i>safa(li); isosonga,</i> idle, plur. <i>isosongai; aka(ne)</i> small, plur. <i>akai.</i>
+
+</p>
+<p>2. Agreement.
+
+</p>
+<p>The adjective always follows the noun which it qualifies, and takes the suffix of the noun.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>a sesada,</i> fence long; <i>emo gai,</i> house old; <i>kodige kisiakatsi,</i> plate little-in: <i>indiv&#8217; amoja(le)</i> knife blunt-with; <i>koua baibitu,</i> box big-on.
+
+</p>
+<p>Sometimes the pronoun <i>u(ne),</i> his, is placed between the noun and the adjective.
+
+</p>
+<p>The meaning of this is uncertain, but it appears to be more emphatic, as <i>e.g.</i> &#8220;the road which is good,&#8221; &#8220;the house which is bad.&#8221;
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex, <i>enamb&#8217; un&#8217; ifa,</i> the good road, <i>em&#8217; u koi,</i> the bad house.
+<a id="d0e7678"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e7678">312</a>]</span></p>
+<p>The adjective used as predicate immediately follows the noun, without a substantive verb.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>an&#8217; ala gududuba,</i> that man (is) stingy; <i>nuni sesada,</i> thou (art) tall; <i>amu safali,</i> the women (are) weak.
+
+</p>
+<p>Note.&#8212;When the subject is represented by a pronoun of the first or second person dual or plural, the predicate remains singular.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>dini kakava(ne)</i> we (are) strong; <i>yani kapape,</i> you two (are) weak; but, <i>muni isosongai,</i> they (are) idle.
+
+</p>
+<p>When the predicate expresses a negation the word expressing the quality is followed by the adverb <i>ua(ne)</i> not.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>sesad&#8217; ua, onov&#8217; aka,</i> it is not long, it is short.
+
+</p>
+<p>3. Comparison.
+
+</p>
+<p>There is no special form for comparisons. Two positive statements are made, or a superlative may be used.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. My house is larger than yours may be translated: <i>naul&#8217; e baibe, nul&#8217; a kisiaka,</i> my house is large, yours is small, or <i>nul&#8217;e baibe, naul&#8217;a baibe ta,</i> your house is large, mine is large much.
+
+</p>
+<p>Equality is expressed by the suffix <i>-umba</i> or <i>-yakala.</i>
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>naul&#8217; e, nul&#8217; em&#8217; umba,</i> my house is like your house; <i>nuni sesada, nauyekala,</i> you are tall like me.
+
+</p>
+<p>A superlative is expressed by the prefix <i>ande,</i> or the suffix <i>-ta.</i> But if the adjective in the superlative expresses a lessening of the quality then <i>-aka(ne)</i> is suffixed.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>baibe,</i> large, <i>ande baibe,</i> larger; <i>ifa,</i> fine, <i>ifata,</i> finer; but <i>ono(ve),</i> short, <i>onov&#8217;aka,</i> shorter.
+
+</p>
+<p>The prefix <i>ande</i> is used only with adjectives which express an idea of extension.
+
+</p>
+<p>When the adjective expresses an actual state rather than a passive, it is preceded by the sign of past tense, the particle
+<i>ga.</i>
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>ant g&#8217;ifa,</i> the breeches are (have become) good; <i>ena ga ko,</i> the road (is) bad.
+
+
+<a id="d0e7792"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e7792">313</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>III. Demonstrative Adjectives.</h4>
+<p>The demonstrative adjectives in Fuyuge are represented by the suffixes -<i>ana</i>, this, -<i>ala</i>, this, here, -<i>vala</i> that, there. The same expressions translate the French &#8220;le voici,&#8221; &#8220;le voil&agrave;.&#8221;
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>indiv&#8217;ana</i>, this knife; <i>eni&#8217;ala</i>, this house; <i>enavala</i>, that road.
+
+</p>
+<p>There is no article, but the expression <i>u mane</i> is used in reference to any thing which has been previously spoken about.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>enamb&#8217; ifa</i>, or <i>enamb&#8217; un&#8217; ifa</i>, it (is) a good road; but <i>enamb u man&#8217; ifa</i>, the road (which has been mentioned) is good.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>IV. Interrogative Adjectives.</h4>
+<p>For these. <i>See</i> <a href="#d0e7978">Pronouns</a>.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>V. Indefinite Adjectives.</h4>
+<p>The indefinite adjectives are <i>oko</i>, some, a little, part of; <i>tale(le)</i>, several, many; <i>korio</i>, several; <i>gegeto</i>, a few, several; <i>alu(ve)</i>, all; <i>urambe</i>, another; <i>none</i>, together, one with the other; <i>dovavemunge</i>? <i>domamai</i>? how many?
+
+</p>
+<p>Note.&#8212;When <i>oko</i> is followed by a word beginning with <i>i</i>, it becomes <i>oku</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>Kuku oko nei</i>, give me some tobacco; <i>nemb&#8217; oko ematsi</i>, they will spear the birds; <i>bodol&#8217; oko tsia</i>, take one of his hands; <i>indiv&#8217; oko ya</i>, take a knife; <i>kuk oko ua</i>, (there is) no tobacco; <i>indiv&#8217; oku i</i>, give him a knife; <i>ake talel&#8217; ando</i>, there are many men; <i>kupa korio inde</i>, give several potatoes; <i>me&#8217; gegeto indiatsi</i>, some children will come; <i>aked&#8217; aluvi etsi ando</i>, all the men are in the village; <i>nau mel&#8217; alu</i>, all my children; <i>indiv&#8217; urambe ya</i>, take another knife; <i>Pitsoke non&#8217; ade</i>, the Pitsoke strike one another; <i>oye non&#8217; ongete</i>, the dogs keep beside each other; <i>kokol&#8217; ul&#8217; ombo dovavemunge?</i> how many eggs? <i>nu sise domamai?</i> how many dog&#8217;s teeth?
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>VI. Possessive Adjectives.</h4>
+<p><i>See</i> <a href="#d0e8274">Possessive Pronouns</a>.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Numerals.</h3>
+<p>I. There are only two numerals: <i>fida (ne)</i>, one, and <i>gegeto</i>, two. <i>Gegeto</i> is also used for a small number, and <i>gegetom&#8217;inda</i>, is little used for three. For more <a id="d0e7965"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e7965">314</a>]</span>than three, <i>gegeto</i>, meaning &#8220;a few,&#8221; or <i>tale(le)</i>, &#8220;many&#8221; is used.
+
+</p>
+<p>II. There are no ordinals and the only distributive is <i>fida fida</i>, one by one.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"><a id="d0e7978"></a></p>
+<h3>Pronouns.</h3>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>I. Personal Pronouns. Simple.</h4>
+<p>Singular.
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">lst Person </td>
+<td valign="top"><i>na, nave, nani,</i>
+</td>
+<td valign="top">I, me</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">2nd Person </td>
+<td valign="top"><i>nu, nove, nuni,</i>
+</td>
+<td valign="top">thou, thee</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">3rd Person </td>
+<td valign="top"><i>u(ne), ove, uni,</i>
+</td>
+<td valign="top">he, she, it, him, her</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>Dual.
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">lst Person </td>
+<td valign="top"><i>da, dani,</i>
+</td>
+<td valign="top">we, or us two</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">2nd Person </td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ya, yani,</i>
+</td>
+<td valign="top">you two</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">3rd Person </td>
+<td valign="top"><i>tu, tuni,</i>
+</td>
+<td valign="top">they, or them two</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>Plural.
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">1st Person </td>
+<td valign="top"><i>di, dini,</i>
+</td>
+<td valign="top">we, us</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">2nd Person </td>
+<td valign="top"><i>yi yini,</i>
+</td>
+<td valign="top">you</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">3rd Person </td>
+<td valign="top"><i>mu, muni,</i>
+</td>
+<td valign="top">they, them</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>1. The first form <i>na, nu, u(ne)</i> etc., is used either as subject or object of the verb, the meaning being only indicated by the position of the word.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>na kuku nu inditsi,</i> I will give thee tobacco; <i>na un&#8217; adatsi,</i> I will strike him; <i>ya di ong&#8217; ando,</i> you two are beside us.
+
+</p>
+<p>When used before the imperative of the verb <i>indi,</i> to give, <i>na</i> becomes <i>ne.</i>
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>ne i, ne inde,</i> give me.
+
+</p>
+<p><span class="corr" title="Source: ">2. </span>The forms <i>nave</i> and <i>ove</i> are rarely used. The commonest use is with the words <i>ete,</i> to say, <i>ende,</i> also.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>nav&#8217; elete,</i> I said; <i>ov&#8217; elete,</i> he said; <i>nav&#8217; ende, nov&#8217; ende, ov&#8217; ende,</i> I also, thou also, he also.
+
+</p>
+<p>3. The forms <i>nani, nuni,</i> etc., are employed when the verb is understood, or to indicate opposition or emphasis.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>da gatsi? dini;</i> who will go? we (will); <i>nuni kakape ta, nani kakava,</i> you are weak, but I am strong; <i>nani a baibe,</i> I am a great man.
+
+</p>
+<p>4. The dual is generally observed by the natives. Adjectives used with the dual pronoun take the singular form.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>dani sosonga,</i> we (are) idle,
+<a id="d0e8159"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e8159">315</a>]</span></p>
+<p>5. The dual is often employed with two subjects one of which is plural.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>Kakao tu, tsimani u g&#8217;anga</i>, Kakao they two, with the policemen, have started.
+
+</p>
+<p>When <i>dani</i> is used alone it is generally inclusive of the person addressed, and means &#8220;I and thou.&#8221; If the third person is intended
+the name is used: <i>dani Okomi&#8217; u da gatsi</i>, we two Okomi with we will go. <i>Yani</i> is used in a similar way, when one of the persons referred to is not present: <i>ya, Dun&#8217;u yani natsi</i>, you two Dune with you will go. The use of the conjunction <i>u(ne)</i> with the second member of the subject does not appear to be constant.
+
+</p>
+<p>6. The pronoun of the third person singular <i>u(ne)</i> when it is the direct object of the verb usually follows, and often takes the form -<i>unde</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>kodigitsi mau</i>, put it in the dish; <i>nag&#8217; al&#8217; unde</i>, I have seen him.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>II. Personal Pronouns. Compound.</h4>
+<p>From the pronouns <i>na, nu</i>, etc., are derived by means of the suffix -<i>muku</i>, alone, the forms <i>namuku, numuku</i>, etc., with the meanings, &#8220;I alone, without company,&#8221; etc.
+
+</p>
+<p>The suffix -<i>mule</i>, is equivalent to self, <i>namule, numule</i>, etc., myself, thyself, etc.
+
+</p>
+<p>From <i>nani, nuni</i>, etc., come the forms: <i>naniende</i>, or <i>nanienge</i>, etc., meaning myself in person, etc.; <i>nanieke, nunieke</i>, etc., from -<i>eke</i>, alone; <i>naniova</i>, etc., it is my business, <i>nanibila</i>, I by myself, without help. <i>Nani endebila</i> is more emphatic than <i>nanibila</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>numuku andola</i>? art thou quite alone? <i>da gatsi? uniende</i>; who will go? he himself; <i>nu da? nanienge</i>; who art thou? it is myself; <i>amed&#8217; unieke ando</i>, the chief is alone; <i>ake muniova</i>, it is the men&#8217;s business; <i>dinieke al&#8217; andetsi</i>, we will stay here alone; <i>isong&#8217; unibila</i>, his own rainbow appears.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"><a id="d0e8274"></a></p>
+<h4>III. Possessive Pronouns.</h4>
+<p>1. These are formed from the simple forms of the personal pronouns by suffixing -<i>ula(ne)</i> literally &#8220;his thing.&#8221;
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Singular.</td>
+<td valign="top">Dual.</td>
+<td valign="top">Plural.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">1. <i>naula(ne)</i></td>
+<td valign="top">1. <i>daula(ne)</i></td>
+<td valign="top">1. <i>diula(ne)</i></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">2. <i>nula(ne)</i></td>
+<td valign="top">2. <i>yaula(ne)</i></td>
+<td valign="top">2. <i>yula(ne)</i></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">3. <i>ula(ne)</i></td>
+<td valign="top">3. <i>tula(le)</i></td>
+<td valign="top">3. <i>mula(ne)</i></td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+<a id="d0e8330"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e8330">316</a>]</span></p>
+<p>They translate the English mine, thine, etc. Sometimes in compounds the final <i>n</i> becomes <i>nd</i>. Ex. <i>nauland&#8217; aua</i>, here is mine.
+
+</p>
+<p>2. The adjectival forms appear without the syllable <i>la</i>.
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Singular.</td>
+<td valign="top">Dual.</td>
+<td valign="top">Plural.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">1. <i>nau</i>(<i>le</i>)
+</td>
+<td valign="top">1. <i>dau</i>(<i>le</i>)
+</td>
+<td valign="top">1. <i>diu</i>(<i>le</i>)
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">2. <i>nu</i>(<i>le</i>)
+</td>
+<td valign="top">2. <i>yau</i>(<i>le</i>)
+</td>
+<td valign="top">2. <i>yu</i>(<i>le</i>)
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">3. <i>u</i>(<i>le</i>)
+</td>
+<td valign="top">3. <i>tu</i>(<i>le</i>)
+</td>
+<td valign="top">3. <i>mu</i>(<i>le</i>)
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>These adjectives precede the noun which they govern. With personal nouns the forms <i>naula</i>, etc., are sometimes used.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>nau me</i> and <i>naula me</i>, my son; <i>diu vase</i> and <i>diula vase</i>, our guest.
+
+</p>
+<p>Note.&#8212;The form <i>nulu</i> is heard in the phrase <i>nulu babe</i>, thy father.
+
+</p>
+<p>The suffix <i>mule</i> is also used in the sense of &#8220;own.&#8221;
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>numul&#8217; ul&#8217; i to, n&#8217; alo</i>, your own name, which I know; <i>namul&#8217; ul i</i>, my own name. These suggest that the true possessive is simply <i>ul</i>(<i>e</i>) or <i>ula</i>(<i>ne</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>IV. Interrogative Pronouns.</h4>
+<p>1. These are: <i>Da</i>(<i>le</i>)? <i>dau</i>(<i>ne</i>)? who, which? <i>anda</i>(<i>le</i>)? what? <i>unau</i>? which? They are used also as adjectives.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>Nu da</i>? who art thou? <i>dau ga ne</i>? who has eaten it? <i>anda l&#8217; elete</i>? what did he say? <i>Ivi: unau</i>? Ivi: which one?
+
+</p>
+<p>2. When the verb is preceded by the particle <i>ga</i>, <i>dau</i>(<i>ne</i>) must be used instead of <i>da</i>(<i>le</i>).
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>V. Indefinite Pronouns.</h4>
+<p>These are the same as the Indefinite Adjectives.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>VI. Relative Pronouns.</h4>
+<p>The suffix <i>niu</i>(<i>ne</i>) or <i>u</i>(<i>ne</i>) takes the place of a relative pronoun.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>A yaigegemune</i>, the man who descends; <i>audati itedemu bulitsi jalo tolom elota</i>, in the garden which they are cutting now when the food is ripe; <i>ovo jamun&#8217; imbade</i>, the meat taken from the pig; <i>fal&#8217; itamun&#8217; akeda</i>, the men who have dug the ground.
+
+
+<a id="d0e8576"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e8576">317</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Verbs.</h3>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>I. Conjugation.</h4>
+<p>The Fuyuge verb is conjugated by modifications of the terminal syllables, or by a particle added to the subject.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>II. The Particle, Ga.</h4>
+<p>The particle <i>ga</i> (often <i>g&#8217;</i> before a vowel) is generally used with the past tense, and is rarely absent in the positive form of the verb. But it may
+be used also with the present and future. With the present it seems to indicate reference to a preceding action in the sense
+of &#8220;being on the point of,&#8221; &#8220;ready to.&#8221; With the future it has almost the sense of &#8220;go.&#8221;
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>Ake ga nembe na,</i> the men have eaten the bird; <i>amu g&#8217;anga</i> the women are gone; <i>naga bulitsi gatsi,</i> I am going to go away to the garden; <i>naga sue,</i> I am going away.
+
+</p>
+<p>Note (1). <i>Ga</i> always immediately follows the subject, except with the past of the verb <i>ange(ge),</i> to go, which always has <i>g&#8217;anga.</i>
+
+</p>
+<p>(2). When the subject is not a pronoun, the pronoun of the 3rd pers. sing. is often expressed.
+
+</p>
+<p>(3). <i>Ga</i> never appears to be used in a negative expression.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>Naga ipitsial&#8217; uruv&#8217; ema,</i> I have killed with the gun a toucan; <i>mel ul&#8217; etsi g&#8217;anga,</i> the child to his village has gone; <i>Okom&#8217; ug&#8217; nemb&#8217; ema,</i> Okome has killed a bird; <i>ake kupa me na,</i> the men have not eaten the potatoes.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>III. Person and Number.</h4>
+<p>These are not expressed by the verb in Fuyuge.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>IV. Tense and Mode.</h4>
+<p>1. There are three principal tenses, present, past and future. The present is found in the indicative and imperative modes,
+the past in the indicative only, and the future in the indicative and subjunctive. Besides these, there is a method of expressing
+the infinitive, a passive participle, and two forms of verbal adjectives.
+<a id="d0e8652"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e8652">318</a>]</span></p>
+<p>2. <i>Paradigm of tenses and modes.</i>
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ememe</i>, pierce
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>umbubi</i>, wash
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>isiei</i>, follow
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Indicative present</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ememe</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>umbubi</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>isiei</i></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Indicative past (1)</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ema(me)</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>umbubi(ne)</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>isia</i></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Indicative past (2)</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>emo(ne)</i></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Indicative future</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ematsi(me)</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>umbubitsi(me)</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>isiatsi</i></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Imperative (1)</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ema</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>umbubi</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>isia</i></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Imperative (2)</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>emau</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>umbubu</i></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Subjunctive (1)</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>emo(le)</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>umbubi(ne)</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>isio(me)</i></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Subjunctive (2)</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>emo(me)</i></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Infinitive</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ema(me)</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>umbubi(me)</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>isie(me)</i></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Past participle</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>emam(ane)</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>umbubim(ane)</i></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Verbal adjective (1)</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>emabul(ane)</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>umbubibul(ane)</i></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Verbal adjective (2)</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ememond(ana)</i></td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>If the Imperative be regarded as the stem, there appear to be three Conjugations, but Dr. Strong gives four based on past
+tense, thus: i. Verbs with monosyllabic roots, 2. Verbs with roots in <i>a</i>, 3. Verbs with roots in <i>i</i>, 4. Verbs with roots in <i>e</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>His examples are:&#8212;
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"></td>
+<td valign="top">1.</td>
+<td valign="top">2.</td>
+<td valign="top">3.</td>
+<td valign="top">4.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>nen</i>, eat
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>itede</i>, cut
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ongai</i>, break
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>bole</i>, leave
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Present</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>nene</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>itede</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ongai</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>bolo</i></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Past</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>na</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ita</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ongai</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>bole</i></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Future</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>natsi</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>itatsi</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ongaitsi</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>bolatsi</i></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Imperative</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>nu</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ito</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ongai</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>bo(le)</i></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Subjunctive</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>no</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ito</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ongai</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>bolo</i></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Infinitive</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>namubabe</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>itamubabe</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ongaimubabe</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>bolamane</i></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Past participle</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>namane</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>itaname</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ongaimane</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>bolamane</i></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Adjectival</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>nab&#8217;ula(ne)</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>itedondona</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ongaibula(ne)</i></td>
+<td valign="top"><i>bolabula(ne)</i></td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>3. <i>Notes on the foregoing paradigms.</i>
+
+</p>
+<p><i>a.</i> Indicative present.
+
+</p>
+<p>Most verbs double the last syllable of the stem, which in the first conjugation always ends in <i>e</i>. There are, however, some exceptions, especially among verbs in <i>i</i>, and those which have a verbal suffix. The syllable <i>-te</i> when doubled is always <i>-tede</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>Nag alili</i>, I see; <i>nani e gadi</i>, I build (tie up) the house; <i>nani okid&#8217; atede</i>, I light the fire.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>b.</i> Indicative past.
+
+</p>
+<p>The difference between the two forms, both of which are preceded by the particle <i>ga</i>, is not yet clearly made out. The ending <i>e</i> seems to refer to the time when the action finished, whilst <i>-a</i> has a more general signification.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>Naga ne</i>, I have eaten, <i>naga kupa na</i>, I ate the potatoes. There is another form which replaces the final syllable of the present tense by <i>-ua</i>. Verbs in <i>-i</i> add <i>-ua</i> to the final syllable. But it is uncertain whether this expresses the near past, or includes an idea of movement.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>na bul&#8217; elelua</i>, I have just worked in the garden; <i>nu a gadi ua</i>, you have just tied up the fence.
+<a id="d0e9030"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e9030">319</a>]</span></p>
+<p><i>c</i>. Indicative future.
+
+</p>
+<p>If the syllables preceding the suffix <i>-tsi</i> also contain <i>-tsi-ti</i>. In monosyllabic verbs especially, a second form of the future is often found, which retains the doubling of the present
+tense.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>etsiati</i>, will come; <i>nenetsi</i>, will eat; <i>yeyetsi</i>, will take. For <i>ga</i> with the future, see below.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>d</i>. Imperative.
+
+</p>
+<p>The first form of the imperative has less force than the second. In the first conjugation the second form always terminates
+in <i>-au</i>, even when the first form is irregular. The last syllable of the imperative is often lost, especially when the ending is
+<i>-li</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>aitodede</i>, runs, imperat. <i>aitode</i> and <i>aitodau</i>; <i>itulili</i>, ward off, imperat. <i>itu</i>; <i>bole</i>, leaves, imperat. <i>bole</i>, <i>bo</i>, and <i>bolau</i>; <i>ameme</i>, puts, imperat. <i>a</i> and <i>ama</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>The imperative is only used for the second person. In the first and third (sometimes even in the second) it is replaced by
+the subjunctive.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>di ango</i>, let us go; <i>to n&#8217;alo</i>, speak, that I may know; <i>go di go</i>, go that we may go.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>e</i>. Subjunctive.
+
+</p>
+<p>The two forms of the subjunctive are distinguished only in composition, and have not yet been clearly understood. The last
+syllable besides is rarely heard except in questions, and refers then to the interrogative form. The subjunctive without a
+conjunction is used in simple phrases consisting only of subject and object.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>kuku gadi, di no</i>, roll the tobacco (make cigarette), that we may smoke (eat).
+
+</p>
+<p><i>f</i>. Infinitive.
+
+</p>
+<p>The forms given as infinitive are uncertain. They may be verbal nouns. They are used in phrases such as: <i>nam&#8217; u babe</i>, father of eating, for &#8217;a great eater&#8217;: <i>tsimilim&#8217; u babe</i>, father of licking, cf. <i>andaval&#8217; u babe</i>, father of crying, one who causes crying.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>g</i>. Past Participle.
+
+</p>
+<p>This does not easily lose the final syllable when it ends a sentence. In other cases, when it is followed by the word it qualifies
+it loses <i>-ane</i>, if the qualified word begins with a vowel, and <i>-ne</i> in other cases.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>iy&#8217; ongaimane</i>, the cut tree, <i>indiv&#8217; ongaima ya</i>, or <i>ongaim&#8217; indi&#8217; ya</i>, take the broken knife, <i>g&#8217;usangaman&#8217; ul&#8217; ande</i>, the thing of death.
+
+</p>
+<p>The past participle of some verbs has not yet been ascertained.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>h</i>. Verbal Adjectives.
+
+</p>
+<p>The exact difference between the two forms is not accurately ascertained. The first seems to indicate an instrument, and is
+<a id="d0e9180"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e9180">320</a>]</span>equivalent to the phrase &#8220;used for,&#8221; the second appears to indicate habitual rather than momentary use. When qualifying persons
+<i>-onde</i> is used for <i>-ondana</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>indi kupa fifitabula</i>, knife for scraping potatoes; <i>ai safatsilibula</i>, a yam which has rotted; <i>kulule iy&#8217; adedondona</i>, a hammer for striking wood; <i>nuni oyatonde</i>, you are only joking; <i>nani falawa me nonde</i>, I don&#8217;t eat bread.
+
+</p>
+<p>In composition <i>-ande</i>, or at least <i>-nde</i>, is lost when the word qualified follows.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>ai filibulanda</i>, a yam for planting, <i>filibula&#8217; ai ne i</i>, give me the yam for planting; <i>ambe nenondana</i>, the eatable banana, <i>nenond&#8217; ambe ya</i>, take the eatable banana.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>V. Negation.</h4>
+<p>The negative of the verb is formed by the particle <i>me</i> or <i>mi</i> preceding. In the imperative it also precedes, but when emphasis is laid upon the negation <i>mi</i> follows. The difference between <i>me</i> and <i>mi</i> is not clear, but <i>me</i> appears to be used only before verbs beginning with a consonant, and <i>mi</i> with other verbs.
+
+</p>
+<p>A negative participle or infinitive does not appear. For the verbal adjective the suffix <i>-ua(ne)</i> is used.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>Na mi alele</i>, I do not understand; <i>nani matsine mi engatsi</i>, I will not put on the (shell) bracelet; <i>mi unde</i>, do not fear; <i>kolose mi</i>, do not play; <i>me ya</i>, do not take; <i>nenond&#8217; an&#8217; ua</i>, what is not eaten.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>VI. Interrogative.</h4>
+<p>The interrogative is only employed with reference to the verb itself, not to the complements. It changes with the conjugation
+and varies for present, past and future tense.
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Present.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Past 1.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Past 2.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Future 1.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Future 2.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><i>ememoma?</i>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>emama?</i>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>emena?</i>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>emol&agrave;?</i>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>em&oacute;m&agrave;?</i>
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><i>umbubima?</i>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>umbibia?</i>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>umbubina?</i>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>umbubila?</i>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>umbubima?</i></td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>The present in the first conjugation keeps the reduplication of the stem, and changes the final <i>e</i> to <i>-oma</i>. The second conjugation simply adds <i>-ma</i>. The interrogative in the past simply changes the <i>e</i> of <a id="d0e9351"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e9351">321</a>]</span>the positive indicative to <i>a</i> in both forms. The future is formed in the same way from the subjunctive with a stress upon the final <i>a</i> in the first conjugation.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>Nuga malele yera?</i> have you taken the book? <i>uga nemb&#8217; emama?</i> has he killed the bird? <i>nu aiti gol&agrave;?</i> would you start to-morrow? <i>kupa g&#8217;ilama?</i> are the potatoes cooked?
+
+</p>
+<p>Note (1). The future interrogative replies to the question, &#8220;Can I...&#8221;? or &#8220;Should I...&#8221;?
+
+</p>
+<p>(2). The interrogative of the near past (<i>cf.p.</i> 318, 3, <i>b</i>) is formed by substituting <i>-una</i> for <i>-ua</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>nug&#8217; em&#8217; aliluna?</i> Have you just come to see the village?
+
+</p>
+<p>(3). The form of the second future as <i>umbibia</i> is rarely heard, except with the verb <i>alili</i>, see, from which comes <i>&#8217;Aria?</i> see?
+
+</p>
+<p>(4). The negative interrogative is formed like the simple negative by <i>me</i> or <i>mi</i> preceding the verb.
+
+</p>
+<p>The questions &#8220;What should I do?&#8221; &#8220;What should I say,&#8221; How should I begin it?&#8221; are translated by the expression <i>do(le)... maiti</i>, from <i>do(le)?</i> where?
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>dotamaiti?</i> how should I say? <i>dol&#8217; imaiti?</i> what should I do? <i>do yela maiti?</i> how shall I call?
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>VII. Substantive Verb.</h4>
+<p>1. In the present tense there is no substantive verb. The predicate and subject are combined as in the examples already given
+(cf. p. 312, 2). But when the present indicates a state in opposition to one preceding it, <i>ga</i> is used before the adjective, or if in opposition to a future state, the verb <i>ando</i> follows.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>Kuku ga ko</i>, the tobacco is bad; <i>balava ga ua</i>, the bread is finished; <i>indi ga kouatu</i>, the knife is on the box; <i>ambe g&#8217;ifa</i>, the banana is good; <i>ambe gos&#8217; ando</i>, the banana is (still) green (not ripe).
+
+</p>
+<p>The past is more difficult to express. It always requires an adverb of time.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>Mele maleke ifa, audati ga ko</i>, the child formerly was good, now he is bad.
+
+</p>
+<p>3. For other tenses the verb is translated only by the auxiliaries <i>-elele</i> and <i>-angege</i>, for which cf. p. 322, 7.
+<a id="d0e9475"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e9475">322</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>VIII. Auxiliary Verbs.</h4>
+<p>1. The particle <i>ga</i> may be used to make any expression whatever attributive.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>Yu g&#8217;ua</i>, the water is finished (<i>i.e</i>., is not); <i>malele ga kouatsi</i>, the book is in the box.
+
+</p>
+<p>In such examples there is almost the sense of a past action, as if it were &#8220;The water (has become) nothing,&#8221; &#8220;the book has
+been put (is already in) the box.&#8221;
+
+</p>
+<p>2. The verbs <i>ete, tede</i>, to say, or to do, and <i>elele</i>, to become, are often used to form a noun stem into a verb. <i>Ete</i> and <i>tede</i> give the sense of <i>sounding</i>, <i>elele</i> gives the sense of <i>using</i> whatever the noun expresses.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>fioli</i>, flute, <i>fioliete</i>, to play the flute.<br>
+<i>yuve</i>, water, <i>yuv&#8217; elele</i>, to bathe.<br>
+<i>ule</i>, thunder, <i>ulonete</i>, to thunder.<br>
+<i>ivule</i>, dye, <i>ivul&#8217; elele</i>, to paint one&#8217;s self.<br>
+<i>andavale</i>, crying, <i>andav&#8217; ete</i>, to weep.<br>
+<i>bule</i>, earth, <i>bul&#8217; elele</i>, to cultivate.
+
+</p>
+<p>3. The Tenses, etc., of these verbs are found as follows:
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">              </td>
+<td valign="top">1            </td>
+<td valign="top">2             </td>
+<td valign="top">              </td>
+<td valign="top">1                 </td>
+<td valign="top">2</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Pres. indic.  </td>
+<td valign="top">ete or tede. </td>
+<td valign="top">elele.        </td>
+<td valign="top">Imperative.   </td>
+<td valign="top">ta.               </td>
+<td valign="top">elau, ele, e.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Past indic. </td>
+<td valign="top">te(ne).      </td>
+<td valign="top">elame.      </td>
+<td valign="top">Subjunctive.  </td>
+<td valign="top">to(me), to(le).   </td>
+<td valign="top">elo(me), elo(le).</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Past indic.  </td>
+<td valign="top">ta(me).      </td>
+<td valign="top">elene.        </td>
+<td valign="top">Infinitive.   </td>
+<td valign="top">ta(me).           </td>
+<td valign="top">ela(me).</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Future indic. </td>
+<td valign="top">tatsi(me).   </td>
+<td valign="top">elatsi(me). </td>
+<td valign="top">Verbal adj.   </td>
+<td valign="top">tond(ana).        </td>
+<td valign="top">?</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>4. The negative is formed regularly by <i>mi</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>nani yu mi elatsi</i>, I shall not bathe; <i>degu mi e</i>, don&#8217;t get dirty.
+
+</p>
+<p>5. The interrogative is regular.
+
+</p>
+<p>Pres. or past, <i>tena?</i> or <i>tama? elena?</i> or <i>elama?</i> Fut. <i>toma?</i> and <i>tola? eloma?</i> and <i>elola?</i>
+
+</p>
+<p>6. The auxiliaries <i>ete, tede, elele</i>, should be distinguished from the regular verb, <i>tede</i> or <i>ta</i>, to make. The latter is a distinct verb used when the result of the action is to produce a new thing.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>Sambari tatsi</i>, will make a wall; <i>ombo tatsi</i>, will make a sieve.
+
+</p>
+<p>7. The verbs <i>elele</i> and <i>angege</i>, both meaning &#8220;to become,&#8221; may be regarded as auxiliary verbs when they are used with adjectives, often taking the place
+of a substantive verb. In this use <i>elele</i> is never, and <a id="d0e9711"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e9711">323</a>]</span><i>angege</i> very rarely used in the past tense, the particle <i>ga</i> taking their place.
+
+</p>
+<p>Both are regular except in the imperative, which has respectively <i>ela</i> and <i>elau</i>, <i>ange</i> and <i>angau</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>Ifan&#8217; eloma?</i> will he become handsome? <i>ifa mi elatsi?</i> he will not be handsome? <i>indi g&#8217; ifa</i>, the knife is good; <i>yuv&#8217; uan angatsi</i>, the water will cease (become nothing); <i>mel g&#8217; us&#8217; anga</i>, or <i>me g&#8217; use</i>, the child is dead.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>IX. Verbal Suffixes.</h4>
+<p>1. The suffix <i>-i</i>, added to a noun stem, forms generally a neuter verb.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>abe</i>, work, <i>abi</i>, to work; <i>iso</i>(<i>ne</i>), smoke, <i>isoni</i>, to give forth smoke; <i>kese</i>, a clean vegetable, <i>kesi</i>, to clean vegetables.
+
+</p>
+<p>2. The suffix <i>-tede</i>, added to a noun stem, forms usually an active verb.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>foye</i>, ashes, <i>foitede</i>, to cook in ashes; <i>gurube</i>, neck, <i>gurutede</i>, to hang at the neck.
+
+</p>
+<p>3. The suffix of manner defining the verb, is formed by adding the adjective with the final syllable changed to <i>-i</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Note (1). The suffix of manner is always added to the infinitive form of the preceding verb.
+
+</p>
+<p>(2). In the negative these compound verbs are considered a single word.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>te</i>, say, <i>ifane</i>, good, <i>tam&#8217; ifani</i>, to say well. <i>i</i>, do, <i>koye</i>, bad, <i>i&#8217;koi</i>, to do badly. <i>ilele</i>, cook, <i>akane</i>, small, <i>ilam&#8217;akani</i>, to half-cook.
+
+</p>
+<p>4. The suffix <i>-matede</i> appears to have a causative signification.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>ga koda</i> (perhaps the past of <i>kodede</i>,) pierced, <i>komatede</i>, to pierce (of a man); <i>ga siuda</i>, extinguished, <i>siumatede</i>, to extinguish.
+
+</p>
+<p>Note. This suffix appears in some examples as a separate verb in the same sense.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>yuv&#8217; olola mata</i>, warm up the water; <i>indi koi matatsi</i>, the knife will become bad.
+
+</p>
+<p>The negative is not known.
+
+</p>
+<p>5. The suffixes <i>-meme</i> and <i>-ngo</i> are added to neuter <a id="d0e9882"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e9882">324</a>]</span>verbs. The first has an active meaning, the second is passive.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>yu</i>, to be upright, <i>yuma</i>, to put upright, <i>yungo</i>, to be upright. <i>yari</i>(?), <i>yarima</i>, to hang, <i>yaringo</i>, to be hanging.
+
+</p>
+<p>Note (1). <i>Meme</i> is regularly conjugated; <i>-ngo</i> is imperfectly known.
+
+</p>
+<p>(2). Negative forms are <i>me yumatsi</i>, will not place upright, <i>mi yaringo</i>, not hanging.
+
+</p>
+<p>6. The auxiliary verbs, except <i>ga</i>, may perhaps be included among the suffixes (<i>see</i> p. 322, VIII.).
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>X. Verbal Prefixes.</h4>
+<p>The prefix <i>ya-</i> renders a neuter verb active or causative.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>yaigege</i>, to go down, <i>yeyaigege</i>, to carry down. <i>faikadede</i>, to come back, <i>yefaika(dede)</i>, to give back. <i>yu</i>, to stand up, <i>yeyu</i>, to set up.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>XI. Irregular Verbs.</h4>
+<p>1. Many verbs are irregular in the imperative.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex.
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><i>angege</i>, imperat.
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ange</i>, go.
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><i>atede</i>, imperat.
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ade</i>, kindle, burn.
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><i>ende</i>, imperat.
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ende</i>, undo.
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><i>etsie</i>, imperat.
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>etsie</i>, come up (ladder).
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><i>faikadede</i>, imperat.
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>faika(dede)</i>, go back.
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><i>idede</i>, imperat.
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>de</i>, gather, pluck.
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><i>isie</i>,  imperat.
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>isia</i>, follow;
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><i>itede</i>, imperat.
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ide</i>, sting, bite.
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><i>itulili</i>, imperat.
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>itu(li)</i>, split.
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><i>ivori</i>, imperat.
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ivo(ri)</i>, wipe.
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><i>kosisi</i>, imperat.
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>kose</i>, turn.
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><i>telele</i>, imperat.
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>te(le)</i>, come.
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><i>yelele</i>, imperat.
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ye(le)</i>, call.
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>2. Other irregular verbs are the following. Only those forms known are entered.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>Aitodede</i>, to run: imperat. <i>attode</i>, infin. <i>aitode(me)</i>.<br>
+<i>ando</i> and <i>ande</i>, to be there: fut. <i>andetsi</i>, imperat. <i>ande</i>, subj. <i>ando</i>, and <i>ande</i>.<br>
+<i>bole</i>, to leave: past, <i>bo(le)</i>, imperat. <i>bo(le)</i>.<br>
+<i>ete</i>, to tell: past, <i>ete</i> and <i>elete</i>, imperat. <i>eta</i> and <i>ta</i>.<br>
+<i>faduatsiete</i>, to ache (head): fut. <i>faduatatsi</i>.<br>
+<i>iei</i>, to throw: fut. <i>iatsi</i>, imperat. <i>ia</i>.<br>
+<i>indi</i>, to give;, imperat. <i>i(nde)</i>, subj. <i>i(ndi)</i>.<br>
+<i>ingale</i>, to carry (on shoulder): past, <i>ingala</i> and <i>inge</i>, imperat. <i>inga</i>, subj. <i>ingo</i>.<br>
+<i>itede</i> and <i>ito</i>, to lay down: past, <i>ito</i> and <i>ita</i>, near past, <i>itova</i>, imperat. <i>ito</i>.<a id="d0e10245"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e10245">325</a>]</span><br>
+<i>songe</i>, to go: pres. and past, <i>se</i>, near past, <i>sova</i>, imperat. <i>so(nge)</i>, subj. <i>so</i>, interrog. <i>sona?</i><br>
+<i>sue</i>, to walk, go: pres. <i>sue</i>, fut. <i>susuetsi</i>.<br>
+<i>utsisi</i>, to draw: fut. <i>utsist</i>, imperat. <i>ude</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Note (1). The verbs <i>ando</i> and <i>ito</i> are not yet accurately understood.
+
+</p>
+<p>(2). The verb <i>ete</i> has a double conjugation, the initial <i>e</i> being retained or omitted at will. The past <i>elete</i> is used in reporting the words of another person.
+
+</p>
+<p>(3). The verb <i>faduatsiete</i> is a type of several verbs which end in <i>ete</i>, preceded by the syllable <i>tsi</i>. All these appear to lose <i>tsi</i> in the future, although some have both forms.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>kiovatsiete</i>, to cry (of black parrot): fut. <i>kiovatatsi</i> and <i>kiovatsitatsi</i>.<br>
+<i>puatsiete</i>, to make a cracking noise: fut. <i>puatatsi</i> and <i>puatsiatsi</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>(4). The verb <i>sue</i> in the meaning &#8220;go away&#8221; always has <i>ga</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>nu ga sua? na ga sua</i>, are you going away? I am going away.
+
+</p>
+<p>The verb <i>angege</i>, to go, in the past tense has the particle ga prefixed to the verb instead of suffixed to the pronoun.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>na nul etsi ganga</i>, I went to your village.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>XII. Notes on Some Verbs.</h4>
+<p>1. <i>Tede</i> and <i>i</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>There is a difference in the meaning of the verbs <i>tede</i>, (<i>ete</i>) and <i>i</i>, both used for &#8220;do&#8221; or &#8220;make.&#8221; The first is used when the object by which one obtains the action is indicated, the second
+is used when the action only is expressed, and might then be translated by the phrase &#8220;to go to work, to set about.&#8221;
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>olon&#8217;ete</i>, to snore, make a sound with the <i>olo</i>(<i>ne</i> hole, <i>i.e.</i>, the nostrils, <i>ung&#8217;ul &#8217;olo. na (melauk&#8217;) i koitsi</i>, I shall do the thing wrong.
+
+</p>
+<p>2. <i>Gege, angege, engege, songe.</i>
+
+</p>
+<p>All of these have the general meaning of &#8220;go.&#8221; Their differences are not yet clearly understood. <i>Engege</i> appears to mean &#8220;go up.&#8221; <i>Songe</i> is specially employed when the following phrase indicates a final <a id="d0e10417"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e10417">326</a>]</span>proposition, or an answer to the questions &#8220;Where do you come from?&#8221; or &#8220;Where are you going?&#8221;
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>nuni o&#8217; gega</i>, thou hast passed down there; <i>di engo</i>, let us go up; <i>na song&#8217; em&#8217; aritsi</i>, I am going to see the village; <i>nu do sona</i>? where have you been? (or, where do you come from?); <i>na bulitsi sova</i>, I have been in the garden (or, I have come from the garden).
+
+</p>
+<p>3. <i>Idede</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>This verb has a general meaning besides the special one &#8220;to gather.&#8221;
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>fang&#8217; idede</i>, to set a trap; <i>di yu molots&#8217; idoma</i>? should we make a water-pipe?
+
+</p>
+<p>4. <i>Ameme</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>This verb has the general meaning of passing, or making anything pass, through an opening. The object which has the opening
+does not take suffixes.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>kupa ulin&#8217; ama</i>, put the potatoes in the pot; <i>na ul&#8217; olol&#8217; amene</i>, I passed it through the hole; <i>iso nu emana? andavete</i>, does the smoke irritate you? you are weeping.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Adverbs.</h3>
+<p>I. Adverbs generally precede the verb which they modify. The exceptions are the interrogative na? (is it not so?) which always
+comes at the end of the sentence, and <i>-ta</i> (at first), which follows the verb.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>aiti balava natsi</i>, to-morrow bread I shall eat; <i>aiti nu inditsi na</i>? to-morrow I will give it you, shall I not? <i>kuku neta</i>, I eat the tobacco at first.
+
+</p>
+<p>Note.&#8212;This <i>ta</i> appears to be almost a conjunction, and the phrase might be translated &#8220;when I shall have smoked (eaten) the tobacco.&#8221;
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>II. Adverbs of Place.</h4>
+<p><i>do(le)?</i> where.<br>
+<i>a(le)</i>), here.<br>
+<i>va(ie)</i>, there.<br>
+<i>ombatsi</i>, underneath.<br>
+<i>gisa(le)</i>, far.<br>
+<i>ime(li)?</i> far.<br>
+<i>kugume</i>, near.<br>
+<i>tsi</i>, inside.<br>
+<i>val&#8217;enga</i>, outside.<br>
+<i>tu</i>, on, over<br>
+<i>ibe(le)</i>, down there.<br>
+<i>o(me)</i>, up there.<br>
+<i>yo(le)</i>, there above.
+<a id="d0e10560"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e10560">327</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>III. Adverbs of Time.</h4>
+<p>The adverbs of time are not very definite. For example <i>audati</i>, &#8220;to-day, now,&#8221; means also &#8220;in a few days&#8221; or &#8220;a few days ago.&#8221; The latter meaning is also attributed to <i>arima</i>, and the former to <i>aiti</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>aida</i>? when?<br>
+<i>vomarima</i>, day before yesterday.<br>
+<i>arima</i>, yesterday.<br>
+<i>male(ke)</i>, formerly.<br>
+<i>malieke)</i>, formerly.<br>
+<i>audali)</i>, to-day, now.<br>
+<i>aiti(me)</i>, to-morrow.<br>
+<i>vomaiti</i>, day after to-morrow.<br>
+<i>talele</i>, often, for ever.<br>
+<i>dedi</i>, just now, later (near).<br>
+<i>ido(ve)</i>, not yet (with fut.) immediately.<br>
+<i>ulsienga</i>, later on, in the future.<br>
+<i>utsimata</i>, later on, in the future.<br>
+<i>utsinenga</i>, later on, in the future.<br>
+<i>kelavalage</i>, for a time.<br>
+<i>-ta</i>, at first.<br>
+<i>vo(ye</i>, again.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>IV. Adverbs of Quantity.</h4>
+<p><i>dovavemunge</i>? how much? how many?<br>
+<i>domamai</i>? how much? how many?<br>
+<i>avevemunge</i>, as much, so much, as many, so many.<br>
+<i>tale(le)</i>, many.<br>
+<i>apa(le)</i>, enough.<br>
+<i>kisiaka</i>, few, little.<br>
+<i>oko</i>, few, little.<br>
+<i>-ta</i>, very.<br>
+<i>ande</i>, very.<br>
+<i>boboi</i>, entirely, quite.<br>
+<i>gegeto</i>, few.
+
+</p>
+<p>Note. When <i>apa</i> is used with a numeral it precedes it. Ex. <i>apa gegeto</i>, two are sufficient.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>V. Adverbs of Affirmation, Negation and Interrogation.</h4>
+<p><i>e</i>, yes.<br>
+<i>akai(ge)</i>, truly.<br>
+<i>g&#8217;akai</i>, truly.<br>
+<i>me</i>! what! certainly!<br>
+<i>ila</i>! I who knows?<br>
+<i>ua(ne)</i>, not, no.<br>
+<i>n&agrave;</i>? is it not (French, n&#8217;est ce pas?).<br>
+<i>&oacute;uo</i>! not at all, by no means.<br>
+<i>andal&#8217;ai(me)</i>? why?
+
+</p>
+<p>Note. <i>Me</i>, <i>&oacute;uo</i>, and <i>ila</i> are almost interjections.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>VI. Adverbs of Manner and Likeness.</h4>
+<p>The adverbs of manner are often replaced by noun suffixes attached to the verb, with the final <i>i</i>. (See Verbal Suffixes, p. 323).
+
+</p>
+<p><i>unoi</i>, together.<br>
+<i>akaumai(nge)</i>, further, beyond, besides.<br>
+<i>uneke</i>, only.<br>
+<i>ende</i>, also.<br>
+<i>elele</i>, quickly.<br>
+<i>dedi</i>, slowly<br>
+<i>fidefide</i>, continually.<br>
+<i>kela</i>, without reason, gratis.
+
+</p>
+<p>Note. When <i>ende</i> modifies a verb with subject in the third person, it is preceded by the pronoun <i>ove</i>. Ex. <i>nau fud&#8217; ov&#8217; ende fufuli</i>, my bones (they) also ache.
+<a id="d0e10844"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e10844">328</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Prepositions and Postpositions.</h3>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>I. Prepositions.</h4>
+<p>Only two prepositions are found in Fuyuge. These are <i>ise</i>, near, and <i>ga</i>, by.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>aked&#8217; is&#8217; okid&#8217; ando</i>, the men are near the fire; <i>ganda</i>? <i>ga ma</i>! by what do you swear? by the thread.
+
+</p>
+<p>Note. <i>Ga</i>, in the sense of &#8220;by,&#8221; is much used, and corresponds to a kind of oath.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>II. Postpositions.</h4>
+<p>1. All the postpositions are used as suffixes to the words which they govern. When the noun to which they are suffixed has
+a double form, the postposition is added to the short form.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>uli-tsi</i> from <i>uli(ne)</i> pot: <i>fatsi</i> from <i>fa(le)</i>, ground.
+
+</p>
+<p>There are however some exceptions.
+
+</p>
+<p>2. When the postposition begins with a consonant, the final <i>e</i> of a noun changes to <i>i</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>kodigi-tsi</i> from <i>kodige</i>, plate; <i>bulitsi</i> from <i>bule</i>, garden.
+
+</p>
+<p>3. The postpositions are often used as nouns.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>balava u tsi ido asi</i>, the inside of the loaf is still raw.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>III. List of Postpositions.</h4>
+<p><i>-ai(me)</i>, because of, for: <i>ovol&#8217; aim&#8217; andavete</i>, I weep for the pig.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>-a(le)</i>, with, by (instrumental): <i>isong&#8217; al&#8217; oki ya -andal&#8217; a? isong&#8217; ale</i>, take the fire with the tongs&#8212;with what? with the tongs; <i>amul&#8217; al&#8217; ul&#8217;ese</i>, the woman with her child; <i>uli sond&#8217; al&#8217; ale</i>, a pot with a handle.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>-ala</i>, to, adherent to, along: <i>yo&#8217; ata yarima</i>, hang it on the rattan; <i>enamb&#8217; ata malele yatsi</i>, I will take it along the road.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>-fendateme</i>, near (within bounds): <i>Sivu Alo fendatem&#8217; ando</i>, Sivu is near Alo.
+<a id="d0e10965"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e10965">329</a>]</span></p>
+<p><i>-noi</i>, with (?): <i>yini danoi gatsi</i>, you will go with us two.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>-ongo</i>, before, at the side of (with an idea of inferiority): <i>na nu ongo ando</i>, I am before thee (at thy service); <i>non&#8217; ongo</i>, one beside the other.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>-enga</i>, from the side of, towards: <i>nani Ambov&#8217;enga g&#8217;anga</i>, I have been (gone) towards Ambove.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>-kaine</i>, towards: <i>dedi yi kaine tsiati</i>, later on I will come towards you.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>teti</i>, under: <i>sosoeteti ando</i>, he is under the bed.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>tsi</i>, to (movement, and time, rest), at, at the place of (Fr. chez): <i>nani etsi andota, u bulitsi g&#8217;anga</i>, I am in the house, he has gone into the garden; <i>naga Mambutsil&#8217; a tela</i>, I am come here from Mambo; <i>kouatsi ma</i>, put it in the box; <i>tutsi etsiati</i>, he will come in the night; <i>nu datsi sona</i>? who has he been with?
+
+</p>
+<p><i>-tu</i>, upon (to or at places on mountains): <i>kulumitu, ma</i>, put it on the table; <i>Falitu g&#8217;anga</i>, he is gone to Faliba.
+
+</p>
+<p>Note. <i>Ale</i> in the sense of &#8220;with&#8221; is used when the second substantive is considered as an accessory to the first. Ex. <i>an&#8217; al amu</i>, a married man (man with a wife); <i>uli sondal&#8217; ale</i>, pot with a handle. There are not yet enough examples to distinguish the two forms.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>IV. Prepositional Phrases.</h4>
+<p><i>u mome</i>, above: <i>kurum&#8217; u mome yarime</i>, hang it over the table; <i>u bane</i>, behind; <i>mel&#8217; an&#8217; u ban&#8217; ando</i>, the child is behind the man; <i>ul&#8217; umbo(le)</i>, in the middle of; <i>Veke ul&#8217; umbol&#8217; ando</i>, he is at Vee.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Conjunctions.</h3>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>I. Copulative.</h4>
+<p><i>-u(ne)</i>, and, with; <i>naga kitoval&#8217; u kene&#8217; ema</i>, I killed a black and white parrot.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>Une</i> is generally only used to connect two nouns, and is placed between the two. But sometimes it comes after the second, especially
+when meaning &#8220;with,&#8221; and the first noun is then followed by the <a id="d0e11083"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e11083">330</a>]</span>personal pronoun. There are a few doubtful examples of <i>une</i> joining two phrases: <i>ake tale mu, Augustin&#8217; un&#8217; ando</i>, many men are with Augustin.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>II. Adversative.</h4>
+<p><i>-ta</i>, yet, but: <i>nuni safa&#8217; ta nani kakava</i>, you are weak but I am strong.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>Ta</i>, meaning &#8220;but,&#8221; precedes the phrase which it governs: <i>nuni natsi, ta nani fema</i>, you will eat, but I do not.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div3"></p>
+<h4>III. Sequence.</h4>
+<p><i>-ta</i>, when (when a fact is accomplished, or will certainly happen), lest: <i>aked&#8217; indiota, dinoi gatsi</i>, when the men arrive, we will go together.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>Ta</i> in this sense follows the verb, which is in the past if the action depends on the person who speaks or is spoken to, in other
+cases in the subjunctive: <i>kuku neta, etsi gatsi</i>, when I (or you) have eaten, I will (or you will) go to the village; <i>mulamula angetota, gadiu</i>, lest the medicine fall, tie it up.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>-tamai</i>, when (uncertain event): <i>oki finolitamai, na natatsi</i>, when the fire blazes, warn me.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>Tamai</i> always requires the subjunctive.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>-mai</i>, if: <i>Augusto bubulimai, dimuku e gaditsi</i>. If Augusto delays, we ourselves will build the house.
+
+</p>
+<p><i>-umba</i>, so, like: <i>an&#8217; umba ne i</i>, give me (one) like that.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Interjections.</h3>
+<p><i>mamu(la)</i>! admiration.<br>
+<i>ile</i>! sadness.<br>
+<i>fanimo(le)</i>, commiseration.<br>
+<i>fanikoe</i>! commiseration.<br>
+<i>-e</i> (suffix), commiseration.<br>
+<i>segoa</i>! joy at another&#8217;s misfortune.<br>
+<i>biu</i>! contempt.<br>
+<i>alaila</i>! a command for silence.<br>
+<i>faiamela</i>! expresses the recognition of an error.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>Notes on Dependent Clauses.</h3>
+<p>1. A final proposition with the future is expressed in four ways.
+
+</p>
+<p>a. By the infinitive preceding the verb which it governs: <i>na nul&#8217; em&#8217; arim&#8217; an gatsi</i>, I will go to see thy village, lit, I thy village to-see will-go.
+<a id="d0e11210"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e11210">331</a>]</span></p>
+<p>b. By the simple future preceded by the verb: <i>na songe, Tsekari aritsi</i>, I go, I shall see Tseka.
+
+</p>
+<p>c. By the future preceding the verb: <i>ake Mambutsi itatsi m&#8217; ando</i>, the men remain to sleep at Mambo.
+
+</p>
+<p>d. By the suffix <i>-du(le]: Pe&#8217; Egidi yol&#8217; itadul andemai, puatsitatsi,</i> If P&egrave;re Egidi stays to sleep up there, he will fire a gun; <i>ake Baidane (gatsi) ame boladu</i>, the men will go to Baidane to leave the girl; <i>muto yetadu, Labao gatsi</i>; I will go to Yule Is to take the sheep, (<i>muto</i>, Fr. mouton). The use of the verb &#8220;to go&#8221; is not certain.
+
+</p>
+<p>2. A dependent sentence with the past is expressed in two ways.
+
+</p>
+<p>a. By the simple past: <i>na so, fang&#8217; an</i>, I went to see the trap.
+
+</p>
+<p>b. By the suffix <i>-ua</i>, with the omission of the verb: <i>Tsekan&#8217; alilua</i>, I went to see Tseka, which might also be translated: <i>na sova, Tsekan&#8217; ari</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>3. Causative sentences appear to be governed by the same rules as the preceding.
+
+</p>
+<p>Ex. <i>ame nu arim&#8217; undede</i>, the girl is afraid to see you; <i>andal&#8217; un&#8217; arim&#8217; ete</i>, what has he seen to talk about.
+
+</p>
+<p>4. Conditional sentences precede the principal and have their verb in the subjunctive with the conjunction <i>-mai</i> or <i>-tamai</i>. (See p. 330, III.).
+
+</p>
+<p>5. A dependent sentence expressing time also precedes the principal sentence. It has its verb in the subjunctive or indicative,
+followed by the conjunction <i>-ta</i> or sometimes <i>-tamai</i>. (See p. 330, III.).
+
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e11279"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e11279">332</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e11280"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Note on the Afoa Language</h2>
+<p>By Dr. W. M. Strong
+
+</p>
+<p>The vocabulary recorded below was obtained from a Fuyuge native who spoke the Afoa language. He had travelled with me to the
+Afoa-speaking villages on Mount Pitsoko and I could assure myself that he spoke the language fluently. In spite of the vocabulary
+having been obtained through a Fuyuge native there is very little similarity between this and the Fuyuge vocabulary. It should
+be noted that the words for &#8220;I&#8221; and for &#8220;thou&#8221; are substantially the same in the two languages.
+
+</p>
+<p>I also obtained a short vocabulary from a native who came down the coast to me, and found that this was substantially the
+same as the Pitsoko vocabulary. The native had come from a village which appeared to be situated on the slopes of Mount Davidson
+and on the inland side of it. According to native accounts the Afoa language is spoken in numerous villages which stretch
+from Mount Davidson to the head of the St. Joseph River in the Mafulu district. All the Afoa villages are situated north of
+the St. Joseph and its main branches.
+
+</p>
+<p>[Dr. Strong gives only the pronoun: <i>nui,</i> thou; and the numerals: <i>koane,</i> one; <i>atolowai,</i> two; <i>atolowai-itima,</i> three; <i>atolowai-atolowai,</i> four; <i>atolowai-atolowai-itima,</i> five.
+<a id="d0e11309"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e11309">333</a>]</span></p>
+<p>The Pronouns given by Father Egidi for Tauata (&#8220;Anthropos,&#8221; II. 1907, pp. 1009&#8211;1015) are:&#8212;
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Singular.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Plural.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Dual.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">lst Person, <i>nai</i>, <i>na</i>.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">lst Person, <i>nanei</i>, <i>nane</i>.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">lst Person, <i>nonei</i>, <i>none</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">2nd Person, <i>nui</i>, <i>nu</i>.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">2nd Person, <i>nunei</i>, <i>nune</i>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">2nd Person, <i>nuvei</i>, <i>nuve</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">3rd Person, <i>omei</i>, <i>ome</i>.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">3rd Person, <i>otei</i>, <i>ote</i>.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">3rd Person, <i>olei</i>(?).
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>The Possessives are:&#8212;
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Singular.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Plural.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Dual.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">lst Person, <i>ne</i>, <i>neve</i>.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">lst Person, <i>nane</i>,<i>nanene</i>.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">lst Person, <i>none</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">2nd Person, <i>ni</i>, <i>nie</i>.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">2nd Person, <i>nune</i>.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">2nd Person, <i>nuvene</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">3rd Person, <i>ote</i>, <i>otene</i>.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">3rd Person, <i>otene</i>.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">3rd Person, <i>olene</i>.
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>The Interrogatives are: <i>te</i>? who? <i>te</i>? <i>teile</i>? what thing? <i>te</i>? <i>tue</i>? which?
+
+</p>
+<p>The Numerals, according to Father Egidi, are, <i>kone</i>, one; <i>atolo</i>(<i>ai</i>), two; <i>atoloai-laina</i>, three; <i>talele</i>, <i>memene</i>, many; <i>konekone</i>, few.
+
+</p>
+<p>S. H. R.]
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e11506"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e11506">334</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e11507"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Note on the Kovio Language.</h2>
+<p>By Dr. W. M. Strong.
+
+</p>
+<p>Substantially the same language is spoken in the whole of the neighbourhood of Mount Yule. I have travelled all around this
+mountain and the same interpreter was able to make himself understood everywhere. The vocabulary recorded below was collected
+by means of the Motuan from a native of Lopiko in the Inava valley. I have also collected short vocabularies from the village
+of Inavarene in the same valley, and from the Kwoifa district of the upper part of the Lakekamu river. These vocabularies
+show close similarities with that of Lopiko. The natives around the Pic Eleia also speak much the same language.
+
+</p>
+<p>The vocabulary of the language bears no resemblance to any other language I am acquainted with. It is peculiar in that a word
+often ends in a consonant preceded by a short vowel. There is also an unusual consonant sound in the language. This sound
+seems to vary between a &#8220;ch&#8221; and a &#8220;tch&#8221; sound.
+
+</p>
+<p>The pronouns are as follows;&#8212;
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">First person: </td>
+<td valign="top"><i>na</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Second person: </td>
+<td valign="top"><i>ni</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Third person: </td>
+<td valign="top"><i>pi</i>.
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>These were obtained without much difficulty as well as the corresponding possessives <i>nemai</i>, <i>nimai</i>, and <a id="d0e11549"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e11549">335</a>]</span><i>pimai</i>; but plurals could not be obtained. Possibly the above are both singular and plural. The possessive precedes the noun, <i>e.g.</i>, <i>nemai tupumagi</i>, my house.<a id="d0e11559src" href="#d0e11559" class="noteref">1</a> A binary system of counting is shown in the following numerals:&#8212;
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">One:
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>uniuni</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Two:
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>karaala</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Three:
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>naralavievi napuevi</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Four:
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>naralavievi naralavievi</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Five:
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>naralavievi naralavievi napuievi</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Ten:
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>kowa</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Eleven:
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>kowa uniuni</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Twelve:
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>kowa karaala</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Twenty:
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"><i>kowakowa</i>.
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>Seven, eight, and nine were also translated by saying <i>naralavievi</i> for each two, and <i>napuevi</i> for one over. The numeral follows the noun, e.g., <i>inai karaala</i>, two spears.<a id="d0e11731src" href="#d0e11731" class="noteref">2</a>
+
+
+
+<a id="d0e11749"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e11749">336</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e11559" href="#d0e11559src" class="noteref">1</a></span> The Rev. Father Egedi&#8217;s Vocabulary of Oru Lopiko gives the pronouns thus:
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Singular.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">Plural.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">1st Person, <i>na</i>, <i>naro</i>.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">lst Person, <i>dae</i>, <i>daro</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">2nd Person, <i>ni</i>, <i>niro</i>.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">2nd Person, <i>ali</i>, <i>alero</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">3rd Person, <i>pi</i>, <i>piro</i>.
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">3rd Person, <i>valo</i>, <i>valoro</i>.
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p class="footnote">The Possessives are formed with <i>ma</i>: <i>nema</i>, <i>nima</i>, <i>pima</i>, <i>daema</i>, <i>lima</i>, <i>valoma</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p class="footnote">The Interrogatives are: <i>tsia</i>? who? <i>itara</i>? <i>vaina</i>? what thing? (S.H.R.)
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e11731" href="#d0e11731src" class="noteref">2</a></span> These numerals differ from the Oru Lopiko of Father Egidi. He gives: <i>konepu</i>, one; <i>kalotolo</i>, two; <i>konekhalavi</i>, three; <i>maimitara</i>, many; <i>onionipu</i>, few. (S.H.R.)
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e11750"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>A Comparative Vocabulary of the Fuyuge, Afoa, and Kovio Languages</h2>
+<p>Prepared by Sidney H. Ray, M.A.
+
+</p>
+<p>[From the MSS. of Rev. Father Egedi, Rev. P.J. Money, and Dr. W.M. Strong. Words in square brackets from &#8220;Antropos,&#8221; II.,
+pp. 1016&#8211;1021. <i>Cf</i>. Appendix V.]
+
+
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top"><b>    </b></td>
+<td valign="top"><b>Mafulu
+</b></td>
+<td valign="top"><b>Kambisa
+</b></td>
+<td valign="top"><b>Korona
+</b></td>
+<td valign="top"><b>Afoa
+</b></td>
+<td valign="top"><b>Kovio</b></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Adze
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">so(ve)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">so(nda)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">itau
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kealeve
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">labian)ed</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Ankle
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">sog&#8217; u&#8217; kodabe<a id="d0e11792src" href="#d0e11792" class="noteref">1</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">segikanan<a id="d0e11797src" href="#d0e11797" class="noteref">2</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Areca-nut
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kese
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kesi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">soroma
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">iluve; [vonuve]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">koveo; [auliri-koyo]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Arm
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bodo(le); matange (<i>shoulder</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ia; kosa (<i>shoulder</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ya
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kalab; [kala(pe)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">malau; [malao]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Armlet
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">koio(ne) (<i>cane</i>); matsi(ne) (<i>shell</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ino (<i>cane</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[torite; litsi]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[loria]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Arrow
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">fod&#8217; u&#8217; komome
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">fode
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[kilelupa]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Ashes
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">foye
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hoi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">enamiro<a id="d0e11887src" href="#d0e11887" class="noteref">3</a>; pita; [sepe]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">iziuvate; [itekamite]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Backbone
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bane
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bano
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[momo(pe) (<i>back</i>)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Bad
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ko(ye)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ko
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">k=o=ali
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kep)ip; [amifu]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Bag, Basket
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">anon(ne)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ha(<i>netted</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[lamui]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[lamui]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Bamboo
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bione; e(re) (<i>pipe</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">e
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tobo<a id="d0e11949src" href="#d0e11949" class="noteref">4</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ila; [vioni; ila (<i>pipe</i>)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nelele; [pidele; nerele (<i>pipe</i>)]
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Banana
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ambe
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">haba
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">pelai
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">teri; [teli]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Barter
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">davani
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tvatava<a id="d0e11989src" href="#d0e11989" class="noteref">5</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Beard
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">anama(le)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hanama
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Belly
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ombo(le)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hombo (<i>stomach</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">obo
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">aniami; [aniame (<i>abdomen</i>); kutote (<i>belly</i>)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">dapoale; [data]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Belt (waist string)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ganinge; ganingame (<i>bark</i>); tafade (<i>ratan</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">misu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[terite; afafe; teupe]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[tabatsio; talakota]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Bird
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nembe
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">neba
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nebe
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kile
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">id)ep; [ite]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Bite
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">angale (<i>of men</i>); itede (<i>of dog</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kanaiva
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Black
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">dube
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">duba
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">lumatu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">alolamala; [tumuta].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Blood
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tana(le)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tana
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ilive
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">uiau-toro; [ueho].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Boat
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">asi<a id="d0e12121src" href="#d0e12121" class="noteref">6</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Body
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">mule
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[kotsi(pe)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ulan-utoro ; [koki].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Bone
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">fude
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ufudi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kemiabi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kateleru.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Bow, <i>n</i>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">fode
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">fode
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Bowels
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">taride; gige
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[kimu(ve)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[tsikamaki].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Branch
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bodo(le); gobe (<i>young</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">uga
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ietami
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">litaud</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Breast
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ouba
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">duda; kononda<a id="d0e12209src" href="#d0e12209" class="noteref">7</a> (<i>chest</i>); bononga (<i>breast-bone</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">talate [opipe]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">apiteu; [apetei (<i>woman&#8217;s</i>)].
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Bring
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yetsia (<i>up</i>); yayeitsie (<i>down</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">neda
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ainakava
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[boale?].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Bury
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">mudi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">alota
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Butterfly
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">keneke
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kaneke
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">gotaubi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">By an Bye
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">dedi; ido(ve) (<i>not yet</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">gadavi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[epe (<i>not yet</i>)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Cane
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yokome; seene (<i>ratan</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ongo
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Charcoal
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">urugum
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">orugu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">(ena)imiti<a id="d0e12321src" href="#d0e12321" class="noteref">8</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Cheek
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">omenge
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hanan
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Chest
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kavale
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kononda
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">konode
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kaluvi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">lipat; [ulako].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Chief
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ame(de)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Child
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">mele; ese (<i>son</i>); ame(le) (<i>girl</i>); ayame(le) (<i>small</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">isa; isoko (<i>boy</i>); amuri (<i>girl</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">isia
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">lu [lu; pie (<i>boy</i>); epi (<i>girl</i>)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nekeotoro; [koemala; feimala (<i>boy</i>); nalemala; etaofu (<i>girl</i>)].
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Chin
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ana
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ana
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[natau(pe)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[akumare].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Claw (<i>of bird</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">fodo(le)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bodo<a id="d0e12430src" href="#d0e12430" class="noteref">9</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kila karabe
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Cloth (<i>native</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kogo(ve)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hudo
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[etape]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[tsimika].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Cloud
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">unu(me)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ulua; [ponive]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">unida; [lariatsi].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Club
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">gilise (<i>pineapple</i>); gadaibe (<i>disc</i>); kongomu (<i>wood</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hadufa (<i>wood</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hadoga (<i>pine-apple</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yetikwi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ineri (<i>stone</i>)
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Coconut
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">fofo(ne)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bao
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">fofo
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">teri.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Cold
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yuyuma
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">dudure
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">loola
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">delea; [abatata].<a id="d0e12523"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e12523">338</a>]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Come
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tsia
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yeterun
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">lai
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[imaro]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Crocodile
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">fua
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">fuai
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Cuscus
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ano<a id="d0e12557src" href="#d0e12557" class="noteref">10</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Darkness
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tu(be)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">gerenama
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">guviti
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">dubare</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Daylight
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ev&#8217; ul&#8217; aveve<a id="d0e12584src" href="#d0e12584" class="noteref">11</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Die
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">usangege
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">usaga
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">lae-elu; [kelui]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[nusuaka]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Dig
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tsie
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">amatita
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Digging-stick
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">itsive
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">iti
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Dog
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">oi(e)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ho
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kovela
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">gad)ep; [katefu]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Door
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">akonimbe
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Dress (<i>man&#8217;s</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ganinge
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">haninga
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Dress (<i>woman&#8217;s</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yangile (<i>petticoat</i>); yamba(le)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">iambaro
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Drink
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nene
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">eu&#8217; naida
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kwaiana
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[naro]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Ear
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yangolo(me)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">gadoro
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">i
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kepapi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">katoli</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Earring
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kemang
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Earth (ground)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bu(le), fa(le)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hoa
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">fa(la)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">amati
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kamad; [amatsi]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Eat
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nene
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">adako&#8217; naida
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">na)nai<a id="d0e12758src" href="#d0e12758" class="noteref">12</a>; [nai]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[naro]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Egg
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ombo(le)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">obo
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kile&#8217; mutube
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nekeo</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Elbow
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bodol&#8217;u&#8217; kodabe<a id="d0e12783src" href="#d0e12783" class="noteref">13</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hukanan<a id="d0e12788src" href="#d0e12788" class="noteref">14</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ya&#8217; koba
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">oma&#8217; kaluve
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">mala-gagoboro</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Eye
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">i(me)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">i(ng)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yago
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tabe; [va(pe)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ita-kwaru; [itau]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Eyebrow
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ingob&#8217; u&#8217; male<a id="d0e12818src" href="#d0e12818" class="noteref">15</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ing&#8217; ode<a id="d0e12823src" href="#d0e12823" class="noteref">16</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ita-dunali</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Eyelash
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ing&#8217; uba
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ita-kalam</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Face
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">mede
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yodoge
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">keuwil [keu(ve)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tara-ata; [kawasata]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Far off
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">gisa(le)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">busara
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ainioari [ainiole]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">waladekatch; [lulusivelaka]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Father
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ba(be)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bane
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ati
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">papai; [fafae; vavafu]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Fear
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">undede
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nu)kela<a id="d0e12895src" href="#d0e12895" class="noteref">17</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Feather
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ma(le); pame (<i>of wing</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">wasa (<i>cassowary plum</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kili&#8217; amute
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">atch; [akoatsi]<a id="d0e12921"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e12921">339</a>]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Finger
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bodol&#8217; u&#8217; gobe<a id="d0e12927src" href="#d0e12927" class="noteref">18</a> (<i>index</i>); bodol&#8217; u&#8217; feneme<a id="d0e12933src" href="#d0e12933" class="noteref">19</a> (<i>middle and ring</i>);  bodol&#8217; u&#8217; talave<a id="d0e12941src" href="#d0e12941" class="noteref">20</a> (<i>little finger</i>);  bodol&#8217; u&#8217; mame<a id="d0e12950src" href="#d0e12950" class="noteref">21</a> (<i>thumb</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">naria (<i>thumb</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yaro&#8217; goba<a href="#d0e12927" class="noteref">18</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">lelevai; [kalaopue (<i>index and ring</i>);  kimataliope (<i>middle</i>); leleva (<i>little</i>); amo(te) <i>thumb</i>]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">mala-tiporotch; [obido (<i>index</i>); upurau; kaitaita (<i>middle</i>);  upurau; gitaguruita (<i>ring</i>); itarao; taravalara (<i>little</i>); banoe (<i>thumb</i>)]
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Fire
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">oki(de)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">uki
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">oke
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">)enami
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">iziradi; [iti]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Fish
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">garume
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">garung
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">unuma (?)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">gapila; [kapita]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">rapiamala; [kavila]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Flea
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yo(le)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kasin
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Flesh
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">mise
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">misa
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">miluti
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[muditsi]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Flower
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">sive; oyande
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">unida<a id="d0e13058src" href="#d0e13058" class="noteref">22</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">iadaude
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[ulatu]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Fly, <i>n.</i>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">sungulu(me)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">sigurum
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tainanu; [tainamu]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[muni]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Fly, <i>v.</i>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">iyei
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Fog
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">unu(me)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hunu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Food
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">imbade (<i>animal</i>); yalove (<i>vegetable</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[nifite (<i>animal</i>); valive; kalai (<i>vegetable</i>)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[muditsi (<i>animal</i>); taraj (<i>vegetable</i>)]
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Foot
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yovali, so(ge); sog&#8217; u&#8217; tobo (<i>sole</i>)<a id="d0e13149src" href="#d0e13149" class="noteref">23</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">suga; hu tobo&#8217; (<i>sole</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">sogo
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">lomineti; [lo(ape)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ina-tiporotch; [teporotsi]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Forehead
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">mede; ingobe (<i>bone of eyebrow</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">anone (<i>temple</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">mida
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">miavi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[tavatau]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Forest
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">mavane (<i>hunting-ground</i>); siu(le), tsiu(le) (<i>bush</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bu<a id="d0e13197src" href="#d0e13197" class="noteref">24</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">sule; [kalite]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yaped; [buloka]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Fowl
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kokole
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Fruit
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">dede
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ietaube; [eadauda]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ulau; [kalitu; ulata]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Garden
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bu(le)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[volomala; volofu]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Ghost
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">sila(le)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Give
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">indi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ide
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nu)inie<a id="d0e13267src" href="#d0e13267" class="noteref">25</a>; [ini]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[nanara]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Go
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">gege
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hego
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">lo; [la]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[taro]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Good
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ifa(ne)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ifi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ladi; [kato]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">aupumara; [tsimafu]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Great
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">baibe
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">mataka
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">baibe
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kalowo
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">aputep; [tovenaetsi]<a id="d0e13313"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e13313">340</a>]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Hair (of head)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">alome
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ha; makoko (<i>dressed</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">auwataute; [voto(pe)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nanal&#277;d; [manala; manalreta].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Hair (of body)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ma(le)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">auwuti; [avute]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ada; [akoatsi]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Hand
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bodo(le); bodol&#8217; u&#8217;-tobo (palm)<a id="d0e13348src" href="#d0e13348" class="noteref">26</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ia; ia&#8217;tobo (<i>palm</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yaro&#8217; uba
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">galatopute [kalaopue]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">mala-kapunatch; [mala=tu portosi]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Hard
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kakava(ne)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">avava
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">maradi; [unamane]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Head
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ade(de)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hondu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ha
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ni)adi; [ade]<a id="d0e13386src" href="#d0e13386" class="noteref">27</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">gagau; [kakao]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Head-wrap
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ogoupe
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">suno
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Hear
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">alele
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">lanita
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Hill
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kume
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kumo
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bunga
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">itavi; [maive; lavave (<i>uninhabited</i>);  itave (<i>crest</i>)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">la-&ocirc;&acirc;-uta; [laoaka]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Hip
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ol&#8217;u&#8217;ga(ye)<a id="d0e13443src" href="#d0e13443" class="noteref">28</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">huru
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Hook
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kimai<a id="d0e13463src" href="#d0e13463" class="noteref">29</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Hot
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">olola
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">giganfe
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nunali
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">midilamolamo</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">House
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">e(me); emo(ne) (<i>communal</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">e(m)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">e
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">geade; [kia(te); tumute (<i>communal</i>)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tupumagi; [dema(ki); dubumaki (<i>communal</i>)]
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Husband
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">a(ne)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">omen)iva; [vale; mu]<a id="d0e13519src" href="#d0e13519" class="noteref">30</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">anawab</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Iron
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tavili<a id="d0e13531src" href="#d0e13531" class="noteref">31</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nani
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nai
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Kill
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">adede; ememe
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[amui]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[mavemara]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Knee
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">amia
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">amiang
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Knife
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">indi(ve)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">indi(fa)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[tiveja(ve)]<a id="d0e13578src" href="#d0e13578" class="noteref">32</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[vesti]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Know
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tsitsiva
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nu)ali; [ni]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[edemaka]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Leaf
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tu(le)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">idu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">utu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">valupi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">aukwata; [aufu; aubota]</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Leg
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yovali; fande (shin); mude (thigh); mise (<i>calf</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">furo (<i>shin</i>); muda (<i>thigh</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">mude (<i>thigh</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">wolupi (<i>thigh</i>); [keniame; kupuame (<i>thigh</i>)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">alile (<i>thigh</i>); [inako; apota (<i>thigh</i>)]
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Lime
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">abe
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hava
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[kaute]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">wati.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Lip
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ude
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">uba
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">udu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">g&#277;tapi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ridokalule (<i>upper</i>); akoitale (<i>lower</i>); [kijtakorutsi]
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Live
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">asilando (<i>be alive</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">asihera
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kajli
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[watara (<i>alive</i>)]
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Liver
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">dube
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hade
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kimaule
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;<a id="d0e13712"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e13712">341</a>]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Long
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">sesada
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">busa
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[tsyani]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[tovenaemita].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Louse
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">i(ye)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">iate
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[inepu].
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Male
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">avoge
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Man
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">a(ne)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">a
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">woale;[vale]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kalauotoro;[abo(te); mala; abofu].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Many
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tale; taluvi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">harut
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tatele;[talele]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">maimitara.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Mat
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">unite
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tau-ud.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Milk
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">oubatsinge; oub&#8217;indidi<a id="d0e13797src" href="#d0e13797" class="noteref">33</a> (<i>to suckle</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">obo
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">mulape
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">apiteu.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Mirror
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">aveve
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">idida
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Moon
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">one
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hama
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hoana
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">oani;[one]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nonitch;[onea, nonitsi].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Morning
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tutsi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">laliate&#8217; govelai [kuwitue]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Mosquito
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">maingogo
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">igogesa
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nipope
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Mother
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ma(me)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">uma
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">aumen)ini<a id="d0e13874src" href="#d0e13874" class="noteref">34</a>; [ine]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nei; [nei, nonofu].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Mouth
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ambode
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">gobang
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">adinu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nautabe; [natave, yolote]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">akwot;[khidatsi].
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top"></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Nail (<i>finger</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">fodo(le); koko (<i>of cassowary</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bodong (<i>of toe</i>)<a id="d0e13911src" href="#d0e13911" class="noteref">35</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[viloipe]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[tevetsi].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Name
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">i(ve)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">apete
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nitiab;[vitane].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Navel
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kombolu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kumburu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">koboro
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">oatobe; [otove]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">autau; [koto].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Near
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kugume
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kuguraga
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">amauli;[amavola]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kauwari.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Neck
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">gurube; kalolo (<i>throat</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">indu (<i>back</i>); aroro (<i>throat</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[kumulute]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">neneviro;[nelevio].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Necklace
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">sale, sambu (<i>shell</i>); tsiba, [Dog&#8217;s incisors] sise [Dog&#8217;s canine] (<i>dogs&#8217; teeth</i>); yakeva (<i>pearl</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">sa (<i>shell</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[telenate [Dog&#8217;s incisors]; lulate [Dog&#8217;s canine]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[kulolobotsi[Dog&#8217;s incisors]; kitetsi[Dog&#8217;s canine]].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Night
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tu(be)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">guve&#8217;teletai[kuvite]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Nipple
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ouba&#8217; ul&#8217; unge<a id="d0e14026src" href="#d0e14026" class="noteref">36</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">oalube; [okobe]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">apiteu.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">No
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">mi, ua(ne)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">muinu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[nai].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Nose
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">unge
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">unga
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">unga
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kiti [ki(te)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">watarupu;[wata(rube)].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Nostril
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ung&#8217; ul&#8217; olo<a id="d0e14068src" href="#d0e14068" class="noteref">37</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">urorong
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">    </td>
+<td valign="top"><a id="d0e14082"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e14082">342</a>]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Paddle
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bara<a id="d0e14092src" href="#d0e14092" class="noteref">38</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Pig
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ovo(le) (<i>wild</i>); ovota (<i>tame</i>); oleda (<i>large</i>); foilange (<i>wild boar</i>).
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">sika
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">o&#8217;o
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">polu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">woromala; [voro(mala)].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Pot
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">uli(ne); kodige (<i>dish</i>);
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[kapite; lua(pe) (<i>dish</i>); nau(pe) (<i>earthen dish</i>)]<a id="d0e14147src" href="#d0e14147" class="noteref">39</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kaivitch; [apitsi; kuetsi; kapaitsi (<i>earthen dish</i>)].
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Pumpkin
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">botame; tobo(le) (<i>goard</i>).
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bata
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Rain
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yangose
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yagosa
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">iti
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">uteli.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Rat
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">giliminde
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">sui
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">keni
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">keniani.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Red
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ilalama
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">boratu; [polatu]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">lolalumala.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Rib
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">auale
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">awari
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[malupe]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[elavotsi].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">River
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yu(ve)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ipe
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">everi.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Road
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">enambe; foida (<i>along flank of mountain</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">enambo
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">enaba
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kani
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">abatu.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Root
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">okasili
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">okusi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kilu&#8217; mute
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">mudene.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Rope
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">knoage
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">pumave; [pumave inate]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">pemarap; [leka; vilape].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Sago
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">balck&#8217; u; ta(ye)<a id="d0e14286src" href="#d0e14286" class="noteref">40</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Salt
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ama(ne)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hanamo
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ama
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">limanevi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[yota].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Sand
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">sanga(ve)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">soana
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nunu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[utsiaio].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Scratch
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">fifiete; sisilimi (<i>one&#8217;s self</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">malitana
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Sea
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ise
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">isa
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tapala.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">See
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ariri
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">na)nukava<a id="d0e14363src" href="#d0e14363" class="noteref">41</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[italara].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Shadow
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">sove; abebe; avevene (<i>of object</i>);
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ala
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">utupapu.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Sit
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tegid&#8217; ande<a id="d0e14391src" href="#d0e14391" class="noteref">42</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">na)navi<a href="#d0e14363">9</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[ularo].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Skin
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ode
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hode
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">gotipe; [kotsi(pe)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">komotoro; [kalukalutsi].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Sky
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">asolo(ne)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">asoro
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[manape]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">abat; [abatsi].</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Sleep
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">imaritade
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">utewu; [utevoi]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[voile; waro (<i>rest</i>)].
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Small
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kisi; aka(ne); kisiaka(ne) (<i>very</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ami&#8217;aga
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kisibaga
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">eveeve
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">peipu; [utsiaitsi].<a id="d0e14463"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e14463">343</a>]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Smoke
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">iso(ne)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">isong
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">is&#333;&#257;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">etaivi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[itiaulo].
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Snake
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tsivili
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hemai<a id="d0e14486src" href="#d0e14486" class="noteref">43</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">nai; [kovo]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">toiepe; [toepo].
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Soft
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">safe(le)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tamenu; [oluolue]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ketitau; [peopeo].
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Sour
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">beekoi (<i>bitter</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Speak
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ave(te)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tananipa; [te]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[wade].
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Spear
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">eme(le); idika (<i>with barbs of cassowary claws</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">himi(ra)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hemi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">inari.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Spit
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">sabete
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">luiteta
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Spittle
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">sabe
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Stand
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">lugila; [kilai]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[lavaka].
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Star
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">alile
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">duba<a id="d0e14601src" href="#d0e14601" class="noteref">44</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">harira
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tui; [imuli]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kapu.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Stay
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">vayu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">loia
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Stone
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bute
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">io
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">butia
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">eviti; [evi(te)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">geleo; [kile].
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Sugar-cane
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ale
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">teba<a id="d0e14645src" href="#d0e14645" class="noteref">45</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tu(ami)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">apiu; [api].
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Sun
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">eve
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ewu(ri)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">eurima
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">wati; [vata(ve)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">stamari; [kita].
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Sweet
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bebena
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Sweet potato
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kupa
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kupe
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">gupe
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">gupe; [kupeame; vetoe]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kouwai; [vetore].
+
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Taro
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">munde
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">munda
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">mude
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ku(we)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">gamach; [gimale].
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Taste, <i>v.</i>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tovogi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Thick
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kakava(ne)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[evoevotupi]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">in&#277;p.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Thin
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">fafale; garibe
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[itape]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">krawida.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Tobacco
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">vilu (<i>native</i>); kuku (<i>foreign</i>); matsika (<i>stick</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ewuta
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[emuna(te) (<i>native</i>)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[munamuna (<i>native</i>)].
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">To-day
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">audati
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kailili
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[tetefa; vae].
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Tomohawk
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">so(ve)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">so(nda)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[amu(te)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">To-morrow
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">aiti
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kila
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[kavokae].
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Tongue
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">usese
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">asisino
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">asiesa
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">aivi
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tananio; [tzinao].
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Tooth
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ato(le)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">usi<a id="d0e14840src" href="#d0e14840" class="noteref">46</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">atu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">noto(ab); [noto(ape)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kitira; [rita (tsi)].
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Tree
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">i(ye)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">i (<i>wood</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">i
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">enade; [ea(te)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ida.<a id="d0e14870"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e14870">344</a>]</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Valley
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ole  (<i>below</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">horo
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Village
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">e(me)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">haru
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">eda
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">geade; [kia(te); mai(te)]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">deata; [dela].
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Water
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yu(ve)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">iu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">eu(wa)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">i(pe)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">eweo; [eveo; evori].
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Weep
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">andavel&#8217;ete; availili
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kowaitai
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[inivade].
+
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">White
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kogola; fofoye (<i>ash colour</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">foa
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ilitu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">unimala; [aela].
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Wife
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">amu(le)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">omen)iva<a id="d0e14953src" href="#d0e14953" class="noteref">47</a>; [iva]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">anamara.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Wind
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">gubu(le)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">gubu(ra)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kavi; [oive]
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">tamara; [tsinu].
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Wing
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">geoge; fala(le) (<i>feathers</i>); pilulupe (<i>of bat</i>)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Woman
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">amu(le)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">mamo<a id="d0e14999src" href="#d0e14999" class="noteref">48</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">amu
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">iva
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">anakave; [anatemada, anakave; anafu].
+
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Wrist
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">bodul&#8217; u&#8217; gurube<a id="d0e15015src" href="#d0e15015" class="noteref">49</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ia&#8217; u&#8217; gidiba
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Yam
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">ai(ne)
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">hain
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">loite
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">darai; [tarae].
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Yellow
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yangogona<a id="d0e15044src" href="#d0e15044" class="noteref">50</a>
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">yarem
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">epe
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">katech.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Yes
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">e
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">namoade
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Yesterday
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">arima
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">kila
+
+</td>
+<td valign="top">[orivafari].</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+
+<a id="d0e15084"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e15084">345</a>]</span></p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e11792" href="#d0e11792src" class="noteref">1</a></span> Foot&#8217;s joint.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e11797" href="#d0e11797src" class="noteref">2</a></span> Cf. M. <i>kon(on)de</i>, knot in wood.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e11887" href="#d0e11887src" class="noteref">3</a></span> Cf. Fire.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e11949" href="#d0e11949src" class="noteref">4</a></span> Cf. M. <i>tobo</i>, gourd.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e11989" href="#d0e11989src" class="noteref">5</a></span> Probably introduced. Mekeo <i>avaava</i>, Pokau <i>tavatava</i>, buy.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12121" href="#d0e12121src" class="noteref">6</a></span> Introduced. Motu <i>asi</i>.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12209" href="#d0e12209src" class="noteref">7</a></span> Cf. M. <i>kon(on)de</i>, knot in wood.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12321" href="#d0e12321src" class="noteref">8</a></span> Cf. Fire.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12430" href="#d0e12430src" class="noteref">9</a></span> Cf. Finger.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12557" href="#d0e12557src" class="noteref">10</a></span> Cf. bag.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12584" href="#d0e12584src" class="noteref">11</a></span> Sun its light.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12758" href="#d0e12758src" class="noteref">12</a></span> <i>Na,</i> I.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12783" href="#d0e12783src" class="noteref">13</a></span> Arm&#8217;s joint.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12788" href="#d0e12788src" class="noteref">14</a></span> Cf. M. <i>kon(on)de,</i> knot in wood.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12818" href="#d0e12818src" class="noteref">15</a></span> Eyebrow&#8217;s hair.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12823" href="#d0e12823src" class="noteref">16</a></span> Eye-skin.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12895" href="#d0e12895src" class="noteref">17</a></span> <i>Nu,</i> thou.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12927" href="#d0e12927src" class="noteref">18</a></span> Cf. Branch.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12933" href="#d0e12933src" class="noteref">19</a></span> <i>Feneme</i>, eel.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12941" href="#d0e12941src" class="noteref">20</a></span> Cf.  <i>tala(pe)</i>, sp. thread.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e12950" href="#d0e12950src" class="noteref">21</a></span> Finger&#8217;s mother.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13058" href="#d0e13058src" class="noteref">22</a></span> Cf. Earth.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13149" href="#d0e13149src" class="noteref">23</a></span> Foot&#8217;s hollow. Cf. Pumpkin.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13197" href="#d0e13197src" class="noteref">24</a></span> Cf. Earth.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13267" href="#d0e13267src" class="noteref">25</a></span> <i>Nu</i>, thou.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13348" href="#d0e13348src" class="noteref">26</a></span> Hand&#8217;s hollow.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13386" href="#d0e13386src" class="noteref">27</a></span> <i> Ni</i>, you.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13443" href="#d0e13443src" class="noteref">28</a></span> Side&#8217;s tongue.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13463" href="#d0e13463src" class="noteref">29</a></span> Introduced (Motu, <i>Kimai</i>).
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13519" href="#d0e13519src" class="noteref">30</a></span> <i>omen</i>, his.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13531" href="#d0e13531src" class="noteref">31</a></span> Also handcuffs.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13578" href="#d0e13578src" class="noteref">32</a></span> <i>Nu</i>, thou.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13797" href="#d0e13797src" class="noteref">33</a></span> To give the breast.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13874" href="#d0e13874src" class="noteref">34</a></span> <i>aumen</i>, his?.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e13911" href="#d0e13911src" class="noteref">35</a></span> <i>Cf.</i> Finger.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14026" href="#d0e14026src" class="noteref">36</a></span> Breast, its nose.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14068" href="#d0e14068src" class="noteref">37</a></span> Nose, its hole.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14092" href="#d0e14092src" class="noteref">38</a></span> Introduced (Kabadi, Motu, <i>bara</i>).
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14147" href="#d0e14147src" class="noteref">39</a></span> Kabadi, &amp;c., <i>nau</i>.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14286" href="#d0e14286src" class="noteref">40</a></span> Sagopalm&#8217;s important part.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14363" href="#d0e14363src" class="noteref">41</a></span> <i>Na</i>, I.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14391" href="#d0e14391src" class="noteref">42</a></span> Sit and Stay.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14486" href="#d0e14486src" class="noteref">43</a></span> <i>Cf.</i> M. ememe, <i>pierce.</i></p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14601" href="#d0e14601src" class="noteref">44</a></span> <i>Cf.</i> Night, Darkness, Black.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14645" href="#d0e14645src" class="noteref">45</a></span> <i>Cf.</i> M. <i>tsibe</i>, a reed.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14840" href="#d0e14840src" class="noteref">46</a></span> <i>Cf.</i> M. <i>usi(le</i>), tusk.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14953" href="#d0e14953src" class="noteref">47</a></span> <i>Omen</i>, he, his.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e14999" href="#d0e14999src" class="noteref">48</a></span> <i>Cf</i>. Mother.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15015" href="#d0e15015src" class="noteref">49</a></span> Hand&#8217;s neck.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15044" href="#d0e15044src" class="noteref">50</a></span> <i>Yango(ne</i>) a plant of which the roots give a yellow stain
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><a id="d0e15085"></a><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2 class="label">Appendix V</h2>
+<h2>Notes on the Papuan Languages spoken about the Head Waters of the St. Joseph River, Central Papua</h2>
+<p>By Sidney H. Ray, M.A.
+
+</p>
+<p>The grammars and vocabularies collected by the Rev. Father Egedi, the Rev. E. P. Money and Dr. W. M. Strong illustrate the
+languages spoken in the higher hill country extending from the district about Mount Yule to Mount Albert Edward and the Upper
+Vanapa River. They form three distinct groups.
+
+</p>
+<p>1. Fuyuge, comprising the dialects of Mafulu, Kambisa, Korona and Sikube.
+
+</p>
+<p>2. Afoa or Ambo, including Tauata.
+
+</p>
+<p>3. Kovio, including Oru Lopiko.
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>I. Classification.</h3>
+<p>1. Fuyuge:&#8212;The first specimen of any lanugage of the Fuyuge group was collected by the Rev. James Chalmers in 1879. This was
+called by him Kabana, and was printed in a collection of vocabularies in 1888.<a id="d0e15105src" href="#d0e15105" class="noteref">1</a> From a note on the original MS., the vocabulary was assumed to be the dialect of a village on Mount Victoria (called by Chalmers
+Mount Owen Stanley).<a id="d0e15110src" href="#d0e15110" class="noteref">2</a> But as Sir William MacGregor pointed <a id="d0e15115"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e15115">346</a>]</span>out,<a id="d0e15117src" href="#d0e15117" class="noteref">3</a> there are no villages on that mountain, hence Chalmers, in assigning a locality to the vocabulary some time after its collection,
+must have been mistaken. The language of Chalmers&#8217; Kabana is nearly the same as that of a vocabulary collected by Mr. A. Giulianetti
+at the village of Sikube in the Upper Vetapa or Vanapa valley, north of Mount Lilley. This was published in 1898.<a id="d0e15122src" href="#d0e15122" class="noteref">4</a>
+
+</p>
+<p>A few words from the village of Kambisa, in Sirima (Chirima) valley were published in the Annual Report on British New Guinea
+for 1905&#8211;6,<a id="d0e15129src" href="#d0e15129" class="noteref">5</a> and I have since been favoured by the compiler, the Rev. P. J. Money, with a fuller list. The Rev. Father Egedi published
+in 1907 a vocabulary of Fuyuge along with his account of the Tauata or Afoa tribe.<a id="d0e15134src" href="#d0e15134" class="noteref">6</a> Dr. Strong collected a vocabulary from the natives of Korona, a village situated close to the head of Galley Reach. This
+was collected with the help of a Motu-speaking native, and contains a few apparently Melanesian words. Dr. Strong was spontaneously
+told that these had been introduced from the coast in quite recent times. (<i>Cf</i>. &sect; III.)
+
+</p>
+<p>The words in the comparative vocabulary are taken from an extensive collection in Mafulu by the Rev. Father Egedi. They represent
+the same dialect as the Grammar in <a href="#d0e6925">Appendix I</a>.
+
+</p>
+<p>That Mafulu, Kambisa, and Korona, with Sikube and Kabana, represent the same language is plain.
+
+</p>
+<p>The Kabana pronoun <i>nahu</i>, I, the Sikube <i>na(nio</i>) I, <i>nu</i>(<i>ni</i>) thou, and the Kambisa <i>na</i>, I, <i>nu</i>, thou, <i>hu</i>, he, agree with the Fuyuge <i>na, na(ni</i>), I, <i>nu, nu(ni</i>) thou, <i>u</i>, he. The Kabana <i>nauera</i>, mine, is the Fuyuge <i>naula</i>. The Kambisa <i>nara-ndo</i>, mine, <i>nura-ndo</i>, thine, <i>hura-ndo</i> his, also show a suffix <i>ndo</i> corresponding to Mafulu <i>ne</i> in <i>naula(ne</i>), mine, <i>nula(ne</i>) thine, <a id="d0e15208"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e15208">347</a>]</span><i>ula(ne</i>) his, and in the vocabulary the Kambisa suffix <i>nda</i> corresponds to the Korona <i>de</i> in the word for &#8220;chest.&#8221; There is, however, no evidence that the Korona <i>de</i> is equivalent to the Mafulu <i>ne</i>. The word given in Sikube for &#8220;woman,&#8221; <i>amuri</i>, is the Fuyuge plural <i>amuli</i>, &#8220;women.&#8221;
+
+</p>
+<p>A few other likenesses appear, as <i>e.g.</i>, Kambisa suffix <i>ng</i> represents Mafulu <i>me, ne</i>; Kambisa <i>fa</i>, the Fuyuge <i>ve</i>; Kambisa <i>a</i>, Korona <i>la</i>, Mafulu <i>le</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>The following extract shows the likeness of the vocabulary.<a id="d0e15258src" href="#d0e15258" class="noteref">7</a>
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">                 </td>
+<td valign="top">Mafulu.   </td>
+<td valign="top">Kambisa.      </td>
+<td valign="top">Sikube.       </td>
+<td valign="top">Kabana.       </td>
+<td valign="top">Korona.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Adze             </td>
+<td valign="top">so        </td>
+<td valign="top">so            </td>
+<td valign="top">cho           </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">itau
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Arm, hand        </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;        </td>
+<td valign="top">ia           </td>
+<td valign="top">ia            </td>
+<td valign="top">ia            </td>
+<td valign="top">ya
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Belly            </td>
+<td valign="top">ombo      </td>
+<td valign="top">hombo         </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">habe          </td>
+<td valign="top">obo
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Bird             </td>
+<td valign="top">nembe     </td>
+<td valign="top">neba          </td>
+<td valign="top">membe         </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">nebe
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Cassowary plume  </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;        </td>
+<td valign="top">wasa         </td>
+<td valign="top">vasa          </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Child, son       </td>
+<td valign="top">me, ese    </td>
+<td valign="top">isa           </td>
+<td valign="top">me            </td>
+<td valign="top">ese           </td>
+<td valign="top">isia
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Club             </td>
+<td valign="top">gilise    </td>
+<td valign="top">hadufa        </td>
+<td valign="top">adufa, girishia </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;         </td>
+<td valign="top">hadoga
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Dog              </td>
+<td valign="top">oi        </td>
+<td valign="top">hu            </td>
+<td valign="top">hu, fu        </td>
+<td valign="top">hoa           </td>
+<td valign="top">ho
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Ear              </td>
+<td valign="top">yangolo   </td>
+<td valign="top">gadoro        </td>
+<td valign="top">gaderu        </td>
+<td valign="top">gadero        </td>
+<td valign="top">i
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Eye              </td>
+<td valign="top">i         </td>
+<td valign="top">i             </td>
+<td valign="top">i             </td>
+<td valign="top">e             </td>
+<td valign="top">yago
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Forest           </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;        </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;          </td>
+<td valign="top">bu = garden   </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">bu
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Father           </td>
+<td valign="top">ba        </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">ba            </td>
+<td valign="top">ba
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Fire             </td>
+<td valign="top">oki       </td>
+<td valign="top">uki           </td>
+<td valign="top">okia          </td>
+<td valign="top">okia          </td>
+<td valign="top">oke
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Foot             </td>
+<td valign="top">soge      </td>
+<td valign="top">siga          </td>
+<td valign="top">suku          </td>
+<td valign="top">suge          </td>
+<td valign="top">sogo
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Go               </td>
+<td valign="top">gege      </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">henga         </td>
+<td valign="top">inga          </td>
+<td valign="top">hego
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Ground           </td>
+<td valign="top">bu, fa    </td>
+<td valign="top">hoa           </td>
+<td valign="top">bu = garden   </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">fa
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Hair, head       </td>
+<td valign="top">ade       </td>
+<td valign="top">ha            </td>
+<td valign="top">ha            </td>
+<td valign="top">ha            </td>
+<td valign="top">ha
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">House            </td>
+<td valign="top">e         </td>
+<td valign="top">e             </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">e             </td>
+<td valign="top">e
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Knife            </td>
+<td valign="top">indi      </td>
+<td valign="top">indi          </td>
+<td valign="top">indi          </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Leaf             </td>
+<td valign="top">tu        </td>
+<td valign="top">idu           </td>
+<td valign="top">itu           </td>
+<td valign="top">idu           </td>
+<td valign="top">utu
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Lip, mouth       </td>
+<td valign="top">ude       </td>
+<td valign="top">uba           </td>
+<td valign="top">ude           </td>
+<td valign="top">ude           </td>
+<td valign="top">uau
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Moon             </td>
+<td valign="top">one       </td>
+<td valign="top">hama          </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">hama          </td>
+<td valign="top">hoana
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Navel            </td>
+<td valign="top">kombolu   </td>
+<td valign="top">kumburu       </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">habera = belly </td>
+<td valign="top">koboro
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Nose             </td>
+<td valign="top">unge      </td>
+<td valign="top">unga          </td>
+<td valign="top">hunge         </td>
+<td valign="top">unuga         </td>
+<td valign="top">unga
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Pig              </td>
+<td valign="top">ovo       </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">obu           </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">o&#8217;o
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Rain             </td>
+<td valign="top">yangose   </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">iangushe      </td>
+<td valign="top">iangose       </td>
+<td valign="top">yagosa
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Smoke            </td>
+<td valign="top">iso       </td>
+<td valign="top">iso           </td>
+<td valign="top">ishio         </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">isoa
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Stone            </td>
+<td valign="top">bute      </td>
+<td valign="top">io            </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">io            </td>
+<td valign="top">butia
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Sun, day         </td>
+<td valign="top">eve       </td>
+<td valign="top">ewuri         </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">evurima       </td>
+<td valign="top">eurima
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Sugar-cane       </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;        </td>
+<td valign="top">teba         </td>
+<td valign="top">tebe          </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Taro             </td>
+<td valign="top">munde     </td>
+<td valign="top">munda         </td>
+<td valign="top">mude          </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">mude
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Thigh            </td>
+<td valign="top">mude      </td>
+<td valign="top">muda          </td>
+<td valign="top">mude          </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">mude
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Tongue           </td>
+<td valign="top">usese     </td>
+<td valign="top">asisino       </td>
+<td valign="top">asese         </td>
+<td valign="top">asese         </td>
+<td valign="top">asiesa
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Tooth            </td>
+<td valign="top">ato       </td>
+<td valign="top">usi           </td>
+<td valign="top">ado           </td>
+<td valign="top">ado           </td>
+<td valign="top">atu
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Village          </td>
+<td valign="top">e         </td>
+<td valign="top">haru          </td>
+<td valign="top">e             </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;           </td>
+<td valign="top">eda
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Water            </td>
+<td valign="top">yu        </td>
+<td valign="top">iu            </td>
+<td valign="top">iu            </td>
+<td valign="top">iu            </td>
+<td valign="top">eu
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Woman            </td>
+<td valign="top">amu       </td>
+<td valign="top">?mamo = mother </td>
+<td valign="top">amu          </td>
+<td valign="top">amu           </td>
+<td valign="top">amu</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+<a id="d0e15757"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e15757">348</a>]</span></p>
+<p>The numerals show similar agreements. These will be illustrated in the next section.
+
+</p>
+<p>2. Afoa.&#8212;The Afoa vocabulary was collected by Dr. Strong in the villages on Mount Pitsoko from a Fuyuge native who spoke Afoa
+fluently. Dr. Strong also obtained a short vocabulary from a native who came from a village apparently on the slopes of Mount
+Davidson. The language is substantially the same as the Tauata or Tauatape of which Rev. Father Egedi has published a Vocabulary
+and Grammar.<a id="d0e15762src" href="#d0e15762" class="noteref">8</a> There are, however, a few slight differences which seem to confirm Father Egedi&#8217;s statement that there is probably a difference
+of pronunciation in the various Afoa villages.<a id="d0e15770src" href="#d0e15770" class="noteref">9</a> Father Egedi writes: <i>p, v, k, t, l, ts</i> where Dr. Strong has: <i>b, w, g, d, r, t</i>. The latter also has final <i>i</i> for <i>e</i>, <i>&#333;&#257;</i> for <i>a</i> or <i>o</i>, <i>ia</i> for <i>ea</i>, <i>u</i> for <i>oi</i> <i>ai</i> for <i>ei</i>. Sometimes <i>b</i> represents <i>m</i> or <i>v</i>. Some of Dr. Strong&#8217;s words show marks of Afoa grammar, as, <i>e.g.</i>, the words for eat, see, sit, give, head, husband or wife, mother, are: <i>na nai</i>, I eat; <i>na nu kava</i>, I thee see; <i>na navi</i>, I sit; <i>nu inie</i>, thou givest; <i>ni adi</i>, your head; <i>omen iva</i>, his wife or her husband; <i>aumen ini</i>, his mother. The Tauata words are added to the Afoa Vocabulary in square brackets.
+
+</p>
+<p>3. Kovio.&#8212;The language called Kovio by Dr. Strong is substantially the same as the Oru Lopiko of Rev. Father Egedi.<a id="d0e15849src" href="#d0e15849" class="noteref">10</a> The same or a similar language is said to be found in four places, viz.&#8212;
+
+</p>
+<p>1. Lopiko in the Inava valley.
+
+</p>
+<p>2. Inavarene in the Inava valley.
+
+</p>
+<p>3. Kwoifa district on upper Lakekamu River.
+
+</p>
+<p>4. Villages round Pic Eleia.
+
+</p>
+<p>Details of these dialects are not given.
+
+
+<a id="d0e15864"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e15864">349</a>]</span></p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>II. Comparison.</h3>
+<p>The three groups of languages illustrated in these vocabularies present the usual Papuan characteristics of great differences.
+A certain amount of resemblance may be found in some of the pronouns, and possibly in a few other words, but generally speaking
+the languages are not only quite unconnected with each other, but are also distinct from the known Papuan languages surrounding
+them.
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">            </td>
+<td valign="top">            </td>
+<td valign="top">I.           </td>
+<td valign="top">Thou.     </td>
+<td valign="top">He.       </td>
+<td valign="top">We.        </td>
+<td valign="top">You.        </td>
+<td valign="top">They.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top" rowspan="4">  I. </td>
+<td valign="top">Fuyuge      </td>
+<td valign="top">na, nani     </td>
+<td valign="top">nu, nuni  </td>
+<td valign="top">u, uni    </td>
+<td valign="top">di, dini   </td>
+<td valign="top">yi, yini    </td>
+<td valign="top">tu, tuni
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Kambisa     </td>
+<td valign="top">na           </td>
+<td valign="top">nu        </td>
+<td valign="top">u         </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;         </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;          </td>
+<td valign="top">ha-ru
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Sikube      </td>
+<td valign="top">na-nio       </td>
+<td valign="top">nu-ni     </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;        </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;         </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;          </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Kabana      </td>
+<td valign="top">nau          </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;        </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;        </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;         </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;          </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top" rowspan="2"> II. </td>
+<td valign="top">Afoa        </td>
+<td valign="top">na           </td>
+<td valign="top">nu-i      </td>
+<td valign="top">ome       </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;         </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;          </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Tauata      </td>
+<td valign="top">na, nai      </td>
+<td valign="top">nu, nu-i  </td>
+<td valign="top">ome, ome-i      </td>
+<td valign="top">nane, nane-i     </td>
+<td valign="top">nune, nunei      </td>
+<td valign="top">ote, ote-i
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top" rowspan="2">III. </td>
+<td valign="top">Kovio       </td>
+<td valign="top">na           </td>
+<td valign="top">ni        </td>
+<td valign="top">pi        </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;         </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;          </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Oru-Lopiko  </td>
+<td valign="top">na, naro     </td>
+<td valign="top">ni, niro  </td>
+<td valign="top">pi, piro  </td>
+<td valign="top">dae, daro  </td>
+<td valign="top">ali, alero  </td>
+<td valign="top">valo, valoro
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top" rowspan="3">       West </td>
+<td valign="top">Toaripi     </td>
+<td valign="top">ara-o     </td>
+<td valign="top">a-o       </td>
+<td valign="top">are-o     </td>
+<td valign="top">ela-o      </td>
+<td valign="top">e-o         </td>
+<td valign="top">ere-o
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Namau       </td>
+<td valign="top">na-i         </td>
+<td valign="top">ni-i      </td>
+<td valign="top">u         </td>
+<td valign="top">ene-i      </td>
+<td valign="top">noro        </td>
+<td valign="top">oro
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Kiwai       </td>
+<td valign="top">mo           </td>
+<td valign="top">ro        </td>
+<td valign="top">nou       </td>
+<td valign="top">nimo       </td>
+<td valign="top">nigo        </td>
+<td valign="top">nei
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">North-east, </td>
+<td valign="top">Binandele   </td>
+<td valign="top">na           </td>
+<td valign="top">imo       </td>
+<td valign="top">owa       </td>
+<td valign="top">kaena, nakare    </td>
+<td valign="top">imomae      </td>
+<td valign="top">owawa
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">      East, </td>
+<td valign="top">Koita       </td>
+<td valign="top">da           </td>
+<td valign="top">a         </td>
+<td valign="top">au        </td>
+<td valign="top">no         </td>
+<td valign="top">yai         </td>
+<td valign="top">yau
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">South-east, </td>
+<td valign="top">Mailu       </td>
+<td valign="top">ia           </td>
+<td valign="top">ga        </td>
+<td valign="top">noa       </td>
+<td valign="top">gea        </td>
+<td valign="top">aea         </td>
+<td valign="top">omoa</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+
+</p>
+<p>It is interesting here to note the agreement in the forms of the first and second persons singular, with a wide difference
+in the other pronouns. Similar words for these two pronouns occur in other Papuan languages as <i>e.g.</i>, Kai (Finschhafen) <i>no</i>, Kelana Kai <i>nai</i>, &#8220;I,&#8221; and Bongu and Bogadjim (Astrolabe Bay), <i>ni</i>, Kelana Kai <i>ne</i>, &#8220;thou.&#8221;
+
+</p>
+<p>The widespread use of a suffix, used when the pronoun is emphatic, is noteworthy. The possessive case also is formed as in
+some other Papuan languages by a suffix added to the root of the pronoun. <i>Cf.</i>&#8212;
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">           </td>
+<td valign="top">My.         </td>
+<td valign="top">Thy.      </td>
+<td valign="top">His.     </td>
+<td valign="top">Our.       </td>
+<td valign="top">Your.     </td>
+<td valign="top">Their.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top" rowspan="2">Fuyuge </td>
+<td valign="top">nau(le)      </td>
+<td valign="top">nu(le)    </td>
+<td valign="top">u(le)    </td>
+<td valign="top">diu(le)    </td>
+<td valign="top">yu(le)    </td>
+<td valign="top">ta(le)
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">naula(ne)   </td>
+<td valign="top">nula(ne)  </td>
+<td valign="top">ula(ne)  </td>
+<td valign="top">diula(ne)  </td>
+<td valign="top">yula(ne)  </td>
+<td valign="top">tala(ne)
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Kambisa    </td>
+<td valign="top">narando     </td>
+<td valign="top">nurando   </td>
+<td valign="top">hurando  </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;         </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;        </td>
+<td valign="top">haruando
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Tauata     </td>
+<td valign="top">neve        </td>
+<td valign="top">nie       </td>
+<td valign="top">omene    </td>
+<td valign="top">nanene     </td>
+<td valign="top">nuvene    </td>
+<td valign="top">otene
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Kovio      </td>
+<td valign="top">nemai       </td>
+<td valign="top">nimai     </td>
+<td valign="top">pimai    </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;         </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;        </td>
+<td valign="top">&#8212;
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Oru-Lopiko </td>
+<td valign="top">nema        </td>
+<td valign="top">nima      </td>
+<td valign="top">pima     </td>
+<td valign="top">daema      </td>
+<td valign="top">alima     </td>
+<td valign="top">valoma
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Toaripi    </td>
+<td valign="top">arave       </td>
+<td valign="top">ave       </td>
+<td valign="top">areve    </td>
+<td valign="top">elave      </td>
+<td valign="top">eve       </td>
+<td valign="top">ereve
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Binandele  </td>
+<td valign="top">nato        </td>
+<td valign="top">ito       </td>
+<td valign="top">ounda, owanda  </td>
+<td valign="top">kaenato    </td>
+<td valign="top">itomane   </td>
+<td valign="top">omida</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+<a id="d0e16270"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e16270">350</a>]</span></p>
+<p>Sometimes the simple form of the pronoun is prefixed to the noun in Tauata to indicate the possessive, as in Namau and Koita.
+Tauata <i>na ate</i>, Koita <i>di omote</i>, Namau, <i>na uku</i>, &#8220;my head.&#8221;
+
+</p>
+<p>The numerals also show great differences. As far as &#8220;three&#8221; they appear as follows:
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">   </td>
+<td valign="top">Fuyuge.   </td>
+<td valign="top">Korona.   </td>
+<td valign="top">Sikitbe.  </td>
+<td valign="top">Afoa.      </td>
+<td valign="top">Tauata.   </td>
+<td valign="top">Kovio.        </td>
+<td valign="top">Oru Lopiko.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">1. </td>
+<td valign="top">fida(ne)  </td>
+<td valign="top">fida(ne)  </td>
+<td valign="top">fidana    </td>
+<td valign="top">koane      </td>
+<td valign="top">kone      </td>
+<td valign="top">uniuni        </td>
+<td valign="top">konepu
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">2. </td>
+<td valign="top">gegeto    </td>
+<td valign="top">gegeda    </td>
+<td valign="top">iuara     </td>
+<td valign="top">atolowai   </td>
+<td valign="top">atoloai   </td>
+<td valign="top">karaala       </td>
+<td valign="top">kalotolo
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">3. </td>
+<td valign="top">gegeto m&#8217;inaa </td>
+<td valign="top">gegeda-fidane </td>
+<td valign="top">iuara-minda </td>
+<td valign="top">atolowai-itime </td>
+<td valign="top">atoloai-laina </td>
+<td valign="top">naralavievi-napuevi </td>
+<td valign="top">konekhalavi</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>Some of these words have other meanings. Thus Fuyuge 2, <i>gegeto</i> is given also as &#8220;few.&#8221; In Tauata 1, <i>kone</i> duplicated as <i>konekone</i> is &#8220;few,&#8221; whilst <i>onioni</i>, means &#8220;alone.&#8221; In Oru Lopiko 1, <i>konepu</i> compares with <i>onionipu</i>, &#8220;few.&#8221;
+
+</p>
+<p>These numerals are all different from Mailu, Koita, Binandele, Toaripi and Namau.
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">     </td>
+<td valign="top">Mailu.  </td>
+<td valign="top">Koita.        </td>
+<td valign="top">Binandele.  </td>
+<td valign="top">Toaripi.   </td>
+<td valign="top">Namau.       </td>
+<td valign="top">Kiwai.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">1.   </td>
+<td valign="top">omu     </td>
+<td valign="top">kobua, igagu  </td>
+<td valign="top">da          </td>
+<td valign="top">farakeka   </td>
+<td valign="top">monou        </td>
+<td valign="top">nao
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">2.   </td>
+<td valign="top">ava     </td>
+<td valign="top">abu           </td>
+<td valign="top">tote        </td>
+<td valign="top">orakoria   </td>
+<td valign="top">morere       </td>
+<td valign="top">netowa.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">3.   </td>
+<td valign="top">aiseri  </td>
+<td valign="top">abi-gaga      </td>
+<td valign="top">tamonde     </td>
+<td valign="top">oroisoria  </td>
+<td valign="top">morere-monou </td>
+<td valign="top">netowa-naobi</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>The vocabulary shows very few agreements, and there is very little evidence in support of a connection of any one of these
+dialects with its neighbours. The following correspondences may be purely accidental.
+
+
+</p>
+<p>Bamboo. Afoa, <i>ila</i>; Namau, <i>ina</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Banana. Korona, <i>haba</i>; Iworo, <i>sabari</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Barter. Afoa, <i>tavatava</i>; Toaripi, <i>tavatava</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Belly. Oru Lop., <i>data</i>; Sogeri, Koiari, <i>detu</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Black. Fuyuge, <i>dube, duba</i>; Neneba, <i>aduve</i>; Koiari, Koita, <i>dubu</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Blood. Fuyuge, <i>tana</i>; Koiari, Koita, <i>tago</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Bone. Fuyuge, <i>fude, &amp;c.</i>; Toaripi, <i>uti</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Child. Fuyuge, <i>me(le</i>); Binandele, <i>mai</i>; Berepo, <i>me</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Fuyuge, <i>isia</i>; Kambisa, <i>isa</i>; Ubere, <i>esi</i>; Neneba, <i>eche</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Coconut. Kambisa, <i>bao</i>; Koiari, <i>bagha</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Crocodile. Fuyuge, <i>fua, fuai</i>; Koiari, <i>fuie</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Dig. Fuyuge, <i>etsia</i>; Toaripi, <i>isei</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Dog. Fuyuge, <i>oi, ho</i>; Agi, Ubere, <i>o</i>; Koiari, &amp;c., <i>to</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Eat, Drink. Fuyuge, <i>na, nene</i>; Namau, <i>na</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fire. Tauata, <i>ena</i>; Koiari, <i>vene</i>; Koita, <i>veni</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Foot. Fuyuge, &amp;c., <i>soge, suga</i>; Amara, <i>joka</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Male. Tauata, <i>mu</i>; Toaripi, <i>mo</i>. Oru Lopiko, <i>vitapu</i>; Toaripi, <i>vita</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Man. Fuyuge <i>a(ne</i>); Neneba, <i>ana</i>; Koiari, Koita, <i>ata</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Mother. Oru Lopiko, Kovio, <i>nei</i>, Uberi, <i>neia</i>; Koita, <i>neina</i>; Tauata; <i>ine</i>; Koiari, <i>ine</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Pig. Kambisa, <i>sika</i>; Musa River, <i>siko</i>.
+<a id="d0e16638"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e16638">351</a>]</span></p>
+<p>Fuyuge, <i>avo</i>; Koiari, <i>ofo</i>; Koita, <i>oho</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Rope. Fuyuge, <i>konange</i>; Gosisi, <i>goda</i>; Koiari, Koita,<i>gote</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Salt. Fuyuge, <i>ama(ne</i>); Neneba, Iworo, <i>amani</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Taro. Fuyuge, &amp;c., <i>munde</i>, <i>muda</i>; Neneba, <i>muda</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Tree. Fuyuge, <i>i</i>, <i>iye</i>; Kovio, <i>ida</i>; Koiari, Koita, <i>idi</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Water. Fuyuge, &amp;c., <i>yu</i>; Afoa, <i>i(pe</i>); Neneba, <i>ei</i>; Ubere, <i>e</i>.
+
+</p>
+<p>Woman. Fuyuge, <i>amu</i>; Iworo, Neneba, <i>amuro</i>, wife.
+
+
+
+</p>
+<p class="div2"></p>
+<h3>III. Papuan and Melanesian.</h3>
+<p>Three Melanesian languages are spoken in the country around the lower courses of the St. Joseph and Aroa rivers, and are thus
+in immediate contact with the Papuan languages spoken about the upper waters. These Melanesian languages are the Mekeo, Kuni
+and Pokau. It is, therefore, of some importance to note whether any apparently non-Melanesian elements in these languages
+may be traced to the influence of the neighbouring Papuan tongues.
+
+</p>
+<p>In Grammar the only non-Melanesian characteristic which appears is the preceding of the substantive by the genitive, but in
+the vocabularies a few correspondences are found.
+
+</p>
+<table width="100%">
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Bamboo       </td>
+<td valign="top">Pokau, <i>ileile</i>; Fuyuge, <i>ele</i>; Afoa, <i>ila</i>. Sinaugoro, <i>tobo</i>; Korono, <i>tobo</i>. Kuni, <i>bioni</i>; Mekeo, <i>piengi</i>; Fuyuge, <i>bione</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Big          </td>
+<td valign="top">Kuni, <i>galoa</i>; Afoa, <i>kalowo</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Bird         </td>
+<td valign="top">Mekeo, <i>inei</i>; Afoa, <i>kile</i>; Oru Lopiko, <i>ite</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Breast       </td>
+<td valign="top">Pokau, <i>pede</i>; Oru Lopiko, <i>apetei</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Chest        </td>
+<td valign="top">Mekeo, <i>olanga</i>; Oru Lopiko, <i>ulako</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Couch        </td>
+<td valign="top">Kuni, <i>itsifu</i>; Tauata, <i>itsifu</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Crocodile    </td>
+<td valign="top">Roro, <i>puaea</i>; Kabadi, <i>ua</i>; Fuyuge, <i>fua</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Dog          </td>
+<td valign="top">Pokau, <i>oveka</i>; Kuni, <i>ojame</i>, <i>obeka</i>; Fuyuge, <i>oi(e</i>); Afoa, <i>kovela</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Fork         </td>
+<td valign="top">Kuni, <i>ini</i>; Tauata, <i>ini</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Girdle       </td>
+<td valign="top">Kuni, <i>afafa</i>; Tauata, <i>afafe</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Hammock      </td>
+<td valign="top">Kuni, <i>totoe</i>; Fuyuge, <i>sosoe</i>; Tauata, <i>totolo</i>; Oru Lopiko, <i>totoki</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Head         </td>
+<td valign="top">Mekeo, <i>kangia</i>; Oru Lopiko, <i>kakuo</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Hill         </td>
+<td valign="top">Mekeo, <i>iku</i>; Fuyuge, <i>ku(me</i>).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">House        </td>
+<td valign="top">Mekeo, <i>ea</i>; Fuyuge, <i>e(me</i>).
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Knife        </td>
+<td valign="top">Mekeo, <i>aiva</i>; Kuni, <i>atsiva</i>; Tauata, <i>tiveya</i>; Oru  Lopiko, <i>vetsi</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Many         </td>
+<td valign="top">Kuni, <i>talelea</i>; Afoa, <i>talele</i>; Fuyuge, <i>talele</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Rope         </td>
+<td valign="top">Mekeo, <i>ue</i>; Korona, <i>yu</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Spoon        </td>
+<td valign="top">Kuni, <i>nima</i>; Tauata, <i>dima</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">Sweet Potato </td>
+<td valign="top">Kuni, <i>gubea</i>; Fuyuge, <i>kupa</i>, <i>gupe</i>; Afoa, <i>gupe</i>.
+
+</td>
+</tr>
+<tr valign="top">
+<td valign="top">White        </td>
+<td valign="top">Mekeo, <i>foenga</i>; Korona, <i>foa</i>.
+</td>
+</tr>
+</table><p>
+
+</p>
+<p>But there are many apparently non-Melanesian words in Mekeo, Kuni and Pokau, which are different in each language, and cannot
+be traced to the neighbouring <a id="d0e17001"></a><span class="pagenum">[<a href="#d0e17001">352</a>]</span>Papuan. The inference is that such words may be remnants of other Papuan tongues spoken in the St. Joseph and Aroa Basins,
+which have been absorbed by the immigrant Melanesian speech.
+
+</p>
+<p>Only three Melanesian words in the list appear to have been adopted by the Papuans. These are: Tauata <i>nau</i> (<i>pe</i>), earthen dish, which is Kuni, Motu, Pokau, &amp;c., <i>nau</i>; Fuyuge asi boat, Pokau and Motu asi; and Fuyuge <i>bara</i>, paddle, the Motu, Kabadi <i>bara</i>, Mekeo <i>fanga</i>, oar. The Fuyuge <i>kokole</i> fowl is also probably the Mekeo <i>kokolo</i>.
+
+
+
+</p>
+<div class="footnotes">
+<hr class="fnsep">
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15105" href="#d0e15105src" class="noteref">1</a></span> <i>British New Guinea Vocabularies</i>. London: The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15110" href="#d0e15110src" class="noteref">2</a></span> <i>A Comparative Vocabulary of the Dialects of British New Guinea</i>. Compiled by Sidney H. Ray. London, 1895.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15117" href="#d0e15117src" class="noteref">3</a></span> <i>Annual Report on British New Guinea</i>. 1896&#8211;7, p. 13.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15122" href="#d0e15122src" class="noteref">4</a></span> <i>Annual Report on British New Guinea</i>. 1897&#8211;8, p. 35.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15129" href="#d0e15129src" class="noteref">5</a></span> <i>British New Guinea. Annual Report for the Year ending 30th June</i>, 1906. p. 93.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15134" href="#d0e15134src" class="noteref">6</a></span> <i>Anthropos II, Heft</i> 6. pp. 1016&#8211;1021.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15258" href="#d0e15258src" class="noteref">7</a></span> In comparing I have omitted the non-essential syllable.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15762" href="#d0e15762src" class="noteref">8</a></span> <i>Anthropos</i>, II. <i>Heft</i> 6, pp. 1009&#8211;1021.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15770" href="#d0e15770src" class="noteref">9</a></span> <i>Op. cit.</i>, p. 1009.
+</p>
+<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a id="d0e15849" href="#d0e15849src" class="noteref">10</a></span> <i>Op. cit.</i>, pp. 1016&#8211;1021.
+</p>
+</div>
+<p class="div1"><span class="pagenum">
+[<a href="#d0e126">Contents</a>]
+</span></p>
+<h2>Plates</h2>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17033" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 1.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p001.jpg" alt="Kuni Scenery."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Kuni Scenery.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17038" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 2.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p002.jpg" alt="Mafulu Scenery."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Mafulu Scenery.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17043" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 3.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p003.jpg" alt="Skull A."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Skull A.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17048" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 4.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p004.jpg" alt="Skull C."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Skull C.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17053" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 5.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p005.jpg" alt="Husband, Wife and Child."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Husband, Wife and Child.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17058" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 6.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p006.jpg" alt="Man and Two Women."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Man and Two Women.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17063" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 7.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p007.jpg" alt="Man, Young Man and Boy."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Man, Young Man and Boy.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17068" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 8.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p008.jpg" alt="Man, Young Man and Boy."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Man, Young Man and Boy.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17073" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 9.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p009.jpg" alt="Different Types of Men."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Different Types of Men.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17078" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 10.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p010.jpg" alt="An Unusual Type."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">An Unusual Type.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17083" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 11.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p011.jpg" alt="Two Unusual Types."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Two Unusual Types.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17088" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 12.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p012.jpg" alt="Two Unusual Types."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Two Unusual Types.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17093" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 13.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p013.jpg" alt=""></p>
+<p>Fig. 1. Section of Man&#8217;s Perineal Band.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 2. Decoration near end of Woman&#8217;s Perineal Band.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 3. Section of Woman&#8217;s Perineal Band.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 4. Section of Man&#8217;s or Woman&#8217;s Dancing Ribbon.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17104" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 14.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p014.jpg" alt=""></p>
+<p>Fig. 1. Belt No. 1.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 2. Belt No. 3.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 3. Belt No. 4.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17113" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 15.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p015.jpg" alt=""></p>
+<p>Fig. 1. Belt No. 5 (one end only).
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 2. Belt No. 6 (one end only).
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 3. Belt No. 7.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17122" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 16.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p016.jpg" alt="A General Group."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">A General Group.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17127" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 17.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p017.jpg" alt="A Young Chief&#8217;s Sister decorated for a Dance."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">A Young Chief&#8217;s Sister decorated for a Dance.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17132" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 18.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p018.jpg" alt="Women wearing Illness Recovery Capes."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Women wearing Illness Recovery Capes.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17137" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 19.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p019.jpg" alt="Women wearing Illness Recovery Capes."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Women wearing Illness Recovery Capes.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17142" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 20.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p020.jpg" alt=""></p>
+<p>Fig. 1. Ear-rings.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 2. Jew&#8217;s Harp.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 3. Hair Fringe.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17151" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 21.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p021.jpg" alt="Man, Woman, and Children."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Man, Woman, and Children.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17156" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 22.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p022.jpg" alt="A Little Girl with Head Decorations."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">A Little Girl with Head Decorations.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17161" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 23.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p023.jpg" alt="A Little Girl with Head Decorations."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">A Little Girl with Head Decorations.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17166" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 24.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p024.jpg" alt=""></p>
+<p>Figs. 1, 2, 5, and 6. Women&#8217;s Hair Plaits decorated with European Beads, Shells, Shell Discs, Dog&#8217;s Tooth, and Betel Nut Fruit.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 3. Man&#8217;s Hair Plait with Cane Pendant.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 4. Man&#8217;s Hair Plait with Betel Nut Pendant.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17175" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 25.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p025.jpg" alt=""></p>
+<p>Fig. 1. Leg Band.
+
+</p>
+<p>Figs. 2 and 4. Women&#8217;s Hair Plaits decorated with Shells and Dogs&#8217; Teeth.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 3. Bone Implement used (as a fork) for Eating.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17184" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 26.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p026.jpg" alt="Group of Women."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Group of Women.</p>
+<p>(The one at the end to the right has the mourning string necklace, worn by the nearest relative.)</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17191" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 27.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p027.jpg" alt="A Young Woman."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">A Young Woman.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17196" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 28.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p028.jpg" alt="Two Women."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Two Women.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17201" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 29.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p029.jpg" alt="Two Women."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Two Women.</p>
+<p>(Mourning shell necklace worn by woman to right.)</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17208" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 30.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p030.jpg" alt=""></p>
+<p>Fig. 1. Mourning String Necklace.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 2. Comb.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 3. Pig&#8217;s Tail Ornament for Head.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 4. Whip Lash Head Ornament.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 5. Forehead Ornament.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17221" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 31.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p031.jpg" alt="Necklaces."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Necklaces.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17226" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 32.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p032.jpg" alt="A Necklace."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">A Necklace.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17231" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 33.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p033.jpg" alt="Necklaces."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Necklaces.</p>
+<p>(The middle one is the mourning shell necklace.)</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17238" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 34.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p034.jpg" alt=""></p>
+<p>Fig. 1. Armlet No. 5.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 2. Armlet No. 4.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 3. Armlet No. 2.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 4. Armlet No. 1.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17249" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 35.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p035.jpg" alt="Woman wearing Dancing Apron."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Woman wearing Dancing Apron.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17254" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 36.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p036.jpg" alt="Decoration of Dancing Apron."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Decoration of Dancing Apron.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17259" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 37.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p037.jpg" alt="Decoration of Dancing Apron."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Decoration of Dancing Apron.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17264" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 38.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p038.jpg" alt="Decoration of Dancing Apron."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Decoration of Dancing Apron.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17269" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 39.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p039.jpg" alt="Decoration of Dancing Apron."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Decoration of Dancing Apron.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17274" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 40.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p040.jpg" alt="Decoration of Dancing Apron."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Decoration of Dancing Apron.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17279" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 41.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p041.jpg" alt="Decoration of Dancing Apron."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Decoration of Dancing Apron.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17284" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 42.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p042.jpg" alt="Decoration of Dancing Apron."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Decoration of Dancing Apron.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17289" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 43.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p043.jpg" alt="Decoration of Dancing Apron."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Decoration of Dancing Apron.</p>
+<p>(Plate 43 is of an unusual form.)</p>
+</div><p>
+
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17296" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 44.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p044.jpg" alt="Head Feather Ornaments."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Head Feather Ornaments.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17301" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 45.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p045.jpg" alt="Head Feather Ornaments."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Head Feather Ornaments.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17306" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 46.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p046.jpg" alt=""></p>
+<p>Fig. 1. Head Feather Ornament.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 2. Back Feather Ornament.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17313" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 47.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p047.jpg" alt="Plaited Head feather Frames."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Plaited Head feather Frames.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17318" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 48.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p048.jpg" alt="Mother and Baby."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Mother and Baby.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17323" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 49.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p049.jpg" alt="At the Spring."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">At the Spring.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17328" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 50.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p050.jpg" alt="A Social Gathering."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">A Social Gathering.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17333" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 51.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p051.jpg" alt=""></p>
+<p>Fig. 1. Small Smoking Pipe (an unusual form).
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 2. Pig-bone Scraping Implement.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 3. Stone Bark Cloth Beater.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 4. Drilling Implement.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 5. Bamboo Knife.
+
+</p>
+<p>Figs. 6 and 7. Lime Gourds (used for betel chewing).</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17348" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 52.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p052.jpg" alt=""></p>
+<p>Fig. 1. Wooden Dish.
+
+</p>
+<p>Figs. 2 and 3. Water-Carrying Gourds.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17355" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 53.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p053.jpg" alt=""></p>
+<p>Fig. 1. Bag No. 3.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 2. Bag No. 4.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 3. Bag No. 6.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17364" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 54.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p054.jpg" alt="Village of Salube and Surrounding Country."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Village of Salube and Surrounding Country.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17369" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 55.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p055.jpg" alt="Village of Seluku, with Chief&#8217;s Emone at End and Remains of Broken-down Burial Platform in Middle."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Village of Seluku, with Chief&#8217;s Emone at End and Remains of Broken-down Burial Platform in Middle.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17374" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 56.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p056.jpg" alt="Village of Amalala, with Chief&#8217;s Emone at End."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Village of Amalala, with Chief&#8217;s Emone at End.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17379" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 57.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p057.jpg" alt="Village of Amalala (looking in other direction) with Secondary Emone at End."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Village of Amalala (looking in other direction) with Secondary Emone at End.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17384" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 58.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p058.jpg" alt="Village of Malala, with Secondary Emone at End and Ordinary Grave and Burial Platform of Chief&#8217;s Child in Right Foreground."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Village of Malala, with Secondary Emone at End and Ordinary Grave and Burial Platform of Chief&#8217;s Child in Right Foreground.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17389" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 59.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p059.jpg" alt="Village of Uvande, with Chief&#8217;s Emone at End."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Village of Uvande, with Chief&#8217;s Emone at End.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17394" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 60.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p060.jpg" alt="Village of Biave, with Chief&#8217;s Emone at End and Burial Platform of Chief&#8217;s Child in Middle."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Village of Biave, with Chief&#8217;s Emone at End and Burial Platform of Chief&#8217;s Child in Middle.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17399" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 61.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p061.jpg" alt="Chief&#8217;s Emone in Village of Amalala."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Chief&#8217;s Emone in Village of Amalala.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17404" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 62.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p062.jpg" alt="Chief&#8217;s Emone in Village of Malala."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Chief&#8217;s Emone in Village of Malala.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17409" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 63.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p063.jpg" alt="House in Village of Malala."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">House in Village of Malala.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17414" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 64.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p064.jpg" alt="House in Village of Levo, with Child&#8217;s Excrement Receptacle to Left."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">House in Village of Levo, with Child&#8217;s Excrement Receptacle to Left.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17419" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 65.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p065.jpg" alt="Suspension Bridge over St. Joseph River (form used for broad rivers)."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Suspension Bridge over St. Joseph River (form used for broad rivers).</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17424" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 66.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p066.jpg" alt="Bridge over Aduala River (form used for narrow rivers)."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Bridge over Aduala River (form used for narrow rivers).</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17429" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 67.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p067.jpg" alt="Scene at Big Feast in Village of Amalala."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Scene at Big Feast in Village of Amalala.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17434" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 68.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p068.jpg" alt="Row of Killed Pigs at Big Feast at Village of Amalala."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Row of Killed Pigs at Big Feast at Village of Amalala.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17439" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 69.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p069.jpg" alt="Scene at Village of Seluku during Preparations for Big Feast."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Scene at Village of Seluku during Preparations for Big Feast.</p>
+<p>(Platform graves of Chief and Chief&#8217;s child in middle.)</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17446" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 70.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p070.jpg" alt="Scene at Big Feast at Village of Seluku."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Scene at Big Feast at Village of Seluku.</p>
+<p>(Showing head feather erections and back feather ornaments.)</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17453" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 71.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p071.jpg" alt="Young Girl Ornamented for Perineal Band Ceremony."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Young Girl Ornamented for Perineal Band Ceremony.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17458" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 72.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p072.jpg" alt="Feast at Perineal Band Ceremony."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Feast at Perineal Band Ceremony.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17463" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 73.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p073.jpg" alt=""></p>
+<p>Fig. 1. Point of War Spear (round in section).
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 2. Point of War Spear (square in section).
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 3. Point of War Spear (triangular in section and barbed).
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 4. Point of War Arrow.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 5. Point of Bird Shooting Arrow.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17476" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 74.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p074.jpg" alt=""></p>
+<p>Fig. 1. Bow.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 2. Shield (outside).
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 3. Shield (inside).</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17485" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 75.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p075.jpg" alt=""></p>
+<p>Fig. 1. Club (pineapple type of head).
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 2. Club (disc type of head).
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 3. Drum.
+
+</p>
+<p>Fig. 4. Adze.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17496" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 76.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p076.jpg" alt="Fishing Weir."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Fishing Weir.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17501" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 77.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p077.jpg" alt="Planting Yams in Garden."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Planting Yams in Garden.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17506" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 78.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p078.jpg" alt="Collecting Sweet Potatoes in Garden."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Collecting Sweet Potatoes in Garden.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17511" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 79.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p079.jpg" alt="Hammering Bark Cloth."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Hammering Bark Cloth.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17516" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 80.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p080.jpg" alt="The Ine Pandanus."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">The Ine Pandanus.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17521" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 81.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p081.jpg" alt="Mafulu Network."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Mafulu Network.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17526" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 82.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p082.jpg" alt="Funeral Feast (not of Chief). Guest Assembled to commence Dance down Village Enclosure."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Funeral Feast (not of Chief). Guest Assembled to commence Dance down Village Enclosure.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17531" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 83.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p083.jpg" alt="The same Funeral Feast. Guest Chief Dancing down Village Enclosure."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">The same Funeral Feast. Guest Chief Dancing down Village Enclosure.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17536" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 84.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p084.jpg" alt="Platform Grave of Chief&#8217;s Child at Back. Ordinary Grave in Front."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Platform Grave of Chief&#8217;s Child at Back. Ordinary Grave in Front.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17541" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 85.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p085.jpg" alt="Group of Platform Graves of Chiefs and their Relations."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Group of Platform Graves of Chiefs and their Relations.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17546" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 86.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p086.jpg" alt="Platform Grave of a Chief&#8217;s Child."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">Platform Grave of a Chief&#8217;s Child.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17551" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 87.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p087.jpg" alt="The Gabi Fig Tree, in which Chiefs&#8217; Burial Boxes are Placed and which is Generally Believed to be Haunted by Spirits (the tree)."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">The Gabi Fig Tree, in which Chiefs&#8217; Burial Boxes are Placed and which is Generally Believed to be Haunted by Spirits (the
+tree).
+</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17556" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 88.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p088.jpg" alt="The Gabi Fig Tree, in which Chiefs&#8217; Burial Boxes are Placed and which is Generally Believed to be Haunted by Spirits (the remains of a box in its branches)."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">The Gabi Fig Tree, in which Chiefs&#8217; Burial Boxes are Placed and which is Generally Believed to be Haunted by Spirits (the
+remains of a box in its branches).
+</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17561" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 89.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p089.jpg" alt="The Remains of a Chief&#8217;s Burial Platform which has Collapsed, and beneath which his Skull and Some of His Bones are interred Underground."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">The Remains of a Chief&#8217;s Burial Platform which has Collapsed, and beneath which his Skull and Some of His Bones are interred
+Underground.
+</p>
+</div><p>
+
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17566" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 90.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p090.jpg" alt="An Emone to which are hung the Skulls and some of the Bones from Chiefs&#8217; Burial Platforms which have Collapsed."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">An Emone to which are hung the Skulls and some of the Bones from Chiefs&#8217; Burial Platforms which have Collapsed.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17571" class="divFigure">
+<h3>Plate 91.
+
+</h3>
+<p class="legend"><img border="0" src="images/p091.jpg" alt="A House with Receptacle for Child&#8217;s Excrement."></p>
+<p class="figureHead">A House with Receptacle for Child&#8217;s Excrement.</p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+<p></p>
+<div id="d0e17576" class="divFigure">
+<p class="legend"><a href="images/maph.jpg"><img border="0" src="images/map.jpg" alt=""></a></p>
+</div><p>
+
+</p>
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Mafulu, by Robert W. Williamson
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@@ -0,0 +1,12807 @@
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Mafulu, by Robert W. Williamson
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Mafulu
+       Mountain People of British New Guinea
+
+Author: Robert W. Williamson
+
+Release Date: March 4, 2006 [EBook #17910]
+Last updated: January 27, 2009
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MAFULU ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+                           The Mafulu
+             Mountain People of British New Guinea
+
+
+                      Robert W. Williamson
+
+                      With an Introduction
+
+                               by
+
+                  A. C. Haddon, Sc.D., F.R.S.
+
+
+                   With Illustrations and Map
+
+                   Macmillan and Co., Limited
+                  St. Martin's Street, London
+                              1912
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+This book is the outcome of an expedition to British New Guinea
+in 1910, in which, after a short stay among the people of some of
+the western Solomon Islands, including those of that old centre
+of the head hunters, the Rubiana lagoon, and a preparatory and
+instructive journey in New Guinea among the large villages of the
+Mekeo district, I struck across country by a little known route,
+via Lapeka, to Ido-Ido and on to Dilava, and thus passed by way of
+further preparation through the Kuni country, and ultimately reached
+the district of the Mafulu villages, of whose people very little was
+known, and which was therefore the mecca of my pilgrimage.
+
+I endeavoured to carry out the enquiries of which the book is a record
+as carefully and accurately as possible; but it must be remembered
+that the Mafulu people had seen very few white men, except some
+of the Fathers of the Catholic Mission of the Sacred Heart, the
+visits of Government officials and once or twice of a scientific
+traveller having been but few and far between, and only short; that
+the mission station in Mafulu (the remotest station of the mission)
+had only been established five years previously; that the people
+were utterly unaccustomed to the type of questioning which systematic
+ethnological enquiry involves, and that necessarily there was often
+the usual hesitation in giving the required information.
+
+I cannot doubt, therefore, that future enquiries and investigations
+made in the same district will bring to light errors and
+misunderstandings, which even with the greatest care can hardly be
+avoided in the case of a first attempt on new ground, where everything
+has to be investigated and worked up from the beginning. I hope,
+however, that the bulk of my notes will be found to have been correct
+in substance so far as they go.
+
+I regret that my ignorance of tropical flora and fauna has made it
+impossible for me to give the names of many of the plants and animals
+to which I refer.
+
+There are many people, more than I can mention here, to whom I owe my
+grateful thanks. Prior to my departure for the South Seas Dr. Haddon
+took great trouble in helping and advising me, and, indeed, I doubt
+whether I should have ventured upon my solitary expedition if I had
+not had his stimulating encouragement.
+
+In New Guinea I had the never-failing hospitality and kindness
+of my good friend Monseigneur de Boismenu (the Bishop of the
+Mission of the Sacred Heart) and the Fathers and Brothers of the
+Mission. Among the latter I would specially mention Father Egedi
+and Father Clauser. Father Egedi (whose name is already familiar
+to students of New Guinea Ethnology) was my friend and travelling
+companion during a portion of my journeyings through the Mekeo and
+Kuni districts, and his Mekeo explanations proved invaluable to me
+when I reached my Mafulu destination. And dear good Father Clauser
+was a pillar of help in Mafulu. He placed at my disposal all his
+existing knowledge concerning the people, and was my intermediary
+and interpreter throughout all my enquiries. And finally, when having
+at some risk prolonged my stay at Mafulu until those enquiries were
+completed, I was at last compelled by the serious state of my health
+to beat a retreat, and be carried down to the coast, he undertook
+to do the whole of my photographing and physical measurements, and
+the care and skill with which he did so are evidenced by the results
+as disclosed in this book. [1] I must also add that the frontispiece
+and plates 17, 67, 68, 69 and 70 are taken from previous photographs
+which Father Clauser kindly placed at my disposal. My remembrance of
+His Lordship the Bishop, and of the Reverend Fathers and the Brothers
+of the Mission will ever be one of affectionate personal regard, and
+of admiration of the spirit of heroic self-sacrifice which impels
+them to submit cheerfully to the grave and constant hardships and
+dangers to which their labour of love necessarily exposes them.
+
+Since my return home Dr. Seligmann has given me immense help, advising
+me upon my notes, placing material at my disposal, and afterwards
+reading through a considerable portion of my manuscript. Mr. T.A. Joyce
+and Mr. J. Edge Partington helped me in arranging and dealing with
+the things which I had brought back to the British Museum. Dr. Keith
+examined and reported upon some skulls which I had obtained,
+and advised me upon my notes on physique. Dr. Stapf helped me in
+matters of botanical identification; Mr. S.H. Ray has given me the
+full benefit of his wide knowledge of South Pacific linguistics,
+and has written the appendices to the book. And, finally, Dr. Haddon
+has very kindly read through my proof sheets.
+
+In conclusion, I would add that there is still an immense amount
+of detailed work to be done among the Mafulu people, and that
+the districts of the Ambo and Boboi and Oru Lopiku people, still
+further back among the mountains, offer an almost virgin field for
+investigation to anyone who will take the trouble to go there.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+
+Introduction, by Dr. A.C. Haddon
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+Introductory
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+Physique and Character
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+Dress and Ornament
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+Daily Life and Matters Connected with It
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+Community, Clan, and Village Systems and Chieftainship
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+Villages, Emone, Houses and Modes of Inter-Village Communication
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+Government, Property and Inheritance
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+The Big Feast
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+Some Other Ceremonies and Feasts
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+Matrimonial and Sexual
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+Killing, Cannibalism and Warfare
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+Hunting, Fishing and Agriculture
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+Bark Cloth Making, Netting and Art
+
+CHAPTER XIV
+
+Music and Singing, Dancing, and Toys and Games
+
+CHAPTER XV
+
+Counting, Currency and Trade
+
+CHAPTER XVI
+
+Language
+
+CHAPTER XVII
+
+Illness, Death and Burial
+
+CHAPTER XVIII
+
+Religion and Superstitious Beliefs and Practices
+
+CHAPTER XIX
+
+Note on the Kuni People
+
+CHAPTER XX
+
+Conclusion
+
+APPENDIX I
+
+A Grammar of the Fuyuge Language
+
+APPENDIX II
+
+Note on the Afoa Language
+
+APPENDIX III
+
+Note on the Kovio Language
+
+APPENDIX IV
+
+A Comparative Vocabulary of the Fuyuge, Afoa, and Kovio Languages
+
+APPENDIX V
+
+Notes on the Papuan Languages Spoken about the Head Waters of the
+St. Joseph River, Central Papua
+
+
+
+
+
+
+PLATES
+
+
+        Mafulu Women Decorated for a Dance. ... _Frontispiece_
+ 1      Kuni Scenery.
+ 2      Mafulu Scenery.
+ 3      Skull A.
+ 4      Skull C.
+ 5      Husband, Wife and Child.
+ 6      Man and Two Women.
+ 7, 8   Man, Young Man and Boy.
+ 9      Different Types of Men.
+10      An Unusual Type.
+11, 12  Two Unusual Types.
+13      Fig. 1. Section of Man's Perineal Band. Fig. 2. Decoration
+        near end of Woman's Perineal Band. Fig. 3. Section of Woman's
+        Perineal Band. Fig. 4. Section of Man's or Woman's Dancing
+        Ribbon.
+14      Fig. 1. Belt No. 1. Fig. 2. Belt No. 3. Fig. 3. Belt No. 4.
+15      Fig. 1. Belt No. 5 (one end only). Fig. 2. Belt No. 6
+        (one end only). Fig. 3. Belt No. 7.
+16      A General Group.
+17      A Young Chief's Sister decorated for a Dance.
+18, 19  Women wearing Illness Recovery Capes.
+20      Fig. 1. Ear-rings. Fig. 2. Jew's Harp. Fig. 3. Hair Fringe.
+21      Man, Woman and Children.
+22, 23  A Little Girl with Head Decorations.
+24      Figs. 1, 2, 5, and 6. Women's Hair Plaits decorated
+        with European Beads, Shells, Shell Discs, Dog's Tooth,
+        and Betel Nut Fruit. Fig. 3. Man's Hair Plait with Cane
+        Pendant. Fig. 4. Man's Hair Plait with Betel Nut Pendant.
+25      Fig. 1. Leg Band. Figs. 2 and 4. Women's  Hair Plaits
+        decorated with Shells and Dogs'   Teeth. Fig. 3. Bone Implement
+        used (as a Fork) for Eating.
+26      Group of Women.
+27      A Young Woman.
+28      Two Women.
+29      Two Women.
+30      Fig. 1. Mourning String
+        Necklace. Fig. 2. Comb. Fig. 3. Pig's Tail Ornament for
+        Head. Fig. 4. Whip Lash Head Ornament. Fig. 5. Forehead
+        Ornament.
+31      Necklaces.
+32      A Necklace.
+33      Necklaces.
+34      Fig. 1. Armlet No. 5. Fig. 2. Armlet No. 4. Fig. 3. Armlet
+        No. 2. Fig. 4. Armlet No. 1.
+35      Woman wearing Dancing Apron.
+36, 37  Decoration of Dancing Aprons.
+38, 39  Decoration of Dancing Aprons.
+40, 41  Decoration of Dancing Aprons.
+42, 43  Decoration of Dancing Aprons.
+44      Head Feather Ornaments.
+45      Head Feather Ornaments.
+46      Fig. 1. Head Feather Ornament. Fig. 2. Back Feather
+        Ornament.
+47      Plaited Head Feather Frames.
+48      Mother and Baby.
+49      At the Spring.
+50      A Social Gathering.
+51      Fig. 1. Small Smoking Pipe. Fig. 2. Pig-bone Scraping
+        Implement. Fig. 3. Stone Bark Cloth Beater. Fig. 4. Drilling
+        Implement. Fig. 5. Bamboo Knife. Figs. 6 and 7. Lime Gourds.
+52      Fig. 1. Wooden Dish. Figs. 2 and 3. Water-Carrying Gourds.
+53      Fig. 1. Bag No. 3. Fig. 2. Bag No. 4. Fig. 3. Bag. No. 6.
+54      Village of Salube and Surrounding Country.
+55      Village of Seluku, with Chiefs _Emone_ at End and Remains
+        of Broken-down Burial Platform in Middle.
+56      Village of Amalala, with Chiefs _Emone_ at End..
+57      Village of Amalala (looking in other direction), with
+        Secondary _Emone_ at End.
+58      Village of Malala, with Secondary _Emone_ at End and
+        Ordinary Grave and Burial Platform of Chief's Child in Right
+        Foreground.
+59      Village of Uvande, with Chief's _Emone_ at End.
+60      Village of Biave, with Chief's _Emone_ at End and Burial
+        Platform of Chief's Child in Middle.
+61      Chief's _Emone_ in Village of Amalala.
+62      Chief's _Emone_ in Village of Malala.
+63      House in Village of Malala.
+64      House in Village of Levo, with Child's Excrement Receptacle
+        to Left.
+65      Suspension Bridge over St. Joseph River.
+66      Bridge over Aduala River.
+67      Scene at Big Feast in Village of Amalala.
+68      Row of Killed Pigs at Big Feast at Village of Amalala.
+69      Scene at Village of Seluku during Preparations for Big
+        Feast.
+70      Scene at Big Feast at Village of Seluku.
+71      Young Girl Ornamented for Perineal Band Ceremony.
+72      Feast at Perineal Band Ceremony.
+73      Figs, 1, 2, and 3. Points of War Spears. Fig. 4. Point of
+        War-Arrow. Fig. 5. Point of Bird-Shooting Arrow.
+74      Fig. 1. Bow. Fig. 2. Shield (outside). Fig. 3. Shield
+        (inside).
+75      Fig. 1. Club (pineapple type of head). Fig. 2. Club (disc
+        type of head). Fig. 3. Drum. Fig. 4. Adze.
+76      Fishing Weir.
+77      Planting Yams in Garden.
+78      Collecting Sweet Potatoes in Garden.
+79      Hammering Bark Cloth.
+80      The Ine Pandanus.
+81      Mafulu Network.
+82      Funeral Feast (not of Chief). Guests assembled to commence
+        Dance down Village Enclosure.
+83      The same Funeral Feast. Guest Chief Dancing down Village
+        Enclosure.
+84      Platform Grave of Chief's Child at Back. Ordinary Grave
+        in Front.
+85      Group of Platform Graves of Chiefs and their Relations.
+86      Platform Grave of a Chief's Child.
+87, 88  The _Gabe_ Fig Tree, in which Chiefs' Burial Boxes
+        are placed and which is Generally Believed to be Haunted
+        by Spirits.
+89      The Remains of a Chiefs Burial Platform which has collapsed,
+        and beneath which his Skull and some of his Bones are interred
+        Underground.
+90      An _Emone_ to which are hung the Skulls and some of the
+        Bones from Chiefs' Burial Platforms which have Collapsed.
+91      A House with Receptacle for Child's Excrement.
+
+        Map.
+
+
+
+
+ILLUSTRATIONS IN TEXT
+
+
+ 1.     Leg band making (commencing stage)
+ 2.     Ancient Mortar
+ 3.     Illustrative Diagram of a Mafulu Community of Villages
+ 4.     Diagram of Front of _Emone_ (Front Hood of Roof and Front
+        Platform and Portions of Front Timbers omitted, so as to
+        show Interior)
+ 5.     Diagram of Transverse Section across Centre of Emone
+ 6.     Diagrammatic Sketch of Apse-like Projection of Roof of
+        _Emone_ and Platform Arrangements
+ 7.     Diagram Illustrating Positions of People during Performance
+        at Big Feast
+ 8.     Mafulu Net Making (1st Line of Network)
+ 9.     Mafulu Net Making (2nd, 3rd, and 4th Lines of Network)
+10.     Mafulu Net Making (5th Line of Network, to which Rest of
+        Net is similar in Stitch)
+
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+By Dr. A.C. Haddon
+
+
+It is a great pleasure to me to introduce Mr. Williamson's book to
+the notice of ethnologists and the general public, as I am convinced
+that it will be read with interest and profit.
+
+Perhaps I may be permitted in this place to make a few personal
+remarks. Mr. Williamson was formerly a solicitor, and always had a
+great longing to see something of savage life, but it was not till
+about four years ago that he saw his way to attempting the realisation
+of this desire by an expedition to Melanesia. He made my acquaintance
+in the summer of 1908, and seeing that he was so keenly interested,
+I lent him a number of books and all my MS. notes on Melanesia;
+by the help of these and by the study of other books he gained a
+good knowledge of the ethnology of that area. In November, 1908, he
+started for Oceania for the first time and reached Fiji, from which
+place he had intended to start on his expedition. Circumstances
+over which he had no control, however, prevented the carrying out
+of his original programme; so he went to Sydney, and there arranged
+modified plans. He was on the point of executing these, when he was
+again frustrated by a telegram from England which necessitated his
+immediate return. It was a sad blow to him to have his long-cherished
+schemes thus thwarted and rendered abortive, but, undaunted, he set
+about to plan another expedition. Accordingly, in January, 1910, he
+once more set sail for Australia as a starting place for the Solomon
+Islands and British New Guinea, and this time achieved success; the
+book which he now offers to the public is the result of this plucky
+enterprise. In justice to the author it should be known that, owing
+to climatic and other conditions, he was unwell during the whole of
+his time in New Guinea, and had an injured foot and leg that hurt him
+every step he took. The only wonder is that he was able to accomplish
+so large and so thorough a piece of work as he has done.
+
+It is interesting to note the different ways by which various
+investigators have entered the field of Ethnology. Some have approached
+it from the literary or classical side, but very few indeed of
+these have ever had any experience in the field. The majority of
+field workers have had a previous training in science--zoology not
+unnaturally has sent more recruits than any other branch of science. A
+few students have been lawyers, but so far as I am aware Mr. Williamson
+is the first British lawyer who has gone into the field, and he has
+proved that legal training may be a very good preliminary discipline
+for ethnological investigation in the field, as it gives invaluable
+practice in the best methods of acquiring and sifting of evidence. A
+lawyer must also necessarily have a wide knowledge of human nature
+and an appreciation of varied ways of thought and action.
+
+It was with such an equipment and fortified by extensive reading in
+Ethnology, that Mr. Williamson was prepared for his self-imposed
+task. Proof of his powers of observation will be found in the
+excellent descriptions of objects of material culture with which he
+has presented us.
+
+I now turn to some of the scientific aspects of his
+book. Mr. Williamson especially set before himself the work of
+investigating some tribes in the mountainous hinterland of the Mekeo
+district. This was a most happy selection, though no one could have
+foreseen the especial interest of these people.
+
+Thanks mainly to the systematic investigations of Dr. Seligmann and to
+the sporadic observations of missionaries, government officials and
+travellers, we have a good general knowledge of many of the peoples
+of the eastern coast of the south-eastern peninsula of New Guinea,
+and of some of the islands from the Trobriands to the Louisiades. The
+Ethnology of the fertile and populous Mekeo district has been mainly
+made known to us by the investigations of various members of the
+Sacred Heart Mission, and by Dr. Seligmann. What little we know of
+the Papuan Gulf district is due to missionaries among the coastal
+tribes, Mr. James Chalmers and Mr. W. Holmes. Dr. G. Landtman is at
+present investigating the natives of the delta of the Fly river and
+Daudai. The natives of the Torres Straits islands have also been
+studied as fully as is possible. But of the mountain region lying
+behind the Mekeo district very little indeed has been published; so
+Mr. Williamson's book fills a gap in our knowledge of Papuan ethnology.
+
+We have as yet a very imperfect knowledge of the ethnological history
+of New Guinea. Speaking very broadly, it is generally admitted that
+the bulk of the population belongs to the Papuan race, a dark-skinned,
+woolly-haired people who have also spread over western Oceania; but,
+to a greater or less extent, New Guinea has been subject to cultural
+and racial influences from all sides, except from Australia, where the
+movement has been the other way. Thus the East Indian archipelago has
+directly affected parts of Netherlands New Guinea, and its influence
+is to be traced to a variable degree in localities in the Bismarck
+archipelago, German New Guinea (Kaiser Wilhelm's Land), Western
+Oceania, and British New Guinea or Papua, as it is termed officially.
+
+The south-eastern peninsula of New Guinea--or at all events the
+coastal regions--has been largely affected by immigrants, who were
+themselves a mixed people, and who came later at various times. It is
+to these immigrants that Mr. Ray and I applied the term Melanesian
+(Ray, S. H., and Haddon, A. C., "A Study of the Languages of Torres
+Straits," _Proc. Roy. Irish Acad._, 3rd ser., IV., 1897, p. 509). Early
+in 1894, Mr. Ray read a paper before the Anthropological Institute
+(_Journ. Anth. Inst._, XXIV., p. 15), in which he adhered to our former
+discrimination of two linguistic stocks and added a third type of
+language composed of a mixture of the other two, for which he proposed
+the name Melano-Papuan. These languages, according to Mr. Ray, occur
+in the Trobriands, Woodlarks and the Louisiades, and similar languages
+are found in the northern Solomon Islands. For some years I had been
+studying the decorative art of British New Guinea, and from physical
+and artistic and other cultural reasons had come to the conclusion
+that the Melanesians of British New Guinea should be broken up into
+two elements: one consisting of the Motu and allied Melanesians,
+and the other of the inhabitants of the Massim district--an area
+extending slightly beyond that of Mr. Ray's Melano-Papuans ("The
+Decorative Art of British New Guinea," _Cunningham Memoirs_, X.,
+_Roy. Irish Acad._, 1894, pp. 253-269). I reinforced my position
+six years later ("Studies in the Anthropo-geography of British New
+Guinea," _Journ. Roy. Geog. Soc._, 1900, pp. 265, 414). Dr. Seligmann,
+in his valuable paper "A Classification of the Natives of British
+New Guinea" (_Journ. Roy. Anth. Inst._, XXXIX., 1909, pp. 246, 315)
+corroborated these views and designated the two groups of "Melanesians"
+as the Eastern and Western Papuo-Melanesians. The following year he
+published the great book to which Mr. Williamson so frequently refers,
+and in which this classification is maintained, and these two groups
+together with the Papuans, are termed Papuasians.
+
+The Motu stock of the Western Papuo-Melanesians have extended
+their dispersal as far as the Mekeo district, where they came
+into contact with other peoples. It has been shown that the true
+Papuans are a narrow-headed people, but there are some puzzling
+exceptions, the explanation of which is not yet ascertained. The
+Papuo-Melanesians contain a somewhat broad-headed element, and
+there is a slightly broad-headed population in the central range
+of the south-east peninsula, the extent of which has not yet been
+determined. The questions naturally arise: (1) Is the true Papuan a
+variable stock including both long- broad-headed elements? or (2)
+Does the broad-headed element belong to an immigrant people? or,
+again (3) Is there an hitherto unidentified indigenous broad-headed
+race? I doubt if the time is ripe for a definite answer to any of
+these questions. Furthermore, we have yet to assign to their original
+sources the differences in culture which characterise various groups
+of people in New Guinea. Something has been done in this direction,
+but much more has yet to be learnt.
+
+So far I have not referred to a Negrito element in the Ethnology of
+New Guinea. From time to time we have heard rumours of pygmy people,
+and German travellers have recorded very short individuals in Kaiser
+Wilhelm's Land; but it was not till the expedition to Netherlands New
+Guinea of the British Ornithological Union of 1910-11 that a definite
+pygmy race was demonstrated. I think this can be no longer denied,
+and the observations made by German ethnologists show that the race in
+a more or less modified state is widely spread. Now Mr. Williamson,
+whose work in New Guinea was contemporaneous with that of the
+Netherlands New Guinea expedition, adduces evidence that this is
+also the case in British territory. It is worth recalling that de
+Quatrefages and Hamy (_Crania Ethnica_, 1882, pp. 207-210, 253-256)
+distinguish a "Negrito-Papuan" and a "Papuan" element in the Torres
+Straits. This problem will be discussed in Vol. I. of the Reports of
+the Cambridge Expedition to Torres Straits. I feel little doubt that
+Mr. Williamson has shown strong evidence that the Mafulu and probably
+other adjacent mountain tribes are essentially a pygmy--that is to say
+a Negrito--people who have been modified to some extent by Papuan and
+possibly Papuo-Melanesian influence, both physical and cultural. He
+has marshalled his data with great skill, and has dissected out, as it
+were, the physical and cultural elements of the Negrito substratum. It
+only remains for other observers to study Negritos in other parts of
+New Guinea to see how far these claims can be substantiated. It is
+evident therefore that, apart from the valuable detailed information
+which Mr. Williamson has given us concerning a hitherto unknown tribe,
+he has opened up a problem of considerable interest and magnitude.
+
+A.C. Haddon.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+THE MAFULU MOUNTAIN PEOPLE OF BRITISH NEW GUINEA
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+Introductory
+
+
+The map appended to this volume is (with the exception of the red
+lines and red lettering upon it) a reproduction of a portion of the map
+relating to the explorations and surveys of Dr. Strong, Mr. Monckton
+and Captain Barton, which was published in the _Geographical Journal_
+for September, 1908, and the use of which has been kindly permitted
+me by the Royal Geographical Society. I have eliminated the red route
+lines which appear in the original map, so as to avoid confusion with
+the red lines which I have added. The unbroken red lines and the red
+lettering upon my map are copied from a map, also kindly placed at
+my disposal, which has been recently prepared by Father Fillodean
+of the Mission of the Sacred Heart, and these lines mark roughly
+what the Fathers of the Mission believe to be the boundaries of the
+several linguistic areas within the district covered by their map. It
+will be observed that some of these lines are not continued so as to
+surround and complete the definition of the areas which they indicate;
+but this defect is unavoidable, as the Fathers' map only covered a
+relatively small area, and even in that map the lines were not all
+carried to its margin. It will also be noticed that, though the Fathers
+introduce the two names Oru Lopiku and Boboi as being linguistically
+distinct, they have not indicated the boundary line between the two
+areas. Father Egedi, however, informed me that this boundary passes
+along the ridge of hills south of the Ufafa river as far as Mt. Eleia,
+and thence along the Ukalama river to the Kuni boundary. The Ukalama
+river is not shown in the Geographical Society's map; but I may
+say that it is shown in the Fathers' map as rising in Mt. Eleia,
+and flowing thence in a south-easterly direction, and so joining the
+St. Joseph river close to Dilava. The broken red line upon my map does
+not appear in the Fathers' map, but has been added by me to indicate
+what, I understand, the Fathers believe to be a continued boundary,
+so far as ascertained, of the Fuyuge linguistic area, called by them
+the Mafulu area, to which I am about to draw attention.
+
+The term Mafulu is the Kuni pronunciation of Mambule, which is the
+name, as used by themselves, of the people who live in a group of
+villages within and near the north-westerly corner of the area of the
+Fuyuge-speaking people, whose Papuan language, so far as ascertained,
+appears, subject to local dialectal differences, to be the same, and
+may, I was informed, be regarded as one common language throughout
+the Fuyuge area.
+
+The Fathers of the Mission have adopted the name Mafulu in a wider
+sense, as including all the people with whom they have come in
+contact of the Fuyuge-speaking area; and, though my investigations,
+which form the subject-matter of this book, have been conducted only
+in the neighbourhood of Mafulu itself, I was assured that, so far as
+the Fathers have been able to ascertain, all these Fuyuge people not
+only have similar languages, but also are substantially similar in
+physique and in culture. My observations concerning the Mafulu people
+may therefore, if this statement is correct, be regarded as applying,
+not only to the inhabitants of the portion of the north-westerly corner
+of the Fuyuge area in which the Mafulu group of villages is placed,
+but to those of the whole of the north-westerly portion of the area,
+and generally in a greater or less degree of accuracy to those of
+the northerly and north-easterly parts of the area, and possibly the
+southerly ones also.
+
+The boundaries of this Fuyuge-speaking area can hardly be regarded
+as definitely ascertained; and the discrepancies, even as regards
+the courses of the rivers and the positions of the mountains, which
+appear in the few available maps make it difficult to deal with the
+question. The area, so far as actually ascertained by the Fathers
+of the Mission, roughly speaking, covers, and seems to extend also
+some distance to the south or south-west of a triangle, the western
+apex of which is the junction of the river Kea with the river Aduala
+(a tributary of the St. Joseph), [2] whose north-eastern apex is
+Mt. Albert Edward, and whose south-eastern apex is Mt. Scratchley. It
+includes the valley of the Aduala river and its streams (except those
+flowing into it from the north in the region of the western apex of the
+triangle) within its northern boundary, and the valley of the upper
+Vanapa river and its rivers and streams in the neighbourhood of its
+eastern boundary; but this eastern boundary has been found to extend
+also so as to include the upper valley of the river Chirima. How far
+the area extends to the south or south-west of the triangle above
+mentioned appears to be uncertain.
+
+The linguistic area to the north of the Mafulu or Fuyuge people is
+that of the Ambo people, who are somewhat similar in appearance to
+the Mafulu, and whose language is also Papuan, and, though differing
+from the Mafulu language, is, I was told, somewhat similar to it in
+grammatical construction and as regards a few of its words. The area
+to the west is that of the Kuni people, whose language is Melanesian,
+but whose ordinary modes of life are, I was informed, more like those
+of the Mafulu than are those of the Papuan-speaking Ambo. The areas
+to the east and south cannot be so definitely stated, but are dealt
+with below.
+
+As regards these Ambo people I may, in view of divergences of names
+which appear in maps, explain that Ambo is a contraction of Ambore,
+and is the name given to the people by their Mafulu neighbours, whilst
+Afoa is the name given to them by the Kuni people, and is adopted
+in the Geographical Society's map. [3] As regards the Kuni people,
+their name is the one adopted by themselves.
+
+Concerning the boundaries of the Fuyuge linguistic area as above
+indicated, and the people whose districts adjoin that area, I propose
+here to draw attention to four names, and to refer to some observations
+bearing on the subject of the probable Fuyuge boundary which are to
+be found in existing literature.
+
+The term Kovio, though primarily the name of Mt. Yule, and properly
+applicable to the people living in the neighbourhood of that mountain,
+is now, I think, often used to express all the mountain tribes
+of the hinterland of the Mekeo and Pokau, and perhaps the Kabadi,
+districts. But the use of this name has not, I believe, been generally
+associated with any question of linguistics.
+
+The area in the map which is called by the Fathers Boboi is occupied
+by people whose language, I was told by the Fathers, is Papuan,
+but is distinct from the languages of the Ambo and the Fuyuge areas.
+
+Kamaweka is a name which appears in several of Dr. Seligmann's
+publications. It seems to have been originally used by Captain
+Barton to designate the natives of the district of which Inavaurene,
+to the north-east of the Mekeo plains, is the centre, but to have
+been afterwards regarded as a somewhat more general term; and I think
+Dr. Seligmann uses it in a very general sense, almost, if not quite,
+equivalent to the wide application above referred to of the term Kovio,
+and which might include the Papuan-speaking Boboi and Ambo people, and
+even perhaps the people of the northern Mafulu villages. [4] But here
+again the use of the name has, I think, no reference to linguistics.
+
+If the Fathers' linguistic boundary lines are substantially correct,
+each of the two terms Kovio and Kamaweka, as now used, would appear
+to cover more than one linguistic area; and in any case these terms
+seem to have widened and to have become somewhat indefinite. It will
+be seen on reference to the map and to Father Egedi's information
+as to the Oru Lopiku and Boboi boundaries that both Mt. Yule and
+Inavaurene are within the area which the Fathers call Oru Lopiku, but
+that Inavaurene is not far from their Boboi area. I suggest that it
+would be convenient for the present, pending further investigation
+and delimitation on the spot, and until we know something of the
+difference between the languages of the Oru Lopiku and Boboi people,
+to adopt the term Kovio as a general name for, and confine it to,
+the two areas Boboi and Oru Lopiku; though for linguistic purposes
+the names Boboi and Oru Lopiku, which at present indicate very little
+to us, may eventually be accepted and come into general use.
+
+The Koiari people of the foothills and lateral spurs behind the Motu
+area, also referred to from time to time in Dr. Seligmann's writings,
+must be eastern next door neighbours of the Fuyuge-speaking people,
+the western boundary of these Koiari being stated by him to be the
+Vanapa river, [5] and they being in fact regarded by him as being
+the eastern neighbours of the natives of "the mountains inland of
+Mekeo Nara and Kabadi," [6] and being referred to by him as being
+the people from whose district the Kamaweka and Kuni are reached by
+"passing westward"--the word used is "eastward," but this is obviously
+a printer's error--"in the mountains, keeping roughly parallel with
+the coast." [7]
+
+Turning to the question of the Fuyuge boundary, Dr. Strong says that
+the Fuyuge people occupy the upper waters of the St. Joseph river,
+[8] and he is quoted by Dr. Seligmann as having stated that the Afoa
+language "is spoken in the villages on Mt. Pizoko and the northern
+slopes of Mt. Davidson," and that "the Afoa villages lie to the north
+of the Fuyuge-speaking communities, stretching westward for an unknown
+distance behind Mt. Davidson." [9] If the information given to me
+verbally by the Fathers of the Mission of the Sacred Heart and the
+red linguistic boundary lines roughly drawn by them, and introduced
+into my map, be correct, these statements require modification, for
+according to the Fathers the Mafulu or Fuyuge-speaking area does not
+include any part of the St. Joseph river, as its extreme north-westerly
+corner lies to the east of the junction--close to the boundary line
+between the Afoa (Ambo) and the Kuni areas--of the rivers Alabula
+and Aduala, and Mt. Pizoko is within the Fuyuge area, and not within
+that of the Afoa, and Mt. Davidson is within the Boboi area. I think
+that, though the Fathers' lines are admittedly not exact, they and
+the information supplied by the Fathers to me are likely to be more
+trustworthy in these respects, especially as regards boundaries near to
+the actual Mafulu villages, than the earlier statements of Dr. Strong,
+as they are the outcome of recent and careful investigation; and,
+as regards Mt. Pizoko, I may mention that Dr. Strong himself seems to
+have subsequently regarded that mountain as being within the Mafulu
+district, [10] which brings it into the Fuyuge area.
+
+The inclusion of the upper valley of the river Chirima within the
+Fuyuge or Mafulu-speaking area is perhaps surprising, as this valley is
+separated from the general Fuyuge area by one of the southern ridges
+of Mt. Albert Edward, and more or less so by the ridges of Mt. Stone
+Wigg and the Wharton range, and as the Chirima is a tributary flowing
+into the Mambare river, which is one of the great watercourses of
+Northern New Guinea. The Mafulu Fathers, however, had no doubt as
+to the correctness of the inclusion, which seems to open out the
+possibility of some, at all events, of the Fuyuge people having
+northern associations; and indeed Monseigneur de Boismenu told me
+that he believed that the Mafulu people were in touch with Northern
+New Guinea, and got some of their shell ornaments, or the shells from
+which they were made, from the northern coast.
+
+It is interesting, therefore, to turn for the purpose of comparison
+to the report of Mr. Monckton's expedition to Mt. Albert Edward by
+way of the Upper Chirima valley in 1906 [11] and the illustrations
+accompanying it, with which I incorporate a description of the people
+of this valley given to Dr. Seligmann by Mr. Money, who was with
+Mr. Monckton. [12]
+
+From these it appears that the Upper Chirima people are short in
+stature and sturdily built. Both sexes wear the perineal band,
+the front of which is made (I am not sure whether this applies to
+women as well as to men) to bulge out by padding. In some cases the
+men's hair is tied up in a bunch with string, and in others it is
+bound up in various styles with native cloth. Some of the men have
+their hair done up in small plaits over the forehead. All the above
+descriptions, except that of the padding of the band, are applicable to
+the Mafulu. Some of the Chirima houses have a curious apse-like roof
+projection over the front platform, which is a specially distinctive
+feature of a Mafulu house, and one with this projection figured by
+Mr. Monckton is indistinguishable from a typical Mafulu house. The
+Chirima people place the bodies of their dead on raised platforms,
+and apparently sometimes put the body of an infant on the platform
+erection of an adult, but below the latter. This also is a practice
+of the Mafulu; and, though the latter people confine platform burial
+(if such it may be called) to chiefs and their families and important
+persons, it is possible that some such limitation of the custom exists
+in the Chirima valley also, but did not come under Mr. Monckton's
+notice. A burial platform figured by him might well be a Mafulu burial
+platform, except that the curious cone-shaped receptacle for the child
+is a form for which I cannot vouch as regards the Mafulu. The Chirima
+have a special and peculiar form of netting, which Mr. Monckton's
+illustration shows to be identical with the special form of Mafulu
+netting. On the other hand, as regards the Chirima weapons, implements
+and utensils, a comparison of Mr. Monckton's verbal descriptions and
+figures with what I have seen in Mafulu, and describe in this book,
+leads me to the conclusion that, though many of these are similar to
+those of Mafulu, some of them are different. As examples of this I may
+say that the drill implements of the Chirima people are very similar
+to, and their stone cloth-beaters appear to be identical with, those
+used by the Mafulu; whilst on the other hand their war bows are much
+longer, [13] and their method of producing fire seems to be totally
+different; also they apparently have bull-roarers, which to the best
+of my knowledge are unknown among the Mafulu. Again some of the Chirima
+weapons, as figured by Mr. Monckton, disclose ideas of artistic design,
+including that of the curved line and a rude representation of a man,
+which I have not met with among the Mafulu. As regards this last
+point I draw attention to Mr. Monckton's figures of carving on a bow
+and on wooden clubs. I think, however, that in such matters as these
+local differences might well arise between people who are really
+more or less identical, especially if their respective districts
+are on opposite sides of the main mountain range of the country, and
+still more so if the people of one of the districts (in the present
+case I refer to the Chirima people) may perhaps have been subject to
+the influence of other people beyond them. As to this latter point,
+however, I should say that these Chirima people seem to be, so far as
+dress, ornaments, &c., are concerned, much nearer to the Mafulu than
+they are to the natives of the Mambare river itself, as described
+by Sir William Macgregor. [14] It is curious also that the dogs of
+the Chirima people are not yellow dingoes, but are black and white,
+as is the case in Mafulu.
+
+I notice that Dr. Seligmann suggests that these Chirima valley people
+are related to the natives of the neighbourhood of Mt. Yule, [15] a
+statement which, though probably intended broadly, is in accord with
+the suggestion that they are connected with the Mafulu-speaking people.
+
+The natives of Mt. Scratchley (apparently the eastern or south-eastern
+side), visited by Sir William Macgregor in 1896, appear from his
+description of them [16] to show a few points of resemblance to the
+Mafulu people. In particular I refer to their "dark bronze" colour,
+to the wearing by women of the perineal band (to which, however, is
+added a mantle and "in most cases" a grass petticoat, which is not done
+in Mafulu), to the absence of tattooing or cicatrical ornamentation,
+to their "large earrings made out of tails of lizards covered by
+narrow straps of palm leaves dyed yellow" (which, though not correctly
+descriptive of the Mafulu earring, is apparently something like it),
+to their use of pigs' tails as ear ornaments, to their plaiting of the
+hair and the decoration of the plaited hair with teeth and shells, to
+their small charm bags and to the shortness of their bows. Also to the
+construction of their houses, with the roof carried down to the ground,
+with a fireplace about 2 feet wide extending down the centre of the
+building from one end to the other, and having an inclined floor on
+each side, and especially to the curious apse-like roof projections
+in front of these houses (Dr. Haddon calls them "pent roofs" [17]),
+Sir William's figure of which is, like that of the Chirima villages,
+identical, or nearly so, with that of a Mafulu house. But Sir William's
+description of the physique of these Mt. Scratchley people and other
+matters make it clear, I think, that they belong to a type different
+from that of the Mafulu, though they must be next door neighbours of
+the Fuyuge-speaking people. Dr. Seligmann, in commenting upon this
+description of these people, expresses the opinion that they are
+Papuo-Melanesians. [18]
+
+The natives in the region of Mt. Musgrave and Mt. Knutsford, as
+described by Mr. Thomson, [19] appear, at all events so far as dress
+is concerned, to be utterly different from the Mafulu.
+
+Dr. Seligmann states that Dr. Strong has informed him that the
+southern boundary of the Fuyuge-speaking area is the Kabadi country,
+[20] and he had previously referred to Korona, immediately behind
+the Kabadi and Doura districts, as being within the area, [21] and,
+indeed, the Geographical Society's map shows the Fuyuge area as
+at all events extending as far south as Korona. I do not know how
+far inland the Kabadi and Doura people extend; but I may say that
+the Mafulu Fathers expressed grave doubt as to the extension of the
+Fuyuge area so far south as is indicated by the map.
+
+If the Fuyuge area does in fact reach the Kabadi boundary, and if my
+notes on the Mafulu people are, as suggested, broadly descriptive of
+the natives of the whole Fuyuge area, there must be a very sudden
+and sharp differentiation, as the Kabadi people are apparently an
+offshoot from Mekeo, [22] with apparently other Papuo-Melanesian blood
+(especially Roro) introduced. [23]
+
+The contour and appearance of the country in the actual Mafulu district
+of the Fuyuge area is strikingly different from that of the immediately
+adjoining Kuni country, the sharp steep ridges and narrow deep-cut
+valleys of the latter, with their thick unbroken covering of almost
+impenetrable forest, changing to higher mountain ranges with lateral
+ridges among them, and with frequent gentle undulating slopes and
+wider and more open valleys; while, interspersed with the forests,
+are small patches and great stretches of grass land, sometimes thinly
+covered or scattered with timber and sometimes quite open and devoid
+of trees. [24] And this condition continues, I was told, over the
+greater part of the triangular area above referred to.
+
+Plates 1 and 2 give, I think, a fair illustration of what I mean,
+the steep contours and thickly wooded character of the foreground and
+nearer middle distance shown by Plate 1 being typical Kuni scenery,
+and the more open nature of the country displayed by Plate 2 and the
+comparative freedom from forest of its foreground being typical of
+the higher uplands of Mafulu. [25]
+
+It will be noticed that the physical character of the Mafulu country
+is more favourable to continued occupation than is that of the Kuni
+country; and it is a fact that the Mafulu people are not so restless
+and ready to move as are the Kuni folk; and, even when they do migrate,
+it is generally to a spot comparatively near to their old villages.
+
+The geological formation of the lower hills on which the actual Mafulu
+villages are placed and the intervening valleys is partly limestone;
+and I was told that limestone formation was also found further to
+the east.
+
+Throughout this book I shall use the term "Mafulu" as including,
+not only the little group of villages near the north-westerly corner
+of the Fuyuge linguistic area actually known by that name, but also
+the other groups of Fuyuge villages in the north-western portion of
+that area; and, as above indicated, it is believed by the Fathers of
+the Mission that I should be substantially correct if I included the
+whole of the northern and north-eastern, and probably the southern
+portions of the known part of that area, and possibly the entire area.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+Physique and Character
+
+
+Physique.
+
+The Mafulu people are of short stature, though perhaps a trifle taller
+than the Kuni.
+
+They are as a rule fairly strong and muscular in build, the women
+in particular having very strongly developed thighs; but, speaking
+generally, their limbs are more slender, and their general development
+is slighter, than is usually the case among the Roro and Mekeo people.
+
+They appear to be usually mesaticephalic, but to have a very marked
+tendency to brachycephaly.
+
+Their noses seemed to me to be generally strong, and of prominent
+size, varying considerably in width of bridge, but usually having
+rather widely distending nostrils; and sometimes the width of the
+nose was equal to its length, or nearly so.
+
+Referring to the above matters, the following are the results of
+twenty measurements of Mafulu men. These were obtained from men of
+upwards of six different communities or groups of villages, so as to
+avoid the possible misleading character of measurements made in only
+one village or group of villages, in which some family relationship
+between the persons measured might militate against the true average
+character of the figures obtained.
+
+
+No.
+|   Stature in cm.
+|   |       Length of head in cm.
+|   |       |       Breadth of head in cm.
+|   |       |       |       Cephalic index
+|   |       |       |       |       Cranial index (2 units deducted
+|   |       |       |       |       from cephalic index).
+|   |       |       |       |       |       Nose length in cm.
+|   |       |       |       |       |       |       Nose breadth in cm.
+|   |       |       |       |       |       |       |       Nasal index
+
+ 1  150     18.5    14.7    79.5    77.5    4.9     4.4      89.8
+ 2  155     18.8    15.1    80.3    78.3    4.8     4.8     100.0
+ 3  155     19.5    14.8    75.9    73.9    5.3     4.3      81.1
+ 4  157     18.5    15.4    83.2    81.2    4.3     4.3     100.0
+ 5  153     18.9    14.6    77.2    75.2    4.8     4.4      91.7
+ 6  151     18.6    14.3    76.9    74.9    4.9     3.8      77.6
+ 7  151     19.3    15.2    78.8    76.8    5.4     4.4      81.5
+ 8  163     19.4    14.5    74.7    72.7    5.6     4.4      78.6
+ 9  162     18.8    15.2    80.9    78.9    5.3     4.0      75.5
+10  163     17.4    15.1    86.8    84.8    5.5     4.6      83.6
+11  155     18.0    14.0    77.8    75.8    5.3     4.4      83.0
+12  157     17.4    14.6    83.9    81.9    4.6     4.0      87.0
+13  158     19.7    14.8    75.1    73.1    5.3     4.3      81.1
+14  160     17.9    14.4    80.4    78.4    5.1     4.3      84.3
+15  153     17.7    14.7    83.1    81.1    5.2     4.1      78.8
+16  156     18.5    14.8    80.0    78.0    5.5     4.5      81.8
+17  152     17.7    14.9    84.2    82.2    5.6     4.0      71.4
+18  154     18.6    14.9    80.1    78.1    5.2     4.5      86.5
+19  150     17.8    15.2    85.4    83.4    4.9     3.9      79.6
+20  147     18.8    14.5    77.1    75.1    4.6     3.8      82.6
+
+
+Analysing these figures, we get the following results:--
+
+
+                    Highest number. Lowest number.  Average.
+
+    Stature [26]    163 cm.         147 cm.         155.1 cm.
+                    (64.2 ins.)     (57.9 ins.)     (61.1 ins.)
+    Head length     19.7 cm.        17.4 cm.        18.5 cm.
+    Head breadth    15.4 cm.        14.0 cm.        14.8 cm.
+    Cephalic index  86.8            74.7            80.0
+    Cranial index   84.8            72.7            78.0
+    Nose length     5.6 cm.         4.3 cm.         5.1 cm.
+    Nose breadth    4.8 cm.         3.8 cm.         4.3 cm.
+    Nasal index     100.0           71.4            84.3 [27]
+
+
+    Number of cranial indices under 75 = 4 (20 per cent.).
+    Number of cranial indices between 75 and 80 = 10 (50 per cent.).
+    Number of cranial indices over 80 = 6 (30 per cent.).
+
+
+There are a few points in connection with these figures to which I
+would draw attention. The very short man (No. 20--height, 147 cm.) has
+a cranial index of 75.1, on the border line between dolichocephaly
+and mesaticephaly. He has also a short nose (4.6 cm.), and is one
+of the two with the narrowest noses (3.8 c.m.). The very tall man
+(No. 8--height, 163 cm.) has a long head (19.4 cm.), and the lowest
+dolichocephalic cranial index of 72.7, and is one of two with the
+longest noses (5.6 cm.). The other very tall man (No. 10--height,
+163 cm.) has one of the two shortest heads (17.4 cm.), and the highest
+brachycephalic cranial index of 84.8, and has a long nose (5.5 cm.) The
+man (No. 2) whose nasal index is 100 has the mesaticephalic cranial
+index of 78.3 (almost the average index). The other man (No. 4)
+whose nasal index is 100 has a head of exactly the average length
+(18.5 cm.) and the greatest breadth (15.4 cm.), and the brachycephalic
+cranial index of 81.2. The man (No. 17) with the lowest nasal index
+of 71.4 has a very short head (17.7 cm.), and the brachycephalic
+cranial index of 82.2.
+
+The following tables, however, illustrate the fact that the
+measurements of these twenty men do not appear to indicate, as
+regards them, any marked connection between stature, cranial index,
+and nasal index.
+
+Order in stature (beginning with the shortest):
+
+20--1--19--6--7--17--5--15--18--2--3--11--16--4--12--13--14--9--8--10.
+
+Order in progress upwards of cranial indices:
+
+8--13--3--6-20--5--ll--7--1--16--18--2--14--9--15--4--12--17--19--10.
+
+Order in progress upwards of nasal indices:
+
+17--9--6--8--15--19--3--13--7--16--20--11--10--14--18--12--1--5--2--4.
+
+I brought home three Mafulu skulls, which Dr. Keith kindly had measured
+at the Royal College of Surgeons, with the following results [28]:--
+
+
+    Skull
+    |       Length in cm.
+    |       |       Breadth in cm.
+    |       |       |       Height in cm.
+    |       |       |       |       Cranial Index.
+    |       |       |       |       |       Proportion of
+    |       |       |       |       |       height to length.
+
+    A       17.6    14.0    12.2    79.5    69.3
+    B       18.2    14.1    13.2    77.5    72.5
+    C       17.3    12.7    12.5    73.4    72.3
+
+
+It will be observed that the lowest of these three cranial indices is
+a trifle higher than the lowest of those of the head measurements,
+that the highest of them is much lower than the highest of those
+of the head measurements, and that their average (76.8) is a little
+below the average of those of the head measurements.
+
+Dr. Keith had further measurements made of these skulls from the
+point of view of prognathism and characters of noses and orbits,
+with the following results:
+
+
+    Skull.
+    |       Basi-nasal length.
+    |       |       Basi-alveolar length.
+    |       |       |       Height of nose.
+    |       |       |       |       Width of nose.
+    |       |       |       |       |       Height of orbit.
+    |       |       |       |       |       |       Width of orbit.
+
+            mm.      mm.    mm.     mm.     mm.     mm.
+    A       98      102     48      26      40      35
+    B       99       96     49      25      42      35
+    C       97      102     47      26      38      35
+
+
+Dr. Keith, referring to these skulls, says that they disclose
+relatively small brains, the cranial capacity of A being 1,230 c.c.,
+that of B being 1,330 c.c., and that of C being 1,130 c.c. He compares
+these figures with the average cranial capacity of the male European,
+which he puts at 1,500 c.c.
+
+The eyes of the Mafulu people are dark brown and very bright. I never
+saw among them those oblique eyes, almost recalling the Mongolian,
+which, according to Dr. Seligmann, are found, though rarely only,
+on the coast, [29] and of which I saw many instances among the
+Kuni people.
+
+Their lips are usually not so thick as are those of the Mekeo and
+Roro people, and are generally finer and more delicate in shape.
+
+In view of their Papuan language I kept a sharp look out for the
+curious backward sloping foreheads and projecting brow ridges and
+Jewish-looking noses which are so often found among the Western
+Papuans; but, although I saw a few examples of these, they were rare,
+and I did not observe any noticeable tendency in these directions in
+the faces of the people generally. [30]
+
+A curious characteristic with them is the big toe, which is usually
+much developed, and projects outwards at a larger angle than is the
+case with the Roro and Mekeo people, and is much used for holding on
+to roots, &c., whilst travelling along their rough mountain paths.
+
+Their general colour is a dark sooty brown, a trifle darker, perhaps,
+than that of the Kuni people, and contrasting forcibly with the
+varying shades of chocolate which you find among the Roro and Mekeo
+people. They are smooth-skinned.
+
+Their hair is frizzly, and generally dark brown, often quite dark,
+almost even approaching to black, and sometimes perhaps quite
+black. But it is frequently lighter; and indeed I was often, when
+observing men's hair lit up by sunshine, impressed by the fact that
+its brown colour was not even what we should in Europe call dark. [31]
+I often saw marked variations in the depth of hair colour on the
+head of the same individual. I saw no examples of the comparatively
+straight or curly type of hair which is found in the Pokau district
+and elsewhere. [32]
+
+Plate 3 gives front and side views of the mesaticephalic (almost
+brachycephalic) skull A and Plate 4 gives similar views of the
+dolichocephalic skull C. All the photographs were made as nearly as
+possible exactly half the sizes of the originals; but the photographer
+has made the front view of skull A about an eighth of an inch too
+narrow (with, of course, a corresponding deficiency in height), so
+that the tendency to roundness of this skull is not quite sufficiently
+shown, and the proportion of its height to its length is reduced,
+in the plate. I am not a craniologist, and so I do not attempt to
+discuss the more detailed points of interest which arise in connection
+with these skulls.
+
+A good idea of the somewhat varying characters of the general physiques
+and features of the people will be obtained from my plates; but there
+are a few of these plates which I may mention here.
+
+The people shown in Plates 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 and 16 may, I think, be
+regarded as fairly typical, and I would draw attention to the somewhat
+Melanesian tendency of feature which is disclosed by the faces of
+the man in Plate 6, the young man in the middle in Plate 7 and the
+fourth and sixth men from the left in Plate 9; also to the great
+diversity shown in Plate 9. The man shown in Plate 10, with his thick
+and strong muscular development, is of a type which is occasionally
+seen, but which is, I believe, unusual. The two men figured in Plates
+11 and 12 are, I think, specially interesting. The one to the right,
+with his somewhat backward sloping forehead, and slightly arched nose,
+shows a distinct tendency towards the type of the Western Papuan, to
+which I have already referred. The other one is in general shape of
+head and appearance of features not unlike some of the dwarf people
+found by the recent expedition into Dutch New Guinea (see the man to
+the left in Plate 4 of the page of illustrations in _The Illustrated
+London News_ for September 2, 1911), and indeed there is almost an
+Australian tendency in his face. It is noticeable that he has a beard
+and moustache, which is quite unusual among the Mafulu. A somewhat
+similar type of face may be noticed in one or two of the other plates.
+
+
+Character and Temperament.
+
+It is difficult to speak with any degree of definiteness on this
+question. It must be borne in mind that the Mafulu people have been
+very little in touch with white people, the missionaries, who have only
+been there since 1905, and on rare occasions a Government official or
+scientific traveller, being almost the only white men whom the bulk
+of them have ever seen; and they have been but slightly affected by
+the outside influences which for some years past have been constantly
+brought to bear upon the natives of the adjoining coast line and the
+people of the Mekeo plains; so that comparisons of these people with
+their more up-to-date neighbours as regards their relative natural
+characters may well be in some respects misleading.
+
+Subject, however, to this caution I would say that they are lazy
+and easy-going (though not so much so as the Roro and Mekeo people),
+lively, excitable, cheerful, merry, fairly intelligent (this being
+judged rather from the young people), very superstitious, brave,
+with much power of enduring pain, cruel, not more revengeful perhaps
+than is usual among uncivilised natives, friendly one with another,
+not quarrelsome, but untrustworthy and not over-faithful even in
+their dealings with one another, though honest as regards boundaries
+and property rights and in the sense of not stealing from one another
+within their own communities (this being regarded as a most shameful
+offence), and of very loose sexual morality.
+
+A difference between them and the Mekeo and Roro natives is that
+they appear to be not so conservative as the latter, being more
+ready to abandon old traditions and adopt new ideas; though this
+characteristic is one which shows itself in the young people rather
+than in the elders with their formed habits.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+Dress and Ornament
+
+
+Dress.
+
+The perineal band, made of bark cloth, is the one article of dress
+which is universally worn by both men and women.
+
+These bands are made by both men and women, but are coloured by men
+only. They are commonly unstained and undecorated; but some of them,
+and especially those worn for visiting and at dances, are more or
+less decorated. Some that I have noticed are stained in one colour
+covering the whole garment; others in two colours arranged in alternate
+transverse bands, sometimes with narrow spaces of unstained cloth
+between; and again others have bands of one colour alternating with
+bands of unstained cloth. Some are decorated with lines or groups
+of lines of one colour, or alternating lines or groups of lines of
+two colours, painted transversely across the cloth. Others, while
+simply stained in one colour or stained or decorated in one of the
+ways above described, have another simple terminal design near the
+end of the garment.
+
+The men's bands are usually small and narrow, as compared with those
+worn by the Roro and Mekeo people; and the women's bands seemed to me
+to be generally even narrower than those of the men, particularly in
+front. Men's bands, which I have measured, were about 6 inches wide at
+one end, narrowing down to about 3 inches at the other; and the widths
+of women's bands were 4 or 5 inches or less at one end, narrowing
+down to about 2 inches at the other. But the bands of both men and
+women, especially those of the latter, often become so crumpled up and
+creased with wear that the portion passing between the legs dwindles
+down to about an inch or less in width. One is tempted to think, as
+regards both men and women, that, from the point of view of covering,
+the bands might be dispensed with altogether. This remark applies
+still more strongly to the case of young boys and unmarried girls,
+including among the latter big full-grown girls, who are in fact
+fully developed women, whose bands can hardly be regarded as being
+more than nominal, and who, especially the girls and young women,
+and even sometimes married women who are nursing their babies, can
+really only be described as being practically naked.
+
+Plate 13 (Figs, 1, 2, and 3) illustrates the staining and decoration
+of perineal bands. [33] Fig. 1 is a section of a man's band about
+6 inches wide. The transverse lines, which extend along the whole
+length of the band, are in alternate groups of black and red. The
+background is unevenly stained yellow behind the black lines; but the
+background behind the red lines and the spaces intervening between the
+groups of lines are unstained. Fig. 2 is the pattern near the end of
+a woman's band about 5 inches wide. The lines are coloured red. There
+is no pattern on the rest of the band; but the whole of the band,
+including the background of the pattern, is stained yellow. Fig. 3 is
+a section of a woman's band about 2 1/2 inches wide. The colouring
+is in alternate bands of red and yellow with irregular unstained
+spaces between.
+
+I was struck with the gradual reduction of the women's dress as I
+travelled from the coast, with its Roro inhabitants, through Mekeo,
+and thence by Lapeka and Ido-ido to Dilava, and on by Deva-deva to
+Mafulu. The petticoats of the Roro women gave way to the shorter
+ones of Mekeo, and these seemed to get shorter as I went further
+inland. Then at Lapeka they were still shorter. At Ido-ido, which
+is Kuni, the petticoats ceased, and there was only the perineal
+band. Then, again, at Dilava (still Kuni) this band was narrower,
+and at Deva-deva, and finally at Mafulu, it was often, as I have said,
+almost nominal.
+
+I was told that the age at which a boy usually begins to wear his
+band is about 10 or 12, or in the case of a chief's son 16 or 17;
+but that girls assume their bands at a somewhat earlier age, say at
+7 or 8. So far as my personal observation went I should have thought
+that the usual maximum age of nakedness for both boys and girls was
+rather younger, and I never saw a naked boy of an age anything like 16.
+
+The assumption of the perineal band is the subject of a ceremony
+which will be dealt with hereafter.
+
+Caps are very often worn by men, but not by women or children. These
+are simply pieces of plain unstained bark cloth about 9 inches wide,
+which are coiled and twisted on the head. The result is often a
+shapeless mass; but there are methods of arranging the cloth in
+definite ways which produce describable results. Sometimes the cloth
+is merely coiled several times around the head, so as to produce
+a tall thin turban-shaped band, the crown of the head being left
+uncovered. Often this plan is extended by turning the end of the
+cloth over, so as to cover the top of the head, thus producing in
+some cases a result which resembles a fez, and in other cases one
+which looks more like a tight skullcap. Again the cap often has its
+centre terminating in an end or tassel hanging over, thus making it
+look like a cap of liberty; and yet again I have seen the cap look
+almost like the square paper caps often worn by certain artisans at
+home. These caps are seen in several of the plates.
+
+Abdominal belts are commonly worn by both men and women, but not as
+a rule by children. There are several distinct forms of these:--
+
+(1) A thick strong dark-coloured belt (Plate 14, Fig. I) made of tree
+bark; made and worn by men only. The belt is about 3 or more inches
+wide and is often so long that it passes twice round the body, the
+outer end being fastened to the coil beneath it by two strings. This
+form of belt is sometimes ornamented with simple straight-lined
+geometric patterns carved into the belt, but it is never coloured. The
+process of manufacture is as follows: they cut off a strip of bark
+large enough for one, two, three, or four belts, and coil it up in
+concentric circles, like the two circles of the belt when worn. They
+then place it so coiled into water, and leave it there to soak for
+a few days, after which they strip off the outer part, leaving the
+smooth inner bark, which they dry, and finally cut into the required
+lengths, to which they add the attachment strings made of native fibre.
+
+(2) A belt made of a material looking like split cane and thin strips
+from the fibre of what I was told was a creeping plant [34]; made
+and worn by men only. The latter material is obtained by splitting
+the fibre into thin strips. These strips and the strips of split
+cane-like material are rather coarse in texture. The former are of
+a dull red-brown colour (natural, not produced by staining) and the
+latter are stone-yellow. The two are plaited together in geometric
+patterns. The width of the belt is about 2 inches. It only passes once
+round the man's body; and the plaiting is finished with the belt on
+the body, so that it can only afterwards be removed by unplaiting or
+cutting it off.
+
+(3) A belt (Plate 14, Fig. 2) made of stone-yellow unsplit cane;
+made and worn by both men and women. This is the simplest form of
+belt, being merely a strip of cane intertwined (not plaited) so as
+to form a band about half an inch wide, and left the natural colour
+of the cane. Both men and women, when short of food, use this belt
+to reduce the pain of hunger, by tightening it over the stomach. It
+is, therefore, much worn during a period of restricted diet prior to
+a feast. Women also use it, along with their other ordinary means,
+to bring about abortion, the belt being for this purpose drawn very
+tightly round the body. Often two, or even three, such belts are
+worn together.
+
+(4) A belt (Plate 14, Fig. 3) made of coarse, sometimes very coarse,
+stone-yellow split cane or cane-like material; made and worn by men
+only. This belt is left the natural colour of the material, which is
+plaited so as to form a band from half an inch to 2 inches broad, the
+two ends of which are bound together with cane. It also, like No. 2,
+is finished on the body. A man will often wear two or three of these
+belts together.
+
+(5) A belt (Plate 15, Fig. i) made out of the inner fibre of a creeping
+plant [35]; made and worn by men only. The fibre threads used for
+this belt are very fine, so the plaiting is minute, instead of being
+coarse like that of No. 2; but it is generally done rather loosely
+and openly. The belt is usually about 2 inches wide or a trifle less
+and is often plaited in slightly varying geometric patterns. It is
+not stained in manufacture, but the natural stone-grey colour of the
+fibre soon becomes tinted as the result of wear and the staining of
+the wearer's body, and in particular it often becomes an ornamental
+red. This belt also is finished on the man's body.
+
+(6) A belt (Plate 15, Fig. 2) made of the inner fibre of what I was
+told was another creeping plant [36] and the stem of a plant which
+I believe to be one of the Dendrobiums [37]; made and worn by men
+only. The fibres of the former plant are stained black; the reedy stems
+of the other plant are put in short bamboo stems filled with water,
+and then boiled. They are then easily split up into flattish straws,
+and become a colour varying from rather bright yellow to brown. For
+making the belt these two materials, looking rather like black and
+bright yellow straw, are plaited together in various geometrical
+patterns. The width of the belt is 2 inches, or a trifle more. It is
+tied at the ends with fibre string.
+
+(7) A rather special form of belt (Plate 15, Fig. 3) used mainly for
+visiting and dancing; made and worn by both men and women. The belt is
+made out of a hank of loose separate strands between 4 and 5 feet long,
+tied together with string or bark cloth at two opposite points, so as
+to form a belt of between 2 feet and 2 feet 6 inches in length. For
+better description I would liken it to a skein of wool, as it looks
+when held on the hands of one person for the purpose of being wound
+off into a ball by someone else, but which, instead of being wound
+off, is tied up at the two points where it passes round the hands of
+the holder, and is then pulled out into a straight line of double the
+original number of strands, and so forms a single many-stranded belt
+of 2 feet or more in length. It is fastened round the waist with a
+piece of bark cloth attached to one of the points where the hank has
+been tied up. [38]
+
+The number of strands is considerable. Belts examined by me and counted
+gave numbers varying from eighteen to thirty-five, and the number of
+strands of the belt round the body would be double that. Each strand
+is made of three parts plaited together, and is one-eighth of an inch
+or less in width. Various materials, including all the materials
+used for armlets (see below), are employed for making these belts,
+some for one and some for another. Sometimes a belt has its strands
+all plaited out of one material only, in which case the belt will
+be all of one colour. Sometimes its strands are plaited out of two
+different coloured materials. There is no colouring of the belt,
+except that of its strands.
+
+Belt No. 1, as worn, is seen in Plates 9 and 11. Belt No. 3 is worn by
+the man at the extreme right in Plate 16. It is worn by many of the
+women figured in the plates, and several of them have two belts. One
+of the women figured in Plates 18 and 19 has three of them. Belt No. 4
+is worn by one of the men figured in Plates 7 and 8 (he has three of
+them). Belt No. 7 is worn by one or two of the women figured in the
+frontispiece, the one to the extreme right having a many-stranded belt,
+and it is excellently illustrated in Plate 17.
+
+Capes made of bark cloth are made and worn by men and women. They are
+only put on after recovery from an illness by which the wearer has
+been laid up, including childbirth. The cape is simply a plain long
+narrow piece of undyed bark cloth. The corners of one end are fastened
+together, and the whole of that end is bunched up into a sort of hood,
+which is placed over the head, whilst the rest of the cloth hangs
+down as a narrow strip behind. The cape in no way covers or conceals
+any part of the body when viewed from the front or side. It is only
+worn for a few days; but whilst wearing it the wearer discards all,
+or nearly all, his or her ornaments. I could learn no reason for the
+custom. Plates 18 and 19 show these capes, and the way in which they
+are worn.
+
+Mourning strings (Plate 30, Fig. 1) are made and worn by both men and
+women. These are plain undecorated necklaces varying much in size and
+appearance; sometimes they are made of undyed twisted bark cloth, and
+vary in thickness from one-sixteenth of an inch to an inch; sometimes
+they are only made of string, and are quite thin. There is always
+an end or tassel to the necklace, made out of the extremities of the
+neck part, and hanging in front over the chest; and, if the necklace
+is of string, and not of bark cloth, some bark cloth is twisted round
+this tassel. This sign of grief is after a death worn by the widow or
+widower or other nearest relative (male or female) of the deceased;
+and at times two people of equal degree of relationship will both wear
+it. It is worn until the formal ending of the mourning. The woman to
+the extreme right in Plate 26 is wearing one of these.
+
+Widows' vests. These are mourning garments, only worn by the widows of
+chiefs. The garment, which is made by women, is a vest made of string
+network (like a string bag), the mesh of which is the special Mafulu
+mesh, which will be described hereafter, and it is not coloured. It
+is plainly and simply made, with openings at the top for the neck,
+and at the sides for the arms (no sleeves), and coming down to
+about the waist, without any other opening either in front or at the
+back. This garment is also worn until the formal end of the period
+of mourning. [39] I was unable to secure a picture of one of these.
+
+There is no special dress for chiefs to distinguish them from other
+people.
+
+European calico clothing has not been adopted by these people, even
+in the district where they are in touch with the missionaries. Indeed
+I may say that the people, happily for their own health, show no
+inclination to wear more clothing; and no doubt as a result of their
+conservatism in this respect they escape many a fatal cold and attack
+of pneumonia, and the spread of infectious skin diseases is somewhat
+reduced. I may also add that the Bishop and Fathers of the Mission
+do not attempt, or seem to desire, to urge the people who come under
+their influence to endanger their health and their lives for the sake
+of conforming to views as to clothing which have played such havoc
+with tropical natives in many parts of the globe. [40]
+
+
+Physical Body Decoration, &c.
+
+Tattooing and body-scarring are not practised by either men or women
+among the Mafulu.
+
+Depilation. When a young man's beard begins to grow, the hairs
+of the beard and moustache and eye-brows are extracted. No other
+depilation is practised by men, and none whatever by women; and none
+of them shave any part of the body. The depilation is effected with
+two fibre threads twisted round each other, the hair to be extracted
+being inserted between the threads. Anyone can do this, and there is
+no ceremony connected with it.
+
+Nose-piercing. The septa of the noses of both men and women are
+pierced at or after the age of 15 or 18, and either before or after
+marriage. This is done for men by men, and for women by women. There
+is no special person whose duty it is to do it, but he or she must
+be one who knows the incantations which are required. There is no
+restriction as to diet or otherwise placed upon the operator prior
+to the operation, but there is a day's food restriction imposed upon
+the person whose nose is to be pierced.
+
+Two instruments are used for the operation, one being a piercing
+instrument made of pig bone and sharpened, and the other being a small
+wooden plug, also sharpened. The operator first visibly, but silently,
+engages in two incantations, during the former of which he holds up
+the thumb and first finger of his right hand, and during the latter
+of which he holds up the two instruments. He then with the thumb
+and first finger of his right hand holds the septum of the nose of
+the person to be operated upon, whom I will call the "patient," and
+with the left hand pierces the septum with the bone instrument. He
+next inserts the wooden plug into the hole, so as to make it larger,
+and leaves the plug there. Then he takes a blade of grass, which he
+also inserts through the hole, by the side of the plug, and, holding
+the grass by the two ends, he makes it rotate round and round the
+plug. This is a painful process, which frequently causes tears and
+cries from the patient. He then probably goes through the same process
+with various other patients, as it is the custom to operate on several
+persons at the same time.
+
+The patients are then all lodged in houses built for the purpose, one
+house being for men and one for women. These are not houses which are
+kept permanently standing, but are specially built on each occasion
+on which the nose-boring operation is going to be performed. A great
+swelling of the patients' noses develops, and this spreads more or
+less over their faces. The patients are confined in the special houses
+until the holes in their noses are large enough and the wounds are
+healed. During this confinement each patient has himself to do what
+is requisite to further enlarge the hole by the insertion into it from
+time to time of pieces of wood and by putting in rolled up leaves and
+pushing pieces of wood inside these leaves. During all this period he
+is not allowed to come out of the house, at all events not so as to be
+seen, and his diet is confined to sweet potato, cooked in a certain
+way. The cooking for all the patients, men and women, is done by the
+woman nose-piercing operator, assisted by other women. The potatoes
+are wrapped up in leaves (usually banana), each potato being generally
+wrapped up separately in one or more leaves; and, when so wrapped up,
+they are cooked in red-hot ashes, and then taken to the houses where
+the patients are.
+
+When the hole in any patient's nose has reached the requisite size,
+and the wound is healed, he inserts a large croton leaf [41] into
+the hole; he may then come out and return to his own house, retaining
+the croton leaf in his nose. He must next occupy himself in searching
+for a black non-poisonous snake about 12 or 18 inches long, which is
+commonly found in the grass. I cannot say what snake this is, but
+I am advised that it is probably _Tropidonotus mairii_. Its native
+name is _fal' ul' obe_, which means "germ of the ground." Until he
+finds this snake he must keep the croton leaf in his nose, and is
+still under the same restriction as to food, which is cooked in the
+same way and by the same persons as before. On finding the snake,
+he secures it alive, removes the croton leaf from the hole in his
+nose, and inserts into it the tail end of the living snake; then,
+holding the head of the snake in one of his hands, and the tail in
+the other, he draws the snake slowly through the hole, until its head
+is close to the hole. He then lets the head drop from his hand, and
+with a quick movement of the other hand draws it through the nose,
+and throws the snake, still living, away. [42] This completes the
+nose-piercing; but there still rests upon the patient the duty of
+going to the river, and there catching an eel, which he gives to the
+people who have been feeding him during his illness.
+
+The nose-piercing is generally done at one of the big feasts; and,
+as these are rare in any one village, you usually find in the villages
+many fully-grown people whose noses have not been pierced; though as
+to this I may say that nose-piercing is more generally indulged in by
+chiefs and important people and their families than by the village rank
+and file. It commonly happens, however, that a good many people have
+to be done when the occasion arises. Each person to be operated upon
+has to provide a domestic pig for the big feast. I have been unable
+to discover the origin and meaning of the nose-piercing ceremony. [43]
+
+Ear-piercing is done to both men and women, generally when quite young,
+say at seven or twelve years of age. Both the lower and the upper lobes
+are pierced, sometimes only one or the other, and sometimes both;
+but the lower lobe is the one more commonly pierced. They can do it
+themselves, or can get someone else to do it. There is no ceremony. The
+piercing is done with the thorn of a tree, and the hole is afterwards
+gradually widened by the insertion of small pieces of wood. They never
+make large holes, or enlarge them greatly afterwards, as the holes are
+only used for the hanging of pendants, and not for the insertion of
+discs. After the piercing the patient must, until the wound is healed,
+abstain from all food except sweet potato; but there is no restriction
+as to the way in which this food is to be cooked, or the person who
+is to cook it. There is as regards ear-piercing no difference between
+the case of chiefs' children and those of other people.
+
+Body-staining is usual with both men and women, who do it for
+themselves, or get others to help them. There is no ceremony
+in connection with it. The colours generally adopted are red,
+greyish-yellow and black. The red stain is procured from an earth,
+which is obtained from the low countries; but they themselves also
+have an earth which is used, and produces a more bronzy red. The
+yellow stain is also got from an earth. All these coloured earths
+are worked into a paste with water, or with animal fat, if they can
+get it. I think they also get a red stain from the fruit of a species
+of Pandanus; but I am not quite clear as to this. The black stain is
+obtained from crushed vegetable ashes mixed with fat or water. The
+staining of the face is usually of a simple character. It may cover
+the whole face all in one colour or in different colours, and often
+one side of the face is stained one colour, and the other side another
+colour. They also make stripes and spots or either of them of any
+colour or colours on any part of the face. The red colour (I think
+especially that obtained from the Pandanus fruit) is also often applied
+in staining the whole body, this being especially done for dances and
+visiting; though a young dandy will often do it at other times. The
+black is the symbol of mourning, and will be referred to hereafter.
+
+Hairdressing may be conveniently dealt with here. The Mafulu
+hairdressing is quite simple and rough, very different from the
+big, spreading, elaborately prepared and carefully combed mops of
+Mekeo. This is a factor which a traveller in this part of New Guinea
+may well bear in mind in connection with his impedimenta, as he has
+no difficulty in getting the Kuni and Mafulu people to carry packages
+on their heads, which the Mekeo folk are unwilling to do.
+
+The modes in which the men dress their hair, so far as I was able to
+notice, may be roughly divided into the following categories:--(_a_)
+A simple crop of hair either cut quite close or allowed to grow fairly
+long, or anything between these two, but not dressed in any way,
+and probably uncombed, unkempt and untidy. This is the commonest
+form. (_b_) The same as (_a_), but with a band round the hair,
+separating the upper part of it from the lower, and giving the former
+a somewhat chignon-like appearance, (_c_) The hair done up all over
+the head in three-stranded plaits a few inches long, and about an
+eighth of an inch thick, having the appearance of short thick pieces
+of string, (_d_) The top of the head undressed, but the sides, and
+sometimes the back, of the head done up in plaits like (_c_). (_e_)
+A manufactured long shaped fringe of hair, human, but not the hair
+of the wearer (Plate 20, Fig. 3), is often worn over the forehead,
+just under the wearer's own hair, so as to form, as it were, a part
+of it, pieces of string being attached to the ends of the fringe
+and passed round the back of the head, where they are tied. These
+fringes are made by tying a series of little bunches of hair close
+to one another along the double string, which forms the base of the
+fringe. Specimens examined by me were about 12 inches long and 1 1/4
+inches wide (this width being the length of the bunches of hair),
+and contained about twenty bunches. It is usual to have two or three
+of these strings of bunches of hair tied together at the ends, thus
+making one broad fringe. These fringes are often worn in connection
+with styles (_c_) and (_d_) of hairdressing; but I never noticed them
+in association with (_a_) and (_b_).
+
+I was told that men who have become bald sometimes wear complete
+artificial wigs, though I never saw an example of this.
+
+The hairdressing of the women seemed to be similar to that of the men,
+except that I never saw the chignon-producing band, that they do not
+wear fringes, and that the entire or partial plaiting of the hair is
+more frequently adopted by them than it is by the men. I do not know
+whether the women ever indulge in entire wigs.
+
+Method (_a_) is seen in many of the plates. Method (_b_) is
+illustrated, though not very well, in Plate 9 (the fourth and
+fifth man from the left) and in Plate 21 (the young man to the
+left, behind). Method (_c_) is adopted by four of the women in the
+frontispiece, by some of the women in Plate 16, by the woman in Plate
+17, and by the little girl in Plates 22 and 23. Method (_d_) is well
+illustrated by the second woman from the right in the frontispiece.
+
+The cutting of the hair of both men and women is effected with sharp
+pieces of stone of the sort used for making adze blades, or with
+sharp pieces of bamboo or shell.
+
+Infant deformation is not practised in any form by the Mafulu people;
+nor do they circumcise their children.
+
+
+Ornaments.
+
+The string-like plaits in which men and women arrange their
+hair, and especially those of the women, are often decorated with
+ornaments. Small cowrie and other shells, or native or European beads,
+or both, are strung by women on to these plaits, sometimes in a line
+along all or the greater part of the length of the plait, sometimes
+as a pendant at the end of it, and sometimes in both ways; and any
+other small ornamental object may be added. Dogs' teeth are also
+used by both men and women in the same way; but these are, I think,
+more commonly strung in line along the plaits, rather than suspended
+at the ends of them. Both men and women wear suspended at the ends
+of these plaits wild betel-nut fruit, looking like elongated acorns;
+and men, but not women, wear in the same way small pieces of cane, an
+inch or two long, into which the ends of the plaits are inserted. All
+these forms of decoration may be found associated together. They are
+in the case of men usually confined to the plaits at the sides, being
+also often attached to the side ends of the artificial fringes; but
+they are sometimes used for the back of the head also. The women often
+wear them also at the top of the head, and in wearing them at the sides
+sometimes have them hanging in long strings reaching to the shoulders.
+
+Plate 24 (Figs. 1, 2, 5, and 6) and Plate 25 (Figs. 2 and 4) are
+ornamented plaits cut off the heads of women. The ornaments shown
+include beads, shells, discs made out of shells, dogs' teeth and
+betel-nut fruit. Plate 24 (Figs. 3 and 4) are ornamented plaits cut
+off the heads of men, one of them having a cane pendant, and the
+other a pendant of betel-nut.
+
+The appearance of these things, as worn, is seen in Plates 16, 26,
+27, 28 and 29 (the habit of wearing a single dog-tooth at each side
+of the head, as shown by 27, being a common one, and 28 showing
+the equally common habit of wearing a couple of betel-nuts at each
+side). Their appearance, when worn in abundance for a festal dance,
+is excellently shown in the frontispiece and in Plate 17; and the
+little girl in Plates 22 and 23, though too young to be a dancer,
+is decorated for an occasion.
+
+Pigs' tails are a common head decoration for women, and are also worn,
+though not so frequently, by men. These tails are covered with the
+natural hair of the tail, and are brown-coloured. They are suspended
+by strings passing round the crown of the head or from the plaits at
+the sides of the head. They are generally only about 6 inches long;
+but sometimes the ornaments into which they are made are much longer,
+and I have seen them worn by women hanging down as far as the level
+of the breast. These pigtails are sometimes worn hanging in clusters
+of several tails. They are also often, in the case of women, decorated
+with shells, beads, dogs' teeth, etc., which are attached like tassels
+to their upper ends. [44]
+
+Plate 30, Fig. 3 shows a pigtail ornament for hanging over the head,
+with the tails suspended on both sides and strings of beads and dogs'
+teeth hanging from the upper ends of the tails. The ornament is worn
+by the middle man in Plate 9 and by the little girl figured in Plates
+22 and 23, and it is seen more extensively worn by women decorated
+for dancing in the frontispiece and in Plate 17, and by the girl in
+Plate 71.
+
+A peculiar and less usual sort of head ornament (Plate 30, Fig. 4),
+worn by both men and women, is a cluster of about a dozen or less of
+bark cloth strings, about 1 1/2 feet long, fastened together at the
+top, and there suspended by a string tied round the top of the head,
+so as to hang down like the lashes of a several-thonged whip over the
+back. The individual strings of the cluster are quite thin, but they
+are decorated with the yellow and brown straw-like material above
+referred to in connection with abdominal belt No. 6 (being prepared
+from the same plant, apparently Dendrobium, and in the same way),
+the material being twisted in a close spiral round the strings, and
+making them look, when seen from a short distance off, like strings
+of very small yellow and brown beads, irregularly arranged in varying
+lengths of the two colours, shading off gradually from one to the
+other. Even when so bound round, these strings are only about 1/16
+to 1/8 of an inch thick.
+
+The Mafulu comb (Plate 30, Fig. 2) differs in construction from
+the wooden combs, all made in one piece, which are commonly used in
+Mekeo. It is made of four, five, or six thin pieces of wood, which are
+left blunt at one end, but are sharpened to points at the other. These
+are bound together with straw-like work, sometimes beautifully done,
+the binding being nearly always near to the blunt ends, though it
+is sometimes almost in the middle. [45] The combs so made are flat,
+with the blunt ends converging and generally fastened together, and
+the long sharp ends, which are the ends to be inserted into the hair,
+spreading outwards. The bound-up blunt ends are in fact a point, or,
+say, half an inch or less (occasionally more) across. The spread of
+the sharp ends varies from 1 to 2 inches or more. The straw-like
+binding may be light or dark brown, or partly one and partly the
+other. Sometimes only the two outside prongs meet together at the blunt
+end, and the inner prongs do not extend much, or at all, beyond the
+upper edge of the straw-like work binding. The fastening together of
+the blunt converging tips is done sometimes with native thread just
+at the tips, and sometimes with a little straw work rather further
+down; occasionally it is missing altogether. The comb figured is not
+so converging at the blunt ends or so spreading at the sharp ends
+as is usual, and its blunt ends are not bound together. These combs
+are only worn by men; they are commonly worn in front, projecting
+forwards over the forehead, as is done in Mekeo; but they are also
+worn at the back of the head, projecting sideways to either right or
+left. A feather (generally a white cockatoo feather), or sometimes two
+feathers, are often inserted into the straw-like work of the comb,
+so as to stand up vertically when the comb is worn, and there wave,
+or rather wag, backwards and forwards in the wind. I could not learn
+any significance in these feathers, such as applies to many of the
+upright head feathers worn by the young men of Mekeo. The comb is
+worn by several of the men figured in Plate 9, one of them wearing
+it in front and the others having it standing out sideways at the back.
+
+The almost universal type of earring (Plate 20, Fig. 1), varying
+from 2 to 3 inches in circumference, is made out of the tail of the
+cuscus. The ring is made by removing the hair from the animal's tail,
+drying the tail, and fastening the pointed end into or on to the blunt
+cut-off stump end, tying them firmly together. The ring is then bound
+closely round with the yellow and brown material (Dendrobium) of belt
+No. 6; but a space of 1 or 2 inches is generally left uncovered at the
+part where the two ends of the tail are fastened together. The simplest
+form is a single earring, which passes through the hole in the ear;
+but I have seen two rings hanging to the ear; and frequently a second
+ring is hung on to the first, and often a third to the second, and
+sometimes a fourth to the third; or perhaps, instead of the fourth
+ring, there may be two rings hanging to the second one. In fact,
+there are varieties of ways in which the fancy of the wearer and the
+number of rings he possesses will cause him to wear them. They are
+worn by both men and women. [46] They may be seen in several plates,
+but unfortunately are not very clear. The most distinct are, I think,
+those worn by the second woman from the left in Plate 26 and the
+woman on the left in Plate 28. The second woman from the left in the
+frontispiece has two of them hanging from her right ear.
+
+Pigs' tails, similar to those worn from the hair, are also worn by
+both men and women, especially the latter, suspended from the ears;
+and here again they vary much in length, and are often decorated with
+tassel-like hanging ornaments of shells, beads, etc.
+
+Forehead ornaments (Plate 30, Fig 5) are made by men and worn by them
+at dances. This ornament is a band, very slightly curved, which is
+worn across the forehead, just under and surrounding the basis of the
+dancing feathers. It is generally about 16 inches long and between
+4 and 5 inches broad in the middle, from which it narrows somewhat
+towards the ends. Its manufacture consists of a ground basis of the
+material of belt No. 5, into which are interplaited in geometric
+patterns the two black and yellow and brown materials which are used
+for belt No. 6. It is fixed on to the forehead by means of strings
+attached to its two ends, and passing round, and tied at the back of,
+the head.
+
+Nose ornaments. These are straight pencil-shaped pieces of shell,
+generally about 6 inches long, which are passed through the hole in
+the septum of the nose. They are only worn at dances and on special
+occasions; but the people from time to time insert bits of wood or
+cane or bone or some other thing into the hole for the purpose of
+keeping it open. There are temporary pegs in the noses of the fifth
+man to the left in Plate 9 and the man in Plate 10. The nose ornament
+is worn by the woman to the extreme right in the frontispiece.
+
+Necklaces and straight pendants, suspended from the neck and
+hanging over the chest, are common, though they are not usually
+worn in anything approaching the profusion seen in Mekeo and on
+the coast. These are made chiefly of shells of various sorts (cut
+or whole), dogs' teeth and beads, as in Mekeo. The shells include
+the cowries and the small closely packed overlapping cut shells so
+generally used in Mekeo for necklaces, and the flat disc-like shell
+sections, which are here, as in Mekeo, specially used for straight
+hanging pendants; also those lovely large crescent-shaped discs of
+pearl shell, which are well known to New Guinea travellers. The shells
+are, of course, all obtained directly or indirectly from the coast;
+in fact, these are some of the chief articles for which the mountain
+people exchange their stone implements and special mountain feathers,
+so the similarity in the ornaments is to be expected; but it is only
+within a quite recent time that the pearl crescents have found their
+way to Mafulu. I do not propose to describe at length the various
+forms of shell ornament, as they are very similar to, and indeed I
+think practically the same as, those of Mekeo. Some of the necklaces
+are figured in Plates 31, 32 and 33, and they are worn by many of
+the people figured in other plates, especially the frontispiece and
+Plate 17. Straight pendant ornaments are seen in the frontispiece and
+in Plates 6, 17, 26 and others. The crescent-shaped pearl ornaments
+are seen in the frontispiece and in Plates 6, 7, 16, 28 and others,
+a very large one being worn by the little girl in Plate 71.
+
+There is, however, one shell necklace which is peculiar to the
+mountains, and, I think, to Mafulu (I do not know whether the Kuni
+people also wear it), where it is worn as an emblem of mourning
+by persons who are relatives of the deceased, but who are not
+sufficiently closely related to him to stain themselves with black
+during the period of mourning. This necklace is made of white cowrie
+shells varying in size from half an inch to an inch long, each of
+which has its convex side ground away, so as to show on one side the
+untouched mouth of the shell and on the other an open cavity. The
+shells are strung, sometimes closely and sometimes loosely, on to a
+double band of thin cord. Specimens of this type of necklace measured
+by me varied in length from 36 inches (with 97 shells) to 20 inches
+(with 38 shells). It is worn until the period of mourning is formally
+terminated. The middle necklace in Plate 33 is a mourning shell
+necklace, and it is seen on the neck of the woman to the right in
+Plate 29.
+
+Pigs' tail ornaments similar to those already described are also worn
+suspended by neck-bands over the chest.
+
+Armlets and wrist-bands are worn by both men and women, and more or
+less by children, including quite young ones, at the higher end of
+the upper arm and just above the wrist. They are made by men only,
+and vary in width from half an inch to 5 or 6 inches, the wider ones
+being generally worn on the upper arm. There are several common forms
+of these: (1) The more usual form (Plate 34, Fig. 4) is made of the
+thin and finely plaited stone-grey material described in abdominal
+belt No. 5, and is made in the same way, subject to the difference
+that the plaiting is more closely done. Measured specimens of this
+armlet varied in width from 1 to 2 1/4 inches, and displayed different
+varieties of diagonal twill stitch. (2) Another common form (Plate 34,
+Fig. 3) is made of the coarser-plaited black and yellow and brown
+materials described concerning No. 6 belt, and is made in the same
+way. Specimens of this armlet varied in width from 1 to 5 inches. (3)
+There is another form which in fineness of material and plait is
+between Nos. 1 and 2. I was told that this is made out of another
+creeping plant, and is left in its own natural unstained colour, which,
+however, in this case is a dull brown red. (4) Another form (Plate
+34, Fig. 2) is made of the coarse dull red-brown and stone-yellow
+materials described with reference to belt No. 2, and is made in
+the same way. A specimen of this armlet was 2 1/4 inches wide. (5)
+Another form (Plate 34, Fig. 1) is in make something like No. 4, but
+the two materials used are the stone-yellow material of belt No. 2
+and the black material of belt No. 6, and the plaiting materials are
+much finer in thickness than are those of armlet No. 4. Specimens
+of this armlet varied in width from 3/4 to 1 1/4 inches. (6) The
+beautiful large cut single-shell wrist ornament, commonly worn on
+the coast and plains, whence the Mafulu people procure it. Armlets
+will be seen worn by many of the people figured in the plates.
+
+There is no practice of putting armlets on young folk, and retaining
+them in after life, so as to tighten round and contract the arm.
+
+Leg-bands (Plate 25, Fig. 1) and anklets are worn by both men and
+women, and also by children, just below the knee and above the ankle.
+
+There is a form of plaited leg-band somewhat similar in make to armlet
+No. 5, and between half-an-inch and an inch in width, though the
+colour of this leg-band is a dull brown. But the usual form of leg-band
+and anklet is made by women only out of thread fibre by a process of
+manufacture quite distinct from the stiff plait work adopted for some
+of the belts and for the armlets. They make their thread out of fine
+vegetable fibre as they proceed with the manufacture of the band,
+rolling the individual fibres with their hands upon their thighs,
+and then rolling these fibres into two-strand threads, and from time
+to time in this way making more thread, which is worked into the open
+ends of the then working thread as it is required--all this being
+done in the usual native method.
+
+I had an opportunity of watching a woman making a leg-band, and I think
+the process is worth describing. She first made a thread 5 or 6 feet
+long by the method above referred to, the thread being a two-strand
+one, made out of small lengths about 5 or 6 inches long of the
+original fibre, rolled together and added to from time to time until
+the full length of 5 or 6 feet of thread had been made. The thread
+was of the thickness of very coarse European thread or exceedingly
+fine string. She next wound the thread into a triple loop of the size
+of the proposed leg-band. This triple loop was to be the base upon
+which she was to make the leg-band, of which it would form the first
+line and upper edge. It was only about 11 inches in circumference, and
+thus left two ends, one of which (I will call it "the working thread")
+was a long one, and the other of which (I will call it "the inside
+thread") was a short one. Both these threads hung down together from
+the same point (which I will call "the starting point"). She then,
+commencing at the starting point, worked the working thread round the
+triple base by a series of interlacing loops in the form shown (very
+greatly magnified) in Fig. 1; but the loops were drawn quite tight,
+and not left loose, as, for the purpose of illustration, I have had to
+make them in the figure. This process was carried round the base until
+she had again reached the starting point, at which stage the base,
+with its tightly drawn loop work all around it, was firm and strong,
+and there were still the two ends of thread hanging from the starting
+point. Here and at subsequent stages of the work she added to the
+lengths of these two ends from time to time in the way above described
+when they needed it, and the two ends of thread were therefore always
+present. Then began the making of the second line. This was commenced
+at the starting point, from which the two ends of thread hung,
+and was effected by a series of loops made with the working thread
+in the way already described, except that these loops, instead of
+passing round the whole of the base line, passed through holes which
+she bored with a thorn, as she went on, in the extreme bottom edge of
+that line, and also that, in making this second line, she passed the
+inside thread through each loop before she drew the latter tight; so
+that the second line was itself composed of a single internal thread,
+around which the loops were drawn. The second line was continued in
+this way until she again reached the starting point (but, of course,
+one line lower down), from which the two ends of thread hung down as
+before. The third and following lines were made by a process identical
+with that of the second one, the holes for each line being pricked
+through the bottom of that above it. I did not see the completion of
+the band, but I may say that the final line is similar to the second
+and subsequent ones, and is not a triple-threaded line like the first
+one. It was amazing to see this woman doing her work. She was an old
+woman, but she did the whole of the work with her fingers, and she must
+have had wonderful eyesight and steadiness of hand, as she made the
+minute scarcely visible prick holes, and passed the end of her working
+thread through them, with the utmost apparent ease and quickness.
+
+The band thus produced is of very small, close, fine work, and is
+quite soft, flexible and elastic, like European canvas, instead of
+being stiff and hard, like the plaited belts and armlets. The band
+is generally about an inch (more or less) in width. It is not dyed
+or coloured in any way, but is often decorated with beads, which
+are worked into the fabric in one or more horizontal lines, but as
+a rule, I think, only at irregular intervals, and not in continuous
+lines. These bands and anklets are seen in many of the plates. In
+Plates 10, 11 and 12 the bead decorations are seen.
+
+Dancing aprons are made out of bark cloth by both men and women,
+but coloured by men only. The apron, which is worn at dances by women
+only, is about 6 to 12 inches wide. It is worn, as shown in Plate 35,
+in front of the body, being passed over the abdominal belt or a cord
+so as to hang over it in two folds, one behind the other; and the
+front fold, which is the part which shows (the back fold being more
+or less concealed), and is generally 18 inches to 2 feet in length,
+has at its base a fringe made by cutting the end of the cloth up into
+strips, equal or unequal in width, the number of which may be only six
+or less, or may be fifteen or twenty. The front fold is often wholly
+or partly stained, the colour of the stain being usually yellow, and
+is always more or less covered with a decorative design, the colours
+of which are usually black and red. The back fold is generally stained
+yellow, but never has any design upon it. The fringe is also usually
+stained yellow, and is without design, except occasionally perhaps
+a few horizontal lines of colour.
+
+I may say here, as regards these colours, that, so far as my
+observation went, the colours of the decorative patterns were always
+black and red, and the general staining was always yellow; and indeed
+the last-mentioned colour does not show up against the natural colour
+of the cloth sufficiently clearly to adapt it for actual design
+work. I am not, however, prepared to say that this allocation of
+the colours is in fact an invariable one; and, as I know that red
+is used for general staining of perineal bands and dancing ribbons,
+it is possible that it, as well as yellow, is used for aprons.
+
+Numerous variations of design are to be found in these garments;
+and indeed I may say that it is in these and in the feather head
+decorations that the Mafulu people mainly indulge such artistic powers
+as they possess.
+
+Plates 36 to 43 are examples of decoration of the front folds of
+these dancing aprons [47]; and I give the following particulars
+concerning them, first stating that, subject to what may appear in
+my particulars, the darker lines and spots represent black ones in
+the apron, and the lighter ones represent red ones.
+
+
+Plate.
+|       Average width of apron in inches.
+|       |       Notes on ground staining and other matters.
+
+36      6 1/2   Background of design unstained, but back fold of
+                apron and fringe stained yellow.
+37 [48] 7 3/4   Ditto    ditto      ditto
+38      5 1/4   Only a little irregular yellow staining behind the
+                design. Back fold of apron and fringe stained yellow.
+39      6       Background of design (except fringe part) unstained,
+                but back fold of apron and fringe stained yellow.
+40      7       Background of upper (zig-zag) part of design unstained,
+                but that of lower (rectangular) part and whole of
+                back fold of apron and fringe stained yellow.
+41      10 1/2  Faintly tinted broad horizontal and vertical lines
+                and triangles in figure represent yellow stain. No
+                other staining in the apron.
+42      6 3/4   Background of design unstained, but back fold end of
+                apron and fringe stained yellow.
+43      6 3/4   No background staining in the apron. The smallness
+                of the amount of decoration and the substitution of
+                two tails for a fringe are, I think, unusual.
+
+
+Dancing ribbons are made out of bark cloth by both men and women,
+but are coloured by men only. These are worn by both men and women at
+dances, the ribbons hanging round the body from the abdominal belt or a
+cord, three or four or five of them being worn by one person, and one
+of these commonly hanging in front. They are generally 2 or 3 inches
+wide and about 4 feet long, but a portion of this length is required
+for hitching the ribbon round the belt. I think their ornamentation
+is confined to staining in transverse bands of alternating colour or
+of one colour and unstained cloth. Plate 13, Fig. 4, illustrates the
+colouring of two ribbons (each 2 inches wide), the alternation in one
+case being red and yellow, and in the other red and unstained cloth;
+and the men figured in Plate 70 are wearing ribbons, though they are
+not very clearly shown in the plate.
+
+The feather ornaments for the head, and especially those worn at
+dances, and the feather ornaments worn on the back at dances present
+such an enormous variety of colours and designs that it would be
+impossible to describe them here without very greatly increasing the
+length of the book. The ornaments are often very large, sometimes
+containing eight or ten or even twelve rows of feathers, one behind
+another. They can usually be distinguished from those made by the Mekeo
+people by a general inferiority in design and make of the ornament as
+a whole, the Mafulu people having less artistic skill in this respect
+than the people of the lowlands. The ornaments include feathers of
+parrots, cockatoos, hornbills, cassowaries, birds of paradise, bower
+birds and some others. One never or rarely sees feathers of sea-birds,
+or waterfowl, or Goura pigeons (which, I was told, are not found among
+the mountains), as the Mafulu people in their trading with the people
+of the plains take in exchange things which they cannot themselves
+procure, rather than feathers, which are so plentiful with them.
+
+The black cassowary feather is important in Mafulu as being the
+special feather distinction of chiefs; but, though chiefs are as
+a rule possessed of more and better ornaments than are the poorer
+and unimportant people, they have no other special and distinctive
+ornament.
+
+Plates 44 and 45 illustrate some of these head feather ornaments. Plate
+44, Fig. 1, shows an ornament made out of the brown fibrous exterior of
+the wild betel-nut, black pigeon feathers and white cockatoo feathers,
+the betel fibre and black pigeon feathers being, I was told, only
+used in the mountains. Plate 44, Fig. 2, shows one made out of brown
+feathers of young cassowary, white cockatoo feathers and red-black
+parrot feathers. Plate 44, Fig. 3, shows one made out of bright red
+and green parrot feathers. Plate 45, Fig. 1, shows one made out
+of black cassowary feathers, white cockatoo feathers, red parrot
+feathers and long red feathers of the bird of paradise. Plate 45,
+Fig. 2, is made of cassowary feathers only. This ornament is worn in
+front of the head, over the forehead, and is specially worn by chiefs.
+
+Plate 46, Fig. 1, shows a head feather ornament which is peculiar
+to the mountains. The crescent-shaped body of the ornament, which is
+made of short feathers taken from the neck of the cassowary, is worn
+in front over the forehead, and the cockade of hawk feathers stands
+up over the head.
+
+Plate 46, Fig. 2, shows a back ornament of cassowary feathers which
+is specially intended to be worn by chiefs at dances. The custom is
+to have from five to twelve of these ornaments hanging vertically
+side by side, suspended to a horizontal stick, which is fastened on
+the chief's back at the height of the shoulders, so that the feathers
+hang like a mantle over his back. The mode in which feather ornaments
+for the back are hung on sticks is seen in Plate 70, where a stick
+with pendant ornaments is being held by two boys in front.
+
+Plaited frames (Plate 47) are worn by men in connection with these head
+feather ornaments. These frames are flat curved bands, rigid or nearly
+so, generally forming half or nearly half a circle of an external
+diameter of about 9 inches, and being about 1 inch in width. They
+are worn at dances and on solemn occasions. They are placed round
+the top of the forehead, not vertically, but with their upper edges
+sloping obliquely forward, and have at their ends strings, which pass
+over the ears and are tied at the back of the head. These frames help
+to support the feather ornaments, and prevent them from falling down
+over the face. They are made by men only. A groundwork of small split
+cane or other material runs in parallel curved lines from end to end,
+single pieces of the material being generally doubled back at the ends
+so as to form several lines; and this is strengthened and ornamented
+by interplaiting into it either split cane or some other material
+obtained from the splitting of the inside fibre of a plant in the way
+previously referred to. There are varieties of material and of pattern
+worked up in different designs of interplaiting. Some of the materials
+are uncoloured or merely the natural colour of the material, and others
+are in two colours, generally brown or reddish-brown and yellow. These
+frames display a considerable amount of variety of artistic design.
+
+The feather erections used at special and important dances, and
+especially those worn by chiefs, are enormous things, towering 6
+or 12 feet above the wearer's head, and are generally larger than
+those of Mekeo. They are held in a framework, which has an inverted
+basket-shaped part to rest on the head, and downward pointing rods,
+which are tied to the shoulders. The frames are to a great extent
+similar to those of Mekeo, but, having a larger burden to bear, they
+are more strongly made. These feather erections and their frames are
+seen in Plate 70.
+
+Here, as in other parts of New Guinea, both men and women, but
+especially men, love to decorate themselves with bright flowers and
+leaves and grasses, these being worn in the hair and in bunches stuck
+into their belts, armlets and leg-bands, and indeed in any places
+where they can be conveniently fastened.
+
+It is not the practice with the Mafulu for mothers to wear the
+umbilical cords of any of their children, though apparently the Kuni
+people do so.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+Daily Life and Matters Connected with It
+
+
+Daily Life.
+
+The early morning finds the wife and young children and unmarried
+daughters in the house. The husband has been sleeping either there
+or in the _emone_ (clubhouse), but most probably the latter. The
+unmarried sons are in the _emone_, except any very young ones, who
+have not been formally admitted to it in a way which will be hereafter
+described. The women cook the breakfast for the whole family inside the
+house at about six or seven o'clock, and then take the food of the men
+to the _emone_. After breakfast most of the men and women go off to the
+gardens and the bush. The women's work there is chiefly the planting
+of sweet potatoes, taro and other things, and cleaning the gardens;
+and in the afternoon they get food from the gardens and firewood from
+the bush, all of which they bring home to the village; also they have
+to clear off the undergrowth from newly cleared bush. The men's work is
+mainly the yam and banana and sugar-cane planting, each in its season,
+and the cutting down of big trees and making fences, if they happen to
+be opening out new garden land. They also sometimes help the women with
+their work. Or they may have hunting expeditions in the bush, or go
+off in fishing parties to the river. In all matters the men of Mafulu,
+though lazy, are not so lazy as those of Mekeo and the coast. In the
+middle of the day the women cook the meal for everyone in the gardens,
+this being done on the spot, and there they all eat it. At three, four,
+or five o'clock all the people of the village have returned to it,
+except perhaps when they are very busy taking advantage of good weather
+for making new clearings or other special work. In the evening they
+have another meal cooked in the village. At every meal in the village
+the pigs have to be fed also, these sharing the food of the people
+themselves, or feeding on raw potatoes. Unless there is dancing going
+on, or they are tempted by a fine moonlight night to sit out talking,
+the people all terminate their routine day by going to bed early.
+
+As regards the daily social conduct of the people among themselves,
+I was told that the members of a family generally live harmoniously
+together (subject as regards husbands and wives to the matters which
+will be mentioned later), that children are usually treated kindly
+and affectionately by their parents, and that there is very little
+quarrelling within a village; and what I saw when I was among the
+Mafulu people certainly seemed to confirm all this.
+
+There are various detailed matters of daily life which will appear
+under their appropriate headings; but I will here deal with a few
+of them.
+
+
+
+
+
+Food.
+
+The vegetable foods of the Mafulu people are sweet potato and other
+plants of the same type, yam and other foods of the same type, taro and
+other foods of that type, banana of different sorts, sugar-cane, a kind
+of wild native bean, a cultivated reed-like plant with an asparagus
+flavour (what it is I do not know), several plants of the pumpkin and
+cucumber type, one of them being very small, like a gherkin, fruit from
+two different species of Pandanus, almonds, the fruit of the _malage_
+(described later on), and others, both cultivated and wild. The
+sugar-cane is specially eaten by them when working in the gardens. [49]
+
+Their animal food consists of wild pig and, on occasions, village pig,
+a small form of cassowary, kangaroo, a small kind of wallaby, kangaroo
+rat, "iguana," an animal called _gaivale_ (I could not find out what
+this is), various wild birds, fish, eels, mice, a large species of
+snake and other things.
+
+Their staple drink is water, but when travelling they cut down a
+species of bamboo, and drink the watery fluid which it contains. After
+boiling any food in bamboo stems they drink the water which has been
+used for the purpose, and which has become a sort of thin flavoured
+soup.
+
+Betel-chewing is apparently not indulged in by these people as
+extensively as it is done in Mekeo and on the coast; but they like it
+well enough, and for a month or so before a big feast, during which
+period they are under a strict taboo restriction as to food, they
+indulge in it largely. The betel used by them is not the cultivated
+form used in Mekeo and on the coast, but a wild species, only about
+half the size of the other; and the lime used is not, as in Mekeo
+and on the coast, made by grinding down sea-shells, but is obtained
+from the mountain stone, which is ground down to a powder. The gourds
+(Plate 51, Figs. 6 and 7) in which the lime is carried are similar to
+those used in Mekeo, except that usually they are not ornamented, or,
+if they are so, the ornamentation is only done in simple straight-lined
+geometric patterns. The spatulae are sometimes very simply and rudely
+decorated. The people spit out the betel after chewing, instead of
+swallowing it, as is the custom in Mekeo.
+
+
+Cooking and Eating and Their Utensils.
+
+They have no cooking utensils, other than the simple pieces of bamboo
+stem, which they use for boiling.
+
+Their usual methods of cooking are roasting and boiling.
+
+Roasting is usually effected by making a fire, letting it die
+down into red-hot ashes, and then putting the food without wrap or
+covering into the ashes, turning it from time to time. They also
+roast by holding the food on sticks in the flame of the burning fire,
+turning it occasionally. Stone cooking is adopted for pig and other
+meats. They make a big fire, on the top of which they spread the
+stones; when the stones are hot enough, they remove some of them,
+place the meat without wrap or covering on the others, then place the
+removed stones on the meat, and finally pile on these stones a big
+covering of leaves to keep in the heat. Stone cooking in the gardens
+is done in a slightly different way; there they dig in the ground a
+round hole about 1 foot deep and from 1 1/2 to 2 feet in diameter, and
+in this hole they make their fire, on which they pile their stones;
+and the rest of the process is the same as before. This hole-making
+process is never adopted in the village. The only reason for it which
+was suggested was that the method was quicker, and that in the gardens
+they are in a hurry. Of course, holes of this sort dug in the open
+village enclosure would be a source of danger, especially at night.
+
+Boiling is done in pieces of bamboo about 4 inches in diameter
+and about 15 or 18 inches long. They fill these with water, put the
+food into them, and then place or hold the bamboo stems in a slanting
+position in the flames. This method is specially used for cooking sweet
+potatoes, but it is their only method of boiling anything. Water, which
+they keep stored and carry in bamboo receptacles and hollow pumpkins,
+is boiled in bamboo stems in the same way. The bamboo storage vessels
+are generally from 2 to 5 feet long, the intersecting nodes, other
+than that at one end, having been removed. The pumpkins (Plate 52,
+Figs. 2 and 3) are similar to those used by the Roro coast people and
+in Mekeo, except that the usual form, instead of being rather short
+and broad with a narrow opening, is longer and narrower, some of them
+being, say, 3 feet long, and often very curved and crooked in shape.
+
+Their only eating utensils are wooden dishes and small pieces of wood,
+or sometimes of cassowary or kangaroo bone, which are used as forks,
+and pieces of split bamboo, which are used for cutting meat; but these
+latter are used for other purposes, and rather come within the list
+of ordinary implements, and will be there described. They also use
+prepared pig-bones as forks; but these again are largely used for
+other purposes, and will be described under the same heading.
+
+The dishes (Plate 52, Fig. 1) are made out of the trunk of a tree
+called _ongome_. The usual length of a dish, without its handles,
+is between 1 and 2 feet; its width varies from 9 inches to 1 foot,
+and its depth from 3 to 6 inches. It is rudely carved out of the
+tree-trunk, [50] the work being done with stone adzes--unless they
+happen to possess European axes--and it generally has a handle at one
+or both ends. It is not decorated with carving in any way. The common
+form of handle is merely a simple knob about 3 inches long and 1 1/2
+inches wide. But it is sometimes less simple, and I have a dish one
+of the handles of which is divided into two projecting pieces about
+7 1/2 inches long and joined to each other at the end. The handle
+is always carved out of the same piece of wood as is the dish;
+never made separately and afterwards attached. The wooden forks
+are simply bits cut from trees and sharpened at one end, and they
+are without prongs. Their use is only temporary, and they are not
+permanently stored as household utensils. The cassowary and kangaroo
+bone implements (Plate 25, Fig. 3) are also merely roughly pointed
+unpronged pieces of bone, and otherwise without special form. When
+eating _en famille_ they do not always use these pointed wooden and
+bone sticks, but very commonly take the food out of the dish with
+their hands only; but if the family had guests with them they would
+probably use the sticks more, and their hands less. The men and women
+often eat together, sitting round the dish and helping themselves
+out of it, though, if there are too many to do this conveniently,
+pieces will be handed out to some of them.
+
+
+Various Implements.
+
+Besides the cooking and eating implements above described and
+other things, such as weapons of war and of hunting and fishing,
+and implements for manufacture, agriculture and music, which will be
+dealt with under their own headings, there are a few miscellaneous
+things which may be conveniently described here.
+
+Bamboo knives (Plate 51, Fig. 5). These are simple strips made out of
+a special mountain form of bamboo, and are generally 8 to 10 inches
+long and about 1 inch wide. One edge is left straight for its whole
+length, and the other is cut away near the end, very much as we cut
+away one side of a quill pen, so as to produce a sharp point. The
+side edge which is used for cutting is the one which is not cut away
+at the end; and when it gets blunt it is renewed by simply peeling
+off a length of fibre, thus producing a new edge, bevelled inwards
+towards the concave side of the implement, and making a hard and
+very sharp fresh cutting edge. The point can of course be sharpened
+at any time in the obvious way.
+
+Pig-bone implements (Plate 51, Fig. 2). These are the implements
+which are often used as forks, but they have straight edges also
+with which they are used as scraping knives, and they are utilised
+for many other purposes. The implement, which is, I think, similar
+to what is commonly found in Mekeo and on the coast, is made out of
+the leg-bone of a pig, and is generally from 5 to 8 inches long. One
+side of the bone is ground away, so as to make the implement flattish
+in section, one side (the outside unground part of the bone) being
+somewhat convex, and the other (where the bone has been ground away)
+being rather concave. Some of the joint end of the bone is left to
+serve as a handle; and from this the bone is made to narrow down to
+a blunt, rather flattish and rounded point, somewhat like that of
+a pointed paper-cutter. The side edge is used for scraping, and the
+point for sticking into things.
+
+Smoking pipes are in the ordinary well-known form of Mekeo and the
+coast, being made of sections of bamboo stem in which the natural
+intersecting node near the mouthpiece end is bored and the node at the
+other end is left closed, and between these two nodes, near to the
+closed one, is a flute-like hole, in which is placed the cigarette
+of tobacco wrapped up in a leaf. They are, however, generally not
+ornamented; or, if they are so, it is merely in a simple geometric
+pattern of straight lines. I obtained one pipe (Plate 51, Fig. 1) of
+an unusual type, being much smaller than is usual. A special feature
+of this pipe is its decoration, which includes groups of concentric
+circles. This is the only example of a curved line which I ever met
+with among the Mafulu villages, and it is probable that it had not
+been made there.
+
+Boring drills (Plate 51, Fig. 4) are also similar to those of Mekeo
+and the coast, except that there the fly-wheel is, I think, usually
+a horizontal circular disc, through the centre of which the upright
+shaft of the implement passes, whereas in the Mafulu boring instrument
+the fly-wheel, through which the shaft passes, is a rudely cut flat
+horizontal piece of wood about 9 or 10 inches long, 2 inches broad,
+and half an inch or less thick, and also that in Mafulu the native
+point, made out of a pointed fragment of the stone used for making
+club-heads, adze blades and cloth-beaters, is not generally replaced
+by a European iron point, as is so commonly the case in Mekeo and
+near the coast. These drills are used for boring dogs' teeth and
+shells and other similar hard-substanced things, but are useless
+for boring articles of wood or other soft substances, in which the
+roughly formed point would stick. [51]
+
+Fire-making. This is a question of process, rather than of implement,
+but may be dealt with here. To produce fire, the Mafulu native
+takes two pieces of very dry and inflammable wood, one larger than
+the other, and some dry bark cloth fluff. He then holds the smaller
+piece of wood and the fluff together, and rubs them on the larger
+piece of wood. After four or five minutes the fluff catches fire,
+without bursting into actual flame, upon which the native continues the
+rubbing process, blowing gently upon the fluff, until the two pieces
+of wood begin to smoulder, and can then be blown into a sufficient
+flame for lighting a fire.
+
+Carrying bags. These are all made of network. I shall say something
+about the mode of netting and colouring them hereafter, and will here
+only deal with the bags and their use. They are of various sizes,
+
+(1) There are the large bags used by women for carrying heavy objects,
+such as firewood, vegetables and fruit, which they bring back to
+the village on their return in the afternoon from the gardens and
+bush. These bags are carried in the usual way, the band over the
+opening of the bag being passed across the front of the head above the
+forehead, and the bag hanging over the back behind. They are curved
+in shape, the ends of the bag being at both its top and bottom edges
+higher than are the centres of those edges, so that, when a bag is
+laid out flat, its top line is a concave one and its bottom line is a
+convex one. The network at the two ends of the top line is continued
+into the loop band by means of which the bag is carried. The usual
+dimensions of one of these bags, as it lies flat and unstretched
+on a table (the measurements being made along the curved lines)
+are as follows--top line about 2 feet, bottom line about 3 feet,
+and side lines about 18 inches. But when filled with vegetables,
+firewood, etc., they expand considerably, especially those made of
+"Mafulu network," of which I shall speak hereafter. These bags are
+uncoloured. (2) There are similar, but somewhat smaller, bags, in
+which the women carry lighter things, and which in particular they
+use for carrying their babies. They frequently carry this bag and
+the larger one together; and you will often see a woman with a big
+bag heavily laden with vegetables or firewood or both, and another
+smaller bag (perhaps also slung behind over the top of the big one,
+or hanging from her head at her side, or over her breast), which
+contains her baby, apparently rolled up into a ball. These bags also
+are uncoloured. (3) There are other bags, similar perhaps in size to
+No. 2, used for visiting and at feasts, dances and similar occasions,
+and also sometimes used for carrying babies. The top line of one of
+these is generally about 2 feet long, the bottom line a trifle longer,
+and the side lines about 1 foot. These are coloured in decorative
+patterns. (4) There are small bags of various sizes carried by men
+slung over their shoulders or arms, and used to hold their betel-nut,
+pepper and tobacco and various little implements and utensils of
+daily life. These are sometimes uncoloured and sometimes coloured. (5)
+There are the very small charm bags, only about 2 inches or a trifle
+more square, which are used by both men and women (I think only the
+married ones) for carrying charms, and are worn hanging like lockets
+from the neck. They are sometimes coloured.
+
+Plate 53 gives illustrations of three of these bags--Fig. 1 being a
+woman's ornamented bag No. 3, and Fig. 2 being a man's ornamented bag
+No. 4; but this last-mentioned bag is rather a large one of its type,
+the usual difference in size between Nos. 3 and 4 being greater than
+the two examples figured would suggest. The patterns of both these
+bags, and especially of the larger one, are more regular than is
+usually the case. The bag shown in Fig. 3 will be dealt with hereafter
+under the heading of netting.
+
+As regards women, the carrying of bags, either full or empty, hanging
+over their backs is so common that one might almost regard the bag
+as an additional article of dress. I may say here in advance of
+my observations on netting that the distinctive features of Mafulu
+bags, as compared with those made in Mekeo and on the coast, are the
+special and peculiar form of netting which is commonly adopted for
+some of them and the curious lines of colouring with which they are
+often ornamented.
+
+Hammocks are commonly used in the houses and _emone_ for sleeping. [52]
+These also are made of network and will be referred to later. The
+distinctive feature of network mentioned in relation to bags applies
+to these also, but not that of colouring.
+
+Pottery is not made or used in Mafulu.
+
+I may perhaps refer here to what I imagine to be an ancient stone
+mortar, which I found at Mafulu, and which I have endeavoured to show
+in Fig. 2. A portion of the upper part of the original was broken away,
+and I regret that I did not try to sketch it just as it was, instead
+of adopting the easier course of following what had been the original
+lines. I am also sorry that its great weight made it impossible for me
+to bring it down with me to the coast, [53] and that by an oversight
+I did not secure a photograph of it. The vessel was well and evenly
+shaped. It had perfectly smooth surfaces, without any trace of cutting
+or chipping, and must have been made by grinding. It was devoid of any
+trace of decoration. Its top external diameter was about 12 inches,
+its height, when standing upright on its base, was about 8 inches,
+and the thickness of the bowl at the lip  about 1 inch. I was told
+that similar things are from time to time found in the district,
+generally on the ridges, far away from water. A Mafulu chief said
+that the Mafulu name for these things is _idagafe._ The natives have
+no knowledge of their origin or past use, the only explanation of the
+latter which was suggested being that they were used as looking-glasses
+by looking into the scummy surface of the water inside them. [54]
+
+European things. The Mafulu people are now beginning, mainly through
+the missionaries of the Sacred Heart, and also through their contact
+with Mekeo and other lowland tribes, to get into touch with European
+manufactures. Trade beads, knives, axes, plane irons (used by them
+in place of stone blades for their adzes), matches and other things
+are beginning to find their way directly and indirectly into such of
+the villages as are nearest to the opportunities of procuring them
+by exchange or labour.
+
+
+Domestic Animals.
+
+Dogs may occasionally, though only rarely, be seen in the villages,
+but these are small black, brownish-black, or black and white dogs
+with very bushy tails, and not the yellow dingo dogs which infest
+the villages of Mekeo; and even these Mafulu dogs are, I was told,
+not truly a Mafulu institution, having been obtained by the people,
+I think, only recently from their Kuni neighbours. A tame cockatoo may
+also very occasionally be seen, and even, though still more rarely,
+a tame hornbill. There are no cocks and hens.
+
+The universal domestic animal of the Mafulu, however, is the pig,
+and he is so important to them that he is worthy of notice. These
+pigs are "village" pigs, which, though naturally identical with "wild"
+pigs--being, in fact, wild pigs which have been caught alive or their
+descendants--have to be distinguished from wild pigs, and especially
+so in connection with feasts and ceremonies.
+
+Village pigs are the individual property of the householders who
+possess them, there being no system of community or village ownership;
+and, when required for feasts and ceremonies, each household has to
+provide such pig or pigs as custom requires of it. They are bred in the
+villages by their owners, and by them brought up, fed and tended, the
+work of feeding and looking after them being the duty of the women. No
+distinguishing ownership marks are put upon the pigs, but their owners
+know their own pigs, and still more do the pigs know the people who
+feed them; so that disputes as to ownership do not arise. The number
+of pigs owned by these people is enormous in proportion to the size
+of their villages, and I was told that a comparatively small village
+will be able at a big feast to provide a number of village pigs much
+in excess of what will be produced by one of the big Mekeo villages.
+
+These village pigs often wander away into the bush, and may disappear
+from sight for months; but they nevertheless still continue to
+be village pigs. If, however, they are not seen or heard of for a
+very long time (say six months), they are regarded as having become
+wild pigs, and may be caught and appropriated as such. It is usual
+with village pigs to clip or shorten their ears and tails, or even
+sometimes to remove their eyes, so as to keep them from wandering
+into the gardens. [55] But even a village pig thus marked as such
+would be regarded as having become a wild pig if it had disappeared
+for a very long time.
+
+Village pigs (as distinguished from wild pigs) are, as will be seen
+below, never eaten in their own village on ceremonial occasions,
+or indeed perhaps at all, being only killed and cut up and given to
+the visitors to take away and eat in their own villages.
+
+
+Etiquette.
+
+These simple people do not appear to have many customs which come
+under the heading of etiquette, pure and simple.
+
+A boy must soon, say within a few weeks, after he has received his
+perineal band leave the parental home, and go to live in the _emone;_
+but this rule only refers to his general life, and does not prohibit
+him from ever entering his parents' house. If he receives his band
+when he is very young, this rule will not begin to operate until he
+is ten or twelve years old. He is in no case under any prohibition
+from being in or crossing the village enclosure. A girl is allowed to
+enter the _emone_, though she may not sleep there, prior to receiving
+her band, but after that she must never enter it.
+
+A young unmarried man, who has arrived at the marriageable age, must
+not eat in the presence of women. He can eat in the bush, or inside
+the _emone_, but he must not eat on the platform of the _emone_,
+where women might see him. There appear to be no other customs
+of mutual avoidance, as, for example, that between son-in-law and
+mother-in-law, and with reference to other marriage relationships,
+such as are found in some of the Solomon Islands, and among various
+other primitive races.
+
+Children and unimportant adults must always pass behind a chief,
+not in front of him, and when a chief is speaking, everyone else,
+old and young, must be silent.
+
+Young men and girls associate and talk freely together in public
+among other people, but no young man would go about alone with a girl,
+unless he was misconducting himself with her, or wished to do so.
+
+Visiting is purely friendly and social, and there is no personal
+system of formal and ceremonial visiting, except as between communities
+or villages.
+
+There do not appear to be any forms of physical salutation, but there
+are recognised ways in which men address one another on meeting and
+parting. If A and B meet in the bush, A may say to B, "Where do you
+come from?", and B will answer, "I come from----." A may then say,
+"Where are you going to?", and B will reply to this. Then B may
+put similar questions to A, and will be similarly answered. These
+questions are not necessarily asked because the questioner is really
+anxious for information, but are in the nature of a formality,--the
+equivalent of our "How do you do?" The system of asking and answering
+these questions, though well recognised as a social form, is not
+in practice strictly adhered to. Also A, on coming to a village and
+finding B there, and wishing to salute him, will call him by name,
+and B will then call A by name. Then A will say, "You are here,"
+and B will reply, "I am here." This form is more strictly carried
+out than is the other one. Then when A leaves he will say to B,
+"I am going," and B will answer, "Go." Then B will call A by his
+name, and A will call B by name, and the formality is finished. If A,
+being very friendly with B, comes to his village to see him, on A's
+departure B, and probably B's family, will accompany A out of the
+village, and will stand watching his departure until he is about to
+disappear round the corner of the path; and then they will call out
+his name, and he will respond by calling out B's name.
+
+Gestures may perhaps be included under this heading, though there is
+apparently but little to be said about the matter. When a question
+is asked, an affirmative reply is indicated by nodding the head,
+and a negative one by shaking it; and, though I asked if this was
+not probably the result of association with people who had been among
+white men, I was told that it was not so. A negative answer is also
+often expressed by shrugging the shoulders, and a kind of grimace
+with the lips. The nodding of the head to a negative question, such
+as "Are you not well?" signifies assent to the negative, that is,
+that he is not well, and so vice-versa with the shaking of the head.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+Community, Clan, and Village Systems and Chieftainship
+
+
+Communities, Clans, and Villages.
+
+The native populations of the Mafulu area are scattered about in
+small groups or clusters of villages or hamlets; and, as each cluster
+of villages is for many purposes a composite and connected whole,
+I propose to call such a cluster a "community." Friendships, based
+on proximity and frequent intercourse and intermarriage, doubtless
+arise between neighbouring communities, but otherwise there does
+not appear to be any idea in the minds of the people of any general
+relationship or common interest between these various communities of
+the area. Each community regards the members of every other community
+within the area as outsiders, just as much so as are, say, the Ambo
+people to the north and the Kuni people to the west. If a community,
+or group of communities together, were the subject of an attack from
+either Ambo or Kuni natives, each of these being people whose language
+is different--as regards the Kuni utterly different--from that of the
+Mafulu, there would apparently be no thought of other Mafulu-speaking
+communities, as such, coming to assist in repelling the attack. Hence
+in dealing with the question of inter-village relationship, I have
+to fix my mind mainly upon the community and its constituent parts.
+
+Concerning the situation as between one community and another,
+as they regard themselves as quite distinct and unrelated, the only
+question which seems to arise is that of the ownership of, and rights
+over, the intervening bush and other land. The boundaries between
+what is regarded as the preserve of one community, within which its
+members may hunt and fish, clear for garden purposes, cut timber, and
+collect fruit, and that of an adjoining community are perfectly well
+known. The longitudinal boundaries along the valleys are almost always
+the rivers and streams, which form good boundary marks; but those
+across the hills and ridges from stream to stream are, I was told,
+equally defined in the minds of the natives, though no artificial
+boundary marks are visible. These boundaries are mutually respected,
+and trouble and fighting over boundary and trespass questions are,
+I was told, practically unknown, the people in this respect differing
+from those of Mekeo.
+
+A community comprises several villages, the number of which may vary
+from, say, two to eight. But the relationship between all the villages
+is not identical. There is a clan system, and there is generally more
+than one clan in a community. Often there are three or more of such
+clans. Each clan, however, has its own villages, or sometimes one
+village only, within the community, and two clans are never found
+represented in any one village, [56] or any one clan spread over two
+or more communities.
+
+Fig. 3 is a diagrammatic illustration of a typical Mafulu community,
+the circles representing villages of one clan, the squares those of
+another clan, and the triangle being the sole village of a third clan.
+
+I have said that the entire community is for many purposes a composite
+whole. In many matters they act together as a community. This is
+especially so as regards the big feast, which I shall describe
+hereafter. It is so also to a large extent in some other ceremonies
+and in the organisation of hunting and fishing parties and sometimes
+in fighting. And the community as a whole has its boundaries, within
+which are the general community rights of hunting, fishing, etc.,
+as above stated.
+
+But the relationship between a group of villages of any one clan
+within the community is of a much closer and more intimate character
+than is that of the community as a whole. These villages of one
+clan have a common _amidi_ or chief, a common _emone_ or clubhouse,
+and a practice of mutual support and help in fighting for redress
+of injury to one or more of the individual members; and there is a
+special social relationship between their members, and in particular
+clan exogamy prevails with them, marriages between people of the same
+clan, even though in different villages, being reprobated almost as
+much as are marriages between people of the same village.
+
+The Mafulu word for village is _emi_, but there are no words
+signifying the idea of a community of villages and that of a group
+of villages belonging to the same clan within that community. As
+regards the latter there is the word _imbele_, but this word is used
+to express the intimate social relationship existing between the
+members of a clan, and not to express the idea of an actual group of
+villages. Communities and villages have geographical names. The name
+adopted for a community will probably be the name of some adjoining
+river or ridge. That adopted for a village will probably be the name
+of the exact crest or spot on which it is placed, the minuteness of
+the geographical nomenclature here being remarkable. Clan-groups of
+villages, forming part of a community, have, as such, no geographical
+names, but a member of one such group will distinguish himself from
+those of another group by saying that he is a man of----, giving the
+name of the chief of the clan occupying the group.
+
+I was assured that, when there are two or more villages of a clan with
+a common chief and emone, they have originally been one village which
+has split up, an event which undoubtedly does in fact take place;
+while on the other hand the several villages of a clan, presumably
+the outcome of a previous splitting-up of a single village, will
+sometimes amalgamate together into one village, which thus becomes
+the only village of the clan. But two villages of different clans
+could never amalgamate in this way. The following are examples of
+these village changes:--
+
+Near to the Mafulu Mission station is a community called Sivu, which
+includes seven villages occupied by three clans, as follows [57]:--
+
+
+    1. Voitele      Belonging to a clan whose chief, Jaria, lives
+                    at Amalala, where the clan _emone_ is.
+    2. Amalala
+    3. Kodo-Malabe
+    4. Motaligo
+    5. Malala       Belonging to a clan whose chief, Gito-iola, lived
+                    at Malala, where the clan _emone_ is. (He has
+                    recently retired in favour of his eldest son,
+                    Anum' Iva, who is the present chief, and also lives
+                    there.)
+    6. Gelva
+    7. Seluku       Being the only village of a clan whose chief, Baiva,
+                    has recently died. His eldest son, who has succeeded
+                    him, is an infant. There is no regency.
+
+
+Also near the Mission station is a community called Alo, which includes
+four villages occupied by two clans, as follows:--
+
+
+    1. Asida        Belonging to a clan whose chief, Amo-Kau, lives
+                    at Asida, where the _emone_ is.
+    2. Kotsi
+    3. Ingomaunda
+    4. Uvande       Being the only village of a clan whose chief
+                    is Iu-Baibe.
+
+
+Referring to these villages, in the year 1899 the clan now occupying
+the four villages Voitele, Amalala, Kodo-Malabe and Motaligo had only
+a single village, Kaidiabe, the clan's chief being the above-mentioned
+Jaria. Then there was a Government punitive expedition, following
+the attack of the natives upon Monseigneur de Boismenu (the present
+Bishop of the Mission of the Sacred Heart in British New Guinea) and
+his friends, who were making their first exploration of the district,
+in which expedition a number of natives, including the brother of
+the chief, were killed. After that the village was abandoned, and
+the three villages of Voitele, Amalala and Motaligo arose in its
+place. Subsequently after a big feast, which was held at Amalala in
+the year 1909, that village put out an offshoot, which is the present
+village of Kodo-Malabe. Also in the year 1909 the village of Uvande
+was represented by seven villages, all belonging to one clan under
+the chieftainship of Iu-Baibe, the names of which were Ipolo, Olona,
+Isisibei, Valamenga, Amada, Angasabe and Amambu; but after the feast
+above mentioned the people of that clan all abandoned their villages,
+and joined together in forming the present village of Uvande.
+
+The chief, that is the true chief, of a clan has his house in one of
+the villages of the clan, and if, as sometimes occurs, he has houses
+in two or more of these villages, there is one village in which is
+what is regarded as his usual residence, and this is the village in
+which is the _emone_ of the clan.
+
+As regards the relative predominance of the various clans of a
+community and their respective chiefs in matters affecting the whole
+community (_e.g.,_ the arranging and holding of a big feast), there
+is no rule or system. The predominance will probably, unless there
+be a great disparity in the actual size or importance of the clans,
+and perhaps even to a certain extent notwithstanding such a disparity,
+fall to the clan whose chief by his superior ability or courage or
+force of character, or perhaps capacity for palavering, has succeeded
+in securing for himself a predominating influence in the community.
+
+The word _imbele_ and certain other words are used to designate the
+closeness or otherwise of the connection between individuals. _Imbele_
+signifies the close connection which exists between members of one
+clan, and a man will say of another member of his clan that he is
+his _imbele_. The word _bilage_ signifies a community connection,
+which is recognised as being not so close as a clan connection;
+and a man will say of another, who is outside his own clan, but is a
+member of his own community, that he is his _bilage_. The expression
+_a-gata_ signifies absence of any connection, and a man will refer
+to a member of another community, Mafulu, Kuni, Ambo, or anything
+else (there is no distinction between these in the use of the term)
+as being _a-gata_, thereby meaning that he is an outsider.
+
+This brings me to the question of the use by me of the term "clan" to
+designate the intimate association above referred to. To begin with,
+there is a considerable difference between the situation produced by
+the clan system, if it may be regarded as such, of Mafulu and that of,
+say, Mekeo, where one finds several clans occupying one village, and
+where members of one clan may be scattered over several more or less
+distant villages; though this latter difference might perhaps arise in
+part from natural geographical causes, the flat lowlands of the Mekeo
+people being highly favourable to inter-village communication over
+their whole areas, and to the holding of their recognised and numerous
+markets, whilst it may almost be assumed that such intercommunication
+would be more restricted, at all events in days gone by, among the
+Mafulu inhabitants of the mountains.
+
+Then again in Mafulu there are no clan badges, nor are there any
+realistic or conventional representations of, or designs which can
+to my mind be possibly regarded as representing, or having had their
+origin in the representation of, animals, birds, fishes, plants,
+or anything else. As regards this, however, it may be mentioned
+that the Mafulu people are very primitive and undeveloped, and have
+not in their art any designs which could readily partake of this
+imitative character, their artistic efforts never producing curves,
+and indeed not going beyond geometric designs composed of straight
+lines, rectangular and zig-zag patterns and spots.
+
+Also I was unable to discover the faintest trace of any idea
+which might be regarded as being totemistic, or having a totemistic
+origin. In particular, although enquiry was made from ten independent
+and trustworthy native sources, I could not find a trace of any system
+of general clan taboo against the killing or the eating of any animal,
+bird, fish, or plant. It is true that there are various temporary
+food taboos associated with special conditions and events, and that
+there are certain things the eating of which is regarded as permanently
+taboo to certain individuals; but the former of these restrictions are
+general and are not associated with particular clans or communities,
+and the latter restrictions relate separately to the individuals only,
+and apparently are based in each case on the fact that the food has
+been found to disagree with him; though whether the restriction is
+the result of mere common sense based upon individual experience,
+or has in it an element of superstition as to something which may be
+harmful to the individual concerned, is a point upon which I could
+not get satisfactory explanation.
+
+Again, still dealing with the question of totemism, I may say that
+the community and village names (as already stated, there are no
+clan names) do not appear to be referable to any possible totemistic
+objects. There is no specific ancestor worship, in connection with
+which I could endeavour to trace out an association between that
+ancestor and a totemistic object, and there is no special reverence
+paid to any animal or vegetable, except certain trees and creepers,
+the fear of which is associated with spirits and ghosts generally,
+and not with ghosts of individual persons, and except as regards
+omen superstitions concerning flying foxes and fireflies, which are
+general and universal among all these people, and except as regards
+the possible imitative character of the Mafulu dancing, which, if
+existent, is probably also universal.
+
+Moreover, I was told that now, at any rate, the people regard their
+_imbele_ or clan relationship as a social one, as well as one of
+actual blood, a statement which is illustrated by the fact that,
+if a member of one clan leaves his village to reside permanently in a
+village of another clan, he will regard the members of the latter clan,
+and will himself be regarded by them, as being _imbele_, although he
+does not part with the continuing _imbele_ connection between himself
+and the other members of his original clan.
+
+On the other hand the association between members of a clan
+is exceedingly close, so much so that a serious injury done by
+an outsider to one member of a clan (_e.g._, his murder, or the
+case of his wife eloping with a stranger and her family refusing to
+compensate him for the price which he had paid for her on marriage)
+is taken up by the entire clan, who will join the injured individual
+in full force to inflict retribution; and, as already stated, the
+members of a clan share in one common chief and one common _emone_,
+intermarriage between them is regarded as wrong, and apparently each
+group of villages occupied by a single clan has in origin been a single
+village, and may well have a common descent. I think, therefore, that
+I am justified in regarding these internal sections of a community
+as clans.
+
+
+Chiefs, Sub-Chiefs and Notables and Their Emone
+
+At the head of each clan is the _amidi_, or chief of the clan. He is,
+and is recognised as being, the only true chief.
+
+He is the most important personage of his clan, and is treated
+with the respect due to his office; but, though he takes a leading
+part in all matters affecting the clan, he is not a person with any
+administrative or judicial functions, and he has no power of punishment
+or control over the members of the clan. In public ceremonial matters
+of importance, however, he has functions which rest primarily upon him
+alone, and he does, in fact, always perform these functions in his own
+village; and on the occasion of a big feast (as to which see below),
+he does so in whatever village of the clan that feast may be held.
+
+The chief lives in one of the villages of the clan, but may have
+houses in other villages of that clan also. In the village in which
+he mainly resides is his _emone_ or club-house, which is the only
+true _emone_ of the clan; and for the upkeep and repair of this he is
+responsible. This is the ceremonial _emone_ in his own village, and
+is always the one used in connection with the ceremony of a big feast
+in any village of the clan; and, if the feast be held in a village
+other than that in which is his then existing _emone_, another one is
+built in that village in lieu of his former one in the other village.
+
+There is not in connection with these chiefs and their ceremonies any
+distinctive difference in importance between the right and the left
+as regards the positions occupied by them on the _emone_ platform or
+the structure of the _emone_, such as is found among the Roro people.
+
+Next in rank to the chief, and at the head of each village of the clan,
+there is a sub-chief, or _em' u babe_, this term meaning "father of the
+village." He is not regarded as a true chief, but he is entitled, and
+it is his duty, to perform in his own village all the functions of the
+chief, except those connected with the big feast. He and the similar
+sub-chiefs of the other villages of the clan are the persons who take
+the prominent part in supporting the chief in any ceremonial function
+concerning the whole clan in which the latter may be engaged, and in
+particular at the big feast. The _em' u babe_ is usually a relative
+of the chief, and at all events is an important personage. He also
+has in his own village his _emone_, which is the principal _emone_
+of that village, and is used for all ceremonial functions in that
+village except the big feast, but it is not regarded as being a true
+_emone_. The chief holds in his own village of residence both his
+office of _amidi_ and that of _em' u babe_, there being no other
+person holding the latter office in that village.
+
+Next in rank to the sub-chiefs come a number of _ake baibe_, which
+means "great men." These are the leading people--the aristocracy--of
+the clan. There are no distinctive social grades of rank among
+them. Their number is often very large in proportion to the total
+number of male inhabitants of a village; indeed sometimes almost
+every member of a village will claim to belong to this class. These
+people are in no sense office-bearers, and have no special duties
+to perform, though on a ceremonial occasion they are entitled to
+have their importance borne in mind. Each of them also is entitled
+to have an _emone_ (here again not a true _emone_) in his village,
+but in fact their numbers often make this practically impossible,
+and you rarely see more than two or three _emone_ in one village.
+
+The above are all the chiefs and notables of the clan. There is no
+such thing as a war chief.
+
+Aristocracy in its various forms is not a condition to which a man
+attains on getting older--it is attained by inheritance.
+
+The office of the chief is hereditary in the male line by strict
+rules of descent and primogeniture. On the death of a chief his office
+descends to his eldest son, or if that son has died leaving children,
+it descends to the eldest son of that son, and so on for subsequent
+generations. Failing the eldest son or male issue in the male line
+of the eldest son, the office devolves upon the late chiefs second
+son or his male issue in the male line. And so on for other sons
+and their issue. Failing such male issue the office passes to a
+collateral relation of the late chief on his father's side (_e.g._,
+the late chief's next eldest brother or that brother's son, or the
+late chief's second brother or that brother's son), the ascertainment
+of the devolution being based upon a general principle of nearest
+male relationship in the male line and primogeniture. [58]
+
+The chief holds his office for life, but he may in his lifetime
+resign it in favour of the person entitled to succeed him, and this
+in fact often occurs. He cannot, however, on the appointment of
+his successor still continue in office himself, so as to create a
+joint chieftainship, as is done in Mekeo. He, as chief, is subject
+to no special taboo, and there is no qualification for office,
+other, of course, than hereditary right; but no chief can perform
+the functions of his office, or build for himself an _emone_,
+until he has married. There is no ceremony on the chiefs accession
+to office on the death of his predecessor; but there is a ceremony
+(to be described hereafter) on a chief's abdication in favour of his
+successor. Cases have, I was told, occurred in which a man has in
+one way or another forced himself into the position of chief, though
+not qualified by descent, and has thus become a chief, from whom
+subsequent chieftainship descent has been traced, but I could learn
+nothing of the circumstances under which this had occurred. Also it
+has happened that, when a chief has been weak, and has not asserted his
+position, a sub-chief has more or less usurped his power and influence,
+without actually upsetting his chieftainship or supplanting him in
+his performance of ceremonial duties.
+
+If the chief on acquiring office by inheritance is a child, or not
+qualified to act (_e.g._, unmarried), he is nevertheless chief; but
+some person will usually act as his guardian, and perform his functions
+for him until he has qualified. This person will probably be one of the
+young chief's eldest male paternal relations (_e.g._, the eldest living
+brother of the last previous chief), and will presumably be a person
+of consequence; but he will not necessarily be one of the sub-chiefs.
+
+All the above observations concerning the hereditary nature of a
+chief's office and subsequently explained matters apply also to the
+case of a sub-chief, except that there is no ceremony on his resigning
+office in favour of his successor, and that the usurpation of the
+office of a sub-chief, of the occurrence of which I found no record,
+would perhaps be more difficult of accomplishment. In the event of
+a village throwing off an offshoot village, or itself splitting up
+into two villages, the then existing sub-chief of the original village
+would continue his office in it or, in case of a division, in one of
+the villages resulting from the split, and the other village would have
+for its sub-chief some one of the _ake-baibe_ of the original village,
+probably the one who was most active in organising the split. On
+the other hand, if several villages united into one, one only of
+their sub-chiefs could be sub-chief of the village arising from the
+amalgamation, and the others would sink to the rank of _ake-baibe_.
+
+The observations concerning the hereditary nature of a chiefs rank
+also apply to the _ake-baibe_. I have no information concerning them
+on the other points; but these are not so important as regards these
+people, who have no official position and have no duties to perform.
+
+There are, as will be seen hereafter, a number of persons who are
+employed from time to time to perform various acts and functions of a
+ceremonious or superstitious character, notably the man who has the
+important duty of killing pigs at feasts; but these men are not by
+virtue of their offices or functions either chiefs or sub-chiefs, or
+even notables or important personages. It is in each case a matter of
+the specific personal power which the man is believed to possess. Any
+of them might happen to be an important personage, and the pig-killer,
+whose office is a prominent one, would probably be one; though in his
+case muscular strength would, I understand, be an important element
+of qualification. [59]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+Villages, Emone, Houses and Modes of Inter-Village Communication
+
+
+Villages and Their Emone and Houses.
+
+The Mafulu villages are generally situated on narrow plateaux or
+ridges, sloping down on each side; but the plateaux are not usually so
+narrow, nor the slopes so steep, as are those of the Kuni district, and
+the villages themselves are not generally so narrow, as the contour of
+the country does not involve these conditions to the same extent. Also
+the Mafulu villages are on the lower ridges only, and not on the high
+mountains; but the actual elevations above sea-level of these lower
+ridges are, I think, generally higher than those of the top ridges of
+the Kuni. Plate 54 shows the position and surroundings of the village
+of Salube (community of Auga), and is a good representative example,
+except that the plate does not show any open grassland.
+
+The villages are, or were, protected with stockades and with pits
+outside the stockades, and sometimes with platforms on trees near the
+stockade boundaries, from which platforms the inhabitants can shoot
+and hurl stones upon an enemy climbing up the slope. The stockade
+is made of timber, is about 15 to 25 feet high, and is generally
+constructed in three or more parallel rows or lines, each of the
+lines having openings, but the openings never being opposite to one
+another. These protections have now, however, been largely, though
+not entirely, discontinued. [60] It is, or was, also the practice,
+when expecting an attack, to put into the ground in the approaches
+to the village calthrop-like arrow-headed objects, with their points
+projecting upwards.
+
+The average size of the villages is small compared with that of the
+large villages of Mekeo, some of them having only six or eight houses,
+though many villages have thirty houses, and some of them have fifty
+or sixty or more. The houses and _emone_ are much smaller than those
+of Mekeo, and much ruder and simpler in construction and they have
+no carving or other decoration. There are no communal houses.
+
+The houses are ranged in two parallel rows along the side of the ridge,
+with an open village space between them, the space being considerably
+longer than it is broad, and more or less irregular in shape. The
+houses are generally built with their door-openings facing inwards
+towards the village enclosure.
+
+At one end of the village, and facing down the open space, is the
+chief's or sub-chief's _emone_. These are, like the Roro _marea_
+and the Mekeo _ufu_, used, not only in connection with ceremonies,
+but also as living houses for men, especially unmarried men, and
+for the accommodation of visitors to the village. There are probably
+also in the village the _emone_ of one or more of the notables before
+mentioned, of which one will be at the other end of the village and
+any others will be among the houses at the side of, and facing into,
+the village enclosure. There are not often more than three _emone_,
+true or otherwise, in one village.
+
+You of course do not find the surrounding palm groves of Mekeo and the
+coast; nor do you generally see the waste space behind the houses,
+or the ring of garden plots outside the waste space, the position
+of the village on its ridge being usually hardly adapted to the
+latter. You may, however, often find garden plots very near to the
+village. Each family has its own house, and, except as regards the
+_emone_ and their use, there are no separate houses for men or women,
+or for any class of them.
+
+The Mafulu _emone_ is an oblong building, erected on piles of very
+varying height, the interior floor being anything from 3 to 15 feet
+above the ground. In size also it varies very much, but generally it
+is internally about 12 to 15 feet long from front to back, and about
+8 to 12 feet in width. The roof, which is thatched with long, rather
+broad leaves, is constructed on the ridge and gable principle, with
+the gable ends facing the front and the back, and the roof sloping
+on both sides in convex curves from the ridge downwards. Remarkable
+and specially distinctive features of the building are the thatched
+roof appendages projecting from the tops of the two gable ends
+(front and back), the forms of which appendages are somewhat like a
+hood or the convex fan-shaped semicircular roof of an apse, and in
+construction are sometimes made as rounded overhanging continuations
+of the upper part of the roof, and sometimes as independent additions,
+not continuous with, and not forming parts of, the actual roof. In
+front of the building, but not at the back, is a platform at a level
+about a foot below that of the inner floor, extending the whole
+length of the front of the building, and projecting forwards to a
+distance of from 2 to 5 feet. The approach from the ground to this
+platform in the case of a high-built emone is a rudely constructed
+ladder, but when the building is only low and near the ground it is
+generally merely a rough sloping piece of tree trunk, or even only a
+stump. The two gable ends are enclosed with walls made of horizontal
+tree branches, two or three of which are, at both the front and rear
+ends of the building, discontinued for a short distance in the centre,
+so as to leave openings. These openings are, say, 2 feet or more
+above the level of the front outside platform, and 1 foot or more
+above that of the inside floor, and are usually very small; so that,
+in entering or leaving the building, you have to step up to, or even
+climb, and wriggle yourself through the opening, and then step down
+on the other side. Inside the building you find the centre of the
+floor space occupied by a longitudinal fireplace, about 2 feet broad,
+extending from front to back of the building; and the floors on each
+side of this fireplace slope upwards somewhat from the visible level
+of the fire-place towards the sides of the building. The fireplace
+part of the interior is, in fact, dropped to a level below that of
+the adjoining floors, so as to form a long trough, which is filled
+up with soil upon which the fire can burn; and it is the visible
+top level of this soil covering which is practically flush with
+the inside lower level of the adjacent upward-sloping floors. Some
+distance below the roof there is usually an open ceiling of reeds,
+used for the purpose of storing and drying fruits and other things,
+and especially, as will be seen hereafter, for drying fruit required
+in the preparation for the big feast.
+
+Fig. 4 is a diagram of the front of an _emone_, disclosing the internal
+plan of the floor and fireplace, for which purpose the front hood of
+the roof and the front platform are omitted from the plan, and of the
+horizontal front timbers the third up from the bottom is shown at the
+ends only, the middle part being omitted, and small portions of the
+timbers immediately above them are omitted. The words in parentheses
+appearing in the explanatory notes to the figure are the Mafulu names
+for the various parts of the building.
+
+
+_Explanatory Notes to Fig._ 4.
+
+
+(_a_) Main posts, one at the front of the building, one in the middle,
+and one at the back (_apopo_).
+
+(_b_) Posts supporting roof, a line of them running along each side
+(_tedele_).
+
+(_c_) Posts supporting outer edge of flooring, a line of them on each
+side (_emuje_ or _aje_).
+
+(_d_) Post supporting inner edge of flooring and hearth, a line of
+them on each side (_foj' ul' emuje_).
+
+(_e_) Lower ridge pole (_tanguve_).
+
+(_f_) Main downward-sloping roof work, strongly made, going all the
+way back, only four or five of them on each side (_loko-loko_).
+
+(_g_) Upper ridge pole (_tope_).
+
+(_h_) Main horizontal roof work, resting on _f_ (_gegebe_).
+
+(_i_) Upper downward-sloping roof work, not so thick as _f_ resting
+on _h_, going all the way back at intervals of about 1 foot (_engala_).
+
+(_k_) Upper horizontal roof work, not so thick as _h_
+resting on _i_ (_gegebe_)
+
+(_l_) Thatch made of leaves (_asase_).
+
+_Note._--The roof (excluding the hood) projects forward and overhangs
+a little beyond the post _a_, so as to overhang the greater part, but
+not the whole, of the platform; the hood (not shown in this figure)
+is really intended to shelter the platform.
+
+(_m_) Pole supporting roof (_karia_).
+
+(_n_) Pole supporting outer edge of floor (_karia_).
+
+(_o_) Pole supporting inner edge of floor and enclosing hearth
+(_jakusube_).
+
+(_p_) Floor, composed of transverse woodwork (_koimame_) with thin
+light longitudinal lath work on top of it (_ondovo_).
+
+(_q_) Pole above inner edge of floor and edging hearth, not so thick
+as _o_ (_bubuje_).
+
+(_r_) Floor of fireplace, upon which soil is put (_foj' ul maovo_).
+
+(_s_) Pieces of wood supported by _c_ and _d_, going right across
+building and over floor of fireplace, but under its earth, all the
+way back (_kooije_).
+
+(_t_) Wall timbers below top of door-opening, at front and back
+(_kautape_).
+
+_Note._--_t_(1)goes right across under door-opening, but the middle
+portion of it is omitted from the diagram, and the lower edges
+of timbers _t_ (2) are partly broken off, so as to show floor and
+fireplace.
+
+(_u_) Wall timbers above top of door-opening (_dibindi_).
+
+_Note._--_t_ and _u_ together-the whole wall-are called _bou_.
+
+(_v_) Uprights bracing together _t_ and _u_ (Mafulu name unknown).
+
+(_w_) Ceiling made with reeds and used for storing and drying fruit,
+etc. It may occupy the whole length of the building and the whole
+width of it, or part only of either or both of these (_avale_).
+
+(_x_) Space filled up with soil and used as hearth (_foje_).
+
+(_y_) Door-opening, one at back also (_akomimbe_).
+
+
+
+Fig. 5 is a diagram of a transverse section across the centre of an
+_emone_, showing the internal construction. The explanatory note only
+deals with portions not explained in those to Fig. 4.
+
+_Explanatory Note to Fig._ 5.
+
+Post _a_ is the main central support of the building corresponding
+with post _a_ in Fig. 4. Posts _b b_ are central side supports to
+the roof. Poles _c_ and _d_ are attached to posts _a b b_, and help
+to strengthen the fabric. These poles are also used for hanging up
+sleeping hammocks, the other extremities of which are hung to the
+_loko-loko_ of the roof (Fig. 4, _f_). The name for post _a_ is _dudu_,
+but this word is often used to express the whole structure _a b b c d_.
+
+I have endeavoured in the diagrammatic sketch--Fig. 6--to illustrate
+the apse-like projection of the roof of an _emone_ and the platform
+arrangements. I have in this sketch denuded the apse roof of its
+thatch, showing it in skeleton only; and I have shaded all timber
+work behind the platform, in order more clearly to define the latter.
+
+_Explanatory Notes to Fig._ 6.
+
+(_a_) Front end of thatch (_asase_) of main roof.
+
+(_b c d_) Front apse-shaped roof (_siafele_), the thatch having been
+removed to show its internal construction.
+
+(_b c, b e, b d_) Downward-sloping roof work (_engala_).
+
+(_f f, c d_] Horizontal roof work (_gegebe_), carried round in curves.
+
+_Note._--Sometimes the apse-shaped roof is constructed as a
+continuation of the main roof of the building, in which case
+the _gegebe_ of the former are a continuation of those of the
+latter. Sometimes the apse roof is a separate appendage, not connected
+with the main roof, and in that case the _gegebe_ of the former are
+separate from those of the latter, and are fixed at their extremities
+to the _loko-loko_ of the main roof.
+
+(_g_) Posts supporting the platform (_purum'-ul' emuge_).
+
+(_h_) Horizontal platform supports resting at one end on _g_ and at
+the other end fixed to either the _tedele_ or the _emuje_.
+
+(_i_) Platform (_purume_).
+
+_Note._--It will be seen that the front _apopo_ passes through the
+platform.
+
+(_k_) Additional supports to the apse roof, which are sometimes added,
+but are not usual. Their lower ends rest on the platform and they are
+connected with the apse roof at its outer edge (Mafulu name unknown).
+
+(_l_) A stump by which to get on to the platform. This is often a
+rough sloping piece of tree-trunk; where the platform of the emone
+is high it is a rudely constructed ladder (_gigide_).
+
+_Note._--The entire facade of the front gable end is called _konimbe_
+(which means door) or _purume_ (which means platform). That of the
+back gable end is called _apei_.
+
+_Note._--The height of the door-opening above the outside platform
+is shown in this figure.
+
+The houses are in construction very similar to the _emone_, and in
+fact the above description of the latter may be taken as a description
+of a house, subject to the following modifications: (i.) The house is
+never raised high, its floor always being within a foot or two of the
+ground, (ii.) It is smaller than the _emone_, its average internal
+dimensions being about 8 to 12 feet long, and 8 to 10 feet wide,
+(iii.) The roof generally slopes down on both sides to the level of
+the ground (concealing the side structure of the house) or nearly
+so. (iv.) The projecting hood of the roof is only added at the front
+of the building, and not at the rear; and it is usually separate from,
+and not continuous with, the real roof. [61] (v.) The platform is
+generally small and narrow, and often only extends for half the length
+of the front of the house, and, being always within a foot or two of
+the ground, it does not possess or require a ladder or tree-trunk
+approach; it is also narrower. Frequently there is no platform at
+all. (vi.) There is no entrance opening at the back of the house,
+(vii.) The front entrance opening is smaller and narrower and more
+difficult of entry. When the family are absent, they generally put
+sticks across this opening to bar entry, whereas the entrance opening
+of the _emone_ is always open, (viii.) The centre house support very
+often consists of one post only, instead of a combination, (ix.) There
+is often on one side of the entrance opening a small space of the
+inside of the house fenced off for occupation by the pigs, and there is
+a little aperture by which they can get into this space from outside,
+(x.) The _avale_ ceiling is usually absent; and, even if there be one,
+it will only extend under a small portion of the roof. [62]
+
+The following are explanations of my plates of villages and their
+buildings.
+
+
+Plate.
+|   Explanation.
+
+55  Village of Seluku (community of Sivu), with chief's _emone_
+    at the end facing up the enclosure.
+56  Village of Amalala (community of Sivu), with chief's _emone_
+    at the end of the enclosure.
+57  The same village of Amalala (photographed in the other direction),
+    with secondary _emone_ at the end of the enclosure.
+58  Village of Malala (community of Sivu), with secondary _emone_
+    at the end of the enclosure.
+59  Village of Uvande (community of Alo), with chief's _emone_ at
+    the end of the enclosure.
+60  Village of Biave (community of Mambu), with chief's _emone_
+    at the end of the enclosure.
+61  The chief's _emone_ in village of Amalala.
+62  The chief's _emone_ in the village of Malala, at the other end
+    of the enclosure.
+63  A house in the same village.
+64  A house in village of Levo (community of Mambu).
+
+
+
+Communications.
+
+The native paths of the Mafulu people, or at all events those passing
+through forests, are, like those of most other mountain natives,
+usually difficult for white men to traverse. The forest tracks in
+particular are often quite unrecognisable as such to an inexperienced
+white man, and are generally very narrow and beset with a tangle of
+stems and hanging roots and creepers of the trees and bush undergrowth,
+which catch the unwary traveller across the legs or body or hands
+or face at every turn, and are often so concealed by the grass and
+vegetation that, unless he be very careful, he is apt to be constantly
+tripped up by them; and moreover these entanglements are often armed
+with thorns or prickles, or have serrated edges, a sweep of which may
+tear the traveller's clothes, or lacerate his hands or face. Then
+there are at every turn and corner rough trunks of fallen trees,
+visible or concealed, often more or less rotten and treacherous,
+to be got over; and such things are frequently the only means of
+crossing ditches and ravines of black rotting vegetable mud. Moreover
+the paths are often very steep; and, indeed, it is this fact, and the
+presence of rough stones and roots, which renders the very prominent
+outward turn of the people's big toes, with their prehensile power,
+such useful physical attributes.
+
+Their bridges may be divided into four types, namely: (1) A single
+tree thrown across the stream, having either been blown down, and so
+fallen across it accidentally, or been purposely placed across it by
+the natives. (2) Two or more such trunks placed in parallel lines
+across the stream, and covered with a rough platform of transverse
+pieces of wood. (3) The suspension bridge. I regret that I am unable
+to give a detailed description of Mafulu suspension bridges, but I
+think I am correct in saying that they are very similar to those of the
+Kuni people, one of whose bridges is described in the _Annual Report_
+for June, 1909, as being 150 feet long and 20 feet above water at the
+lowest part, and as being made of lawyer vine (I do not know whether
+this would be right for Mafulu), with flooring of pieces of stick
+supported on strips of bark, and as presenting a crazy appearance,
+which made the Governor's carriers afraid of crossing it, though
+it was in fact perfectly safe, and had very little movement, even
+in the middle. I also give in Plate 65 a photograph taken by myself
+[63] of a bridge over the St. Joseph river, close to the Kuni village
+of Ido-ido, which, though a Kuni bridge, may, I think, be taken as
+fairly illustrative of a Mafulu bridge over a wide river. [64] Plate
+66 is a photograph, taken in Mafulu, of another form of suspension
+bridge used by them, and adapted to narrower rivers, the river in
+this case being the Aduala. (4) The bamboo bridge. This is a highly
+arched bridge of bamboo stems. The people take two long stems, and
+splice them together at their narrow ends, the total length of the
+spliced pair being considerably greater than the width of the river
+to be bridged. They then place the spliced pair of bamboos across
+the river, with one end against a strong backing and support on one
+side of the river and the other end at the other side, where it will
+extend for some little distance beyond the river bank. This further
+end is then forcibly bent backward to the bank by a number of men
+working together, and is there fixed and backed. The bamboo stems
+then form a high arch over the river. They then fix another pair
+of stems in the same way, close to and parallel with the first one;
+and the double arch so formed is connected all the way across with
+short pieces of wood, tied firmly to the stems, so as to strengthen
+the bridge and form a footway, by which it can be crossed. They then
+generally add a hand rail on one side.
+
+One can hardly leave the question of physical communications without
+also referring to the marvellous system of verbal communication which
+exists amongst the Mafulu and Kuni and other mountain people. Messages
+are shouted across the valleys from village to village in a way which
+to the unaccustomed traveller is amazing. It never seemed to me that
+any attempt was made specially to articulate the words and syllables
+of the message, or to repeat them slowly, so as to make them more
+readily heard at a distance off, though the last syllable of each
+sentence is always prolonged into a continuous sort of wail. This
+system of wireless telegraphy has, however, been before described by
+other writers, so I need say no more about it.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+Government, Property, and Inheritance
+
+
+Government and Justice.
+
+There is, as might be expected, no organised system of government
+among the Mafulu, nor is there any official administration of justice.
+
+As regards government, the chiefs in informal consultation with the
+sub-chiefs and prominent personages deal with important questions
+affecting the community or clan or village as a whole, such as the
+holding of big feasts and important ceremonies, the migrations or
+splitting-up or amalgamation of villages, and warlike operations; but
+events of this character are not frequent. And as to justice, neither
+the chiefs nor any other persons have any official duties of settling
+personal disputes or trying or punishing wrongdoers. The active
+functions of the chiefs, in fact, appear to be largely ceremonial.
+
+Concerning the question of justice, it would seem, indeed, that
+a judicial system is hardly requisite. Personal disputes between
+members of a village or clan, or even of a community, on such possible
+subjects as inheritance, boundary, ownership of property, trespass
+and the like, and wrongful acts within the village or the community,
+are exceedingly rare, except as regards adultery and wounding and
+killing cases arising from acts of adultery, which are more common.
+
+There are certain things which from immemorial custom are regarded
+as being wrong, and appropriate punishments for which are generally
+recognised, especially stealing, wounding, killing and adultery; but
+the punishment for these is administered by the injured parties and
+their friends, favoured and supported by public opinion, and often,
+where the offender belongs to another clan, actively helped by the
+whole clan of the injured parties.
+
+The penalty for stealing is the return or replacement of the article
+stolen; but stealing within the community, and perhaps even more so
+within the clan or village, is regarded as such a disgraceful offence,
+more so, I believe, than either killing or adultery, that its mere
+discovery involves a distressing punishment to the offender. As regards
+wounding and killing, the recognised rule is blood for blood, and a
+life for a life. The recognised code for adultery will be stated in
+the chapter on matrimonial matters.
+
+Any retribution for a serious offence committed by someone outside
+the clan of the person injured is often directed, not only against
+the offender himself, but against his whole clan.
+
+There is a method of discovering the whereabouts of a stolen article,
+and the identity of the thief, through the medium of a man who is
+believed to have special powers of ascertaining them. This man takes
+one of the large broad single-shell arm ornaments, which he places on
+its edge on the ground, and one of the pig-bone implements already
+described, which he places standing on its point upon the convex
+surface of the shell. To make the implement stand in this way he puts
+on the point, and makes to adhere to the shell a small piece of wild
+bees' wax, this being done, I was told, surreptitiously, though I
+cannot say to what extent the people are deceived by the dodge, or
+are aware of it. The implement stands on the shell for a few seconds,
+after which it falls down. Previously to doing this he has told his
+client of certain possible directions in which the implement may fall,
+and intimated that, whichever that may be, it will be the direction
+in which the lost article must be sought. He has also given certain
+alternative names of possible culprits, one of such names being
+associated with each of the alternative directions of falling. The
+fall of the implement thus indicates the quarter in which the lost
+article may be found and the name of the thief. Father Clauser saw
+this performance enacted in connection with a pig which had been
+stolen from a chief; the falling bone successfully pointed to the
+direction in which the pig was afterwards found, and there was no
+doubt that the alleged thief was in fact the true culprit. Presumably
+the operator makes private enquiries before trying his experiment,
+and knows how to control the fall of the implement.
+
+
+
+
+
+Property and Inheritance.
+
+The property of a Mafulu native may be classified as being (1) his
+movable belongings, such as clothing, ornaments, implements and pigs;
+(2) his house in the village; (3) his bush land; (4) his gardens.
+
+The movable belongings are, of course, his own absolute property.
+
+The village house is also his own; but this does not include the site
+of that house, which continues to be the property of the village. Every
+grown-up male inhabitant of the village has the right to build for
+himself one house in that village; he is not entitled to have more than
+one there, but he may have a house in each of two or more villages,
+and a chief or very important man is allowed two or three houses in
+the same village. On a house being pulled down and not rebuilt, or
+being abandoned and left to decay, the site reverts to the village,
+and another person may build a house upon it. [65] Houses are never
+sold, but the ordinary life of a house is only a few years.
+
+The man's bush land is his own property, and his ownership includes
+all trees and growth which may be upon it, and which no other man may
+cut down, but it does not include game, this being the common property
+of the community; and any member of the community is entitled to pass
+over the land, hunt on it, and fish in streams passing through it,
+as he pleases. The whole of the bush land of the community belongs
+in separate portions to different owners, one man sometimes owning
+two or more of such portions; and it is most remarkable that, though
+there are apparently no artificial boundary marks between the various
+portions, these boundaries are, somehow or other, known and respected,
+and disputes with reference to them are practically unknown. How the
+original allocations and allotments of land have been made does not
+appear to be known to the people themselves.
+
+The man's garden plot or plots are also his own, having been cleared
+by him or some predecessor of his out of his or that predecessor's
+own bush land; and he may build in his gardens as many houses as
+he pleases. His ownership of his garden plot is more exclusive than
+is that of his bush land, as other people are not entitled to pass
+over it. But on the other hand, if he abandons the garden, and nature
+again overruns it with growth--a process which takes place with great
+rapidity--it ceases to be his garden, and reverts to, and becomes
+absorbed in, the portion of the bush out of which it had been cleared;
+and if, as it may be, he is not the sole owner of that portion of bush,
+he loses his exclusive right to the land, which as a garden had been
+his own sole property.
+
+No man can sell or exchange either his bush land or his garden plots,
+and changes in their ownership therefore only arise through death
+and inheritance. This statement, however, is, I think, subject to the
+qualification that an owner of bush-land will sometimes allow his son
+or other male descendant to clear and make for himself a garden in it;
+but I am not sure as to the point.
+
+On a man's death his widow, if any, does not inherit any portion of his
+property, either movable or immovable, but three things are allowed
+to her. She is generally allowed one pig, which will be required by
+her at a later date for the ceremony of the removal of her mourning;
+and she shares with her husband's children, or, if there be none,
+she has the sole right to, the then current season's crops and fruit
+resulting from the planting effected by her late husband and herself,
+though this is a right which, after her return home to her own people,
+she would not continue to exercise; and she is allowed to continue to
+occupy her husband's house, but this latter privilege terminates at
+the mourning removal ceremony, when the house will be pulled down, and
+its site will revert to the village, and she will probably return to
+her own people in her own village, if she has not done so previously.
+
+Subject to these three allowances, I may dismiss the widow entirely
+in dealing with the law of inheritance. I may also dismiss the
+man's female children by saying that, if there be male children, the
+females do not share at all in the inheritance, and even if there be
+no male children the female children will only perhaps be allowed,
+apparently rather as a matter of grace than of right, to share in
+his movable effects; and that, subject to this, everything goes to
+the man's male relatives. I may also eliminate the man's pigs, as
+apparently any pigs he has, other than that retained for his widow,
+are killed at his funeral.
+
+On the death of an owner everything he possesses goes, except as above
+mentioned, to his sons. They divide the movable things between them,
+but the bush and garden land pass to them jointly, and there is no
+process by which either of these can be divided and portioned among
+them. The male children of a deceased son, and the male children of
+any deceased male child of that deceased son (and so on for subsequent
+generations), inherit between them in lieu of that son. There does not
+appear, however, to be any idea in the Mafulu mind of each son of the
+deceased owner being entitled to a specific equal fractional share,
+or of the descendants of a deceased son of that owner being between
+them only entitled to one share, _per stirpes_. They apparently do
+not get beyond the general idea that these people, whoever they may
+be and to whatever generations they may belong, become the owners of
+the property.
+
+They take possession of and cultivate the existing gardens as joint
+property. Any one of them will be allowed to clear some of their
+portion of bush, and fence it, and plant it as a garden, and it will
+then become the sole property of that one man, and if he dies it
+will pass as his own property to his own heirs; though, as before
+stated, if he abandons it, and lets it be swallowed up by the bush,
+it will cease to be his own garden, and will again be included in the
+family's joint portion of bush land, and on his death his heirs will
+only come into the joint bush ownership.
+
+In this way the ownership of a garden must often be in several persons,
+with no well-defined rights _inter se_, and the general ownership of
+bush land which has never been cleared, or which, having been cleared,
+has been abandoned and reverted, must often be in a very large number
+of persons without defined rights. In fact, so far as bush land is
+concerned, one only has to remember that on the death of an owner it
+passes into joint ownership of children--that on the deaths of these
+children fresh groups of persons come into the joint ownership--that
+this may go on indefinitely, generation after generation--that bush,
+having once got into the ownership of many people, is hardly likely
+to again fall by descents into a single ownership--that indeed the
+tendency must be for the number of owners of any one portion of bush
+steadily to increase--and finally that there is no way by which the
+extensively divided ownership can be terminated by either partition
+or alienation--and one then realises the extraordinary complications
+of family ownership of bush land which must commonly exist.
+
+As regards both movable effects and gardens and bush land there must
+be endless occasions for dispute. How are the movable things to be
+divided among the inheritors, and, in particular, who is to take
+perhaps one valuable article, which may be worth all the rest put
+together? How are questions of doubtful claims to heirship to bush
+and garden land to be determined? How is the joint ownership of the
+gardens to be dealt with, and how is the work there to be apportioned,
+and the products of the gardens divided? How are the mutual rights
+of the bush land to be regulated, and especially what is to happen
+if each of two or more joint owners desires to clear and allocate
+to himself as a garden, a specially eligible piece of bush? Such
+situations in England would bristle with lawsuits, and I tried to
+find out how these questions were actually dealt with by the Mafulu;
+but there is no judicial system there, and the only answer I could
+get was that in these matters, as in the case of inter-community bush
+boundaries and personal bush boundaries, disputes were practically
+unknown; though it was pointed out to me, as regards bush land,
+that the amount of it belonging to any one family was usually so
+large that crowding out could hardly arise.
+
+If a man dies without male descendants in the male line, then, subject
+perhaps to some sort of claim of his daughters, if any, to share in
+his movable effects, his property goes to his nearest male relative
+or relatives in the male line. This would primarily be his father,
+if living, but the father could hardly be the inheritor of anything
+but movable things and perhaps garden land, as the deceased could not
+be the owner of bush land during the lifetime of his father. Subject as
+regards movable things and perhaps gardens to this right of the father,
+the persons to inherit everything would be deceased's brothers and the
+male descendants in the male line of any such brothers who had died;
+or in default of these it would be the father's (not the mother's)
+brothers and their male descendants in the male line, and so on for
+more distant male relatives, every descent being traced strictly in
+the male line only, on a principle similar to that above explained.
+
+Male infants, by which term I mean young children, there being of
+course no infancy in the defined sense in which the term is used
+in English law, like adults, may become possessed of property by
+inheritance as regards bush and garden land, and by inheritance
+or otherwise as regards movable property, but they would hardly be
+likely to be the owners of houses; and the descent from these infants
+is the same as that in the case of adults.
+
+No woman can possess any property, other than movable property,
+and even this is at best confined to the clothes and ornaments which
+she wears. On the death of a married woman all her effects go to her
+husband, or, if he be dead, they go to her children or descendants,
+male and female, equally, If she has no children or descendants, they
+go to her husband's father, or, failing him, to such other person or
+persons as would have been entitled to inherit if her effects had
+been those of her husband. Her own blood relations do not come in,
+as she had been bought and paid for by her husband. If the deceased
+woman were a spinster, then her effects would pass to her father,
+or, failing him, to her brothers, or, failing them, to her nearest
+male relatives on her father's side.
+
+The guardianship of and responsibility for infant children whose
+father dies falls primarily upon the children's mother, and she,
+if and when she returned to her own people, would probably take the
+children away with her, though her sons, who shared in the inheritance
+from their father, would usually come back again to their own village
+when they became grown up, and might do so even when comparatively
+young. If there is no mother of the children, the guardianship and
+responsibility is taken up by one or more of the relatives of either
+the deceased father or deceased mother of the children, and it might
+be that some children would be taken over by some of such relatives,
+and some by others. There appears, however, to be no regular rule as
+to all this, the question being largely one of convenience.
+
+Adopted children have in all matters of inheritance the same rights
+as actual children.
+
+From the above particulars it will be seen that there is no system
+of descent in the female line or of mother-right among the Mafulu,
+and I could not find any trace of such a thing having ever existed
+with them. As to this I would draw attention to the facts that the
+mother's relatives do not come in specially, as they do among the
+Roro and Mekeo people, in connection with the perineal band ceremony;
+that a boy owes no service to his maternal uncle, as is the case among
+the Koita; that there is no equivalent of the Koita _Heni_ ceremony;
+that in no case can a woman be a chief, or chieftainship descend by
+the female line; that children belong to the clan of their father,
+and not to that of their mother; and that no duty or responsibility
+for orphan children devolves specially upon their mother's relations.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+The Big Feast
+
+This is the greatest and most important social function of a Mafulu
+community of villages. I was unable to get any information as to its
+real intent and origin, but a clue to this may, I think, be found in
+the formal cutting down of the grave platform of a chief, the dipping
+of chiefs' bones in the blood of the slain pigs, and the touching of
+other chiefs' bones with the bones so dipped, which constitute such
+important features of the function, and which perhaps point to an
+idea of in some way finally propitiating or driving away or "laying"
+the ghosts of the chiefs whose bones are the subject of the ceremony.
+
+The feast, though only to be solemnised in one village, is organised
+and given by the whole community of villages. There is no (now)
+known matter or event with reference to which it is held. It is
+decided upon and arranged and prepared for long beforehand, say a
+year or two, and feasts will only be held in one village at intervals
+of perhaps fifteen or twenty years. The decision to hold a feast is
+arrived at by the chiefs of the clans of the community which proposes
+to give it. The village at which the feast is to be held will not
+necessarily be the largest one of the community, or one in which is
+a then existing chiefs _emone_. The guests to be invited to it will
+be the people of some other (only one other) community, and at the
+outset it will be ascertained more or less informally whether or not
+they will be willing to accept the invitation.
+
+When the feast has been resolved upon, the preparations for it
+begin immediately, that is a year or two before the date on which it
+is to be held. Large quantities will be required of yam, taro and
+sugar-cane, and of a special form of banana (not ripening on the
+trees, and requiring to be cooked); also of the large fruit of the
+_ine_, a giant species of Pandanus (see Plate 80--the figure seated
+on the ground near to the base of the tree gives an idea of the size
+of the latter and of the fruit head which is hanging from it), which
+is cultivated in the bush, and the fruit heads of which are oval or
+nearly round, and have a transverse diameter of about 18 inches; and
+of another fruit, called by the natives _malage_, which grows wild,
+chiefly by streams, and is also cultivated, and the fruit of which
+was described to me as being rather like an apple, almost round,
+green in colour, and 4 or 5 inches in diameter. [66] And above all
+things will be wanted an enormous number of village pigs (not wild
+pigs); and sweet potatoes must be plentiful for the feeding of these
+pigs. And finally they will need plenty of native tobacco for their
+guests. In view of these requirements it is obvious that a year or two
+is by no means an excessive period for the preparations for the feast.
+
+The existing yam and taro gardens, intended for community consumption
+alone, will be quite insufficient for the purpose, and fresh bush
+land is at once cleared, and new gardens are made and planted,
+the products of these new gardens being allocated specially for the
+feast, and not used for any other purpose. There is also an extensive
+planting of sugar-cane, probably in old potato gardens. For bananas
+there will probably be no great need of preparation, as they are
+grown plentifully, and there is no specific appropriation of these;
+but the sufficiency of the supply of the tobacco for the visitors,
+and of the sweet potatoes for the pigs, has to be seen to, also
+that of the _ine_ Pandanus trees, the fruit of which has often to be
+procured from elsewhere, and of the trees. And finally the village
+pigs must be bred and fattened, for which latter purpose it is a
+common practice to send young pigs to people in other communities;
+and these people will be invited to the big feast, and will have pig
+given to them, though not members of the invited community; but never
+in any case will any of them have a part of a pig which he himself
+has fattened. The cultivated vegetable foods and the pigs are not
+provided on a communistic basis, but are supplied by the individual
+members of the community, each household of which is expected to
+do its duty in this respect; and no person who or whose family has
+not provided at least one pig (some of them provide more than one)
+will be allowed to take part in the preliminary feast and subsequent
+dancing, to be mentioned below.
+
+The bringing in and storing of the _ine_ and _malage_ fruits commence
+at an early stage. The _ine_ fruits are collected when quite ripe;
+they split the large fruit heads up into two or more parts, put these
+into baskets roughly made of cane (at least half a fruit head in
+each basket), and place these baskets in the _avale_ or ceiling of
+the _emone_, where the fruits get dried and smoked by the heat and
+smoke of the fire constantly burning beneath. If, as is sometimes
+the case, the _emone_ has no _avale_ one is constructed specially
+for the purpose. The fruits are left there until required; in fact,
+if taken away from the smoke, they would go bad. Sometimes, instead of
+putting portions of the fruit heads into baskets, they take out from
+them the almond-shaped seeds, which are the portions to be eaten,
+string these together, each seed being tied round and not pierced,
+and hang them to the roof of the _emone_ above the _avale_. The fruits
+of the _malage_ are gathered and put into holes or side streams by a
+river, and there left for from seven to ten months, until the pulp,
+which is very poisonous, is all rotted away, a terrible smell being
+emitted during the process; they then take the pips or seeds, the
+insides of which, after the surrounding shells have been cracked,
+are the edible parts, and place these in baskets made out of the
+almost amplexicaul bases of the leaves of a species of palm tree,
+and so store them also on the _avale_ of the _emone_. [67]
+
+Large preparations of a structural and repairing nature are also
+required in the village where the feast is to be held. The _emone_,
+the true chiefs _emone_, of the village is repaired or pulled down
+and entirely rebuilt; or, if that village does not possess such an
+_emone_, one is erected in it. In point of fact the usual practice is,
+I was informed, to build a new _emone_, the occasion of an intended
+feast being the usually recognised time for the doing of this. [68]
+The houses of the village are put into repair. The people of the other
+villages of the same community build houses for themselves in the feast
+village, so that on the occasion of the feast all the members of the
+community (the hosts) will be living in that village. View platforms,
+from which the dancing can be watched, are built by all the people of
+the community. These are built between the houses where possible, or
+at all events so as to obstruct the view from the houses as little as
+possible. They are built on upright poles, and are generally between
+12 and 20 feet high, each platform having a roof, which will probably
+be somewhat similar to the roofs of the houses. Sometimes there are
+two platforms under one roof, but this is not usual. Sometimes the
+platforms, instead of being on posts, are in trees, being, however,
+roofed like the others. Two or more houses may join in making one
+platform for themselves and their friends. All the above works are
+put in hand at an early stage.
+
+The following are done later, perhaps not till after the sending out
+of the formal invitation (see below), but they may conveniently be
+dealt with here. The people erect near to, but outside, the village in
+which the feast is to be held one or more sheds for the accommodation
+of the guests, the number of sheds depending upon the requirements of
+the case. These are merely gable and ridge-shaped roofs, which descend
+on each side down to the ground, or very close to it, being supported
+by posts, and there being no flooring. They are called _olor' eme_,
+which means dancers' houses. Posts about 20 or 25 feet high and 12
+inches or nearly so in diameter are erected in various places in the
+village enclosure, and each of these posts is surrounded with three,
+four, or five upright bamboo stems, which are bound to the post so as
+together to make a composite post of which the big one is the strong
+supporting centre. The leaf branches of these bamboos, starting out
+from the nodes of the stems, are cut off 3 or 4 inches from their
+bases, thus leaving small pegs or hooks to which vegetables, etc.,
+can be afterwards hung; and in the case of each post one only of its
+surrounding bamboos has the top branches and leaves left on. Each
+household is responsible for the erection of one post. I may here say
+in advance that upon these post clusters will be hung successively,
+yams and taro in the upper parts, human skulls and bones lower down,
+and croton leaves by way of decoration at the bottom. The sugar-cane
+and banana and _ine_ and _malage_ are dealt with in another way. There
+is a further erection of thin poles, which will be mentioned in its
+proper place.
+
+About six months before the anticipated date of the big feast
+there is a preliminary festivity, which is regarded as a sort of
+intimation that the long-intended feast is shortly to take place. To
+this festivity people of villages of any neighbouring communities,
+say within an hour or two's walk, are invited. There is no dancing,
+but there is a distribution among the guests of a portion of each of
+the vegetables and fruits which will be consumed at the feast, and a
+village pig is killed and cut up, and its parts are also distributed
+among the guests, who then return home.
+
+After this preliminary festivity dancing begins in the village
+in which the feast is to be held and in the other villages of the
+same community, and this dancing goes on, subject to weather, every
+day until the evening prior to the day upon which the feast takes
+place. The men dance in the villages, beginning at about sundown, and
+going on through the evening, and perhaps throughout the night. Only
+men who or whose families have provided at least one pig for the feast
+are allowed to join in the dancing. Bachelors join in the dancing,
+subject to the above condition. The women dance outside their villages,
+and, as regards them, there is no pig qualification.
+
+About a month before the date on which the feast is proposed to be
+held, a formal invitation is sent out to the community which is to be
+invited to it, and who, as above stated, have already been approached
+informally in the matter. For this purpose a number, perhaps ten,
+twenty, or thirty, of the men of the community giving the feast start
+off, taking with them several bunches of croton leaves--one bunch
+for each village of the invited community. These men, if the invited
+community be some distance off, only carry the croton leaves as far
+as some neighbouring community, probably about one day's journey off,
+where they stay the night, and then return. During their progress,
+and particularly as they arrive at their destination, they are all
+singing. Then the men of this neighbouring community carry the croton
+leaves a stage further; and so on till they reach their ultimate
+destination. This may involve two or three sets of messengers, but
+occasionally one or two of the original messengers may go the whole
+way. These croton leaves are delivered to the chiefs of the several
+clans of the invited community, and they are tied to the front central
+posts of the village _emone_, the true _emone_ of the chiefs village,
+and, as regards other villages, the _emone_ of the sub-chiefs. [69]
+
+The exact date of the feast depends upon the guests, who may come in
+a month after receiving the croton leaves, or may be later; and the
+community giving the feast do not know on what date their guests will
+arrive until news comes that they are actually on their way, though
+in the meantime messengers will be passing backwards and forwards
+and native wireless telegraphy (shouting from ridge to ridge) will
+be employed.
+
+As soon as the formal invitation has been sent the people of the
+community giving the feast begin to bring in the yams from the gardens,
+which they do day by day, singing as they do so; and these yams are
+stored away in the houses as they are brought in. When the yams have
+all been collected, they are brought out and spread in one, two,
+or three long lines along the centre of the village open space. The
+owner of each post knows which are his own yams, and they will go to
+his post. When the yams are laid out on the ground, the chiefs inspect
+them, and select the best ones, which are to be given to the chiefs
+of the community invited to the dance. To these selected yams they
+tie croton leaves as distinguishing marks. Then each man stands by
+his own yams, and has a boy standing by his own post; each man picks
+up his best yams, and whilst holding these they all (only the men with
+the yams) begin to sing. The moment the song is over, each man rushes
+with his selected best yam to his post, and hands the yam to the boy,
+who climbs up the post, and hangs up the yam. After this they hang
+the rest of the yams, each man running with them to the post, and
+giving them to the boy, who climbs up and hangs the yam whilst the man
+runs back for another, the performance being all in apparent disorder
+and there being no singing. Some of the best-shaped yams are hung to
+little cross-sticks about 3 or 4 feet long, which the boys then and
+there attach to those bamboo stems which have their top branches and
+leaves left upon them, the sticks being attached just below these
+branches. These selected yams will include those with the croton
+leaves, which are intended for chiefs. Of the rest the better yams
+are hung up higher on the posts, and the poorer ones lower down. The
+lowest of them will probably be 5 or 6 feet from the ground.
+
+After hanging the yams, the next step is to erect in the ground all
+round the village enclosure and in front of the houses a number of
+tall young slender straight-stemmed tree poles, with the top branches
+and leaves only left upon them. These poles are connected with one
+another by long stems, fixed horizontally to them at a height of 7
+or 8 feet from the ground, the stems thus forming a sort of long line
+or girdle encircling the village enclosure.
+
+The men then go to their gardens and bring in the sugar-canes,
+singing as they do so, and these they hang to the horizontal stems,
+but without ceremony. The sugar-canes are all in thick bundles, perhaps
+12 or 18 inches thick, and these bundles are hung horizontally end
+to end immediately under the line of stems, so as also to make a
+continuous encircling line.
+
+Next they bring in the bananas, again singing, and these they hang up
+on the tall, slender tree poles, and on the platforms of the houses,
+and under the view platforms, but without ceremony.
+
+Lastly, again singing, they bring in the taro, and hang these up,
+mixed with the yams (not below them) on the posts, again without
+ceremony. The hanging up of the taro is left to the last, and, in
+fact, is not done till it is known that the guests are on their way,
+as the taro would be spoilt by bad weather.
+
+In hanging the yam and the taro the people all work
+simultaneously--that is, they are all hanging yams at the same time and
+all hanging taro at the same time. But as regards the sugar cane and
+banana each man works in his own time without waiting for, or being
+waited for by, the others. Women may help the men in all these things,
+except the ceremonious hanging up of the yams.
+
+They do not, however, hang all the yam, sugar-cane, banana and taro,
+some of each being kept back in the houses for a purpose which will
+appear hereafter.
+
+The _ine_ and _malage_ fruits are not hung up at all, but are kept
+in the _avale_ of the village _emone_ until the day of the actual
+feast, when the various vegetables and fruits are, as will be seen,
+put in heaps for distribution among the guests.
+
+They then further decorate the posts with human skulls and bones,
+which are hung round in circles below the yams and taro, but not
+reaching to the ground. These are the skulls and bones of chiefs and
+members of their families and sub-chiefs and important personages
+only of the community, and the bones used are only the larger bones
+of the arms and legs; skulls will, so far as possible, be used for
+the purpose in preference to the other bones. These skulls and bones
+are taken from wherever they may then happen to be; some of them will
+be in burial boxes on trees, [70] some may be in graves underground,
+and some may be hung up in the village _emone_; though it may here
+be mentioned that those underground and in the _emone_ are not,
+as I shall show later, in their original places of sepulture.
+
+Finally croton leaves, tied in sheaves, are arranged round the posts
+below the skulls and bones, so as to decorate the posts down to
+the ground.
+
+One other specially important matter must here be mentioned. There
+will probably be in or by the edge of the village enclosure a high
+box-shaped wooden burial platform, [71] supported on poles, and
+containing the skull and all the bones of a chief, these platforms
+and a special sort of tree being, as will be explained later on, the
+only places where they and their families and important personages
+are originally buried. If so, the people add to the bones on this
+platform such of the other skulls and special arm and leg bones,
+collected as above mentioned, as are not required for decorating the
+posts. If, as is most improbable, there is no such burial platform,
+then they erect one, and upon it place all the available skulls and
+special bones not required for the posts.
+
+These various preparations bring us to the evening before the day
+of the feast, upon which evening the women, married and unmarried,
+of the community, whose families have supplied pigs for the feast,
+dance together in full dancing decorations in the village enclosure,
+beginning at about sundown, and, if weather permits, dancing all
+through the night. There is no ceremony connected with this dancing.
+
+The next day is the feast day. The guests are in the special guest
+houses outside the village, where they are dressing for the dance. They
+have probably arrived the day before, in which case they may have
+come into the village to watch the women dancing in the evening;
+but they are not regarded as having formally arrived. These guests
+include married and unmarried men, women and children, nobody of the
+invited community being left behind, except old men and women who
+cannot walk. The women have brought with them their carrying bags,
+in which they carry all their men's and their own goods (_e.g._,
+knives, feathers, ornaments, etc.), including not only the things
+used for the ceremony, but all their other portable property, which
+they do not wish to expose to risk of theft by leaving at home.
+
+They have also brought special ornamental bags to be used in the
+dance as mentioned below.
+
+The people of the village in the meantime erect one, two, or three
+(generally three) trees in a group in the very centre of the village
+enclosure.
+
+And now come the successive ceremonies of the feast, in which both
+married and unmarried men and women take part; in describing these
+ceremonies I will call the people of the community giving the feast
+the "hosts," and the visitors attending it the "guests."
+
+First: All or nearly all the men hosts go in a body out of the
+village to the guests' houses, singing as they go. They are all
+fully ornamented for a feast, but do not wear their special dancing
+ornaments, and they do not carry their spears, or as a rule any other
+weapons. Each chiefs ornaments include a bunch of black cassowary
+feathers tied round his head behind, and falling down over his
+shoulders, this being his distinctive ornament; but otherwise his
+ornaments do not differ from those of the rest, except probably as
+regards quantity and quality. The object of this visit is to ascertain
+if the guests are ready, and if they are not ready the men hosts
+wait until they are so. Then the men hosts return to the village,
+singing as before, and all the guests, men and women, follow them; but
+they do not sing, and they do not enter the village. The men hosts,
+on returning, retire to their houses and the view platforms, where
+also are the women hosts, thus leaving the village enclosure empty.
+
+Second: All the women guests, except two, then enter the village. They
+are fully ornamented for the feast, but do not wear their special
+dancing ornaments. They all have large carrying bags on their backs,
+not the common ones of everyday use, but the ornamental ones; and in
+these they carry and show off all their own and their husbands' riches
+other than what they respectively are actually wearing. They enter
+at one end of the village enclosure (I will hereafter call this the
+"entrance end") by the side of the end _emone_ of the village (this
+may be the chiefs true _emone_ or it may be the secondary _emone_),
+and walk in single file along one side of the village enclosure,
+and half of them walk round the other end (which I will call the
+"far end") in front of the _emone_ there (which also will be either
+the true one or the other one), and back again along the other side,
+until there are two rows of them, _vis-a-vis_ at opposite sides of
+the enclosure, none of them remaining at the far end in front of the
+_emone_ there. If they are very numerous, there may be lines on both
+sides of the enclosure, stretching from end to end; whereas if they
+are few only, they would be in facing lines at the far end only of
+the enclosure. This is all done silently.
+
+Third: All the women hosts, fully ornamented for a feast, but without
+special dancing ornaments, then enter the enclosure at the entrance
+end, and congregate at the far end of it, in front of the far _emone_
+and between the two facing lines of women guests, and facing towards
+the centre of the enclosure. The group of them stretches as far
+forward towards the centre of the enclosure as their number allows;
+but it will never extend beyond the special trees, which have been
+last erected in the centre. This also is done in silence.
+
+Fourth: The two women guests excluded from the general entry now
+come in. They are presumably the wives of chiefs. They are also
+decorated for the feast, but without full dancing ornaments. Each
+of them, however, holds in her mouth something intended to give her
+a terrible appearance, probably two pairs of pigs' tusks, one pair
+curling, crescent-like, upwards, and the other pair similarly curling
+downwards, or a piece of cloth; but this is only carried by her for
+this particular scene of the performance, and not afterwards. Each of
+them also carries two spears, one in each hand. These two women rush
+into the village enclosure, one entering at each side of the _emone_
+at the entrance end. They run along the two sides of the enclosure,
+one at each side, in front of the lines of women guests already there
+(between them and the central group of host women), brandishing
+their spears as they do so, but in silence. When they reach the far
+end of the enclosure they meet each other in front of the _emone_
+there; and then, if that happens to be the true (chief's) _emone_,
+they brandish their spears in a hostile manner at the building,
+the spears sometimes even striking it, though they do not leave the
+women's hands, and there is probably a little pause or halt in their
+running for the purpose of this attack. They then pass each other,
+and return as they had come, still brandishing their spears, but
+each on the opposite side, until they are both at the entrance end of
+the enclosure. If the _emone_ at this end is the true _emone_, then
+the attack is made upon it, instead of upon the other one. They then
+generally again pass each other, and go round the enclosure a second
+time, and again attack the _emone_ exactly as before. During the first
+part of this performance the host women congregated in the far end of
+the enclosure are all dancing a sort of non-progressive goose step,
+there being, however, no singing. But, when the two guest women on
+the return journey of their second circuit reach the front row of
+the host women, the latter advance in a body silently dancing (but
+not travelling so fast as the two guest women) down the enclosure,
+and so following the two guest women, until they are all congregated
+at the entrance end of the enclosure. The positions of the _dramatis
+personae_ up to and including the stage of proceedings lastly described
+will be better understood by reference to Fig. 7 and its accompanying
+notes. At the end of this stage the lines of guest women are still
+as shown; but the two special guest women and all the host women are
+at the entrance end of the enclosure.
+
+Fifth: Such of the guest men as are not going to join in the real
+ultimate dance (see heading 9) enter the village at the entrance end,
+they also being fully ornamented, but not wearing their special
+dancing ornaments. They carry their spears, and perhaps in their
+other hands their clubs or adzes. Any chiefs who may be among them
+wear their black cassowary feather ornaments, like those of the host
+chiefs. They all advance along the enclosure, jumping and dancing and
+brandishing their spears, but not singing; and in front of them go all
+the host women, dancing as before, also in silence. This double body of
+people, host women in front, and guest men behind, advance _en masse_
+along the village enclosure. When, in doing this, the guest men reach
+the three last-erected special trees in the middle of the enclosure,
+they attack the trees with their spears, never letting the spears leave
+their hands, and with kicks, and thus try to knock the trees down. If
+they succeed in doing so, then this part of the performance is at an
+end, and these guest men disperse and spread about at both sides and
+ends of the village; but the host and guest women return from wherever
+they are to the entrance end. If the guest men's first attack on the
+trees is not successful, they pass them, and continue their advance,
+as before, to the far end of the enclosure and return back again in
+the other direction, the host women still dancing in front of them;
+and on this return journey they repeat their attack on the trees. If
+again unsuccessful, they go on to their starting point, and go a second
+time through the same performance as before, going up the enclosure,
+and, if necessary, down again; and, if still unsuccessful, they will
+probably try a third time, the host women always dancing in front of
+them as before. The whole of this is one continuous movement, going on
+till the trees are down. If after the third double attempt the guest
+men have still been unsuccessful, they relinquish their efforts; and in
+that case the pig-killer of the hosts' village (as to whom see below)
+steps forward, and cuts down the trees with his adze. When the trees
+are down, the performance is at an end, the guest men retire, and
+the host and guest women return to the entrance end, as above stated.
+
+Sixth: Such of the chiefs of the guests as do not intend to join in the
+real ultimate dance (heading 9) then step forward into the enclosure at
+the entrance end. Their number may be two or three or more. They wear
+their full dancing ornaments, including their black cassowary feather
+ornaments and the enormous feather erections on their heads, which
+for chiefs are even larger and heavier than for other people. They
+carry their drums, but not spears or clubs or adzes. The two special
+guest women who have already been mentioned and two other guest women,
+all with their full dancing ornaments, also come forward. A line is
+formed with the chiefs in the middle and the four women at the two
+ends. In front of this line are all the host women, still decorated as
+before, but without special dancing ornaments. Then the whole group,
+host women in front and the guest chiefs and their four attendant
+guest women in a line behind, dance forward along the enclosure. In
+doing this, they face the direction in which they are progressing,
+and their progress is slow. This is done to the accompaniment of
+the beating by the dancing chiefs of their drums, but there is no
+singing. When the dancing party reach the far end of the enclosure,
+they go back again in the same way; and so on again until the chiefs
+(with the great weights they are carrying) are tired; then they
+stop. But the men hosts thereupon politely press them to go on again,
+giving them in fact a sort of complimentary encore, and this they
+will probably do. After about half-an-hour from the commencement of
+the dancing they finally stop. Then the chief of the clan in one of
+whose villages the dance is held comes forward and removes the heavy
+head-pieces from the dancing chiefs.
+
+Seventh: An important ceremony now occurs. The chief of the clan cuts
+away the supports of the burial platform already mentioned, whereupon
+the platform falls to the ground, and the skulls and bones upon it
+roll on the ground. These are picked up, and the skulls and big arm
+and leg bones are put on one side. There is no singing or ceremony
+in connection with this. The platform is not rebuilt; and what is
+afterwards done with the skulls and bones will be seen hereafter.
+
+Eighth: There is now a distribution among the chiefs and more important
+male guests of the yam, taro, sugar-cane and bananas, which at the
+time of the hanging up on the village posts were kept back and put
+into the houses, and of tobacco. The chief of the clan, with help from
+others, makes a number of heaps of these things in the centre of the
+village enclosure, the number of heaps corresponding to the number of
+recipients. Then, standing successively before each of these heaps,
+he calls out in turn the names of the men who are to receive them,
+chiefs being given the first priority, and specially important people
+the next. Each man comes forward, usually bringing with him his
+wife or some other woman with a bag, picks up his heap, and takes
+it away. And so with all of them in turn, till all is finished. On
+each heap there is usually, but not always, a portion of a village
+pig, which has that morning been killed under the burial platform,
+before it was cut down. The guests, men and women, then return to
+the guest houses, where the women cook the food which has been given,
+and it is eaten by the men and themselves.
+
+Ninth: The real dance now takes place, beginning perhaps at 9 or
+10 in the evening, and lasting the whole night, and perhaps till 10
+o'clock the following morning. The dancing is done by some only of
+the guest men, and none of their women, and none of the hosts, either
+men or women, join in it. The dancers are all arrayed in full dancing
+ornaments, including their heavy head feather erections, and chiefs
+also wear their cassowary feathers; and they all carry their drums
+and spears, and sometimes clubs or adzes. After the dance has begun,
+the chief of the clan in whose village the dance occurs distributes,
+with assistance, among the more important of these dancers, especially
+chiefs, the skulls and bones which had been put on one side after
+the cutting down of the burial platform, and probably some or all
+of the skulls and bones which had been hung upon the big posts;
+and the dancers receiving these skulls and bones wear them as
+additional decoration upon their arms throughout the dance. Guest
+chiefs dance with the others, but owing to the heavy weight of the
+head ornaments they have to carry, they will be tired sooner than
+the others. The dancing party enter the village at the entrance end,
+walking backwards. Directly after they have entered the village they,
+still having their backs to it, begin to beat their drums, after doing
+which for a short time they turn round, and the dancing begins. The
+dancers beat their drums whilst dancing, but neither they nor the
+other people sing during the actual dancing. There are, however,
+intervals in the dancing (not the mere rest intervals, such as they
+have in Mekeo, and which they also have in Mafulu, but intervals which
+are themselves an actual part of the dance), and during these intervals
+the drums are not being beaten, and the dancers and the other people,
+hosts, guests, men and women, all sing. I shall have something more
+to say about dancing generally later on. At a subsequent stage the
+skulls and bones with which the dancers have been decorated, including
+those which had fallen from the burial platform, are all again hung
+up among the other skulls and bones on the big posts.
+
+Tenth: This is the stage at which occur various other ceremonies,
+which, though themselves quite distinct from that of the big feast, and
+performed, often several of them together, when there is no big feast,
+are also, some or all of them, generally or always introduced into it,
+as being a convenient occasion for them. The ceremonies in question
+are those connected with the assumption of the perineal band, admission
+to the _emone_ and the giving of the right to carry a drum and dance,
+that of nose-piercing, and that on the devolution of chieftainship. The
+nose-piercing ceremony has already been described. The others will
+be dealt with later.
+
+Eleventh: Next comes the general distribution among the guests of the
+vegetables and fruits, including all those which have been hung up
+and displayed, as above described, and the _ine_ fruit, prepared in
+two ways, and _malage_ fruit. Every male guest who has joined in the
+real dance is, speaking generally, entitled to have a share; though
+sometimes, where there are two or three members of one family, shares
+may be given to one or two of them only, instead of to each. The chiefs
+of the community giving the feast work together in carrying out the
+distribution. The various things are collected into a number of heaps
+about the village, the number of heaps corresponding to the number
+of portions to be distributed; and each heap contains something of
+everything. Excluded from these heaps, however, are the _ine_ seeds
+which have been put on strings and preserved separately, as before
+explained. For these are erected stakes about 10 feet high, round
+which the strings of seeds are twined. The number of these stakes
+is less than the number of heaps, because they are only planted
+near to the heaps which contain none of the _ine_ fruit prepared
+the other way, so that each dancing guest gets some of this fruit,
+done in either one way or the other. Then the chiefs of the hosts'
+community stand round one of the heaps and shout wildly, calling upon
+the recipient. This may be done by name, or it may in the case of a
+chief be done by the name of a spot, say a mound or hollow, adjoining
+the village from which he comes. Here, again, priority is given first
+to chiefs, and next to important personages. The man so called upon
+comes running forward with his wife or another woman, picks up his
+vegetables and fruit, and runs back again with them. Then the chiefs
+go on to another heap, and again afterwards to the others, one by one,
+going through the same process in each case, until everything has been
+distributed. Some of the women then go back to their own villages,
+carrying with them a portion of the food which has been given to their
+husbands, but leaving the rest with the latter. Sometimes some of the
+guest men go home also. But anyone who is proposing to return to the
+village of the feast must leave some of his food, or bring food on
+his return, as no more will be given to him.
+
+Twelfth: The next stage is the collection of the village pigs. This
+may take some time, as many of them are running about in the bush,
+and have to be caught; and some of them have been agisted out as above
+mentioned, and have to be fetched. This may involve a delay of a week
+or ten days, during which most or all of the guests remain, sleeping
+in their guest houses at night, and perhaps roaming about among other
+villages in the neighbourhood by day. During this interval there is
+neither singing nor dancing.
+
+Thirteenth: The village pigs are all brought in alive, and placed under
+the houses of the village, each pig having its legs tied up and being
+tied to the house. When all is ready, the chief of the clan announces
+that the killing of the pigs will take place on the following morning.
+
+Fourteenth: The next morning all the people, both hosts and guests,
+are in the village to watch the pig-killing; and people from other
+communities, who are not guests, and will not receive any pig, come
+too. The pigs are brought out one by one, and killed by hitting them
+on the head with clubs or adzes or anything else. This is not a chiefs
+duty. There is a man who is the recognised pig-killer, and who, as
+already stated, will probably be a man of some position, though not
+either a chief or a sub-chief. Where there are many pigs, as at the
+big feast, there will be a number of other men helping him. Each pig is
+killed on the site of the burial platform which has been cut down. As
+the pigs are killed, their bodies are carried away and placed on the
+ground in a row, commencing at the end of the village enclosure, and
+forming a central line along it; and it is usual also to place upon the
+row of dead pigs a continuous line of long thin poles, laid end to end,
+which are afterwards kept tied to the _emone_ as a record of the total
+length of the line of pigs, and thus of the number of pigs killed. The
+number of pigs killed is generally very large in proportion to the
+size of the community giving the feast, much more so than is the case
+in the villages of Mekeo and the coast. It may be anything from fifty
+to over one hundred; in fact at a recent feast given by a community
+of seven villages, having between them about a hundred houses, they
+killed 135 pigs. Some chiefs of the hosts' community then take some
+of the bones (not skulls) from the big posts, and dip them into the
+mouths of the pigs, from which the blood is flowing. They have been
+seen to dip one bone into several pigs. There does not appear to be
+any method of selection of the bones to be dipped. They then touch
+with the bones which have been so dipped the skulls and all the other
+bones on the posts, which include the skulls and other special bones
+of all the chiefs and members of their families and other prominent
+people buried in and by the villages of the community since the last
+previous big feast was held there. After this all the bones are again
+hung up on the posts. I may say here in advance that, when the feast
+is over, all the bones are removed from the posts; and, the ceremony
+as regards those bones having been performed, they will never again
+be the subject of ceremonial observance. They, or some of them, may
+be hung up in the _emone_, but if so it is known that they are not
+to be used again for ceremonial purposes; or they may be put in a
+box in a tree, or hung up on a tree, not necessarily of the special
+species used for burying; or they may be simply flung away anywhere
+in the bush. Whilst the bodies of the slain pigs lie in a line, and
+before the cutting up, it is the duty of each man who has had a pig
+fed up for him to pay the man who has done so, the payment probably
+being a string of dogs' teeth, or head feather ornaments. Next, the
+hosts set to work to cut up the pigs. This is not done by a chief or
+special person, nor is there any ceremony connected with it. Each pig
+is cut into seven parts, namely, (1) the head, (2-5) the four legs,
+(6) the bowels and internal parts, and (7) the back and sides. I was
+told that each part of each pig is destined for a certain person, as
+arranged beforehand. It follows that, if there are, say, 100 pigs,
+there are 700 predestined pieces, which are known and remembered,
+though there are no means of recording them. It is difficult to believe
+the truth of this, but I was assured that it was correct. The pieces
+of each pig are placed on banana leaves, by the side of the spot where
+the body had lain, and all the pieces are distributed among the male
+guests. Everybody who has given a pig knows the length of each part
+of it, though he could not express it in numerals. Each male guest
+has a piece given to him, which, if the feast be a return feast,
+will correspond in some way, which I could not understand, with what
+he had himself provided at the previous feast. But dancers receive
+larger and better portions than do mere singers. People who have fed
+up pigs for members of the hosts' community also receive portions. In
+the distribution of pig each man is called in turn as before, and in
+the same order of priority, and runs up and gets his piece of pig, and
+runs back with it; but in this case he is not accompanied by a woman.
+
+Fifteenth: The feast is now over, and all the guests return to their
+homes, taking away with them everything that has been given to them.
+
+Sixteenth: The village has, however, to undergo a process which I may
+perhaps call purification. As soon as possible after the guests have
+gone, the men of the community go off into the bush and capture wild
+pigs, for which purpose they may have to hunt for three or four days,
+or even for a week or more. They must have at least one pig, and they
+generally have two or more, even up to six. When caught, the pigs
+are brought alive into the village, and are killed upon the site of
+the cut-down burial platform, this being done by the pig-killer. The
+pigs are then cut up and eaten by the members of the villages of the
+community, those of the village itself eating their portions there,
+and those of the other villages taking their portions away and eating
+them in their own villages. Except as regards the killing of the pigs
+on the site of the grave, the whole performance appears to be quite
+informal. After the eating of the pigs, perhaps on the same day,
+or if, as is probable, the feast lasts until late in the evening,
+then on the next day, the women of the village clear away the filthy
+mess of blood and garbage by which the village enclosure is filled,
+and sweep the enclosure from end to end with branches of trees. Then
+the bulk of the villagers leave the village and go off into the
+gardens and the bush for a period of about six months. The feast
+has denuded the village of food, including even sweet potatoes,
+to which they have had no time to attend during the period before
+the feast, and which have been used up in the feeding of the village
+pigs required for it. New gardens are needed, and therefore new bush
+has to be cut down, and the land must be cleared and planted with
+various things, and especially with sweet potato. For this purpose
+it is requisite or usual for them to build temporary houses on the
+scene of their labours, in which the people live. The old people,
+however, remain in the village, as do also some of the younger ones,
+who have to tend the gardens close to it. At the end of the period
+they all return, and village life goes on as usual. What the idea in
+the native mind may be concerning what I have called the purification
+of the village is a matter upon which I was unable to find any clue,
+beyond what may be suspected from the actual facts of the proceeding;
+but I think it probably has a superstitious origin. Although in
+theory all the village pigs have been killed and given to the guests
+at the big feast, there are always some left wandering in the bush,
+which have not been caught. These pigs are, however, never used in the
+purification ceremony, in which they always kill wild pigs only. It has
+been suggested to me that a reason for this may be that, if they killed
+village pigs, they would thereby advertise the fact that they had not
+killed and distributed all their village pigs at the big feast; but
+this hardly seems to be a satisfactory explanation. It clearly falls
+to the ground as regards present intent if, as I was told, there always
+is an unkilled residue of village pigs after a big feast. The practice
+of killing wild pigs only would seem to associate itself with the fact
+that pigs killed at this ceremony are eaten in the village itself,
+for there seems to be no doubt that among the Mafulu people village
+pigs are never eaten in their own village on ceremonial occasions;
+and indeed it seems doubtful whether they are ever eaten there at all.
+
+In fact, it appears to be a general custom in connection with all
+ceremonial feasts to which outside guests are invited, to kill village
+pigs only at the feast, and for these to be given to the guests to be
+eaten by them in their own villages, and afterwards to have a second
+feast, to which outside guests are not invited, and at which wild pigs
+are killed, and eaten by the villagers themselves within the village.
+
+The pig-killing is generally, and perhaps always, done in the morning.
+
+It is thought by the Mafulu Fathers of the Mission as regards the
+subsequent partial desertion of the village that, although it is only
+partial, and although there is a practical reason for it, it is based
+upon superstition, and is regarded by the people as being a formal
+leaving of the village, pending its complete purification.
+
+Plates 67 to 70 are reproductions of four photographs which Father
+Clauser was good enough to give me, the two former ones having been
+taken at the big feast held in the village of Amalala in the year 1909
+and the two latter prior to and at a big feast held in the village
+of Seluku.
+
+I have thought it better to avoid the insertion of frequent, and
+perhaps somewhat confusing, references to these plates in the body of
+my notes upon the feast, and to take the plates separately, drawing
+attention to what appear to be points of interest in them.
+
+Plate 67 represents the scene at Amalala immediately prior to or
+during the general distribution of vegetables and fruits (_ante_
+heading 11). A comparison of this scene with the village in its normal
+condition, as shown in Plates 56 and 57, gives some idea of the very
+extensive and elaborate preparations which are made for the feast. On
+the right hand side are seen some view platforms, and beyond them on
+the same side is a normal house. Here and there are the big posts
+surrounded with bamboo stems (notice these posts denuded of their
+bamboo appendages still remaining in the village enclosure as shown
+in Plates 56 and 57). Some of the vegetables are seen still hanging
+upon these post clusters, and near the base of two of them are seen
+the sheaves of croton leaves. There are apparently no skulls and bones
+upon the posts seen in the plate, but possibly the re-hanging of these
+had not been attended to when the photo was taken, or perhaps they had
+been suspended to other posts not shown in the photograph. Upon the
+ground are the heaps of vegetables, and close to some of these are the
+stakes round which are twined strings of seeds of the _ine_ Pandanus.
+
+Plate 68 is a photograph taken after the subsequent pig-killing, and
+shows the pigs' bodies lying in a row along the centre of the village
+enclosure, with the measuring line of poles placed above them. It
+will be noticed that the elaborate view platforms have been cleared
+away, but that the bamboo stems have not yet been removed from their
+central posts.
+
+Plate 69 represents a scene at Seluku prior to a big feast then about
+to be held. The view platforms have not yet been erected. But the post
+clusters have been erected, and the yams and croton leaves have been
+hung upon them. In the centre of the village enclosure is the chief's
+grave platform, which will be cut down during the festivities in the
+way above described.
+
+The bones of the chief are in the box-like receptacle at the top of
+the structure, and the receptacle rather further down (underneath
+the other one) contains the bones of a chief's child.
+
+Plate 70 shows five men at the Seluku feast with full dancing
+ornaments, including the great feather head ornaments. One of them has
+donned a piece of European calico, and the one to the extreme right
+appears to have done the same. These would doubtless be regarded as
+highly decorative additions. A few long thin dancing ribbons can be
+seen hanging from their belts. The elaborate carved (turtle?) shell
+ornament hanging over the breast of the man to the left is certainly
+not of Mafulu make, and has probably come from the coast. I never
+saw anything like it when I was at Mafulu. The two boys in front are
+holding the ornament of elaborately prepared strings of feathers hung
+upon a stick, and worn by dancers on their backs, and into which the
+best feathers are generally put.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+Some other Ceremonies and Feasts
+
+
+Ceremony on Birth.
+
+There is no ceremony on the birth of a child, except in the case of the
+first-born of a chief. On this occasion the women of a neighbouring
+community are invited. They come in their full dancing ornaments,
+and armed in both hands with spears and either clubs or adzes. They
+rush into the village, first to the chiefs house and then to his
+_emone_; and at each of these they make a warlike demonstration,
+actually hurling their spears at the buildings with such force that
+the spears sometimes go through the thatch of the roof. Then follows a
+distribution of vegetables among the visitors, after which one, two,
+or three village pigs are killed under a chiefs burial platform or
+on the site of a past one, cut up in the ordinary way, as at the big
+feast, given to the visitors and taken away by them, and the ceremony
+is over. There is no singing. [72]
+
+
+
+
+Ceremony on Assumption of Perineal Band.
+
+This ceremony is performed for both boys and girls, and usually for
+several at one time.
+
+The children are heavily adorned with ornaments, consisting, as
+a rule, chiefly of dogs' teeth, which are hung round their necks,
+or over their foreheads; and they usually have belts of dogs' teeth
+round their waists. Any persons may decorate the children.
+
+Prior to the ceremony a number of box-like receptacles are erected in
+the village by the children's relatives, there being one receptacle
+for each child for whom the ceremony is to be performed. These
+receptacles are made with upright corner poles 8 or 10 feet high,
+boxed in with cross-pieces of wood up to a height of 5 or 6 feet. In
+these receptacles are put yams and taro, upon their upright poles are
+hung bananas and upon their cross-pieces of wood are hung lengths of
+sugar-cane; all this being done by the families of the children.
+
+Guests are invited from some other community or communities. There is
+a dance, in which only people from outside communities take part. A
+village pig must be provided by the family of each child. Each
+of these pigs is killed by the pig-killer under a chiefs platform
+grave, or, if no such platform then exists, upon the site of one,
+and is cut up. Before the cutting-up, however, the child in each
+case stands upon the body of the pig, and whilst he so stands he
+is dressed with a feather ornament put over his head, but which,
+instead of being tied up in the usual way at the back of the head,
+is left with the ends hanging down over his shoulders. The putting
+on of this ornament is not a chiefs duty, but is done for each child
+by a certain person who has bought the pig from that child's family.
+
+Plate 71 shows a little girl upon whom the perineal band ceremony has
+just been performed. She has a string of dogs' teeth over her forehead,
+and a belt of dogs' teeth round her waist, an enormous crescent-shell
+ornament, some long pigtails, and on her head is the feather ornament,
+which hangs down at the sides over her shoulders. Plate 72 is a scene
+taken at the feast held in connection with the performance of the
+ceremony upon her and some other children.
+
+I could not find out who the person who buys the pig and performs the
+ceremony would ordinarily be, nor what motive he has for buying and
+paying for a pig which is about to be killed and cut up and distributed
+amongst other people; and I am convinced that there must be something
+further behind the matter, which I have been unable to ascertain. I
+may say that, knowing that among the Roro and Mekeo people a brother
+or other male relative of the child's mother takes a prominent part
+in the perineal band ceremony, being the recipient of the dog or
+pig which is killed, and the person who puts the band upon the boy,
+I specially enquired as to any similar relationship on the part
+of the person who buys the pig and performs the ceremony among the
+Mafulu, but I could find no trace of anything of the sort. [73] Nor,
+as already stated, could I find any system of service being rendered
+by a boy to his maternal uncle, such as exists among the Koita, [74]
+nor anything in the nature of the Koita _Heni_ ceremony, described
+by Dr. Seligmann. [75]
+
+It will be seen that this purchasing of the pig by a person who takes
+a prominent part in the ceremony affecting an individual appears in
+other ceremonies of that nature among the Mafulu.
+
+Following this performance there is a general distribution among
+the people, including both visitors and members of the village,
+of the various vegetables and fruits, and among the visitors only
+of the portions of village pig. The vegetables are eaten then and
+there, but the visitors take away the pig for eating in their own
+villages. The actual putting on by the child of his perineal band is
+done afterwards without further ceremony.
+
+The same ceremony is observed in the case of the son or daughter of a
+chief, except that in this case the child is more fully decorated, the
+family give two or more pigs, there are more visitors, and the whole
+ceremony is on a larger scale; also that, after the performance of
+standing on the dead pig and receiving the feather ornament, the child
+is placed standing on a platform, which may be only 5 or 6 feet high,
+but may be as much as 15 feet, though no further ceremony appears to
+be performed whilst it is on that platform. If children of ordinary
+people undergo the ceremony at the same time as a chief's child,
+they apparently stand on the platform also.
+
+When the ceremony is performed at a big feast, it is substantially
+the same as that above described, subject to certain variations,
+which almost naturally arise from the change of conditions. There is
+no special dancing, as distinguished from the dancing programme of
+the big feast. The vegetable food provided will be included in the
+general stock, so that the people of the village will not share in
+it; and the ceremony of standing on the pig is postponed till a later
+day, and on that day, the child, having worn his special ornaments,
+other than the feather ornament, at the big feast, will not again
+wear them when he stands on the pig, though his feather ornament is
+put upon him on that later day.
+
+It may be mentioned that this perineal band ceremony and all the
+other ceremonies relating personally to both children and adults, if
+not performed at a big feast, may be performed together, the people
+concerned in each ceremony being taken more or less in batches; and
+indeed this generally is so. But in that case each class of ceremony
+would be performed separately. One person may have more than one
+ceremony performed for him on the same occasion, but if so a separate
+pig must be provided in respect of each of these ceremonies, and there
+must be a separate receptacle and a separate supply of food in respect
+of each of them, though it does not follow that the total amount of
+food to be provided, other than pig, is proportionately increased.
+
+At a subsequent date there will be a purification ceremony, at which
+a wild pig or pigs will be killed and eaten by the villagers; though,
+if the perineal band ceremony has taken place during a big feast,
+the purification ceremony in connection with the latter will be the
+only one to take place.
+
+There is no system of seclusion of either boys or girls on attaining
+puberty, or in connection with initiation, or on attaining a
+marriageable age. Nor is there any initiation ceremony, or wearing
+of ceremonial masks, or use of bull-roarers. The custom by which
+chiefs' children, when assuming the perineal band, are made to stand
+on a platform reminds one, however, of the Hood Peninsular custom
+for girls to stand on a dubu platform for the initiation ceremony,
+as referred to by Dr. Seligmann. [76]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Ceremony on Admission to Emone.
+
+Both boys and girls must undergo a ceremony before being allowed
+to enter the _emone_. It generally takes place when they are two,
+three, or four years old. The preliminary decoration of the child
+is similar to that adopted for the perineal band ceremony, except
+that, if the child has lost either of its parents, this decoration is
+omitted. The erection of receptacles and provision of food and pigs,
+and the invitation of guests and dancing, and the killing of the pigs
+are the same as in the case of the other ceremony; also each child
+has to stand on the pig which his people provide for him.
+
+There is, however, no putting on of a feather ornament, but instead
+of it the following performance takes place:--Each child has been
+carried by its mother or father or other relative, but is taken from
+that person by the man who has bought the pig. This man places the
+child on the dead pig; then he immediately picks the child up again,
+and runs with it to one of the _emone_, upon the platform of which two
+rows of men are sitting, and hands it to the man at the end of one of
+the rows. The child is then rapidly passed from hand to hand along
+that row, and then along the other row, after which it is returned
+to its carrier, who runs with it to the other _emone_, on which
+also two rows of men are sitting, and where a similar performance
+takes place. During all this performance there is much shouting and
+calling out to the child-carrier to hurry. Finally, when the child
+is again handed back to this man, he returns it to its parents,
+and the ceremony is finished.
+
+The ceremony in the case of a chief's child seems to be the same as
+that for other children, the platform business of the perineal band
+ceremony being apparently omitted in this case.
+
+If the ceremony is performed at a big feast, the variations are
+substantially similar to those of the perineal band ceremony; and in
+particular the placing of the child on the pig, and the running with
+it to the _emone_, are postponed to a later date.
+
+The observations as to the subsequent purification in connection with
+the perineal band ceremony apply to this ceremony also.
+
+It will be noticed that girls are included in this admission to the
+_emone_. When a girl has undergone the admission ceremony she has free
+entry into the _emone_--except that she must not sleep there--until
+she formally receives her perineal band, upon which her permission
+to enter the _emone_ ceases.
+
+
+Ceremony Conferring Right to Use Drum and Dance.
+
+This ceremony also applies to both boys and girls; but I omitted to
+ascertain the age at which it usually occurs. It is similar to the
+perineal band ceremony, except that the child is dressed in dance
+ornaments (though not the fullest formal dance ornaments), until we
+reach the stage of standing on the pig, and putting on of the feather
+ornament, which is omitted; and, instead of it, the person who has
+bought the pig places the child upon it, and then for a short time
+beats a drum, after which he gives the drum to the child, who also
+beats it, and then returns it to him.
+
+I cannot say whether in this case there is any variation of the
+ceremony as regards a chief's child; but I do not think there is.
+
+Here again I believe that, when the ceremony takes place at a big
+feast, the variations are similar to those above described, and in
+particular the standing on the pig and drum-beating are postponed.
+
+The observations as to the subsequent purification in connection with
+the perineal band ceremony apply to this one also.
+
+
+Ceremony on Devolution of Chieftainship
+
+When chieftainship devolves on the death of a chief to his successor,
+there is no ceremony connected with the devolution. [77]
+
+When a chief resigns in his lifetime, however, there is a
+ceremony. There does not appear to be a special dance and feast
+connected with this, it being always tacked on to some other ceremony
+or group of ceremonies. This particular ceremony does not, in fact,
+begin until after the pig-killing. The retiring chief will have
+provided one or more pigs for the purpose of his ceremony, and these
+will have been killed with the others. He addresses the people and
+tells them that he is giving up his office and transferring it to his
+successor; but in doing so he says nothing about that successor's title
+to succeed, that being always known and recognised. He then sits on
+his pig, and hands to his successor a bamboo knife, such as is used
+for the cutting up of pigs. The successor, having received the knife,
+takes the place of the retiring chief on the pig, and tells the people
+that he accepts the office of chief; after which he goes round to all
+the pigs which are there in connection with all the various ceremonies
+to be gone through, one after another, and in each case makes with
+the knife just given to him a small slit at the end of the mouth
+of each pig. [78] This act is regarded as a performance by the new
+chief of a chiefs office; and, as under present customs the killing
+of the pig is commonly done by the pig-killer, and the cutting of it
+up is done by anybody, one is tempted to wonder whether the ceremony
+points to some chief's duty of the past, which has ceased to exist,
+or to some unknown origin of the status of the pig-killer.
+
+
+Ceremony on Building of a New Emone.
+
+The usual occasion for the building of a new _emone_ is an impending
+big feast, the then existing _emone_ in the village being out of
+repair, or there being then no true _emone_ in the village. But _emone_
+are built at other times also.
+
+The actual building of the _emone_ is carried out by the whole clan
+without ceremony; but when it is finished they erect tall slender
+straight-stemmed tree poles, passing through the roof of the _emone_,
+and to these they tie bunches of croton leaves. When the _emone_ is
+being built in anticipation of a big feast, these poles are like,
+and in fact are part of the series of, the poles erected for the
+purpose of the feast, as above described. Croton leaves are also
+attached to poles after the repairing of a then existing _emone_.
+
+In the case of a new _emone_, after its completion they light a fire
+in it, and in that fire cook a wild pig; vegetable food is provided,
+and the clan, including members of the village and of other villages,
+have a little clan feast of the vegetables, followed by a cutting up
+and distribution of the pig. But there is no dancing.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+Matrimonial and Sexual
+
+A boy is regarded as having reached a marriageable age at about 16,
+17, or 18, and the age for a girl is a few years younger. They do
+not as a rule marry before they have received their perineal bands;
+but there does not appear to be any definite custom against their
+doing so; nor are there any acts which must be performed to qualify
+for marriage, nor any indications by dress or ornament or otherwise
+that a boy or girl has attained a marriageable age.
+
+Marriages are usually contracted with women of another community,
+though sometimes the wife will belong to a village of another clan
+in the same community. Very rarely only is she of another village of
+the same clan, and still more rarely is she of the same village, clan
+exogamy being the rule, and marriages within the clan, and still more
+within the village, being regarded as irregular and undesirable, and
+people who have contracted them being considered as having done wrong.
+
+There does not appear to be any system of special matrimonial
+relationship between any communities; and the mode described below, by
+which a youth will by lighting a fire decide in which direction he must
+travel to seek a wife, would be hardly consistent with any such system.
+
+They have their prohibitive rules of consanguinity; but these are
+based merely upon the number of generations between either party and
+the common ancestor. The number of degrees within which prohibition
+applies in this way is two, thus taking it to the grandparent; and
+the result is that no man or woman may properly marry any descendant
+of his or her paternal or maternal grandfather or grandmother, however
+distant the actual relationship of the persons concerned may be. [79]
+Marriages within the prohibited degree do in fact occur; but they
+are discountenanced, and are rare.
+
+Polygyny is usual, and is largely practised. A man will often have
+two or three, or sometimes even four, wives; and a chief or rich man
+may have as many as six. In the case of an ordinary person the wives
+all live with their husband in the same house; but a chief or rich
+person may have two or more houses. A man who is already married, and
+then marries again, goes through a formality, if it may be so called,
+similar to that of a first marriage. Opposition from the first wife
+sometimes occurs, but this is unusual.
+
+Infant betrothals are common; but they are quite informal, and not the
+subject of any ceremony. The parents in such cases, whether of the same
+or different communities, are usually intimate friends, and are thus
+led to offer their children to each other for intermarriage. There
+is a known case of a girl of 16 or 17 years of age, who was what
+I can only call betrothed to the unborn son of a chief. A curious
+element in this case was that at the date, prior to the birth of
+the proposed husband, of what I call the betrothal, the price for
+the girl was actually paid--a thing which is never done till the
+marriage--and that, as I was most solemnly assured, the living girl
+and the unborn boy were in fact regarded, not merely as betrothed,
+but as actually married, and that, when the boy died, which he did in
+infancy, long before marital relationship between them was possible,
+the girl was regarded as being a widow. I could not ascertain what
+happened as regards the price which had been paid for the girl. A
+couple betrothed in childhood are not subject to any restrictions
+as to meeting and mutual companionship, nor is there any mutual
+avoidance, nor any increased probability, based on their betrothal,
+of immorality between them; though in the more usual case of betrothal
+between children of different communities they in ordinary course
+are not likely to be constantly seeing each other.
+
+A young man will speak of his sweetheart, present or prospective,
+as his _ojande_, which means his "flower"; and this is so even if he
+does not yet know her; and, when asked where he is going, he will
+reply that he is going to seek an _ojande_. If he is not already
+betrothed, and is matrimonially inclined, he has various expedients
+for accomplishing his desires. A boy who wants to marry, and does not
+know where to seek a wife, will sometimes light a fire in the bush,
+or better still in an open space (not in the village), when the air is
+still, and wait until a slight breeze blows the flame or smoke a little
+in some one direction; and he will then select a community or village
+which lies in that direction as the spot in which to seek a wife.
+
+A boy will often carry in a small bag (this does not refer to the
+special small charm bag already described) some pieces of wood and
+stone, and will rub a piece of tobacco between two of these, and send
+this tobacco to the girl of his choice through a female relative of
+hers or some other friend; and he believes that in some mysterious way
+this will draw her heart towards him, and make her accept him. The
+pieces of wood and stone need not be of any particular kind; but he
+will have carried them for a considerable time, until they have,
+as he thinks, acquired the specific odour of his body; and it is
+then that they have obtained their special power. It is impossible
+to induce a boy to part with a piece of wood or stone which has been
+so seasoned by time, and would take long to replace. Sometimes a boy
+will acquire these things by purchase from a magic man, who professes
+to be able to impart to them a more effective power.
+
+A proposal of marriage is usually made by the boy through some female
+relative of the girl, or other suitable person, and not directly by
+him to the girl herself.
+
+Another custom may be mentioned here, though it only relates to a man
+who is already married, but wants another wife or wives. In clearing
+the bush for yam gardens it is usual, as regards the smaller trees,
+to cut away the side branches only, leaving the main trunks for posts
+up which the yams will climb; but the man in question will in the
+case of one (only one) of these smaller trees leave uncut one, two,
+or three of the upper branches, the number so left being the number
+of the wives he desires; and everyone understands its meaning.
+
+As regards the relationship of unmarried boys and girls generally,
+they are allowed to associate together, without any special precautions
+to prevent misconduct, and a good deal of general immorality exists.
+
+The marriage ceremony, following a parental betrothal, or with
+parental acquiescence, is a very informal matter, and in fact both
+the bargaining for the wife and the ceremony of the marriage are
+in striking contrast to the elaborate system of bargaining and mock
+raiding by the girl's family, and the wedding ceremonies, which are
+adopted in Mekeo. A day is fixed for the marriage, and on that day the
+boy goes to the house of the girl's parents, after which he and she
+and her parents go to the house of the boy's parents, and the girl
+is paid for then and there. After this the young people immediately
+live together as a married couple in the house of either his or her
+parents, until he has been able to build a house for himself. Neither
+are there any special ceremonies in connection with the fixing of
+the price. This is generally very small. Dogs' teeth, pearl shell,
+necklaces, adzes, etc., are the usual things in which it is paid; but
+there is always a pig, which has been killed under, or on the site of,
+the grave platform above referred to. The price, in fact, depends upon
+the position and wealth of the girl's parents, except that there is
+always only one pig. The price is paid to the father of the girl, or,
+if dead, to her eldest brother or other nearest male paternal relative.
+
+A runaway marriage is still simpler. The boy has proposed to the girl
+through her friend, and she has consented; and they simply run off
+into the bush together, and remain in the bush, or the gardens, or a
+distant village, until the boy's friends have succeeded in propitiating
+the girl's father, and the price has been paid; and then the couple
+return to the village.
+
+After marriage, the husband and wife are not as a rule faithful to
+each other, the marriage tie being only slight. Adultery on the part
+of the wife, but not of the husband, is regarded as a serious offence,
+if discovered. The injured husband will beat the guilty wife, and
+is entitled to kill the man with whom she has misconducted herself,
+and will usually do so; though nowadays he often dares not do so in
+districts where he fears Government punishment. Sometimes he will be
+content if the adulterer pays him a big price, say a pig; and this
+compensation is now commonly accepted in districts where the husband
+dares not kill. In either case, the husband generally keeps the wife.
+
+Formal divorce or separation does not exist. A husband who wants to get
+rid of his wife will make her life so miserable that she runs away from
+him. But more usually the separation originates with the wife, who, not
+liking or being tired of her husband, or being in love elsewhere, will
+run away and elope altogether with another man. In such a case, the
+husband may retaliate on that other man in the way already mentioned;
+but that is rather the method adopted in cases of incidental adultery,
+and as a rule, when the wife actually elopes, she and her paramour go
+off to some other community, and the husband submits to the loss. He
+will, however, claim from the wife's people the price which he paid
+for her on his marriage. This is sometimes paid, but not always; and,
+as the wife almost always belongs to another clan, and generally
+to another community, the refusal to pay this claim is one of the
+frequent causes of fighting, the members of the husband's clan,
+and often the whole community, joining him in a punitive expedition.
+
+When a man dies, or at all events after the removal by the widow
+of her mourning, she goes back to her own people, generally taking
+with her any of their young children who are then living in the
+house. There is no devolution of the wife to the husband's brother,
+or anything of that nature. Nor, in case of the death of the wife,
+does the husband marry her sister.
+
+Speaking of the people generally, it may certainly be said that sexual
+morality among men, women, boys and girls is very low; and there is
+no punishment for immorality, except as above stated.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+Killing, Cannibalism, and Warfare
+
+
+Killing.
+
+Individual killing in personal quarrel, as distinguished from
+slaying in warfare, is exceedingly rare, except in cases of revenge
+upon adulterers. In these cases, however, it is regarded as the
+appropriate punishment; and even the family of the adulterer would
+hardly retaliate, if satisfied as to his guilt. There is no system of
+head-hunting, or of killing victims in connection with any ceremonies,
+or of burying alive, [80] or of killing old and sick people, though
+the ceremonial blow on the head of a reputed dying man must sometimes
+be premature.
+
+Abortion and infanticide, however, are exceedingly common, the
+more usual practice being that of procuring abortion. Although
+sexual immorality so largely exists, and young unmarried women and
+girls are known to indulge in it so freely, and it is not seriously
+reprobated, it is regarded as a disgrace for one to give birth to
+a child; and if she gets into trouble she will procure abortion or
+kill the child. The same thing is also common among married women,
+on the ground that they do not wish to have more children. There is
+another cause for this among married women, which is peculiar. A woman
+must not give birth to a child until she has given a pig to a village
+feast; and if she does so it will be a matter of reproach to her. If,
+therefore, she finds herself about to have a child, and there is no
+festal opportunity for her to give a pig, or if, though there be a
+feast, she cannot afford to give a pig, she will probably procure
+abortion or kill the child when born. I was told by Father Chabot,
+the Father Superior of the Mission, that among the neighbouring Kuni
+people a woman would kill her child for extraordinary reasons; and he
+furnished an example of this in a woman who killed her child so that
+she might use her milk for suckling a young pig, which was regarded
+as being more important. Whether such a thing would occur in Mafulu
+appears to be doubtful; but it is quite possible, more especially as
+the Mafulu women do, in fact, suckle pigs.
+
+Abortion is induced by taking the heavy stone mallet used for bark
+cloth beating, and striking the woman on the front of the body over
+the womb. It is also assisted by the wearing of the tight cane belt
+already mentioned. I could not hear of any system of using drugs
+or herbs to procure abortion; but herbs are used to produce general
+sterility, which they are believed to be effective in doing.
+
+Married women also often kill their children as the result of a
+sort of superstitious ceremony. The child being born, the mother,
+in accordance with the custom of the country, goes down to the
+river, and throws the placenta into it. She then, however, often
+takes a little water from the river, and gives it to the babe. If
+the latter seems by the movements of its lips and tongue to accept
+and take the water into its mouth, it is a sign that it is to live,
+and it is allowed to do so. If not, it is a sign that it is to
+die, and she throws it into the river. This custom, which is quite
+common, has presumably had a superstitious origin, and it seems to
+be practised with superstitious intent now. There appears, however,
+to be no doubt that it is also followed for the purpose of keeping
+or killing the child, according to the wish of the mother. There is
+further, confirming the last statement, a well-known practice, when
+the mother goes down to the river with her baby, for some other woman,
+who is childless and desires a child, to accompany the mother, and
+take from her and adopt the baby; and as to this, there is no doubt
+that, before doing so, the woman ascertains from the mother whether
+or not she intends to keep her child, and only goes with her to the
+river if she does not intend to keep it. This is done quite openly,
+with the full knowledge of the second woman's husband and friends;
+and everyone knows that the child is not really hers, and how she
+acquired it. [81]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Cannibalism.
+
+There is no doubt that the Mafulu people have always been cannibals,
+and are so still, subject now to the fear in which they hold the
+controlling authority of the white man, and which impels such of them
+as are in close touch with the latter to indulge in their practice
+only in secrecy. Their cannibalism has been, and is, however, of a
+restricted character. They do not kill for the purpose of eating;
+and they only eat bodies of people who have been intentionally
+killed, not the bodies of those who have been killed by accident,
+or died a natural death. Also the victim eaten is always a member
+of another community. The killing which is followed by eating is
+always a hostile killing in fight; but this fight may be either a
+personal and individual one, or it may be a community battle. The
+idea of eating the body appears to be a continued act of hostility,
+rather than one of gastronomic enjoyment; and I could learn nothing
+of any belief as to acquiring the valour and power of the deceased
+by eating him. I was informed that the man who has killed the victim
+will never himself share in the eating of him, this being the case
+both as regards people killed in private personal fighting and those
+killed in war. [82] I tried to find out if there were any ceremonies
+connected with the eating of human flesh; but could learn nothing upon
+the subject, the natives being naturally not readily communicative
+with white men on the matter.
+
+
+
+
+
+Warfare.
+
+Warfare generally occurs between one community or section of a
+community (probably a clan) and another community or section of one; it
+very rarely occurs within a community. Sometimes two communities join
+together in opposition to a third one; but alliances of this sort are
+usually only of a temporary character. War among these people is now,
+of course, forbidden by the British authorities, and indulgence in it
+is a serious punishable offence; but it cannot be said to be abolished.
+
+The usual ground for an attack is either that some member of the
+attacked community or section of a community has by personal violence
+or by spirit-supported sorcery killed a member of the attacking
+community or section, or it is of the matrimonial character above
+explained. The underlying idea of the war is a life for a life; and in
+the matrimonial matter one life is the sum of vengeance required. Hence
+the primary object of an attack has usually been accomplished when
+the attacking party has killed one of their opponents. If there are
+two or more persons whose deaths have to be avenged, a corresponding
+number of lives is required in the battle. Then the attacking party
+may suffer loss during the fight, in which case this has to be added
+to the account; and loss by the attacked is introduced into the other
+side of it to their credit. The number killed in a battle is not,
+however, often great.
+
+When the required vengeance has been accomplished, the attacking party
+usually cease fighting and return home, if the enemy allow them to
+do so. They may retire before their vengeance has been accomplished;
+but in that case they are probably doing so as a defeated party, with
+the intention of renewing the attack on a subsequent occasion. If
+the attacking party cease fighting and try to return, the enemy may
+continue their counter attack, especially if they have themselves
+suffered loss in the fighting; but I was told that the enemy would
+not as a rule follow the attacking party far into the bush. It may be
+that what is regarded by the attackers as a correct balance of lives
+struck, on which they may retire, is not so regarded by the enemy,
+in which case the latter may try to prolong the fight; and, if the
+attackers get away, there will probably be a retaliatory expedition,
+in which the position of attackers and attacked is reversed. The
+primary idea of a life for a life is, however, generally understood
+and acknowledged; and if the enemy recognise the truth of the alleged
+reason for the attack, and have not lost more life than was required
+to balance the account, they usually rest satisfied with the result.
+
+No ceremony or taboo appears to be adopted in anticipation of proposed
+hostilities for the purpose of securing success; but individual
+fighters often wear charms, upon whose efficacy they rely. Nor do
+there appear to be any omens in connection with them other than
+certain general ones to be referred to hereafter. The preparations
+for a fight and its conduct can hardly be regarded as subjects of
+much organisation, as the chiefs are not war chiefs, and there are
+no recognised permanent leaders or commanders of the forces, and no
+recognised war councils or systematic organisation, either of the
+fighting party or of the conduct of the fight. All adult males of
+the community engaged are expected to take part, and the leadership
+will generally fall upon someone who at the moment is regarded as a
+strong and wise fighter.
+
+The men start off on their expedition as an armed, but unorganised,
+body, their arms being spears, bows and arrows, [83] clubs, adzes
+and shields, and none of their weapons being poisoned. During their
+progress to the enemy's community they are generally singing, and their
+song relates to the grievance the avenging of which is the object of
+the expedition. The warriors do not, I was told, as a rule carry a full
+supply of provisions, as they rely largely upon what they can find in
+the bush, and what they hope to raid from their enemy's plantations. On
+reaching the scene of battle they adopt methods of spying and scouting
+and sentry duty, though only on simple and unscientific lines. They
+have apparently no generally recognised systems of signs of truce or
+truce envoys or hostages. There are certain recognised cries, which
+respectively signify the killing of a man and the taking of a prisoner,
+by which, when such an event occurs, the fighters on both sides are
+aware of it. An enemy wounded on the battlefield may be killed at
+once or may be taken prisoner. All prisoners, wounded or otherwise,
+are taken home by the party that secures them, and are then killed,
+apparently without any prior torture, and generally eaten. A prisoner
+thus carried off would be regarded as a man killed, which in fact he
+shortly will be. The women of a community follow their fighting men
+in the expedition, their duty being to encourage the fighters on the
+way out, and during the fight, by their singing; but they remain in
+the rear during the battle, and do not actually fight. These women,
+of course, also run the risk of being killed or wounded or taken
+prisoners.
+
+Fighting between two communities may go on intermittently for
+years. Then perhaps the communities may get mutually weary of it,
+and decide to make peace. This act is ratified by an exchange between
+the two communities of ceremonial visits, with feasts and pig-killing,
+but no dancing, the pigs and vegetables and fruit distributed by the
+hosts among the visitors on the return visit being exactly similar
+in character and quantity to what the latter have given the former
+on the prior visit.
+
+The Mafulu war spears are made out of a very hard-wooded palm tree and
+another hard red-wooded tree, the name of which I do not know. They
+are round in section, tapering at both ends, and are generally from
+10 to 12 feet long, and about three-quarters of an inch in diameter at
+the widest part. There are three forms of point. The first (Plate 73,
+Fig. 1) is simply a tapering off in round section. The second (Plate
+73, Fig. 2) is made square in section for a distance of 2 to 2 1/2 feet
+from the tip. The third (Plate 73, Fig. 3) is in section a triangle,
+of which two sides are equal and the other side is a little larger,
+this triangular form being carried for a foot or less from the tip,
+and the larger surface being barbed bilaterally. This last-mentioned
+form is also generally decorated with a little tuft of bright-coloured
+feathers, just above the point where the barbing begins.
+
+The bows (Plate 74, Fig. 1) are made of split bamboo, the convex
+side of the bow being the inner section of the split bamboo. These
+bows are quite short, generally about 4 feet long when straightened
+out, and have triangular-shaped knobs at the ends for holding the
+bowstrings. The bowstrings are made of what appears to be strong split
+canes (not sugar-canes). The arrows (Plate 73, Fig. 4) are from 6 to
+8 feet long, which is extraordinary in comparison with the length
+of the bows, and are made in two parts, the shaft being made of a
+strong reed, and the point, which is inserted into the reed shaft and
+is generally a foot or more long, being single and round-sectioned,
+and made of the same materials as are used for spears. There are no
+feathers or equivalents of feathers, and the shaft end of the arrow
+is cut square and not notched.
+
+The clubs (Plate 75, Figs, 1 and 2) are stone-headed, the heads being
+of the pineapple and disc types; but these heads are the same as those
+used on the plains and coast, whose people, in fact, get them from
+the mountains, and as these are so well-known, it is not necessary
+for me to describe them.
+
+The adzes (Plate 75, Fig. 4) are of the usual type, the stone blade
+being lashed directly on to the handle. There are two common forms. In
+one, which is also used for ordinary adze work, the haft is cut from
+a natural branch, with the angle of the head part set obliquely. In
+the other, which is also used for cutting timber, the haft is cut
+from a branch with the angle of the head part set at right angles,
+or nearly so. I do not know to what extent this second form is common
+in New Guinea. It is not found in Mekeo.
+
+The shields (Plate 74, Figs. 2 and 3) are thick, heavy, cumbrous
+weapons, made out of the wood used for making wooden dishes. The outer
+surfaces are convex, and the inner ones concave, the natural convexity
+of the circular trunk of the tree from which they are made being
+retained. These shields are 4 1/2 to 5 feet long, and usually about
+15 or 16 inches wide in the broadest central part, getting somewhat
+narrower towards the two ends, where they are rounded off. Each shield
+has two strong cane handles in the centre of its internal concave
+side, each of which handles is fixed by means of two pairs of holes
+bored through the shield, and of thongs which are passed through
+these holes and attached to the ends of the handles. The shields are
+carried by passing the left arm through the upper handle downwards,
+the left hand holding the lower handle.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+Hunting, Fishing and Agriculture
+
+
+Hunting.
+
+This is engaged in more or less all the year round, especially
+as regards wild pigs when wanted for village killing. The animals
+chiefly hunted are pigs, kangaroos, wallabies, the "Macgregor bear,"
+[84] large snakes, cassowaries and other birds.
+
+The hunting weapons and contrivances used are spears, bows and arrows,
+nets and traps; but adzes and clubs are used in connection with
+net hunting. The spears are those used for war. The bows and arrows
+employed for hunting animals and cassowaries are also the same as
+those used for war; but these are not much used. For bird-shooting
+(excluding cassowary-shooting) they generally use arrows (Plate 73,
+Fig. 5) the points of which are made of four rather fine pieces of
+bamboo cane, closely bound together at the place of insertion into
+the reed shaft, and also bound together further down, but with a
+piece of stick or some other material inserted between them inside
+this second binding, so as to keep them a little apart and make them
+spread outwards, thus producing a four-pronged point. The arrows vary
+in length from 5 to 6 or 7 feet, and their points vary from 4 to 10
+inches. The adzes and clubs are the same as those used for war.
+
+The people generally hunt in large parties for pigs (hunted with
+either spears or nets), kangaroos and wallabies (hunted with nets
+only), and Macgregor bears, cassowaries, and big snakes (hunted with
+spears only). The hunters may be members of a single village or of a
+whole community. They generally return home on the same day, except
+when hunting the Macgregor bear, which is only found on the tops of
+high mountains, and so requires a longer expedition. They usually
+take out with them large numbers of young boys, who are not armed,
+and do not take part in the actual killing, but who, when the party
+reaches the hunting ground, spread out in the bush, and so find the
+animals. While doing this the boys bark like dogs. Sometimes dogs
+are taken instead, but this is unusual, as they have not many dogs.
+
+A preliminary ceremony is performed by a person whose special duty
+it is, and who, I think, is usually the pig-killer. He takes a
+particular kind of fragrant grass, makes an incantation over it,
+rubs it on the noses of the dogs (if there are any), [85] and then
+ties it in several portions to the meshes of the net to be used. If
+there are dogs, but no net, then, after rubbing the dogs' noses,
+he throws the grass away. If there is a net, but no clogs, then,
+after making the incantation, he ties the grass on to the net as
+above mentioned. This appears to be the only ceremony in connection
+with hunting; and there is no food or other taboo associated with it,
+but some of the charms worn are intended to give success in hunting.
+
+In spear hunting, when children and not dogs are employed, the children
+shout as soon as the animal has been found, and then retreat; and,
+when the animal has been found by either children or dogs, the hunting
+men attack it with their spears, if possible surrounding it.
+
+In net hunting, which of course can only be adopted in fairly open
+spaces, the hunters place their net by means of pole supports in the
+form of a crescent, perhaps as much as 50 or 60 yards long, this
+length, however, requiring several nets put end to end together,
+and 2 or 3 feet high. The net is generally put across the base of a
+narrow ravine, or across a narrow ridge, these being the routes along
+which the animals usually travel. The children or dogs search for
+the animal, as in spear hunting; and when it is found, most of the
+hunters place themselves in a crescent-shaped formation behind the
+animal, so that it is between them and the net, and then gradually
+close in upon it, and so drive it into the net. Behind the net are
+other hunters, more or less hidden, who kill the animal with club or
+adze when it is caught in the net. They sometimes use spears in the
+event of an animal jumping over the net, and so trying to escape;
+though in net hunting the spears are more especially carried for
+purposes of self-defence in case of an attack by the animal.
+
+There is always an enormous amount of shouting all through the
+hunt. When the animal has been caught, they generally kill it then and
+there, except as regards pigs required alive for village ceremony,
+and which are disabled, but not killed. The huntings, except when
+pigs are specially required, are usually general; and when any sort
+of animal has been killed the hunters are content. They surround the
+beast, and make three loud shouting screams, by which the people of the
+village or community know, not only that an animal has been killed,
+but also what the animal is. It is then brought home, and eaten by
+the whole village, if the hunt be a village hunt, or by the community,
+if it be a community hunt.
+
+Individual hunting, in which I include hunts by parties of two or
+three, is also common. Solitary hunters are generally only searching
+for birds (not cassowaries); but parties of two or three will go after
+larger game, such as pigs, cassowaries, etc. Such parties hunt the
+larger game with spears, clubs and adzes, and shoot the birds, other
+than cassowaries, with bows and arrows. They kill their victims as
+they can, and bring them home; and they, and probably some of their
+friends, eat them.
+
+Trap hunting is much engaged in by single individuals. A common form
+of trap used for pigs is a round hole about 6 feet deep and 2 feet in
+diameter, which is dug in the ground anywhere in the usual tracks of
+the pigs, and is covered over with rotten wood, upon which grass is
+spread; and into this hole the pig falls and cannot get out. The maker
+of the hole does not necessarily stay by it, but will visit it from
+time to time in the hope of having caught a pig. Small tree-climbing
+animals are often caught by a plan based upon the inclination of an
+animal, seeing a continuous line, to go along it. A little pathway
+of sticks is laid along the ground, commencing near a suitable tree,
+and carried up to the base of that tree, and then taken up the trunk,
+and along a branch, on which it terminates, the parts upon the tree
+being bound to it with cane. At the branch termination of this path
+is either a noose trap, made out of a piece of native string tied at
+one end to the branch, and having at the other end a running noose in
+which the animal is caught, or a very primitive baitless framework
+trap, so made that the animal, having once got into it, cannot get
+out again. Or instead of a trap, the man will erect a small rough
+platform upon the same tree, upon which platform he waits, perhaps
+all night, until the animal comes, and then shoots it with his bow
+and arrow. Another form of trap for small animals is a sort of alley
+along the ground, fenced in on each side by a palisading of sticks,
+and having at its end a heavy overhanging piece of wood, supported
+by an easily moved piece of stick, which the animal, after passing
+along the alley, disturbs, so bringing down the piece of wood on to
+the top of it; this trap also has no bait. Large snakes are caught
+in nooses attached to the ground or hanging from trees.
+
+Birds of all kinds, except cassowaries, are killed with bows and
+arrows. There is also a method of killing certain kinds of birds of
+paradise which dance on branches of trees, and certain other kinds
+and bower birds, which dance on the ground, [86] by means of nooses
+as above described, these being tied to the branch of the tree,
+or, in the case of ground nooses, tied to a stick or something in
+the ground. The natives know the spots where the birds are dancing,
+and place the noose traps there. Another method of killing birds is
+adopted on narrow forest-covered ridges of the mountains. An open
+space or passage about 2 or 3 yards wide is cut in the bush, across
+the ridge; and across this passage are suspended three parallel nets,
+the inner or central one being of a close and impassable mesh, and the
+two outer ones having a mesh so far open that a bird striking against
+it can get through. These nets are made of very fine material, and so
+are not easily seen, especially as they are more or less in shade from
+the trees on each side of the passage. A bird flying from the valley
+on either side towards the ridge is attracted by this open passage,
+and flies into and along it; it strikes against one of the more open
+outer nets, and gets through it, but is confused and bewildered,
+and so is easily stopped by the central close-meshed net, where it
+is shot with bow and arrow.
+
+
+Fishing.
+
+Fishing is carried on by the Mafulu people by means of weirs placed
+across streams, the weirs having open sluices with intercepting nets,
+and smaller nets being used to catch such fish as escape the big
+ones. They do not fish with spears, hooks, or bows and arrows, or
+with fishing lines, as is done in Mekeo; and even their weir and net
+systems are different from the Mekeo ones. Fishing with them is more
+or less communistic, as it is generally engaged in by parties of ten
+or twenty men (women do not fish), and sometimes nearly all the men
+of a village, or even of a community, join in a fishing expedition;
+and everyone in the village or community shares more or less in
+the spoil. The fishing season is towards the end of the dry season,
+say in October or November, when work in the gardens is over, and the
+rivers are low. I cannot give the names of the fishes caught, but was
+told that the chief ones are large full-bodied carp-like fish and eels.
+
+The large weir nets are simply ordinary frameless nets about 3 to 5
+yards long, and 1 yard wide, with a fairly small mesh. The smaller ones
+are hand nets, made in two forms. One of these is made of ordinary fine
+netting, and is bag-shaped, being strung on a round looped end of cane,
+of which the other end is the handle, the net being about the size of
+a good-sized butterfly net. The other form is also framed on a looped
+cane; but the loop in this case is larger and more oval in shape,
+and the netting is made of the web of a large spider. To make it they
+take the already looped cane to where there are a number of such webs,
+and twist the looped end round and round among the webs, until there
+is stretched across the loop a double or treble or quadruple layer of
+web, which, though flat when made, is elastic, and when used becomes
+under pressure more or less bag-shaped.
+
+The fishers first make a weir of upright sticks placed close together
+among the stones in the river bed, the weir stretching across the
+greater part of, or sometimes only half-way across, the river. The
+side of the river left open and undammed is filled up with stones
+to such a height that the water flowing over it is shallow, and the
+fish do not escape across it. In the middle of the weir they leave
+an open space or sluice, behind which they fasten the big net. [87]
+Plate 76 shows a weir on the Aduala river, a portion of the open sluice
+being seen on the left. After forming the weir, but before fixing the
+net, the fishers all join in a sort of prayer or invocation to the
+river. For example, on the Aduala river they will say, "Aduala, give
+us plenty of fish, that we may eat well." This is the only ceremony
+in connection with the fishing, and there is no food or other taboo
+associated with it; but here again charms are often relied upon. The
+big net catches most of the fish which are carried down by the rush
+of water through the opening in the weir; but a group of fishermen
+stand round it with their hand nets, with which they catch any fish
+that leap out of the big net, and would otherwise escape, the ordinary
+hand nets being usually used for larger fish, and the cobweb ones for
+the smaller fish. They often have two or three of these weirs in the
+same stream, at some little distance from each other.
+
+A fishing party will often stay and live for some days at the place
+where they are fishing, and eat the fish each day as they catch it;
+so that what they bring home for the village or community may only
+be the result of the last day's sport. But the women will sometimes
+come to the fishers, bring them food, and take some fish back to the
+village or community. Each community has waters which it regards as
+being its own; but disputes as to this apparently do not arise.
+
+A solitary individual sometimes goes off to catch fish with one of
+the hand nets above described or with his hands, and eats or keeps
+what he catches; but this is unusual.
+
+
+Agriculture.
+
+Agriculture is never communistic, being entirely an individual or
+family matter, men and households and families having their own
+gardens and plantations. The trees and plants chiefly cultivated are
+those already mentioned as being used for food.
+
+The clearing of the ground is done by men, and is begun about the
+end of June. The trees and their branches are used for fencing, the
+fencing being also done by men. The clearing away of the undergrowth
+is done by women, who pile it in small heaps, which are spread over
+the cleared space, being so close together that they almost touch one
+another. When these have got quite dry, which may be in a few days, or
+not for some time, they burn them, and the ashes add fertility to the
+soil. There is no general digging up of the ground, as distinguished
+from the digging of holes for individual plants. The clearing of the
+trees is done with stone adzes, or in difficult cases by fire; but some
+of the people now have European axes, of which some have been acquired
+from white men, and some from plain and coast natives. In clearing for
+planting yam and plants of the yam type they leave the upright stems of
+some of the trees and shrubby undergrowth for the yams, etc., to trail
+over. Cultivation of some of the more usual plants is done as follows.
+
+Sweet potatoes and vegetables of similar type are planted by the women
+in August and September. They make little holes in the ground about 2
+feet apart, and in them plant the potatoes, the roots used being the
+young sarmentose runners, which they cut off from the parent plants,
+the latter being merely cut down to the ground, and the old tubers
+being left in it. These runners are left to grow, and in about three
+or four months the young potatoes are ready for eating, and afterwards
+there will be a continuous supply from the runners. The digging up of
+the day-to-day supply of potatoes is done by the women, the work in
+this, and in all other digging, being done with small pointed sticks,
+roughly made and not preserved; though now they sometimes have European
+knives, these knives and axes being the two European implements which
+they use in agriculture, if they possess them.
+
+Yams and similar vegetables are planted by men in August and
+September, near to the young tree stems up which they are to trail,
+and at distances apart of 2 or 3 yards. In this case, however, there
+are two plantings. In the first instance the yam tubers are planted
+in pretty deep holes, the tubers being long. The yams then grow,
+and twine over the tree stems, and spread. After about ten months
+the men dig up the tubers, which in the meantime have grown larger,
+and cut away from them all the trailing green growth, and then hang
+the tubers up in the houses and _emone_, to let the new growing points
+sprout. Then in about another two months the men replant the smaller
+tubers, while the larger ones are retained for food.
+
+There are two curious Mafulu practices in connection with
+yam-planting. First, before planting each tuber they wrap round it
+an ornamental leaf, such as a croton, which they call the "sweetheart
+of the yam." Against this leaf they press a piece of limestone. They
+then plant the tuber with its sweetheart leaf around it and the piece
+of limestone pressing against its side, and fill in the soil; but as
+they do the latter they withdraw the piece of limestone, which they
+use successively for other yams, and, indeed, keep in their houses
+for use year by year. In the villages near the Mafulu Mission Station
+the limestone used is generally a piece of stalactite, which they
+get from the limestone caves in the mountains. The belief is that by
+planting in this way the yams will grow stronger and better. Secondly,
+there is a little small-leafed plant of a spreading nature, only a
+few inches high, which grows wild in the mountains, but which is
+also cultivated, and a patch of which they always plant in a yam
+plantation. This plant they also call the "sweetheart of the yam";
+and they believe that its presence is beneficial to the plantation.
+
+Yams are ready for supplying food eight or ten months after
+planting. They are not, like the potatoes, dug up from day to day,
+as they can be stored. The usual period of digging and storing is
+about June or July, and this digging is done by both men and women,
+the former dealing with the larger yams, which are difficult to get
+up, and the latter with the smaller ones.
+
+The yam is apparently regarded by the Mafulu people as a vegetable
+possessing an importance which one is tempted to think may have a
+more or less superstitious origin-witness the facts that only men
+may plant it and that it is the only vegetable in the planting of
+which superstitious methods are employed, and the special methods and
+ceremonies adopted in the hanging of the yams at the big feast. But
+I fancy this idea as to the yam is not confined to the Mafulu; and
+indeed Chalmers tells us of a Motu superstition which attributes to
+it a human origin; [88] and a perusal of the chapter on sacrifices
+in Dr. Codrington's book, _The Melanesians_, leaves the impression
+on one's mind that among these people the yam is the one vegetable
+which is specially used for sacrificial purposes.
+
+Taro and similar vegetables are planted by women in August and
+September among the yams, at distances of 2 or 3 feet apart. For this
+purpose they take the young secondary growths which crop up round the
+main central plants during the year. [89] They are ready for eating
+in, say, May or June of the following year. They are dug up by women
+from day to day as wanted, as they, like the sweet potato, cannot
+be kept, as the yams are, after being taken up. There is, however,
+a method when the taro is ripe and needs digging up, but is not then
+required for eating, of making a large hole in the ground, filling it
+with grass, digging up the taro, putting it on the grass in the hole,
+covering and surrounding it with more grass, and then filling up with
+soil, and so preserving the taro for future use by a sort of ensilage
+system. I was told that this was not done on the plains.
+
+Bananas are planted by men, this being done every year, and off and on
+all through the year, generally in old potato gardens. In this case
+they take the young offshoots, which break out near the bases of the
+stems. The closeness of planting varies considerably. The fruit is
+gathered all through the year by men. A banana will generally begin
+to bear fruit about twelve months after planting, though some sorts
+of banana take as long as two years.
+
+Sugar-cane is planted by men off and on during the whole year,
+generally in old potato gardens, the growing points at the tops
+of the canes being put into the ground at distances of 5 or 6 feet
+apart. Each plant produces a number of canes, and these begin to be
+edible after six or eight months. They are then cut for eating by
+both men and women.
+
+As regards both banana and sugar-cane, the people, after planting
+them in the potato gardens, allow the potatoes to still go on growing
+and spreading; but these potatoes are merely used for the pigs,
+the people only eating those grown in their open patches.
+
+Beans of a big coarse-growing sort, with large pods from 8 to 18 inches
+long, are planted by women about September by the garden fences of the
+potato and yam gardens, and allowed to creep up these fences. They
+furnish edible fruit in about three or four months from the time of
+planting, and are then gathered by the women. Only the inside seeds
+are eaten (not the pod); and even these are so hard that twenty--four
+hours' boiling does not soften them--indeed, they are usually roasted.
+
+Pandanus trees are grown in the bush and not in the gardens. The _ine_
+which is a large form (Plate 80), is always grown at a height of not
+less than 5,000 feet; but there is a smaller one which is grown by
+a river or stream. The _malage_ is always grown in the valleys near
+brooks and rivers.
+
+As regards the gardens generally, they may be roughly divided into
+sweet potato gardens and yam gardens. In the former are also grown
+bananas, sugar-cane, beans, pumpkin, cucumber and maize; and in the
+latter taro and beans, and the reed plant with the asparagus flavour
+to which I have already referred. The general tending of the bananas
+and sugar-canes, and to a certain extent the yams, is done by men;
+but in other respects the garden produce is looked after by women,
+who also attend to the weeding and keeping of the gardens clean,
+the men looking after the fences.
+
+Having planted a certain crop in a garden, they let it go on until
+it is exhausted, the period for this being different for different
+crops; but afterwards they never again plant the same crop in the same
+garden. When a crop is exhausted, they may possibly use the same garden
+for some other purpose; but as a rule they do not do so, except as
+regards the use of old potato gardens for banana and sugar-cane. When
+fresh gardens are wanted, fresh portions of bush are cleared; and the
+old deserted gardens are quickly re-covered by nature with fresh bush,
+the growth of vegetation being very rapid. Most of the gardens are bush
+gardens, and, though these may sometimes be close to the village, you
+do not find a regular system of gardens within the village clearing,
+as you do in the Mekeo district, the situations of the villages being
+indeed hardly adapted for this.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+Bark Cloth Making, Netting and Art.
+
+
+Bark Cloth Making and Netting.
+
+I put the two processes of bark cloth making and netting together,
+as being the only forms in which material is made in pieces of
+substantial size.
+
+Bark cloth is used for making perineal bands, men's caps,
+illness-recovery capes, bark cloth head strings, mourning strings and
+dancing aprons and ribbons. Netting is used for fishing and hunting
+nets, sleeping hammocks, the various forms of carrying bags and the
+mourning vests worn by the widows of chiefs.
+
+
+Bark Cloth Making.
+
+Bark cloth is made by both men and women out of the bark of three
+different kinds of tree; but I do not know what these are. They strip
+the bark from the tree, and from the bark they strip off the outer
+layer, leaving the inner fibrous layer, which is about 1/8th of an
+inch in thickness. They have no method of fastening two pieces of
+bark or cloth together, so every garment has to be a single piece,
+and the size of the piece to be made depends upon the purpose for
+which it is wanted. The cloth is made in the usual way by soaking the
+prepared bark in water for about twenty-four hours, and then hammering
+it with a heavy mallet upon the rounded surface of a cut-down tree
+trunk (Plate 79).
+
+The mallet used (Plate 51, Fig. 3), however, differs from the wooden
+mallet of Mekeo and the coast. It is a heavy black roller-shaped
+piece of stone, tapering a little at one or both ends, and being
+broader at the beating end than at the holding end. It varies in
+length from 10 to 18 inches, and has a maximum width of about 2 or
+2 1/2 inches. The beating surface is not flattened, as is the case
+with the Mekeo beaters, but it is rather deeply scored with a series
+of longitudinal and transverse lines, crossing each other at right
+angles, or nearly so. This scoring generally covers a surface space
+of about 3 inches by 1 or 2 inches, and is done with pointed pieces
+of similar stone, or with the tusks of wild pigs.
+
+As the hammering proceeds the bark becomes thinner and larger in
+surface, and when this process is finished, the cloth is hung up
+to dry.
+
+The colouring of the cloth, if and when this is added, is done by men
+only, and, like body-staining, is nearly always in either red, yellow,
+or black. The red stain is obtained from the two sorts of earth used
+for red face and body-staining, being, as in the other case, mixed with
+water or animal fat, so as to produce a paste. Another source of red
+stain used for cloth is the fruit of a wild tree growing in the bush,
+which fruit they chew and spit out. I do not know what the tree is,
+but I do not think it is the Pandanus, whose fruit is, I believe,
+used for body-staining. The yellow stain is obtained from the root of
+a plant which I understand to be rather like a ginger. They dry the
+root in the sun, and afterwards crush it and soak it in water, and the
+water so coloured becomes the pigment to be used. The black stain is
+obtained in the same way as that used for face-staining. These dyes are
+put on to the cloth with the fingers, which the men dip into the dye,
+or with feathers. In making a design they do not copy from a pattern
+placed before them, nor do they first trace the design on the cloth.
+
+
+Netting.
+
+In dealing with netting, I should begin with the making of the string;
+but, as I think the method adopted is not confined to the mountains,
+it is perhaps sufficient to refer to my previous description of
+thread-making in connection with the manufacture of leg-bands;
+though in most netting the strings are necessarily very much thicker
+and stronger than are the threads used for leg-bands, and they are
+three-stranded.
+
+Hunting and fishing nets are made by men in a simple open form of
+netting, worked on the common principle of the reef knot, and having
+diamond-shaped holes, with a knot at each corner of each hole. I shall
+refer to this form of netting as "ordinary network." The nets are made
+of thick, strong material, except as regards the hand fishing nets,
+which are made of the fine material used for making leg-bands. These
+nets are never coloured.
+
+Hammocks are made by men. They are sometimes done entirely with
+ordinary network, and are then, I think, similar to Mekeo-made
+hammocks; but often only two or three lines of netting are done in
+this way, the rest of the net being made in a closer and finer pattern
+of interlacing knotless network, which is never adopted on the coast
+and Mekeo plains (all nets of this description found there having come
+down from the mountains) and which I will call "Mafulu network." [90]
+I have watched the making of one of these nets, and will endeavour
+to describe the process. The ultimate result of the Mafulu network
+part of this is shown in Plate 81.
+
+The maker first formed a base line of three strands of native
+string stretched out horizontally. This base line is marked _a b_
+in Fig. 8. He then wound a long length of netting string round a
+rough piece of stick to be used as a sort of netting shuttle. He next
+worked the netting string on to the base line by a series of loops
+or slip-knots as shown in Fig. 8, strand _c_ of each loop bending
+upwards and becoming strand _d_ of the next loop to the right, and
+the series of loops extending for the whole length of the base line,
+and thus constituting the first loop line of the net. The hitches of
+the loops, which appear loose and open in the figure for the purpose
+of showing their construction, were really drawn tight on the base
+line. On to these loops he then worked one line of ordinary network,
+as shown in Fig. 9, the strings _a b c d_ in this figure being the
+loops above mentioned, and the knots of this also being, of course,
+drawn tight, and not made loose and open, as shown in the figure. The
+base of this line again formed a series made one of these lines of
+mesh for my instruction; but it is usual in the making of hammocks to
+have two or three of them, as appears in the figure. The next stage
+commenced the Mafulu network. The form of this is shown in Fig. 10;
+and here again the actual network was more closely drawn than is shown
+in the illustration, though it was not drawn tight, as in the case
+of the ordinary network. The first line of Mafulu network was worked
+on to the loops above it, so as to form a continuous line, in which
+many loops of Mafulu work were attached to each loop of the line of
+ordinary work above, the former being considerably smaller than the
+latter. The rest of the network is similarly made in the Mafulu method,
+each loop of each line being connected with a loop of the line above,
+until the worker almost reaches the other end of the hammock, which
+latter is finished off with ordinary network and a final base line, so
+as to correspond with the commencing end. Often there are only four or
+five loops of Mafulu network attached to each loop of ordinary network
+above them; and I have seen hammocks in which the mesh of the ordinary
+network part is much smaller, so that each loop of the bottom line of
+this mesh has attached to it only one loop of the top line of Mafulu
+mesh; and this last variation is common as regards carrying bags.
+
+The hammocks are never coloured; but they are sometimes decorated
+with a few Pandanus or _malage_ seeds hung from their borders.
+
+The different forms of carrying bags have already been referred to. I
+will now deal with their manufacture and colouring. They are made
+exclusively by women; and the fibres used in their manufacture are
+not the same as those employed for making nets and hammocks. I will
+deal separately with the five forms already described by me.
+
+Nos. 1 and 2 are made of either ordinary or Mafulu network, and are
+never coloured. When these, or any other bags, are made of Mafulu
+network, their elasticity is very great. No. 3 is always made of
+Mafulu network, and coloured. No. 4 is made of Mafulu network, and
+is sometimes coloured, and sometimes not. No. 5 is made of Mafulu
+network, and is sometimes coloured. The string used in making this
+bag is different from that used for the others, and is obtained from
+the bark of a small shrub.
+
+The question of manufacture introduces another form of bag (Plate 53,
+Fig 3), which I may call No. 6. It is used by men for the purposes of
+No. 4, and No 5 is also sometimes made in the same way. The method of
+manufacture of No. 6 is, I was told, an uncommon one; and, though I
+was able to procure one of these bags, I had not an opportunity of
+observing the process by which it was made. The appearance of the
+bag, however, suggests a process not unlike that of knitting. Its
+outer surface displays a series of thick, strong trie ord-plaited,
+vertical ridges, all close together, and looking very like the outside
+ridges of a knitted woollen stocking; but on the inner surface these
+ridges are not to be seen, and the general appearance of this inside
+is one of horizontal lines. The material of this bag is much closer,
+thicker and heavier than is that of any of the others.
+
+The colouring of Nos. 3, 4 and 5 is not put into the netting after
+its manufacture, as is done with bark cloth. The string itself is
+dyed beforehand, and the lines of colour are worked into the bag in
+the process of netting. The colouring is confined to the front of
+the bag only, being the part which is visible when the bag is worn
+hanging over the back or shoulder. Speaking generally, the colouring
+is black; but there is often a little red introduced along with the
+black. The pattern is in the general form of parallel horizontal
+lines or stripes, which, however, are in places made to recess or
+turn downwards or upwards at right angles, and subsequently turn
+upwards or downwards again, and then continue horizontally as before,
+thus giving variety to the mere design of straight horizontal lines;
+and these rectangular breaks are often introduced at more or less
+symmetrical intervals. There are other details in these patterns,
+which can be observed in the plate. I have one of these bags the
+lines in which are blue, red and yellow; but I think this colouring
+is not usual. The pigments are obtained from the sources described
+above with reference to bark cloth.
+
+The colouring of my specimen of No. 6 bag is also worked into the
+bag in the process of knitting, or whatever that process should be
+called. But this colouring merely consists of four faint horizontal
+lines of pale reddish-brown; and I was told that these bags are
+generally uncoloured, or only slightly coloured in thin lines.
+
+The mourning vests worn by chiefs' widows are, I believe, made of
+Mafulu network; but unfortunately I did not see one of these, and so
+cannot describe them.
+
+
+Art, Design, etc.
+
+Art and design among the Mafulu people are only of a simple and
+primitive type. There is no carving or other decoration on their
+houses, or even on their _emone,_ nor is there any on their stone
+or wooden implements. Art and design, other than the arrangement
+of feather ornaments, is, in fact, apparently confined to the very
+simple designs scratched upon some of their broad abdominal belts,
+smoking pipes and lime gourds and perhaps occasionally on one
+or two other things, and to the plaited designs displayed in the
+manufacture of other abdominal belts and of arm and leg ornaments
+and plaited forehead ornaments and feather frames, and to the very
+simple linear patterns in which some of their network is made, and
+the ground-staining and pattern-colouring of their perineal bands,
+dancing aprons and ribbons. As regards the latter, the designs are of
+a very simple nature, never apparently representing anything either
+realistically or conventionally, and being confined to geometric
+designs of straight lines and bands, rectangular and zig-zag patterns
+with coloured triangles within the zig-zag patterns, and spots. The
+patterns of the perineal bands and dancing ribbons are very simple
+indeed; but those of the dancing aprons are more elaborate, covering
+a considerable surface of cloth, and often displaying a fair variety
+of design on the same apron.
+
+The Mafulu have no visible method of recording events or numbers,
+or sending messages, either by marks or notches on sticks, or tying
+of knots in string, or any other method, and they are quite unable
+to grasp the meaning of a map.
+
+The limited nature of the ideas of artistic design possessed by the
+Mafulu people is, I think, a matter for surprise. They are believed
+to have Papuan or Papuo-Melanesian blood in their veins. But, even
+if they also have another distinct and more primitive ancestry of
+their own, not associated with the Papuo-Melanesian types, or even
+with the pure Papuan types, found on the coast and in the plains,
+one would imagine that contact with these types would have caused
+the Mafulu people to learn something of the more advanced art which
+these other peoples display and that we should not have to record
+a sudden drop from artistic designs embodying curves and natural
+imitative art to a system confined to straight lines, zig-zags,
+and spots. This contact with the coast and plain people, or at all
+events with the latter, has certainly existed for some time back;
+for, though the mutual fear and antagonism between coast and mountain
+natives, which is usually found among savage peoples, has doubtless
+existed in this case, and is even now not altogether eradicated, [91]
+direct or indirect trading relationship, including in particular the
+interchange of the stone implements and feathers of the mountains for
+the shell decorations of the coast, is not a mere recent development
+of the last few years only. It seems to me that the existence of this
+decorative hiatus points to a rather small inherent sense of design in
+the Mafulu mind. It may be, however, that the absence of imitative art,
+to which I have already referred in connection with totemism and clan
+badges, is partly due to the absence of totemism and of the imitative
+stimulus, which, as Dr. Haddon has more than once pointed out, [92]
+arises from it.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV
+
+Music and Singing, Dancing and Toys and Games
+
+
+Music and Singing.
+
+The Mafulu people are naturally musical and have good musical
+ears--much more so than is the case in Mekeo and on the coast,
+thus conforming to what I believe to be a general rule that music is
+usually more indigenous in hill country than it is in the plains. Their
+instruments are the drum, the jew's-harp and a small flute; but the
+flute is not a true Mafulu instrument, and has probably been acquired
+from Mekeo.
+
+The drum (Plate 75, Fig. 3) is like the Mekeo drum, but smaller,
+and its open end is cut in deep indentations. The wooden body of the
+drum is made from various trees. A pine tree is the favourite one;
+but others are used, including a tree the native name of which is
+_arive_, which word is also the native word for a drum. The membrane
+is made of the skin of a reptile, probably the "iguana." The maker
+of a drum must climb up the tree from the wood of which he is about
+to make it, and there, until the drum is finished, he must remain
+sitting among the branches, or, if these are inconvenient for the
+purpose, he may erect a scaffold around the trunk of the tree, with
+a platform on the top of it, and work upon that. Whilst working,
+he must always keep the upper or tympanic end of his drum facing
+the wind, the idea of this being that the wind gets into the drum,
+and makes it musical. His food is brought to him, whilst in his tree,
+by some woman, probably his mother if he is a bachelor, or his wife
+if he is married, and he lets down a string by which he hauls it up;
+but he is under no special restriction as to the food he may eat. There
+is no superstition, such as is found among the Roro and Mekeo people,
+compelling him, in the event of his seeing a woman during the making
+of the drum, to throw it away and begin a new one.
+
+The jew's-harp (Plate 20, Fig. 2), though seen in Mekeo, is, I was
+told, as regards its manufacture, an instrument of the mountains. It
+is made out of bamboo or palm, or some other tree having a hollow
+or soft interior, from which is cut a piece about 8 or 10 inches
+long. A portion of this piece is cut away longitudinally, leaving
+for the making of the instrument only two-thirds or half, or even
+one-third, of the convex outside stem circumference on one side and
+the flat surface of the cut-away part on the other, and the latter
+is then hollowed out, leaving, however, a solid head an inch or two
+long at one end. The hollow piece thus produced is cut into three
+longitudinal sections or strips, of which the two outside ones are
+longer than the central one. The two outside strips are left at their
+full width from the head downwards to a distance of 2 or 3 inches
+from the other end, from which point they are cut away, very much
+as one would cut away the divided nib of a quill pen, so that the
+actual tips of these two strips are quite slender, being no broader
+than their thickness. These two ends are tied together with fine
+vegetable fibre. The centre strip, which is generally narrower than
+the other two at its commencement by the head, is further reduced in
+width by a more immediate and gradual process of paring down, and so
+becomes a very slender vibrating tongue or reed, the tip of which goes
+almost up to, but does not quite reach, the point at which the tips of
+the two outer strips are bound together. A hole is bored through the
+solid head; and through this hole is passed a thick string of native
+make from 5 to 10 or 12 inches long, secured at one end by a knot
+on the flat side of the head, to keep the string from slipping out,
+and having at the other end a large, rough, ornamental tassel. The
+tassel is generally in part composed of the untwisted fibres of the
+string itself; but to these is added something else, such as a bunch
+of feathers, or two smaller bunches of feathers; and among these may
+be seen such miscellaneous articles as a fragment of dried-up fruit,
+or a part of the backbone of a fish. For playing the instrument,
+they place its tail end, with the hollow side inwards, to the mouth,
+holding the extreme tip of that end in the fingers of the left hand,
+and keep the tongue of the instrument in a constant state of vibration,
+by smart, rapid, jerky pullings of the tasselled string.
+
+The flute is merely a small simple instrument made out of a small
+bamboo stem, with one or two holes bored in it.
+
+All these instruments are played by both men and women; but the
+jew's-harp and flute are regarded only as toys.
+
+I believe the Mafulu people occasionally sing at dances to the beating
+of the drums; but this is quite unusual; and they never sing to the
+music of the jew's-harp or flute. Both men and women sing, generally
+several or many together, not so often alone. Their songs are all
+very simple, and are chiefly sung in unison or octaves. I was told
+that they sometimes accomplish simple harmonies, the notes of which
+may simultaneously rise or fall either with the same or different
+intervals, or may rise and fall in contrary motion; or the harmony
+may be produced by one man or part of the group sustaining a note,
+whilst another changes it; and I myself heard an example of the latter
+of these, and also heard singing in which, while a group of men were
+singing the same simple air, some of them were occasionally singing
+one part of it, whilst the others seemed to be singing another part,
+thus producing a very simple catch or canon. I am not, however, quite
+certain as to this. Their songs are both cheerful and plaintive;
+but the latter predominate, and are mainly in the minor key. The
+subjects of their songs are generally sentimental love, and include
+ditties by young men about their sweethearts; and I believe that some
+of their songs are indecent, though I am not sure of this. They also
+have warlike songs; and, when a special event occurs, songs are often
+composed with reference to it. For example, not long ago a chief was
+taken by the authorities to Port Moresby, and died there; and songs
+about this were sung all through his district. Anyone will compose a
+topical song; in fact, a man will begin singing one in the _emone,_
+making it up as he goes on, and the others will join. The men have a
+very pretty custom of singing together very softly when at the end
+of the day they have retired to their _emone,_ and have lain down
+to sleep, the singing being very gentle, and producing what I can
+only describe as a sort of crooning sound, like a lullaby or cradle
+song. I once heard one of these songs sung by my carriers the last
+thing at night as they lay beneath the floor of the building in which
+I was sleeping; and the effect was absolutely charming.
+
+As an example of Mafulu music I give the following, which, though not,
+I fear, quite accurate, is I think a substantially correct version of
+the music of a war song sung by the Mambule and Sivu communities in
+connection with joint hostilities by them against another community,
+and I have so far as possible added the song itself.
+
+
+    1st Verse: E! e! e! Si-vu Mambule juju la em u jeka le
+    2nd Verse: E! e! e! Noul e nul em u ieka la bulu iuju le
+
+
+It will be observed that the first line is whistling only. I was
+informed that it is a common practice to whistle the air before singing
+the first verse; though I did not gather that it was always done. It
+will also be noticed that simple harmonies occur in the fourth and
+fifth bars. I cannot say whether the two parts in the music are
+sustained or taken up by the voices upon any defined scheme, and,
+if so, what that scheme is. Nor can I say whether the voices which
+take the lower notes in the music are silent after the word _la,_ or
+repeat that word in the sixth bar, with or without the upper voices,
+in order to bring the tune to a full close. I have only given two
+verses; and, as regards the song in question, I doubt if there were
+any more. Unfortunately I am unable to translate the words, and can
+only give the meanings of the following:--
+
+_E! e! e!_ are merely meaningless exclamatory sounds, such as we have
+in civilised songs. _Sivu_ is the name of a Fuyuge community close
+to the Mission Station, being, in fact, the one referred to by me in
+my chapter on communities. _Mambule_ is the name of another of these
+communities, further away from the station, being, as stated in my
+introductory chapter, the name of the community from which the name
+Mafulu arises. I cannot give verbal explanations of any of the other
+words; but I may say that a rough translation of the second verse is
+"My village, your village is alike (or equal.)"
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Dancing.
+
+The Mafulu people, like other New Guinea natives, are fond of dancing,
+and indulge in it extensively, especially in connection with feasts
+and ceremonies.
+
+Their dancing is of an exceedingly active and lively character. The
+movements of the feet are lively and jumping, often half a hop and half
+a run; and, whilst dancing, their heads are actively moving backwards
+and forwards and to both sides. The general progressive movement of
+a dancing party is slow, but not a crawl; and the progress along the
+village enclosure is usually accomplished by a series of diagonal
+advances, by which they zig-zag backwards and forwards across the
+enclosure, and in this way gradually travel along it. Very often the
+dancers divide themselves into two parties, which in their zig-zag
+progress alternately approach and recede from each other. The dancers
+are always facing in the direction in which at that moment they are
+moving. Men and women never dance together, except at the big feast,
+where they do so in the way already described.
+
+This method of dancing is in striking contrast to that of the Mekeo
+people, whose movements are generally very gentle and slow, those
+of the feet, which are accompanied by a corresponding genuflexion,
+downwards and outwards, being a slow slight step, usually barely
+more than a shuffle, the feet being hardly lifted off the ground,
+and those of the head being confined to a slow and sedate backwards
+and forwards nodding. Also the progress of a party of Mekeo dancers
+is generally very slow,--a crawl,--so much so as often to be barely
+perceptible, perhaps two or three inches being accomplished at each
+step, and the line of progress of a dancing party is usually a straight
+line down the village enclosure; and more commonly, though not always,
+the position of each dancer is sideways to the then actual direction
+of progression. And in Mekeo women and men often dance together in
+one group.
+
+Another difference between Mafulu and Mekeo dancing is that among the
+Mafulu, though the drum-beating and dancing go on simultaneously, the
+singing, in which all the dancers and non-dancers of both sexes join,
+does not usually take place during the actual dancing, but only during
+periodic pauses, in which the drum-beating and dancing cease; whereas
+in Mekeo the drum-beating, dancing and singing all go on continuously
+and simultaneously. As regards these Mafulu pauses in the dancing, I
+should explain that these are quite distinct from the resting pauses
+(in which there is neither drum-beating, dancing, nor singing) which
+are customary both among the Mafulu and the Mekeo people.
+
+A further difference arises as regards the dancing decorations. Both
+Mafulu and Mekeo natives have elaborate high framework head feather
+decorations, which are worn by some, but not necessarily all, of the
+dancers; and they are much ornamented about their bodies. But the
+Mafulu people generally wear their finest and most beautiful feathers
+on their backs, whereas among the Mekeo natives the head ornament is
+the chief feature of the decoration; and in Mekeo any man who has not
+a framework head decoration generally has sticking in his hair a tall,
+upright feather, which sways slowly backwards and forwards in response
+to the slow nodding movements of his head.
+
+The special dancing ornaments worn by the Mafulu are the aprons worn
+by women, the ribbons worn by men and women, the forehead ornaments
+worn by men, the long shell nose ornaments worn by both, and the huge
+head feather erections. But for dances the people generally wear
+all the decorative finery they possess or are able to borrow; and
+they usually with special care paint their faces in various colours,
+and their bodies red.
+
+The comparison above given between the dancing of the Mafulu people
+and that of the people of Mekeo brings me to a suggestion, made to me
+by Father Clauser, that the Mafulu mode of dancing had its origin in an
+imitation of that of the red bird of paradise, and the Mekeo mode in an
+imitation of that of the goura pigeon. In support of this suggestion
+he gave me the following information concerning the dancing of these
+birds, which may be compared with the description given above of the
+dancing of the Mafulu and Mekeo natives respectively:--
+
+The movements of the red birds of paradise, when dancing, are
+remarkably lively, the birds hopping and jumping about the tree
+branches and from branch to branch, and bobbing their heads backwards
+and forwards and from side to side, almost as though they had gone
+mad. The progression along the branches is fairly rapid; but there
+is not apparently any continuous line of progression in any given
+direction, and the birds seem to have a curious way of approaching
+and receding from each other as they do so. The birds always face
+in the direction in which they are at the time moving, and do not
+dance sideways. Moreover, the dance is an alternation of wild dancing
+and intermittent pauses; and during the dancing both the males and
+females are silent, but during the pauses they are uttering their
+songs or cries.
+
+The dancing movements of the goura pigeons are a gentle slow shuffle,
+and are accompanied by a slow bowing or nodding of the head. The
+progressive movement is exceedingly slow, and is always a continuous
+one in the same direction, and it is usually a sideways movement. The
+dancing and accompanying cooing of the pigeons go on continuously
+and simultaneously, and the rhythm of the latter is curiously like
+the more usual rhythm of the Mekeo drums.
+
+I have unfortunately never had opportunities of observing the dancing
+of either of these birds, and so cannot personally vouch for the
+correctness of the above descriptions of them. But Father Clauser
+has often watched them, and he is undoubtedly a careful observer,
+upon whose testimony we may rely; and I may add that my efforts since
+my return to England to obtain evidence, confirmatory or otherwise,
+of these descriptions have produced confirmation of some of the facts
+stated, and have not produced any contradictions.
+
+Then again attention must be drawn to the fact that the magnificent
+feather decoration of the bird of paradise is mainly upon or springing
+from its back or body, whilst the goura pigeon's sole projecting
+decoration, and perhaps its chief beauty, is the crest upon its head,
+to which the Mekeo single upright head feather may be likened.
+
+My efforts to obtain light from native sources upon this question of
+imitation in Mafulu were fruitless, as the natives questioned knew
+nothing of it; and on my return from Mafulu to the coast I did not
+again pass through the Mekeo villages. But on reaching the coast I
+made further enquiries upon the subject from the Fathers there of the
+Mission, and obtained three interesting pieces of information. First,
+I was told that the Mekeo clan Inawae of the Mekeo village Oriropetana,
+whose clan badge is the goura pigeon, and who are not allowed to
+kill and eat it, and whose bird totem it appears to be, say that they
+are descended from the goura pigeon, and that an ancestor of theirs,
+though himself a man, had all the powers and faculties of movement
+of those birds, and that he used to dance with them, and so learnt
+the dance and taught it to his people. Unfortunately no enquiry had
+been made as to the question of any imitative character in their
+present dancing, and the information only emanated from a particular
+clan with a particular association with the bird. I therefore do not
+attach undue general importance to this case. [93]
+
+Secondly, I was told that the Pokau people, whose dance is practically
+the same as that of the Mekeo people, themselves say that their dancing
+is an imitation of that of the goura pigeon. This certainly tends
+to support Father Clauser's suggestion as regards Mekeo. Thirdly,
+some natives of Kuni, who are undoubtedly very similar and closely
+related to the Mafulu, and whose dancing is very similar to that of
+the latter, were questioned on the subject in my presence, and under
+my direction. The question put was, "When Kuni people are dancing,
+are they in their dance imitating anything, and if so what?" (no
+mention or suggestion being made of a bird or of anything else). The
+answer was that they were imitating the dance of the _goloala_, which
+I was told was not the red bird of paradise, but was another small
+species of that bird with a yellowish-white body, yellow head and
+yellowish-white wings. The leading question was then put to them,
+whether they were sure the bird was the yellow one described by
+them, and not the red one; which question was answered definitely
+in the affirmative. And subsequently, when, in order to test their
+definiteness and certainty in what they had told me, I showed them a
+few postcard pictures of birds of paradise, which included the red
+one and others, but not one such as is above described, and almost
+invited them to recognise one of these as being the bird they meant,
+they were firm in their insistence that the bird to which they referred
+was not shown in any of the pictures. This, I think, helps to support
+Father Clauser's suggestion as regards the Mafulu, subject of course
+to the question of the variety of bird of paradise which is imitated.
+
+Dealing with this question of imitation as a whole, and taking into
+consideration the apparently marked similarities between the dancing
+of the two tribes of natives and the two genera of birds, and the
+further element, perhaps not so strong, as to the similarities
+in distribution upon the bodies of their decorations, and bearing
+in mind the evidence obtained from native sources, which, though
+obviously only fragmentary and insufficient in character, is so far
+as it goes distinctly confirmatory, I am impelled to suggest that
+Father Clauser's theory is not without foundation, and indeed amounts,
+subject to the question of the species of bird of paradise, to a very
+substantial possibility. And it is undoubtedly an interesting one. [94]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Toys and Games.
+
+The Mafulu children have neither dolls nor other toys, and do not
+make cat's-cradles. The young boys amuse themselves with small bows
+and arrows and spears, which they make themselves. One common sport
+is for the boys, armed with their spears, to stand in a row and for
+another boy to roll in front of them a ball, made out of the root of a
+banana tree, with its many rootlets intertwined, and for the boys to
+try to hit it with their spears as it passes them. A similar game is
+played in Mekeo and on the coast; but there the ball is often made
+out of the outer fibre of a cocoanut. Small boys and girls amuse
+themselves with glissading down the steep grassy slopes. There is
+also a sort of fighting game for boys, in which young men sometimes
+join. A number of them divide themselves into two opposing groups,
+all armed with little darts, made of reeds on which a few leaves
+are left at the head ends; and these two groups mutually attack
+each other, advancing and retreating, according to the fortunes of
+the fight. Boys, and men also, play at tug-of-war, using long canes
+for ropes; and boys and girls have swings, constructed either by
+looping two flexible rope-like tree stems together at the bottom,
+or with a single rope, with a loop at the bottom, in which to place
+their feet. But there are no racing or jumping or gymnastic games,
+and no group or singing children's games.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XV
+
+Counting, Currency and Trade
+
+
+Counting.
+
+Mafulu counting is accomplished by the use of two numerals (one and
+two) and of the word "another" and of their hands and feet [95];
+and with these materials they have phraseology for counting up to
+twenty as follows:--
+
+1 = _Fida_ (one).
+
+2 = _Gegedo_ (two).
+
+3 = _Gegedo minda_ (two and another).
+
+4 = _Gegedo ta gegedo_ (two and two).
+
+5 = _Gegedo ta gegedo minda_ (two and two and another) [or _Bodo fida_
+(one hand)].
+
+6 = _Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo_ (two and two and two).
+
+7 = _Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo minda_ (two and two and two and
+another) [or _Bodo fida ta gegedo_ (one hand and two) ].
+
+8 = _Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo_ (two and two and two and
+two) [or _Bodo fida ta gegedo minda_ (one hand and two and another) ].
+
+9 = _Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo minda_ (two and two and
+two and two and another) [or _Bodo fida ta gegedo ta gegedo_ (one
+hand and two and two) ].
+
+10 = _Bodo gegedo_ (two hands).
+
+11 = _Bodo gegedov' u minda_ (two hands and another). [Note the "v"
+at the end of gegedo. The full word is really _gegedove_; but it is
+shortened to _gegedo_, unless the next word is a vowel. Also note the
+"u." There are two words for "and," namely _ta_ and _une_. The "u"
+here is the _une_ shortened, and put instead of _ta_ for euphony].
+
+12 = _Bodo gegedo ta gegedo_ (two hands and two).
+
+13 = _Bodo gegedo ta gegedo minda_ (two hands and two and another).
+
+14 = _Bodo gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo_ (two hands and two and two).
+
+15 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida_ (two hands and one foot).
+
+16 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari fidari u minda_ (two hands and one foot
+and another). [Note the "n" at the end of _fida_. The full word is
+really _fidane_, and the "n" is introduced here for euphony.]
+
+17 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida ta gegedo_ (two hands and one foot
+and two).
+
+18 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida ta gegedo minda_ (two hands and one
+foot and two and another).
+
+19 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida ta gegedo ta gegedo_ (two hands and
+one foot and two and two).
+
+20 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari gegedo_ (two hands and two feet).
+
+As regards these numerals it will be seen that in some cases
+alternatives are given, whilst in other cases, where corresponding
+alternatives would appear to be equally applicable, they are not given;
+the reason is that in these latter cases the alternatives do not in
+fact appear to be used.
+
+There is no numerical phraseology to indicate any number above twenty;
+and in the ordinary affairs of life, although numeration can be carried
+in this cumbrous way up to twenty, they rarely use the numerals beyond
+ten, and anything over that will be referred to as _tale, tale, tale,
+tale_ (which may be translated "plenty, plenty, plenty, plenty").
+
+Important counting, such as that of pigs at a feast, is accomplished
+by the actual use of the hands and feet. The fingers stretched open
+mean nothing; Closing down the thumb of the right hand indicates
+one; closing down also the first finger of that hand indicates two;
+and so on with the other fingers of the right hand, till you reach
+the closing down of the thumb and all the fingers of the right hand,
+which indicates five. Then, keeping all the right hand closed, they
+begin with the left hand also. Closing down only the thumb indicates
+six; and so on as before, until the thumbs and all the fingers of
+both hands are closed, which indicates ten. [96]
+
+Then they go to the feet. They keep both hands closed and together,
+and with the right fist they point to the toes, beginning with the
+big toe of the right foot, and so along the other toes of that foot,
+and then go to the big toe of the left foot, and so along the other
+toes of that foot, thus reaching the enumerative total of twenty. They
+do not, when wishing to indicate a number, simply place their fingers
+and hands and feet simultaneously in the requisite position for doing
+so. They always go through the whole process of finger and toe counting
+from the beginning. For example, to indicate eight, they turn in the
+thumb and all the fingers of the right hand, and afterwards the thumb
+and two fingers of the left hand, separately, and one alter another,
+until the right position is reached; and similarly as regards numbers
+over ten, they solemnly turn down all the fingers one after another,
+and then point to the toes one after another, until they get to the
+right one for indicating the desired number. When the fingers and
+toes of the person counting are exhausted, he has recourse to those
+of another person, if he wishes to count further, although he has
+then passed the limit of numerical phraseology. For the purpose of
+counting big numbers they are always sitting, and as in counting they
+exhaust hands and feet, the latter are put together, If, for example,
+they reach eighty, there are four men sitting, with all their hands
+and feet crowded together; and if the number be eighty-three, there
+is also a fifth man with a thumb and two fingers of his right hand
+closed up. Sometimes a number above ten, but not over twenty, is
+indicated with the hands only by counting up to ten in the ordinary
+way, and then opening all the fingers and counting again, until they
+reach the requisite amount in excess of ten.
+
+I do not think it can be said that these people have in their minds any
+real abstract idea of number, at all events beyond twenty. Each finger
+turned down and toe pointed to, in succession, seems to represent
+to their minds the article (_e.g._, a pig) which is counted, rather
+than a step in a process of mental addition. But this is a matter upon
+which I can only express myself in a very general way; and indeed the
+mental stage at which the mere physical idea of the objects counted
+has developed into the abstract idea of numbers would in any case be
+exceedingly difficult to ascertain, or even, perhaps, to define.
+
+They never use pebbles or sticks or anything else of that kind,
+and have no method of recording numbers or anything else by notching
+sticks; and they have no weights or measures.
+
+
+Currency and Trade.
+
+The Mafulu people have no currency in the true sense, every transaction
+being one of exchange; but nevertheless some specific articles,
+especially some of the dearer ones, can only be acquired by the
+offering of certain other specific articles, and certain things have
+definite recognised relative values for the purpose of exchange.
+
+As examples of the former of these statements, I may say that a pig
+used to be always paid for in dogs' teeth--though this practice is
+not now, I think, so strict--and that some of their finer head feather
+dancing ornaments and ornamental nose pieces can still only be paid for
+in dogs' teeth; also that there is a special kind of feather ornament,
+composed of many small feathers fixed in a line on a string, which can
+only be obtained in exchange for a particular sort of shell necklace.
+
+As examples of recognised relative values, I may state that the proper
+payment in dogs' teeth for a pig is a chain of dogs' teeth equal in
+length to the body of the pig, the latter being measured from the
+tip of its nose to the base of its tail; and that the payment for
+the special feather ornament is its own length of the corresponding
+shell necklace.
+
+Exchange and barter is generally only engaged in between members of
+different communities, and not between those of the same community. An
+apparent exception to this arises in the purchase of pigs at certain
+ceremonies above referred to; but in this case it is really a matter of
+ceremony, and not one of ordinary barter. There are no regular markets,
+such as exist in some other parts of the country, the exchange of goods
+being effected by one or more individuals going with their articles
+of exchange to some other community, where they hope to get what they
+require. The nearest approach to a market arises intermittently when
+there is to be a big feast. Then the communities giving, and invited
+to, the feast require a large supply of ornaments, especially for
+those who are going to dance, and probably do not possess a sufficient
+quantity. They therefore have to procure these ornaments elsewhere;
+and the natural place to go to is some other community, possibly a
+long way off, which has recently been in the same want of extensive
+ornaments for a feast, and has procured and used them, and now has
+them, so to speak, in stock, and will be glad to dispose of them
+again. Thus ornaments used for feasts are sold and resold and travel
+about the country very extensively.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVI
+
+Language
+
+I have been fortunate in having had some interesting and valuable
+linguistic material placed at my disposal for publication by Father
+Egedi and in having had further material added to it by Dr. Seligmann
+and Mr. Sidney H. Ray. I have thought it better to deal with it in
+five appendices, and I am greatly indebted to Mr. Ray for having
+undertaken the laborious task of their compilation. I give the
+following explanation concerning these appendices.
+
+(1) Is a grammar of the Fuyuge language. The original manuscript is
+the work of Father Egedi, the, materials from which it was prepared
+by him having been collected in the Mafulu villages. The appendix is
+Father Egedi's Grammar, translated and edited by Mr. Ray.
+
+(2) Is a short note on the Afoa language prepared by Dr. W. M. Strong,
+when he was Government Agent in Mekeo, and handed by him to
+Dr. Seligmann for publication. To this note Mr. Ray has added
+a footnote.
+
+(3) Is a note on the Kovio language prepared by Dr. Strong, and handed
+by him to Dr. Seligmann. This note refers to the languages spoken in
+the neighbourhoods of Inavarene and the Inava valley and of the Upper
+Lakekamu river, all of which were found by Dr. Strong to be somewhat
+similar. The footnote is by Mr. Ray.
+
+(4) Is a comparative vocabulary, prepared by Mr. Ray, of the
+languages of some of the different Papuan-speaking people of the
+mountain districts of Central British New Guinea. The words in the
+"Mafulu" column are taken from a very lengthy MS. vocabulary compiled
+by Father Egedi in Mafulu. Those in the "Kambisa" column were all
+collected by the Rev. P. J. Money in the Kambisa villages of the
+Upper Chirima valley during Mr. Monckton's expedition, referred to
+in my introductory chapter. Most of these words are taken from the
+New Guinea _Annual Report_ for 1905-6; but to them have been added
+other words, which had been collected by Mr. Money. The words in
+the "Korona" column are taken from an MS. vocabulary prepared by
+Dr. Strong at Korona, also mentioned in my introductory chapter,
+and handed by him to Dr. Seligmann. Those in the "Afoa" column are
+taken from an MS. vocabulary prepared by Dr. Strong in connection
+with his Afoa notes, to which are added in square brackets some other
+words taken from Father Egedi's vocabulary in _Anthropos_ II., 1907,
+pp. 1016-1021, this vocabulary being there called by him Tauata. The
+words in the "Kovio" column are taken from an MS. vocabulary prepared
+by Dr. Strong in connection with his Kovio notes, to which are added
+in square brackets some "Oru-Lopiku" words collected by Father Egedi,
+and published in _Anthropos_ II., 1907, pp. 1016-1021. As regards this
+column I must explain that Dr. Strong's words were all collected within
+the districts to which his notes refer, but that Father Egedi's words,
+though in part collected there, were, I believe, in part collected
+further to the east.
+
+(5) Is a series of notes by Mr. Ray upon the matter contained in the
+previous appendices.
+
+I am perhaps open to criticism for introducing into a book of my
+own notes on the Mafulu people such extensive material written by
+others, and relating to other mountain districts as well as to that
+of the Mafulu; but my belief as to the probable similarity in many
+respects between the Papuan-speaking natives of these central mountain
+districts, and the obvious value and importance of the matter which
+has been so kindly placed at my disposal, justify me, I think, in
+introducing it; and indeed I should be doing but ill service to New
+Guinea ethnology if I did not take advantage of these opportunities
+which have been offered to me.
+
+Though I am not qualified to discuss these materials from the
+grammatical and scientific linguistic point of view, there are a
+few matters to which I should like to draw attention, as affecting
+statements appearing in this book, and which were written by me before
+I received this linguistic material.
+
+Regarding the question raised in my introductory chapter as to the
+extension of the Fuyuge linguistic area so far south as Korona, it
+will be noticed that a large number of the words in the Mafulu and
+Korona columns are the same, or very similar. Dr. Strong, in some
+unpublished MS. notes in Dr. Seligmann's possession, to which I have
+had access, says as regards the Mafulu and Korona languages that "there
+is nothing to show that the two languages may not be for all practical
+purposes identical," and Mr. Ray in his concluding notes classes Mafulu
+and Korona together as dialects of Fuyuge. The village of Sikube,
+mentioned by Mr. Ray, is, I believe, on the Upper Vanapa river and
+north of Mt. Lilley, and so is well within the Fuyuge-speaking area
+as defined by the Fathers.
+
+Concerning the Kambisa (Upper Chirima valley) column, the similarity
+of many of the words contained in it to those in either the Mafulu
+or the Korona column is obvious; and it is curious that some of these
+words appear to resemble the Korona words more than they do those of
+Mafulu. I also think I may say that the similarity between Kambisa
+words on the one hand, and those of either Mafulu or Korona on the
+other, is almost equal to the similarity between Mafulu and Korona;
+and Mr. Ray classes Kambisa along with Mafulu and Korona as dialects
+of Fuyuge. So the statement in the introductory chapter that the
+valley of the Upper Chirima river is included in the Fuyuge area has,
+I think, stood the test of some detailed linguistic comparison.
+
+The note by Dr. Strong upon what he calls the Kovio language and his
+Kovio vocabulary both relate to a district which is within the Fathers'
+Oru-Lopiku linguistic area; and I venture to repeat the suggestion,
+made in my introductory chapter, that for the present should adopt
+the term Kovio for the two areas which the Fathers call Oru-Lopiku
+and Boboi, though eventually we may be able to distinguish between
+these two areas.
+
+The Afoa or Tauata area is the Fathers' Ambo area. The Afoa column
+discloses a very few words which resemble the Fuyuge words; but it
+seems obvious that the Afoa language does not belong to the Fuyuge
+group, and this is the view taken of it by Mr. Ray.
+
+There are two matters in Mr. Ray's classification in the fifth appendix
+which I wish to mention. It seems to have been already assumed that
+the Rev. James Chalmers' Kabana language could not have been collected
+on Mt. Victoria; and I would point out that this mountain is quite
+outside what now appears to be the Fuyuge area. As regards the Afoa
+language the references by Dr. Strong to Mt. Pizoko and Mt. Davidson
+bring me back to my observations upon the point in my introductory
+chapter. If the Fathers are right in putting Mt. Pizoko within the
+Fuyuge area, it is hardly correct to say (see introductory chapter)
+that the Afoa language is spoken in the villages on Mt. Pizoko; but
+it might well be, as quoted by Mr. Ray, that a Fuyuge native in a
+Mt. Pizoko village spoke Afoa fluently, as this mountain is close to
+the Fathers' Fuyuge-Afoa boundary. Also Mt. Davidson is according to
+the Fathers in the Boboi area; but Dr. Strong seems to have regarded
+it as Ambo, and to have treated vocabulary matter collected from a
+native who came from a village "apparently on the slopes of" that
+mountain as having been taken from an Ambo native. In this case,
+however, there seems to be some doubt as to where this native did in
+fact come from; and the eastern slopes of Mt. Davidson are not far
+from the Fathers' Afoa boundary.
+
+I think that these linguistic materials, taken as a whole, are, so far
+as they go, well in accord with the delimitation by the Fathers of
+the Fuyuge area, except as regards their view concerning Korona, as
+to which they did not profess actual knowledge, and merely expressed
+a doubt, and subject to the point that, for linguistic purposes at
+all events, the Fathers' use of the word "Mafulu" as representing
+the whole Fuyuge area is perhaps not desirable, and would be better
+replaced by the term "Fuyuge," with subdivisions of "Mafulu," "Korona,"
+and "Kambisa," as given by Mr. Ray; though probably Sikube might be
+included in either Mafulu or Korona, as geographically it is evidently
+between these two.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVII
+
+Illness, Death, and Burial
+
+
+Ailments and Remedies.
+
+All serious ailments occurring up to certain ages, and except in
+certain cases, are generally assumed to be the work of someone acting
+in connection with a spirit; but, speaking generally, no efforts appear
+to be made by imprecation or other supernatural method to propitiate
+or contend against these spirits, except by the use of general charms
+against illness, and except, so far as the propitiation or driving out
+of the spirit is involved, by one or other of the specific remedies
+for specific ailments mentioned below. The natives have, however,
+for common diseases cures of which some are obviously purely fanciful
+and superstitious, but some are probably more or less practical.
+
+The chief ailments are colds and complications arising from them,
+malaria, dysentery, stomach and bowel and similar complaints, toothache
+and wounds.
+
+Dysentery has recognised and accredited curers, both men and women. The
+operator chews and crushes with his teeth the root of a vegetable
+(I do not know what it is) which they grow in their gardens, and then
+wraps it up into a small bundle in a bunch of grass, and gives it to
+the patient to suck. This remedy does not appear to be effective.
+
+There are men who are specially skilled in dealing with stomach and
+bowel troubles. The operator takes in his hand a stone, and with the
+other hand he sprinkles that stone over with ashes. He then makes over
+it an incantation, in which, though his lips are seen to be moving,
+no sound comes out of them; after which he takes some of the ashes
+from the stone, which he still holds in his hand, and with these
+ashes he rubs the stomach of the patient, who, I was told, generally
+at once feels rather better, or says so.
+
+There are also women who deal with cases believed to be caused by the
+presence in the stomach of a snake, which has to be got out. Here
+the operator takes a piece of bark cloth, with which she rubs the
+front of the patient's body, but without any incantation. Then, as
+she removes the cloth from the body, she makes a movement as though
+she were wrapping up in it something, presumably the escaped snake;
+and afterwards she carries the cloth away with her, and the cure is
+thus effected.
+
+A man with toothache will say that "a spirit is eating my teeth." The
+people seem to have a knowledge of something inside the teeth,
+the nature of which I am not able to state definitely, but which
+apparently is, in fact, the nerve, and they recognise that it is in
+this something that the pain arises; but I could not ascertain the
+connection between this something and the spirit which is supposed
+to cause the trouble. If the aching tooth can be got at, they adopt a
+method the native explanation of which was translated to me as being a
+drawing or driving out of the mysterious something from the tooth. This
+is done in some way with an ordinary native comb, without extracting
+the tooth itself; but how it is done I could not ascertain. There
+is no incantation connected with the operation. Another cure is for
+the patient to chew the leaf of a certain tree (I do not know what
+tree), so that the sap of it gets into the hole in the tooth, and
+thereby, as they think, draws or drives out this nerve, or whatever
+the something may be. The Fathers of the Mission told me that both
+these two remedies do really appear to be effective.
+
+Wounds are the speciality of many healers with special knowledge of
+the curative properties of various plants, and who gather the plant,
+make an incantation over it, boil it in water, and then with that
+water wash the wound. There are also men who operate surgically on
+wounds with knives made of stone or shell or bamboo.
+
+Charms, probably of a poisonous nature, are used generally for the
+warding off of sickness, these being carried in the little charm bags.
+
+A general and universal cure for all ailments is a piece of bark,
+tied with a piece of string to the neck or head, all neck ornaments
+having been first removed.
+
+I regret that as regards all these matters I am only able to indicate
+shortly and generally the methods of cure, and can give no further
+explanation concerning them.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Death and Burial.
+
+_(Ordinary People.)_
+
+When a man or woman is regarded as dying, he or she is at once attended
+by a woman whose permanent office it is to do this, and who has other
+women and girls with her to assist her, these others including, but
+not necessarily being confined to, the females of the dying man's own
+family and relatives. The house is full of women; but there is no
+man there. This special woman and the others attend the dying man,
+[97] nursing him, washing him from time to time, and keeping the
+flies away from him; but they apparently do not attempt any measures
+for curing him, their offices only beginning when he is regarded as
+dying. In the meantime they all wail, and there are also a number of
+other women wailing outside the house.
+
+The special woman watches the dying person; and when she thinks he
+is dead she gives him a heavy blow on the side of the head with her
+fist, and pronounces him dead. She apparently does not feel his heart,
+or do more than watch his face; and I should think it may often be
+that in point of fact he is not dead when the blow is given, and
+might perhaps have recovered.
+
+Then the women inside the house say to one another that he is dead,
+and communicate the news to the people outside; whereupon the men in
+the village all commence shouting as loudly as they can. The reason
+given for this shouting is that it frightens away the man's ghost;
+but if so it is apparently only a partial intimidation of the ghost,
+who, as will be seen hereafter, is subjected to further alarms at a
+later stage. The men communicate the news in the ordinary way adopted
+by these people of shouting it across the valleys; and so it spreads
+to other villages, and even to other communities. The man being dead,
+the wailing of the women inside and outside the house is changed into
+a true funeral wailing song; but this latter only continues for a few
+minutes. The special woman and some others, probably relatives only,
+remain in the house; but they do not touch the body at this stage. The
+other women, probably non-relatives, go out. The relatives of the
+deceased, both men and women, immediately smear their bodies with mud,
+but no one else in the village does so.
+
+This is the situation until the first party of women, generally
+accompanied by men, begin to come in from other villages of the
+same, and probably of one or more other, communities. These people
+have been laughing and playing and enjoying themselves on their way
+to the village, and do so freely until they get close to it. Then
+they commence wailing (not the funeral song) and shouting, calling
+the deceased by a relationship term, such as father, brother, etc.,
+though they may never have heard of him before; and, doing this, they
+enter the village, and go to the house. The incoming women, but not
+the men, all arrive smeared with mud. The women crowd into and about
+the house, still wailing as before, but not the funeral song. They
+all see the body; and each woman, after seeing it, comes out and sits
+on the platform of the house or on the ground outside. The party of
+outside village women then cease their first wailing, and commence
+the funeral song, in which they are joined by the female relatives
+of the deceased and other women of the village. But again this only
+lasts for a few minutes, the period being longer or shorter according
+to the importance of the person who has died.
+
+Other similar parties, coming in from other villages, go through the
+same performance as they come into the village; and in each case, as
+the women of each fresh party come out of the house after seeing the
+corpse, there is a fresh outburst of the funeral song on the part of
+all the women present, but always only for a few minutes. This goes on
+till the last batch of visitors has arrived. The people of the village
+know when this last batch has come, because they have been told by
+cross-valley shouting which villages are sending parties. The total
+number of women in the village is then generally very large. After the
+last batch of visitors has arrived, and until the funeral ceremony,
+all the women again break out into the funeral song for a few minutes
+about once an hour in the daytime, but not so often at night.
+
+The funeral takes place probably about twenty-four hours after
+death. The body is now wrapped up by the special woman attendant,
+helped by the female relatives of the deceased, in leaves, especially
+banana leaves, and bark of trees, and remains so wrapped up in
+the house.
+
+It is placed with the knees bent up to the chin, and the heels to the
+buttocks. In the meantime men of the village dig a grave 2 or 3 feet
+deep in the village open enclosure. When all is ready the funeral
+song begins again, the singers this time being the female relatives
+of the deceased and the women who have come from outside villages,
+but not the other women of the village of the deceased. Men of the
+village then carry the corpse, wrapped and doubled up, and place it,
+lying on its back, in the grave. There is no real procession from the
+house to the grave, though all the people assemble at the latter;
+but during the whole of the time, until the body is in the grave,
+the singing by the women of the funeral song continues. As soon as
+the body is in the grave, all the men, both villagers and visitors,
+shout again as before, and for the same purpose. The grave is then
+filled up, the women in the meantime singing as before; and when this
+is done the funeral is over.
+
+The relatives of the deceased now go into mourning. The widow or
+widower or other nearest relative wears the mourning string necklace
+already described. He or she, and also the other near relatives,
+smear their faces, and sometimes, but not always, their bodies, with
+black, to which, as regards the face, but not the body, is added oil or
+water. Some more distant relatives, instead of blackening themselves,
+wear the mourning shell necklace. And all this will continue,
+nominally without break, until the mourning is formally removed, in
+the way to be explained hereafter. As a matter of fact, the insignia
+of mourning are not worn without interruption, and the black smearing
+is by no means so retained; but on any special occasion the person
+would take care to appear in mourning. There is a custom under which
+the widow or widower or other nearest relative may, instead of wearing
+the mourning string necklace, abstain during the period of mourning
+from eating some particular food, of which deceased was most fond. [98]
+
+In connection with mourning, I should also mention a curious custom,
+which I understand is common, though not universal, for a woman who
+has lost a child, and especially a first-born or very clear child,
+to amputate the top end of one of her fingers, up to the first joint,
+with an adze. Having done this once for one child, she will possibly
+do it again for another child; and a woman has been seen with three
+fingers mutilated in this way. [99]
+
+The family of the deceased invite men and women from some other
+community, but only one community, to a funeral feast, which is
+held after an interval of two or three days from the day of the
+funeral. On the day appointed these guests arrive. They are all well
+ornamented, but, with one exception, they do not wear their dancing
+ornaments. One of them, however, usually a chief or the son of a chief
+of the community invited, comes in his full dancing ornaments. All
+the guest men bring with them their spears, and perhaps adzes or clubs.
+
+When they arrive the following performances take place, the village
+enclosure being left by the villagers empty and open:--First two guest
+women enter the village enclosure at one end, and run in silence round
+it, brandishing spears in both hands, as at the big feast; but they
+make no hostile demonstration. When these two women have reached their
+starting point, they again do the same thing, brandishing their spears
+as before, and all the guest men, except the specially dressed one,
+follow them by advancing with a dancing step along the enclosure,
+they also brandishing their spears, and also being silent. Thus the
+whole group goes to the other end of the village, passing the grave
+of the deceased as they do so; then they turn round, and come back
+again in the same way, but on their return they stop before they
+reach the grave.
+
+Then the specially ornamented guest man enters alone, without his arms,
+but with his drum, which he beats. He dances up the village enclosure
+in a zigzag course, going from side to side of the enclosure, and
+always facing in the direction in which he is at the time moving; and
+during his advance he beats his drum., but otherwise he and all the
+other people are silent. When in this way he has reached the grave,
+the chief of the clan of the village where the funeral takes place,
+who does not wear any dancing ornaments, approaches him, and removes
+his heavy head ornament. This ends the first part of the ceremony;
+and the villagers and guests then chat and conduct themselves in the
+ordinary way.
+
+Plates 82 and 83 illustrate scenes at a funeral feast in the village
+of Amalala. In the former plate the grave is very clear, and the
+remains of an older grave are visible behind the post a little to the
+left. At the upper end of the village enclosure are the visitors, who
+are about to dance along the enclosure past the grave, and then back
+again up to it. The figures in the _emone_ behind are Amalala men,
+watching the performance. In the latter plate the visitor chief is
+seen dancing along the village enclosure towards the grave.
+
+In the meantime the members of the family of the deceased bring in one
+or more village pigs and some vegetables. A number of sticks are laid
+upon the ground over the grave, the sticks crossing each other so as
+to form a rude ground platform (this is not done by any particular
+person), and these sticks are covered with banana leaves. [100] The
+pigs are placed on this platform, and are then killed by the pig-killer
+and cut up, and the vegetables and pieces of pig are distributed by
+the chief of the clan, helped perhaps by the family of the deceased,
+among the male visitors. The one specially dressed visitor, being
+the only one who has really danced, gets much the largest share. For
+example, if there be two or more pigs, he will get an entire pig for
+himself. Then the ceremony is over, and the guests return home. The
+wood of the platform is not removed from the grave, but is left to
+rot there. The killing of the pigs at this ceremony is regarded as
+the act which will, they think, finally propitiate or drive away the
+ghost of the departed.
+
+It will be noticed that, though representatives from several
+communities may be invited and come to the funeral, only one community
+is invited to the subsequent funeral feast, just as only one community
+is invited to the big feast, which latter we must, I think, associate
+with the general superstitious idea of laying the ghosts of past
+departed chiefs and notables. I cannot say what is the reason for the
+confinement of these invitations to one community only, but it must, I
+think, have had some definite origin [101]; and as to this I am struck
+by the similarity of the Massim idea, referred to by Dr. Seligmann,
+that an individual's death primarily concerns the dead man's hamlet
+and one other hamlet of his clan, with which certain death feasts
+are exchanged, other members of the clan being comparatively little
+affected. [102]
+
+As soon as possible after the funeral pig-killing, they catch some
+wild pig or pigs, and kill and eat them, and sweep down the village
+by way of purification ceremony, very much as they do in the case
+of the big feast, except that it is on a very much smaller scale,
+and that the people do not afterwards leave the village.
+
+The ceremony of removal of the mourning may take place after an
+interval of only a week or two, or of so much as six months, the
+date often depending upon the occurrence of some other ceremony,
+at which the removal of the mourning can be carried out without
+necessitating a ceremony for itself only. Visitors from some
+other community attend. The ceremony only applies to the nearest
+relative--the person who wears the string necklace; but, on his or
+her mourning being ceremoniously removed, the mourning of all others
+in respect of the same deceased ceases automatically. [103] This
+nearest relative has to provide a village pig. There is a feast,
+and dancing and pig-killing and distribution of food and pig, in
+the usual way, and this may be in the village of the deceased or
+in some other village of the community. The pig-killing is done by
+the pig-killer under the platform of a chiefs platform grave, or on
+the site of it. The pig, specially provided by the nearest relative,
+is bought and paid for by some person, as in the case of some of the
+ceremonies already described, and this person, after the killing of
+the pig, without special ceremony, cuts off the mourner's string
+necklace, dips it in the blood of the pig, and throws it away;
+then he takes some coloured paint, usually red, and with it daubs
+two lines on each side of the face across the cheek of the mourner,
+who of course at this ceremony will still have his black paint. If
+the mourner has been refraining from food, instead of wearing the
+necklace, the ceremony is confined to the paint-daubing. Then the
+mourner pays this ceremonial pig-buyer for his services, probably in
+feathers or dog-teeth, and the mourning is at an end.
+
+There will at a later date be a purification ceremony, at which wild
+pigs will be killed, such as has already been described. [104]
+
+
+Death and Burial.
+
+_(Chiefs.)_
+
+A dying chief is attended by the special woman and others in the
+way above described, except that many women of the clan are there,
+and that this special attendance and its accompanying wailing begin
+earlier, perhaps two or three days earlier, than in the case of an
+ordinary person, and that all the women of the clan who are not in
+the house wail outside it.
+
+In this case, however, there is a special ceremony for ascertaining
+whether or not the chief is in fact going to die--a ceremony which is
+usually performed at his own request. Some vegetable food, probably
+sweet potato, or perhaps sugar-cane or taro, is given him to eat;
+and this he will do although he may be very ill, and may not have been
+taking food, though of course, if he were insensible or unable to eat,
+this special ceremony could not be carried out. The inedible portions
+of this food, _e.g.,_ the peel of the potato or the hard fibres of
+the sugar-cane, are then handed to certain magical persons of the
+community, whose special duty it is to perform the ceremony about to be
+described, but as to whom I was unable to ascertain who and what they
+are, and whether they have any other special functions besides those
+of this ceremony. Some of these portions of food may even be sent to
+some similar magic person of high reputation in another community,
+in order that he also may perform the same ceremony. Each of these
+magic persons also has handed to him a portion of a perineal band
+belonging to, and recently worn by, the ailing chief.
+
+Each of the magic men then wraps up the portion of food which has
+been given to him in the piece of band; and this he again wraps up in
+leaves, and continues doing so until the parcel has become a round
+ball 4 or 5 inches in diameter. The men then separate, and each of
+them goes off alone to a spot outside the village, where he collects
+some very dry firewood, and heaps it up against the trunk of a tree
+to a height of, say, 6 feet. He then engages in an incantation, after
+which he puts the ball inside the bottom of the wood pile, and lights
+the pile at the bottom. Then he lies down by this fire and closes his
+eyes. After an interval of perhaps two to five minutes he gets up,
+as though awakening from a bad dream, and hears the wailing in the
+adjoining village, and asks himself what all this wailing is about;
+and he then appears to remember for what purpose he is there, goes to
+the fire, and takes out the ball. If the fire has burnt or scorched
+the food wrapped up in the ball, it is an indication that the chief
+is to die. If not, it indicates that he will live. These magic men
+then return to the village, and report the result. If their report
+be that the chief is going to live, the people cease their wailing,
+but if it be that he is to die, the wailing continues.
+
+Pausing here for a moment, I may admit that, though I have told
+the tale of this ceremony, with its private cogitations--real or
+pretended--of the magic men, as it was told to me, the tale is open
+to obvious questions. How can a magic man from a distant community
+hear the wailing? What would happen if the results of the ceremonies
+of the various magic men were to differ? What would be the situation
+if a chief whose death was indicated by the ceremony lived, or if one
+whose recovery was foretold became worse and died? All these points
+I tried to elucidate without success; but possibly the answer to the
+query as to divergence of results may be that the men take care that
+the results of their experiments shall not differ.
+
+It is believed by the natives that, if a hostile community can secure
+some of the food remnants and band, and hand them to their own magic
+man, for him to go through the same ceremony, he may maliciously
+bring about an unfavourable result, and thus may cause the death
+of the chief. If the belief that such a thing had happened arose,
+it would be a _casus belli_ with that other community; and a case is
+known in which an inter-community fight did occur on this ground.
+
+If the report be that the chief is to die, the special woman attendant
+will give him the blow on the head, as in the case of the ordinary
+villager. The shouting of the men outside when the chiefs death is
+announced is much louder than in the case of a commoner; and as they
+shout they brandish their spears, and strike the roof of the chiefs
+house with the spear points, and some of the men strike it with
+adzes and clubs. The spreading of the news to other communities is
+on a wider scale, and the number of people who respond to the news
+and come to the funeral is very great, and includes a larger number
+of chiefs and prominent men; there are more, and much larger, parties
+of them. The funeral song of the women, commenced on the announcement
+of death, lasts much longer--indeed for hours. In fact, as numerous
+large bodies of people keep coming in, and some of these coming from
+a distance may not arrive until just before the funeral, and as the
+funeral song has to be recommenced as each fresh party comes in,
+and lasts so much longer each time, it follows that this funeral song
+practically continues without ceasing from the moment when death is
+announced until the actual funeral. The immediate smearing by men and
+women of their bodies with mud is done by all the members of the entire
+community. When the guests reach the village, they are all, both men
+and women, smeared with mud, and they loudly call on the dead chief
+by his title _amidi_, or as _babe_ (father). Also the various chiefs'
+wives among the guests remain in the house after seeing the body,
+instead of coming out with the other guest women.
+
+The funeral does not take place till thirty-six or forty-eight hours
+after the death. The various chiefs' wives take part in the wrapping
+up of the body; and to the ordinary wrappings are added large pieces
+of bark cloth.
+
+The grave [105] is quite different from that of a commoner. There are
+two methods of sepulture adopted for chiefs, the grave being in both
+cases in or by the edge of the open village enclosure.
+
+The first of these methods is a burial platform, a very rough erection
+of upright poles from 9 to 12 feet high, the number of which may be
+four, or less or more than that, at the top of which erection is a
+rude wooden box-shaped receptacle, about 2 or 3 feet square, and from
+6 inches to a foot deep, and uncovered at the top, in which receptacle
+the corpse is placed. Sometimes the supporting structure, instead
+of being composed of a number of poles, is only a rough tree trunk,
+on which the lower ends of the branches are left to support the box.
+
+The second method is tree burial. The tree in which this is done is
+a special form of fig tree called _gabi_, the burial box, similar to
+the one above described, being placed in its lowest fork, or, if that
+be already occupied, then in the next one, and so on. [106] A tree
+has been seen with six of these boxes in it, one above another. This
+tree is specially used for such burials. The natives will never cut it
+down. In selecting a village site they will often specially choose one
+where one of these trees is growing; and indeed the presence of such
+a tree in the bush raises a probability that there is, or has been,
+a native village there. [107]
+
+If a burial platform afterwards falls down through decay, the people
+throw away all the bones, except the skull and the larger bones of the
+arms and legs; and these they deal with in one of three alternative
+ways. They either (1) dig a shallow grave in the ground under the
+fallen platform, and put the skull and special bones there, and then
+fill in the grave with soil, on this put a heap of stones, and on these
+put the wooden remains of the collapsed platform, planting round them
+tobacco or croton, or some other fine-leaved plant, or (2) they put
+the skull and special bones in a box on the _gabi_ burying tree, or
+(3) they take them to the _emone_, and there hang them up till they
+are wanted for a big feast. In the same way, if a tree box falls,
+they retain only the skull and large arm and leg bones, and replace
+them in a new box in the same tree.
+
+We have already seen a chiefs burial platform in the two plates 69 and
+70 relating to the big feast at Seluku, and the following plates are
+additional illustrations:--Plate 84 is the grave of a chiefs child in
+the village of Malala. The supports of the grave rise from the village
+enclosure fence behind, and are quite distinct from the underground
+commoner's grave, which is seen in front. The positions of the two
+graves can be seen in the general view of the village (Plate 58). Plate
+85 is a group of graves of chiefs and chiefs' relatives in the village
+of Tullalave (community of Auga). Plate 86 shows the grave of a chiefs
+child in the village of Faribe (community of Faribe). The form of this
+grave is quite different from those of the others, and is not, I think,
+so common, but a grave somewhat resembling it is seen in Plate 60.
+
+Plate 87 is a _gabi_ fig tree, used for tree burial, near to the
+village of Seluku, and Plate 88 shows the remains of an old burial
+box in one of its forks. The bones are still in this box, and indeed
+one of them may be just discerned at the extreme left, close to the
+upright stem of the tree.
+
+Plate 89 illustrates what I have said as to what is done when a burial
+platform falls down from decay. The skull and larger arm and leg bones
+of the body have been buried underground, and upon these have been
+heaped first stones and then the remains of the collapsed platform, and
+one little foliage plant and dried-up looking specimens of others can
+be seen around it. This picture was taken in the village of Seluku,
+and the actual position of the grave in the village enclosure is
+seen in Plate 55. Plate 90, of an _emone_ in the village of Voitele
+(community of Sivu) illustrates the alternative plan of hanging the
+skull and bones up in the _emone_.
+
+At the funeral all the women present, those of the village and of
+the whole community and the guests, join in singing the funeral song;
+but here again there is no actual procession, and the carrying of the
+body is not necessarily entrusted to any particular person. When the
+grave, whether on a platform or on a tree, is reached, all the men
+present begin to shout loudly, and there is a terrible noise. They all
+have their spears, but there is no brandishing of them. Then some men
+(anyone may do this) climb up to the box, and others hand the wrapped
+body up to them, and they place it lying on its back in the box. This
+ends the actual burial ceremony.
+
+The black mourning face, and sometimes body-staining is then adopted by
+all the people of the community, and perhaps also by chiefs from other
+communities who have been friends of the dead chief. The special string
+necklace worn by the nearest relative and the other family emblems of
+mourning are the same as in the case of an ordinary person, except
+that the chiefs widow will probably also wear the special mourning
+network vest already described, and that the mourning shell necklace,
+which in the case of an ordinary man is only worn by distant relatives,
+is worn by all the married men and women of the clan who have or can
+procure it.
+
+The subsequent ceremony and feast are in this case held one or two
+days after the funeral, the acceleration in the case of a chief being
+necessary in consequence of the retention of the corpse above ground
+and the foul smell which immediately begins to emanate from it. This
+feast is on a very large scale, though here again only one community
+is invited. The guests enter the village just as they do in the case
+of the death of an ordinary person; but they are all specially well
+decorated, and the one guest who comes in full dancing ornaments will
+certainly be a chief, or at least a chiefs son. The subsequent part
+of the ceremony, up to the removal of the head feather ornament from
+the dancer, is the same; but this removal is done by the nearest male
+relative of the deceased chief, who will probably be the person to whom
+the chieftainship has descended. Then follows the feast itself. The
+vegetables and village pigs for the feast are provided by the whole
+clan, and are in very large quantities. No platform of sticks is
+placed on the grave, the grave in this case not being underground;
+but the banana leaves are placed around (not under) the supports of
+the burial platform, or around the trunk of the burial tree. The pigs
+are killed upon these banana leaves by the pig-killer and his helpers,
+and the killed pigs are then placed in circles around the platform
+or tree, and are there cut up. The distribution of food and pig's
+flesh is made by the chiefs nearest male relative, with assistance,
+here again the special dancer getting the largest share, and the
+ceremony is then over, and the guests return to their villages.
+
+And now a true desertion of the village by its inhabitants takes
+place, as indeed is necessary, as the putrefying body is becoming
+so offensive; and it will be at least two or three weeks before the
+emission of the smells is over. The villagers all go off into the bush,
+with the exception of two unhappy men, more or less close relatives of
+the dead chief, who have to remain in the village. Whilst there alone
+they are well ornamented, though not in their full dancing decoration,
+but in particular, though not themselves chiefs, they wear on their
+heads the cassowary feathers which are the distinctive decoration of
+a chief, and they carry their spears. There they remain amidst the
+awful stench of the decomposing body and all the mess and smell of the
+pigs' blood and garbage about the village. It is a curious fact that,
+in speaking of these two men, the natives do not speak of them as
+watching over the body of the chief, but as watching over the blood
+of the killed pigs.
+
+When the stench is over, the villagers in the bush are informed, and
+they then return to the village. Then follow the killing and eating
+of wild pigs and sweeping down of the village, as in the case of the
+death of an ordinary person, but again on a much larger scale.
+
+It will be noticed that, though the desertion of the village after a
+big feast lasts for six months, that which follows a chiefs funeral
+only lasts for a few weeks.
+
+The removal of the mourning takes place after an interval which may be
+anything between one and six months. This is a special ceremony, and
+will not be postponed for the purpose of tacking it on to some other
+ceremony, as in the case of an ordinary person's mourning removal; but
+other ceremonies will often be tacked on to it. The guests invited are
+from only one other community. Here again the person actually dealt
+with is the chief mourner, and the removal of mourning from him or
+her terminates the mourning for everyone. The village pigs for this
+occasion are provided by the dead man's family, and not by the whole
+clan, as in the case of a chiefs funeral feast. There will probably
+be two or three of such pigs provided; but, as the ceremony is also
+available for various other ceremonies, there may be a considerable
+number of pigs killed. The dancing and pig-killing and feast are
+the same as those of an ordinary mourning-removal ceremony, but on a
+larger scale. The pig-killing in this case is done round the platform
+or tree on which the chief is buried. The buyer of the pig, who cuts
+off the mourning necklace and daubs the face of the chief mourner,
+if not a chief, will at all events be a person of importance; but
+the ceremonies relating to all these matters are identical with those
+already described. There is also the subsequent purification ceremony,
+at which wild pigs are killed and eaten as before.
+
+The graves of chiefs' wives and members of their families, and
+other persons of special importance, are platform or tree graves,
+like those of chiefs, and the funeral ceremonies on the deaths of
+these people are very similar to those of chiefs, though they are on
+a scale which is smaller, in proportion to the relative smallness
+of the importance of the person to be buried; and they are subject
+to a few detailed differences, which the difference of the situation
+involves. The special magic ceremony for ascertaining if the patient
+is or is not going to die is not performed in the case of these people.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVIII
+
+Religion and Superstitious Beliefs and Practices
+
+
+Religion and Superstitions.
+
+These are subjects which I should hardly have ventured to introduce
+into this book if I had had to rely exclusively upon enquiries made
+only during my stay among the Mafulu villages, without having the
+benefit of five years' observation by the Mafulu Fathers of the
+Mission. And, notwithstanding this additional facility, my notes
+on these questions will be found to involve puzzles and apparent
+inconsistencies; and there is no part of the book which should be
+read and accepted with greater reserve and doubt as to possible
+misunderstanding. Subject to this caution, I give the information as
+I have obtained it.
+
+I heard nothing to justify the idea of the Mafulu people having
+any belief in a universal God or All Father; but there is a general
+belief among them in a mysterious individual named _Tsidibe_, who may
+be a man, or may be a spirit (they appear to be vague as to this),
+who has immense power, and who once passed through their country in
+a direction from east to west. Wherever you may be, if you speak of
+this personage, and ask to be told in which direction he travelled,
+they always point out one which is from east to west. They believe
+that it was _Tsidibe_ who taught them all their customs, including
+dancing and manufacture, and that he ultimately reached and remained
+in the land of the white man, where he is now living; and that the
+superior knowledge of the white man in manufacture, and especially
+in the making of clothes, has been acquired from him. The idea of
+his ultimate association with the white man can hardly, however, be
+a very ancient tradition. One of the Fathers was seriously asked by a
+native whether he had ever seen _Tsidibe_. They seem to think that he
+is essentially a beneficent being. They regret his having left their
+country; but they have no doubt as to this, and do not regard him as
+still continuing to exercise any influence over them and their affairs,
+have no ceremonies or observances with reference to him, and do not
+address to him any supplications. As traces of his passage through
+their country they will show you extraordinarily shaped rocks and
+stones, such as fragments which have fallen from above into the valley,
+and rocks and stones which have lodged in strange positions. But there
+are no ceremonies with reference to these and the natives have no
+fear of them, and indeed they will proudly point them out to you as
+evidences of this mysterious being having been in their country, and
+of his power. They would not hesitate to touch one of these stones,
+but they would never injure it. I learnt nothing about him which
+would justify me in suggesting that the Mafulu people deified him
+as an ancestor, or even regarded him as being one, though some of
+the matters attributed to him are perhaps not dissimilar from those
+often attributed to deified ancestors. [108]
+
+They certainly have a lively belief in ghosts of people who have
+lived and died, and in spirits which have never occupied human form,
+all of whom (ghosts and spirits) are evil disposed, and in sorcery.
+
+Every human being, male and female, has during life a mysterious
+ghostly self, in addition to his bodily visible and conscious self;
+and this ghostly self will on his death survive him as a ghost. There
+appears to be no idea of this ghostly self leaving the body in times
+of sleeping or dreaming; though, if a man dreams of someone who is
+dead, he thinks that he has been visited by that person's ghost.
+
+At death the ghost leaves the body, and becomes, and remains, a
+malevolent being. There is no idea of re-incarnation, or of the ghost
+passing into any animal or plant, though, as will be seen hereafter,
+it sometimes apparently _becomes_ a plant; and there is no difference
+in their minds between the case of a person who has died naturally
+and one who has been killed in battle or otherwise, or between persons
+who have or have not been eaten, or who have or have not been buried,
+though in case of burial there are the methods of getting rid of the
+ghost; and there is no superstitious avoidance of graves or fear of
+mentioning a deceased person by name, and no superstition as to the
+shadows of living persons passing over graves and sacred places. Except
+as above stated, I found no trace of any belief in a future state.
+
+When on the death of a man or woman or child, the ghostly self leaves
+the body, or at all events when the funeral pig-killing has been
+performed, the ghost goes away to the tops of the mountains, where
+apparently it exists as a ghost for ever. The shouting immediately
+after the death, and afterwards at the funeral, are steps towards
+driving it there; and the pig-killing ceremony completes the
+process. On reaching the mountains the ghost _becomes_ one of two
+things. The ghost of a young or grown-up person up to, say, forty or
+forty-five years of age becomes the shimmering light upon the ground
+and undergrowth, which occurs here and there where the dense forest of
+the mountains is penetrated by the sun's beams. It is apparently only
+the light which shimmers on the ground and undergrowth, and not that
+in the air. The ghost of an elderly person over forty or forty-five
+years of age becomes a large sort of fungus, which is indigenous to
+the mountains, where alone it is found. Any native who on a hunting
+expedition or otherwise meets with a glade in which this shimmering
+light occurs will carefully pass round it, instead of going across
+it; and any native finding one of these fungi will neither eat nor
+touch, nor even tread upon it; though indeed, as regards the eating,
+I understand that this particular fungus is one of the poisonous
+non-edible forms. A native who, after the recent death of another,
+is travelling in the mountains, and there finds a young fungus of
+this species only just starting into growth, will think that it is
+probably the ghost of the recently departed one.
+
+As regards the use by me with reference to both sunbeams and fungi of
+the word "_becomes_" I recognise that it may justify much doubt and
+questioning. The idea of actually _becoming_ the flickering light or
+the fungus, as distinguished from that of entering into or haunting
+it, is a difficult one to grasp, especially as regards the flickering
+light. I tried to get to the bottom of this question when I was at
+Mafulu; but the belief as to actual _becoming_ was insisted upon, and
+I could get no further. I cannot doubt, however, that there is much
+room for further investigation on the point, which is of a character
+concerning which misapprehension may well arise, especially in dealing
+with such simple and primitive people as are the Mafulu natives.
+
+The foods of these ghosts in both their forms are the ghostly elements
+of the usual native vegetable foods (sweet potato, yam, taro, banana,
+and in fact every vegetable food) and the ghostly elements of the
+excrement of the still living natives; and the ghosts come down from
+the mountains to the villages and gardens to procure these foods. Here
+again the difficulty as to meaning above referred to arises, as they
+can hardly imagine that the flickering lights cease to flicker in their
+mountain glades, or that the fungi cease to exist in their mountain
+habitats during these food-seeking incursions; and yet, unless this
+be so, the superstitious difficulty is increased. A ghost is also
+sometimes for some reason or other dissatisfied with his mountain
+abode; and he will then return to the village (not apparently in the
+visible form of a flickering light or a fungus).
+
+As the intentions of the ghost towards living humanity are always
+evil, his visits, whether for procuring food or in consequence of
+dissatisfaction with his habitat, are feared by the people; but I
+could not ascertain what was the nature of the injuries by the ghost to
+themselves of which they were afraid, nor could I hear of any actual
+instance of a disaster or misfortune which had been attributed to the
+machinations of such a ghost. When sleeping in their dark enclosed
+houses, however, the people fill up all openings by which the ghost
+might enter (this does not apply to the _emone_, the entrance openings
+of which are not closed at night; but perhaps the fact that a number
+of men are always sleeping together there gives them confidence);
+and when the Mission Station at Mafulu was started the natives were
+amazed at the missionaries daring to sleep alone in rooms with open
+doors and windows, through which the ghosts might enter.
+
+Having by the shouting prior to and at the dead man's funeral wholly
+or partially driven his ghost to the mountains, and in some way,
+as it would seem, further placated or influenced the ghost by the
+subsequent pig-killing over or by his grave at the funeral feast, there
+is no method of which I could gain information by which the people can
+actually keep him there, or prevent his periodic returns to the village
+and gardens for food, or his return from a mountain home with which
+he is dissatisfied; and there are apparently no prayers, incantations
+or other ceremonies for the purpose of placating, or intimidating, or
+in any way influencing the ghost. This statement is subject, however,
+to the existence of the practice of pig-killing at the various other
+ceremonies before described (always apparently done under or by or
+on the site of a chiefs grave), which is evidently superstitious in
+character, and must have reference to the ghosts of the departed chiefs
+and notables, being intended, or having originally been intended,
+to placate or influence them in some way or other; and especially it
+would seem that this must be so as regards the dipping of the mourner's
+string necklace in dead pigs' blood at the mourning-removal ceremony,
+and as regards the pig-killing at the big feast, at which the skulls
+and bones of all the then departed chiefs and notables are carefully
+collected, and made the objects of ceremonious dipping in blood, or
+touching with bones so dipped, and after which these skulls and bones
+may be thrown away, as not requiring further ceremony. And concerning
+all these ceremonies, if we bear in mind the special fear which many
+primitive people seem to have of the ghosts of their great men, as
+distinguished from those of the unimportant ones, it seems, I think,
+to be natural that the graves and the skulls and bones of the great
+ones should be those which are specially dealt with, and the dealing
+with which may possibly, so far as the big feasts are concerned,
+have been the original purpose for which the feasts were held.
+
+The mental attitude and conduct of the people towards ghosts may have
+originated in some form of ancestor worship, but I found nothing now
+existing to indicate this; and in particular I could learn nothing
+of any recognition of, or ceremonial observances with reference to,
+the individual ghosts of known persons, as distinguished from the
+ghosts generally.
+
+I could find no direct information as to any belief in ghosts of
+animals or plants; but the fact that the living edible plants have
+a ghostly self, upon which the human ghosts feed, seems to involve
+the idea during the life of those plants; and in that case one sees
+no reason why the ghost of the plant should not survive the plant
+itself, just as the ghost of the living person survives him at his
+death. Also the existence of a ghostly element in human excrement
+opens out a wide field of ghostly possibilities.
+
+Spirits which have never been human beings are also malevolent;
+though when we come to the operations of magic men or sorcerers,
+and to incantations and the use of charms, the powers in connection
+with all of which appear to be ascribed to spirits, it will be noticed
+that these are by no means necessarily and invariably engaged or used
+for malevolent purposes.
+
+I was not able to obtain any satisfactory information as to these
+spirits, or their supposed attributes, nor, except as regards illness
+and death, as to the nature of, and ground for, the fears which the
+natives feel concerning them; indeed, this is a subject upon which
+most natives all over the world are inclined to be reticent, partly
+or largely from fear. Even as regards the sacred places which these
+spirits are supposed to haunt, though the natives are not unwilling
+to pass them, and will mention the fact that they are sacred, they
+are unwilling to talk about them. My notes as to spirits, other than
+those in connection with sorcery producing illness and death, must
+therefore be practically confined to the sacred places haunted by the
+spirits, and the demeanour and acts of the natives with reference to,
+and when they pass, these places.
+
+Speaking generally, any place which has something specially peculiar
+or unusual in its appearance is likely to be regarded as the abode of
+a spirit. A waterfall, or a deep still pool in the course of a river
+(but not the river itself), or a deep narrow rocky river ravine,
+or a strangely shaped rock come under this category. There are also
+certain trees and creepers which are regarded as implying the presence
+of a spirit in their vicinity, although that vicinity has in itself
+nothing unusual. I can, however, only give a few illustrative examples
+of this general idea.
+
+There are three special trees and two or three special creepers
+which imply the presence of a spirit. What the creepers are I could
+not ascertain; but the trees are a very large palm which grows
+on the mountains and not on the coast, a form of pine tree, [109]
+and the _gabi_ fig-tree, used for burial of chiefs. [110] It does
+not necessarily follow that every specimen of any one of these trees
+and creepers is spirit-haunted; but some are known to be so, and all
+are apparently so much under suspicion that, though the natives will
+speak of them and will pass them, they are afraid to cut them down.
+
+At the time when the path near the newly erected Mission Station at
+Mafulu was being opened some of these creepers had to be cleared away,
+and the Mission Fathers had the utmost difficulty with the natives,
+only two or three of whom could be persuaded to help in the work,
+whilst the others stood aloof and afraid. In the same way, when
+the Fathers wanted to cut down some of the special palms, only two
+natives were induced to help in this, and even they only did so on the
+condition that the Fathers themselves made the first strokes; and the
+Fathers were warned by the natives that evil would befall them. It was
+a curious coincidence that the Father who did this tree-cutting, being
+then and having been for a long time past perfectly well in health,
+was that evening taken ill with a bad sore, which nearly necessitated
+his being carried down to the head Mission Station on the coast.
+
+There is a very common ceremony performed when natives, in travelling
+through the country, pass a spirit-haunted spot. The leader of the
+party turns round, and in a low voice tells the others that they are
+approaching the spot, whereupon they all become silent, though up to
+that point they have been chattering. The leader then takes a wisp of
+grass and ties it in a knot, and all the others do the same. They then
+walk on in silence for a period, which may be anything from five to
+fifteen minutes, after which, as they pass the spot, the leader turns
+round and throws his bunch of grass on the ground, and the others do
+the same. In this way they avert the danger and afterwards chatter
+as before. [111] Another somewhat similar ceremony commences, like
+the former one, with silence; but, instead of throwing grass down as
+they pass the haunted spot, the visible sign of which in this case is
+a hole in the ground, the leader stops and looks round at the others,
+and then presses the palm of his hand down into the interior of the
+hole, and the others do the same; and after this all is safe and well,
+as in the former case. In travelling through the country these holes
+with numerous impressions of hands in them are to be seen; and you may
+in one day's journey pass several of these signs of haunted places,
+of either or both sorts, within a comparatively short distance of one
+another. The hole in which the people put their hands may not have
+originally existed, and may have been produced by the oft-repeated
+pressure of hands on the ground as natives passed the haunted spot;
+but on this point I am unable to make any statement. Nor have I
+been able to ascertain what the difference, if any, is, or has been,
+between the places where they put grass and those in which they merely
+press the hands.
+
+I found no evidence of any general idea of supernatural powers being
+possessed by natural inanimate objects, such as rivers or rocks; but,
+as already stated, fishers are in the habit of addressing the stream
+in supplication for fish, and it is possible there are other examples
+of the same sort of thing, which I did not discover.
+
+Magic or sorcery, and those who practise it, and incantations and
+charms, and those who supply charms, are naturally associated with
+either ghosts or spirits, or both. Among the Mafulu people they are,
+I was assured, associated solely with spirits, and not with ghosts;
+and, though I have no confirmatory evidence of the accuracy of this
+statement, I can only in these notes assume that it is correct. It
+may well be, however, that in the minds of the people themselves the
+distinction between the ghost of a person who has lived and died and
+the spirit which has never lived in visible human form is not really
+quite clearly defined; or that powers which are now regarded by them
+as spirits have had an origin, possibly long ago, in what were then
+believed to be ghosts. I shall revert to this point at a later stage.
+
+
+Sorcery.
+
+The Mafulu magic men or sorcerers are different from those of the
+Mekeo plains. There is not among the Mafulu, as there is in Mekeo,
+a large body of powerful professional sorcerers, who are a source of
+constant terror to the other people of their own villages, and are
+yet to a certain extent relied upon and desired by those people as
+a counterpoise to the powers of sorcerers of other villages; and a
+Mafulu native, unless prevented by a fear of outside hostility in
+no way connected with the supernatural, will travel alone outside
+his own community in a way in which fear of the sorcerers would
+make a Mekeo native unwilling to do so. The Mafulu sorcerers are a
+somewhat less powerful people; but they claim, and are supposed to
+have, certain powers of divination, or actual causation, or both, of
+certain things. So far as I could learn, the sorcerer's supernatural
+powers would never be exercised in a hostile way against anyone of
+his own village, or indeed of his own clan, or even, as a rule, of
+his own community. Apparently the sorcerer's victim is nearly always
+a member of some other community; and the sorcerers of a community do
+not appear to be in any way either feared or shunned by the members of
+that community. And, even as regards their acts of hostility against
+members of other communities, these do not seem to be performed to
+an extent in any way approaching what is found in Mekeo.
+
+It seemed to me at first, as regards these sorcerers, that there was
+a confusion in the Mafulu mind between divination and causation. The
+question as to this arose specially in connection with the ceremony
+for ascertaining whether a chief was or was not going to die. The
+people of a clan and the ailing chief certainly assume that the
+sorcerers who perform the ceremony under instructions, whether they
+be of the same community or of some other community, will by their
+magical powers merely divine the death or recovery of the chief;
+and the idea does not enter their heads that these sorcerers may
+actually cause the death. And yet they will accuse a hostile sorcerer
+of causing the death by an exactly similar ceremony, and will go to
+war over the matter. Probably, however, it is rather a question of
+the sorcerer's assumed volition--that is, it is assumed that the
+friendly sorcerer does not want the chief to die, and the people
+rely upon him to confine himself to a divination ceremony, and not
+to engage in hostile sorcery; whereas a hostile sorcerer might do the
+latter. I may add that I was led to suspect that the burning test was
+regarded as being only a matter of divination, and that the causation,
+if it occurred, was effected by means of the previous incantation.
+
+There are also, besides the sorcerers, a number of specialists, who
+can hardly perhaps be called true sorcerers, but who have certain
+specific powers, or are acquainted with certain specific forms of
+incantation, and whose services are from time to time sought by
+the people. It is impossible for me to point to any definite line
+of demarcation between the true sorcerers and these smaller people;
+and it cannot be doubted that the powers of the latter, like those
+of the former, are, or have been, based upon the supernatural, even
+though they themselves do not claim to be and are not regarded as
+being magic men in the highest sense. I think I may regard them as
+being more or less the Mafulu equivalents of the Roro individuals
+whom Dr. Seligmann calls "departmental experts." [112]
+
+Dealing first with the true sorcerers, they undoubtedly include
+among their number the men who perform the special ceremonial already
+described for ascertaining whether a sick chief is or is not destined
+to die. They also seem to include the makers or providers of the
+various charms, including those which are carried in the little charm
+bags and the love charms used by young men, as already mentioned. There
+are also two other matters which are regarded as coming within the
+province of the true sorcerers, of which one relates to rain and the
+other relates to illness and death. I will deal with them separately.
+
+The rain sorcerer is apparently merely a diviner. Dr. Seligmann would
+perhaps include him among the departmental experts, but the Fathers
+of the Mission regard him as being a true sorcerer. He is the man
+to whom the people go in anticipation of a proposed important event,
+such as a big feast, or perhaps a fighting or large hunting expedition,
+to ascertain and inform them whether the period in which it is proposed
+that the event shall occur will be fine or wet; but he does not profess
+to be able to do more than this, and they never expect him to prevent
+or bring about the rain, or in any way hold him responsible for the
+weather as it may in fact eventually occur.
+
+The sorcery connected with illness and death is not so simple; and
+there is no doubt that it is not confined to powers of divination,
+but includes powers of actual causation. This department of
+sorcery obviously includes the ceremonial in connection with the
+supposed dying chief. But it is not confined to this ceremony,
+as it is generally believed by the Mafulu people that sickness,
+which does not necessarily end in death, and death itself, can be,
+and commonly is, brought about by the operation of sorcerers in one
+way or another through the medium of certain things. The only things
+of this nature concerning which I was able to obtain information are
+(1) the inedible part of some vegetable food which the victim has
+recently eaten (_e.g.,_ the outside part of a sweet potato or banana
+or the cane part of a sugar cane), and (2) the victim's discharged
+excrement or urine. I found no trace of any use for purposes of
+sorcery of the edible remnants of the victim's food, nor (except
+as regards a woman's placenta, to which I shall refer presently)
+of any part of his body, such as his hair or nails; and, in fact,
+the free way in which the natives throw away their hair when cut is
+inconsistent with any belief as to its possible use against them.
+
+First, the inedible remnants of recently consumed vegetable food. The
+use of this as a medium for causing illness and death is apparently
+confined to the case of a victim who has passed the stage of very
+young childhood. Why this is so I could not learn; though in point
+of fact a mere infant would hardly be eating such things as a regular
+practice. A man or woman, however, never carelessly throws aside his
+own food remnants of this character; and his reason for this is fear
+of sorcery. He carefully keeps them under his control until he can
+take them to a river, into which he throws them, after which they
+are harmless as a medium against him. The fear concerning these
+remains is that a sorcerer will use them for a ceremony somewhat
+similar to that described in connection with the death of a chief,
+but in a hostile way. No such precautions are taken with reference
+to similar food eaten by very young children.
+
+Secondly, the discharged excrement and urine. This, for some reason,
+only applies to the case of an infant or quite young child. Here again
+I could not learn the reason for the limitation; but it is confirmed
+by the fact that grown-up persons take no pains whatever to avoid
+the passing of these things into the possession of other people,
+whereas, as regards little children, the mothers or other persons
+having charge of them always take careful precautions. The mother
+picks up her little child's excrement, and wraps it in a leaf, and then
+either carefully hides it in a hole in the ground, or throws it into
+the river, or places it in a little raised-up nest-like receptacle,
+which is sometimes erected near the house for this purpose, and where
+also it is regarded as being safe. One of these receptacles, shaped
+like an inverted cone, is shown in Plate 91, and a somewhat similar
+one is seen in Plate 64. As regards the urine, she pours upon it,
+as it lies on the ground or on the house floor or platform, a little
+clean water which she obtains from any handy source, or sometimes from
+a little store which, when away from other water supply, she often
+carries about with her for the purpose. I could get no information as
+to the way in which the sorcerer would use the excrement or urine as
+a medium for hostile purposes; though there is apparently no process
+similar to that of the fire used in connection with the inedible food
+remnants of the adult.
+
+It will have been noticed that the mode of rendering the inedible
+food remnants of a grown-up person immune from sorcery, and one
+of the methods of making the infants' excrement immune, is that of
+throwing them into the river; and even as regards infants' urine,
+which apparently is not, and as a rule hardly could be, actually
+thrown into the river, the protection is obtained by pouring water
+upon it. I think that the belief among the islands of the Pacific in
+the power of water to protect against the machinations of spirits or
+ghosts is not confined to the Mafulu natives, or indeed to those of
+New Guinea. Dr. Codrington mentions its existence as regards human
+excrement in Melanesia. [113] I would also refer to a custom of the
+Mafulu women after childbirth of throwing the placenta into the river,
+a practice which is similar to that of the Koita women, who drop the
+placenta into the sea. [114] Probably these practices relating to
+placenta are also based upon some idea of protection from sorcerers
+and spirits, although I was informed that among the Mafulu there is
+no superstitious fear connected with the matter now. If the custom
+is in fact superstitious in origin, the list of media for the use of
+sorcery already given by me requires enlarging. [115]
+
+Serious illness or death of either an adult or an infant, if not
+caused by visible accident, is by the Mafulu, as by other natives,
+generally attributed, subject to limitations, to the sorcerers. The
+belief of the Mafulu as to this arises if the victim, being an ordinary
+person, is comparatively young, or in the strength of life, say under
+forty or forty-five, or if the victim, being a chief or a member of
+a chief's family or a person of very high position, is even over that
+age, unless he is very old, and old age is recognised as the natural
+cause of his illness or death.
+
+If the belief arises that the calamity, especially that of death,
+has been brought about by spiritualistic influence, the family will
+probably go to some person who is believed to be in touch with spirits
+and able to designate the culprit. I cannot say whether or not the
+person so employed is regarded as being a sorcerer in the full sense
+of the word, or as merely one of the inferior types of magic men
+above referred to. Probably he is only the latter, as I do not think
+there are any juvenile sorcerers among the Mafulu, and this particular
+person may be quite a young boy; indeed, there is in a village near to
+the Mafulu Mission Station a young boy who is supposed to have this
+power. As a matter of fact this boy is not quite right in his head;
+but this state of mind is not among the Mafulu in any way a necessary,
+or indeed a usual, qualification for a sorcerer or magic man of any
+sort. The person appealed to will perhaps tell them who has done the
+deed, or will make some oracular statement which will lead to his
+identification. The culprit identified by him will in any case be a
+member of another clan, and most probably of another community. When
+he has been discovered, there will probably be a fight, in which
+the members of the victim's clan, or even, especially if the victim
+be a chief or big person, the whole of his community, will join the
+injured relatives, this question of suspected causing of death being,
+like that of non-repayment of the price paid for a runaway wife,
+one of the frequent causes of intercommunity fighting.
+
+Reverting here to the matter of ghosts and spirits, one cannot help
+noting a similarity between, on the one hand, the ghostly element
+of living food plants and the ghostly element of human excrement,
+which constitute the food of the ghosts, and, on the other hand, the
+physical inedible remnants of food recently eaten by an adult victim
+and the physical excrement and urine of an infant victim, which are the
+media used for hostile sorcery through the power of spirits; though,
+as regards the latter, I have no evidence of a belief that the spirits
+eat them. I tried to get further into this matter, but was unable to
+do so. Again one is struck by the fact that the special _gabi_ tree,
+which is the tree used for the interment of chiefs and notables, is
+one of the trees whose presence is regarded as indicating a place
+inhabited by spirits. These elements of similarity tend, I think,
+to suggest the possibility of some confusion in the native mind as
+to the difference between ghosts and spirits, or of some originally
+ghostly origin in what are now regarded as spirits.
+
+The class of magic men who are something less than sorcerers,
+and whose powers are perhaps confined to the knowledge of certain
+specific forms of incantation, would probably include the person who
+does the nose-boring, and perhaps the person who detects the causes
+of death above referred to. It would also, I think, include the
+men who ascertain the whereabouts of a stolen article and discover
+the thief, and who perform the ceremony in connection with hunting,
+and the persons who effect, or profess to effect, cures of a more or
+less superstitious nature, all of whom are probably not regarded as
+full sorcerers.
+
+The professional pig-killer is not, as such, either a sorcerer or
+a magic man in the minor sense; and, if there has originally been
+anything of a superstitious or magic character associated with him or
+his functions, I was unable to find any trace of it, except perhaps
+as regards the ceremony and incantation in connection with hunting,
+which apparently is commonly performed by him.
+
+
+Charms.
+
+The Mafulu people believe in charms. I have already referred to those
+used by young men desirous of marrying. But there are many other more
+important charms for various purposes, such as averting illness and
+death, success in hunting and fishing, and perhaps preservation in
+time of war. These charms may be stones, small pieces of different
+sorts of bark, flowers, or various kinds of poisons, though the
+poisons appear to be only used for averting illness and death. They
+are all procured from sorcerers, who may be of the same or of some
+other village, or of another community, and there are sorcerers who
+have specialities in certain sorts of charms. These charms are often
+carried inside the small charm bags already mentioned.
+
+
+Omens.
+
+They believe in omens; but of these I was only able to hear of two
+examples--namely, flying foxes, [116] and fireflies, the latter,
+though common in the plains, being rare on the mountains, and both of
+these are bad omens. Any person or party starting off on a journey,
+or on a hunting or fishing expedition, and meeting either of these
+creatures would probably at once turn back; and I was told that even a
+full war party starting off on a punitive expedition would turn back,
+or at least halt for a time, if it met one or other of them. I cannot
+help thinking there must be some other omens, which I have failed
+to discover.
+
+
+General.
+
+Referring generally to supplications, incantations, and acts
+of propitiation, the only examples of them which I was able to
+discover were the above-mentioned supplication to the river prior
+to fishing, which is apparently spoken by the fishers themselves,
+and not merely by a sorcerer or magic man, and the incantations in
+connection with nose-piercing, with hunting, with a dying chief,
+with the stone operation for stomach complaints, and with the plant
+remedies for wounds, and the acts of propitiation, if such they are,
+in connection with ceremonious pig-killing, and especially with the
+ceremonies performed at a big feast and at or following a funeral; and
+as regards the incantations I could learn nothing as to their nature,
+nor as to the specific spiritual powers for the influencing of which
+they are intended, nor the way in which those powers are moved by them.
+
+In fact, concerning the whole question of ghosts, spirits, sorcery,
+charms, omens and superstitions, I cannot imagine that I have
+accomplished more than the mere touching of the fringe of it; and I am
+sure that, when the Mafulu people have got rather more into touch with
+civilisation, and become more accessible and communicative about these
+things, there will be much more to be learnt. It may perhaps be that
+some of the apparently superstitious acts are, like many such acts
+performed in England, based upon beliefs which have long since been
+forgotten, and have themselves become mere formalities, to which the
+natives do not attach serious superstitious importance; though their
+fear of ghosts and spirits is undoubtedly a very real and general one.
+
+There are no secret societies or mysteries, such as are met with
+in some of the Solomon Islands, and they have no superstition as
+to sneezing.
+
+
+Taboo.
+
+The subject of taboo may perhaps be referred to under the present
+heading, for, though there appear to be no totemic taboos, and
+though I have no material showing that the Mafulu taboos are based on
+superstitious ideas, it may, I imagine, be assumed that, while some
+of these taboos are possibly partly based on medical common sense,
+the element of superstition enters more or less into many of them. I
+have already referred to a few general restrictions connected with
+etiquette, and what I now propose to mention are food taboos.
+
+Young men are not supposed to eat wild pig until they have married,
+but this is the only food restriction which is put upon them. [117]
+A woman who is about to give birth to a child must eat no food
+whatever for a day or rather longer (never more than two days),
+before the child is born. I have already referred to the food taboo
+on persons undergoing the nose-piercing operation, and the optional
+food taboo to which the nearest relative of a deceased person may
+submit, in lieu of wearing the mourning string. There is also a
+general taboo against any food other than sweet potato and chewing
+of betel-nuts, with its condiments of lime and pepper, upon any male
+person who intends to take part, either as a dancer or singer, in any
+ceremonial dance. This latter term includes the dance at a big feast
+and the women's dance on the eve of it, but not the dancing during
+the six months' interval before it. It also includes the dance at
+any of the various minor ceremonies above described, and at a funeral
+ceremony. The period of restriction in the case of the big feast begins
+when the formal croton-leaf invitation has gone out to the guests,
+about a month before the date of the feast. In the case of a funeral
+it is necessarily only quite short, and in cases of other ceremonies
+it varies, being largely dependent on the length of period during
+which the approach of the ceremony is known. During the period of
+restriction the people avail themselves largely of the privilege of
+betel-chewing, and prior to a big feast their mouths get very red. In
+connection with personal ceremonies upon assumption of the perineal
+band, admission to the _emone_ (excepting, as regards this, the case
+of a child of very tender years), qualifying for drumming and dancing,
+devolution of chieftainship and nose-piercing, the person concerned,
+male or female, is under the same food restriction for a day prior
+to that of the ceremony, and as regards nose-piercing this taboo
+is prior to the actual piercing, and is quite distinct from the
+subsequent taboo already referred to. There does not appear to be
+any taboo connected with fishing, hunting or war.
+
+The observance of all these taboos is secured only by superstitious
+belief or public opinion, or both, there being no method of enforcing
+them by punishment or by any exercise of authority by the chiefs.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIX
+
+Note on the Kuni People
+
+Father Egedi, who has studied the Kuni people, and has written a
+series of articles about them in numbers of _Anthropos_, told me
+that he regarded them as being a cross between the Papuan-speaking
+Mafulu and the Melanesian-speaking Papuo-Melanesians of Mekeo and the
+adjoining coast. Whether or not this is absolutely and strictly correct
+is a question upon which I will not venture to express an opinion.
+
+In general physique and appearance the Kuni are distinctly and strongly
+of the type of the Mafulu, whilst their language is Melanesian; and,
+as regards other matters, they in some respects resemble and in other
+respects differ from the Mafulu.
+
+As regards physique, Father Egedi distinguishes the Kuni from the
+natives of the adjoining coast by their slighter development, slender
+limbs and darker colour of skin, in which respects they resemble the
+Mafulu; but he regards them as being lower-statured than the tribes
+of the interior, which term includes the Mafulu, [118]with greater
+regularity of features, and of lighter colour, all of which tallies,
+I think, with my own observation of them. But the fact that they are
+shorter in stature than the Mafulu, who are themselves shorter than
+the coast natives, is perhaps a matter for surprise, if they are
+a cross between the two. I have not measured any Kuni heads; but I
+should be disposed from general observation to say that they are very
+similar to those of the Mafulu, being predominantly mesaticephalic,
+with tendencies to brachycephalism. [119]
+
+Many of the Lapeka people, who are Kuni, but are on the borders of
+the Upper Mekeo district, seemed to me to have distinctly flattish
+faces, with remarkably delicately cut features--some of the women
+in particular being exceedingly pretty in profile--and very bright
+sparkling eyes. Where these local characteristics came from I cannot
+say, as it could hardly be the result of an intermixture of Mekeo
+blood. [120]
+
+The oblique eye, which is occasionally found on the coast, [121] but
+which I never saw in Mafulu, is, according to Father Egedi, present,
+though only rare, among the Kuni. His large amount of opportunity
+for observation, and his known care and ability in this respect,
+compel me to assume his accuracy; but I can say that I saw a good
+many of these eyes among them, and indeed once, having about twenty
+of these Kuni people squatting in front of me, I observed that about
+half of them had distinctly oblique eyes.
+
+Father Egedi speaks of their hair as being "generally black, rarely
+bright, and more rarely chestnut"; and as to this, I would refer to
+the fact that the predominating colour of hair among the Mafulu is
+dark or darkish brown, so that in this respect the Kuni apparently
+tend more to the black-haired coast type of native than do the Mafulu.
+
+Concerning matters other than physique and language, as I only passed
+through the Kuni district, and did not attempt serious ethnological
+investigation there, I can say but little beyond what I learn from
+Father Egedi's articles and a few other sources; and the material
+thus available only deals with a few questions.
+
+It would appear from Father Egedi's observations that the relationship
+between villages arising from the splitting up into two or more of
+an original family village is not so permanent as I believe it to be
+among the Mafulu. Dr. Seligmann says [122] that among the Kuni Father
+Egedi "could find no trace of intermarrying groups, or groups of clans
+claiming common descent," which statement applies to my investigations
+among the Mafulu. He further says [123] that "The Dilava folk"
+(Dilava is a Kuni village) "marry into all the surrounding villages;
+and when a death occurs it is the head of the family of the deceased
+who says when mourning shall cease"--statements of which the former,
+and I believe the latter, could hardly be correctly made concerning
+the Mafulu. He also refers [124] to Kuni war chiefs, an office which
+does not exist among the Mafulu, and apparently understands that the
+office of these war chiefs is non-hereditary, a statement which could
+not be made of any Mafulu chief; and he refers [125] to a funeral
+ceremony which is quite unknown in Mafulu. But his statement [126]
+that the _kufu_ (club-house) system seems less developed than in
+Mekeo would apply very strongly to the Mafulu.
+
+The Kuni superstitious remedies for illnesses, as described by Father
+Egedi, are quite different from those of Mafulu, and their food
+restrictions, as enumerated by him, are in some respects substantially
+distinct from those of the Mafulu, though some of them are more or
+less similar.
+
+According to him Kuni women, though they may not enter the village
+_kufu_ or club-house, are allowed upon its platform, which is not
+the case with the Mafulu _emone_; and eldest sons of Kuni influential
+people may not enter into the _kufu_ until their parents have given a
+specific feast, which custom is apparently not identical with that of
+the Mafulu above described by me, and which applies to all sons of all
+members of the village, and not merely to those of influential people.
+
+The Kuni houses differ from those of the Mafulu, being more or
+less round or oval in apparent shape, even though the floor is
+rectangular. Also according to Father Egedi, Kuni _kufu_ are of
+several various sorts, and some of them are constructed in specific
+ways, and have specific carved and painted decorations, some of which
+are imitative of animals and objects held in veneration; and these
+different types of club-house, which include one used only by elderly
+bachelors and widowers, have specific names--all of which is quite
+different from what is found in Mafulu. Among these club-houses Father
+Egedi includes one built at feast times higher up the ridge, outside
+the village, for guests' accommodation, which, though apparently
+somewhat similar in purpose to the guests' houses at a Mafulu feast,
+differs from them in form. Indeed, as regards building construction,
+the only point of strong similarity between the Kuni and the Mafulu
+which I can trace is the long fireplace extending from front to back
+of the building, which with the Kuni is apparently very like that of
+the Mafulu.
+
+Father Egedi's statement as to Kuni cannibalism, that speaking
+generally it appears to be confined to the bodies of people killed in
+war or in private vendetta, and that, though other cases are recorded,
+they are regarded as a violation of a custom and are detested, might be
+equally well said of the Mafulu; though I did not actually hear of any
+known record there of the other cases mentioned. Again his statement
+that the actual killer must not share in the feast holds good with
+the Mafulu; but I believe that this idea exists elsewhere also.
+
+Concerning the Kuni implements I can only refer to Dr. Seligmann's
+statement, [127] that they do not appear to use bows and
+shields--which, if correct, is a point of difference between them and
+the Mafulu--and to a few other things referred to by Father Egedi in
+his articles. From his descriptions I should imagine that the Kuni
+pig-bone implements and their bamboo cutting knives are similar, and
+that their wooden vegetable dishes are somewhat similar to those of
+the Mafulu. But the Kuni have cooking pots (which they get from the
+coast), and use forks and spoons and various other implements and
+utensils which are not found in Mafulu, and their mode of producing
+fire is quite different from the Mafulu mode.
+
+I recognise that the above comparative notes on Kuni culture are only
+of a very fragmentary character; but Father Egedi expresses the general
+opinion that, though the language of the Kuni people is Melanesian,
+their habits and customs "may be considered as making one with those
+of the Mafulu people."
+
+On the whole question of Kuni relationship it can, I think, hardly
+be doubted that the Kuni have some characteristics which are clearly
+those of the Mafulu and other central mountain tribes, and others which
+are obviously those of the Papuo-Melanesians of the adjacent plains
+and the coast beyond; and the only question seems to be the nature
+and origin of the Kuni relationship to these two types of people. It
+may be, as suggested by Father Egedi, that they are actually a cross
+between these two mixed types; or, if the suggestion in my concluding
+chapter as to the possible presence in these Mafulu and other mountain
+people of Negrito blood be correct, it may be that the Kuni people
+are merely another result of the general Negrito-Papuo-Melanesian
+intercrossing, in which the Papuan and Melanesian elements have been
+more predominant than they have been with the Mafulu.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XX
+
+Conclusion
+
+What is the origin of these Mafulu people, with their short stature,
+small and somewhat rounded heads, slight but active build, sooty
+brown skin, and frizzly hair, predominantly brown in colour, and with
+their comparatively primitive ideas of organisation, and simple arts
+and crafts?
+
+The question is one of no mere local interest, as the answer to
+it will probably be the answer to a similar question concerning
+most, and perhaps all, of the other Papuan-speaking people of the
+mountainous interior of the Central District of British New Guinea,
+and may even be a key to the past early history of the entire island.
+
+It has, I think, been hitherto believed that all these mountain people
+had a mixed Papuan and Melanesian ancestry; but it was impossible to
+be among them, as I was, for some time without being impressed by the
+difference in appearance between them and the people of the adjacent
+coast and plains, and suspecting that, though they had Papuan and
+Melanesian blood in their veins, there was also some third element
+there. And the name which obtruded itself upon my mind, whilst in
+Mafulu, was Negrito.
+
+The dark skin and the comparatively rounded heads, and, I think, some
+shortness of stature are found elsewhere in British New Guinea; though
+shortness of stature and rounded heads are unusual, and, I believe,
+only local, and I do not know whether even the Papuan skin is ever
+quite so dark as that of the Mafulu people. But the almost universal
+shortness of stature, the comparatively slight, but strong and active,
+build and the brown colour of the hair seemed entirely different from
+anything that I had ever seen or read of as regards either the Papuans
+or the Melanesians; and all of these, coupled with the tendency to
+roundness of head, were consistent with a partial negrito ancestry.
+
+Then on my return to England I learnt that dwarf people had been
+found by the recent expedition into Dutch New Guinea organised by
+the British Ornithologists' Union. Dr. Haddon has expressed the
+opinion that these dwarf people and some dwarf people previously
+found by Dr. Rudolph Poch in German New Guinea are all negritoes,
+or negritoes crossed with Papuans. [128]
+
+Dr. Keith, to whom I submitted all my notes upon the measurements
+and physique of the Mafulu people, and who measured and examined the
+three skulls which I brought home, wrote to me as follows:--
+
+"I have examined the observations you have made on the Mafulu. From
+your paper one can form, for the first time, a picture of the
+physical characters of this tribe; but, when I proceed to assign
+the tribe to its proper race, I am at once met by difficulties. In
+my opinion the short stature, the pigmented skin, and the small
+heads inclined to brachycephaly indicate a strong negrito element,
+which we know is widely distributed in the far east, and certainly,
+as we should expect, occurs in certain districts of New Guinea. In the
+three crania there were characters which one could assign to Papuan,
+as well as to a Melanesian stock.... A brown or reddish tinge is
+seen not infrequently in the hair of negritoes. You will see that
+I am inclined to look on the Mafulu as showing a very considerable
+degree of negrito blood, and to regard the more primitive tribes of
+New Guinea as being of this nature. If that were so, the Mafulu might
+be regarded as belonging to the older population of New Guinea, both
+Papuan and Melanesian having added something to their civilisation,
+as well as their physical characters."
+
+Dr. Keith then is inclined to agree with my suggestion concerning
+the origin of the Mafulu; and Dr. Haddon, having seen my notes upon
+physique, said that he endorsed the views expressed by Dr. Keith. And
+if the view suggested be correct as regards the Mafulu or Fuyuge
+people, I am prepared to say that from what I have heard of the other
+mountain Papuan-speaking people of that part of New Guinea, including
+the Oru Lopiku (Kovio), Boboi and Ambo people, I am convinced that it
+must be correct as regards them also, though the relative predominance
+of the three strains may well vary with these different people.
+
+I am hardly qualified to enter into the discussion as to the
+relationship, if any, existing between the principal hitherto known
+dwarf races, the Pygmies of Central Africa, the Semang of the Malay
+Peninsula, the Andamanese and the Aetas of the Philippine Islands,
+or to deal with the question whether or not all or some of them are
+to be grouped together as forming a distinct and related type, or
+are to be regarded as unconnected in the sense that each of them is
+merely a local variation, sharing a common ancestry with some other
+taller negroid race.
+
+As, however, my suggestion of a partial negrito origin of the
+Mafulu people necessarily brings me into contact with this wider
+question, and the latter is still one upon which opinions differ,
+I may perhaps briefly tabulate some of the chief physical characters
+of the Andamanese, the Semang, the Aetas, the dwarf people recently
+found in Dutch New Guinea and the Mafulu. I think I may omit the
+African pygmies from my tables.
+
+
+_Stature._
+
+
+Andamanese      4' 10 1/2''
+
+    This is the figure given by Mr. Portman (_Journal of
+    Anthropological Institute_, vol. 25, p. 366) and by Dr. Haddon
+    (_Races of Man and their Distribution_, p. 9), and is very near
+    the 4'10 3/4'' given by Mr. Man (_The Andaman Islanders_, p. 5),
+    and adopted by Messrs. Skeat and Blagden (_Pagan Races of the
+    Malay Peninsula_, p. 573).
+
+Semang          4' 10 3/4''
+    Skeat and Blagden (_Pagan Races_, &c., p. 573) and Haddon (Races
+    of Man, &c., p. 9).
+
+Aetas           4' 10''
+
+    This is Dr. Haddon's figure (_Races of Man, &c._, p. 9), and it
+    is within half an inch of the 4' l0 1/2'' given by Dr. Semper
+    (_Journal of Anthropology_ for October, 1870, p. 135). Dr. Meyer
+    gives a number of varying measurements (see _Journal of
+    Anthropological Institute,_ vol. 25, p. 174), and Reed gives the
+    average of 48 males, some of whom were not pure types, only 4' 9"
+    (_Negritos of Zambales_, p. 32).
+
+Dutch New Guinea dwarfs     4' 9''
+
+    Captain Rawling (_Geographical Journal_, vol. 38, p. 245).
+
+Mafulu    5' 1''
+
+    It is merely suggested by me that they are _partly_ negrito,
+    which, if correct, would explain the somewhat higher stature.
+
+
+_General Physique._
+
+
+Andamanese
+
+    Well proportioned, and with good muscular development (Man,
+    _Journal of Anthropological Institute_, vol. 12, pp. 72 and 73).
+
+Semang
+
+    Sturdily built (Haddon, _Races of Man, &c._, p. 9).
+
+Aetas
+
+    Well formed and sprightly (Earle, _Papuans_, p. 123), and with
+    limbs which, corresponding to their stature, are uncommonly
+    slender, but well formed (Semper, _Journal of Anthropology_ for
+    October, 1870, p. 135). Well-built little men with broad chests,
+    symmetrical limbs, and well-developed muscles (Reed, _Negritos
+    of Zambales,_ p. 34).
+
+Dutch New Guinea dwarfs
+
+    Of sturdy build (Rawling, _Geographical Journal_, vol. 38, p. 241).
+
+Mafulu
+
+    Fairly strong and muscular, but rather slender and slight in
+    development.
+
+
+_Cephalic Index._
+
+
+Andamanese      82
+
+    This is Dr. Haddon's figure (_Races of Man, &c._,
+    p. 9). Messrs. Skeat and Blagden say they are decidedly
+    brachycephalic (_Pagan Races, &c._, p. 573).
+
+Semang          78.9
+
+    Dr. Haddon's figure (_Races of Man, &c._, p. 9). Skeat and Blagden
+    describe them as brachycephalic to mesatecephalic (_Pagan Races,
+    &c._, p. 34).
+
+Aetas           80
+
+    Dr. Haddon's figure (_Races of Man, &c._, p. 9). Skeat and Blagden
+    describe them as decidedly brachycephalic (_Pagan Races, &c._,
+    p. 573). Reed gives 82 as the average (_Negritos of Zambales_,
+    p. 34).
+
+Dutch New Guinea dwarfs    80.2
+
+    This figure is calculated by me from the actual length and breadth
+    given by Captain Rawling (_Geographical Journal_, vol. 38, p. 245).
+
+Mafulu          80
+
+
+
+_Nasal Index._
+
+
+
+Andamanese      ?
+
+Semang          101
+
+    Calculated by me from average of actual measurements of 5 people
+    given by Skeat and Blagden (_Pagan Races, &c._, p. 577).
+
+Aetas           ?
+
+    Reed records highly varying indices, the bulk of which were
+    hyperplatyrhine (87.9-108.8), and nearly all the others of which
+    were ultraplatyrhine (109 and over) (_Negritos of Zambales_,
+    pp. 34, 35).
+
+Dutch New Guinea dwarfs     80.9
+
+    Calculated by me from Captain Rawling's actual figures.
+
+Mafulu          84.3
+
+
+
+_Colour of Skin._
+
+Descriptions of this are so general, and so much depends in each case
+upon the relative meanings attached by each writer to the terms used
+by him, that I prefer to depend as regards the Andamanese, Semang,
+and Aetas upon Dr. Haddon's descriptions, which are doubtless based
+upon his comparison of those given in previous literature.
+
+
+Andamanese
+
+    Very dark (_Races of Man, &c._, p. 9).
+
+Semang
+
+    Dark chocolate brown, approximating to black. (_Ibid._).
+
+Aetas
+
+    Dark sooty brown (_Ibid._).
+
+Dutch New Guinea dwarfs
+
+    Brown (Rawling, _Geographical Journal_, vol. 38, p. 245).
+
+Mafulu
+
+    Dark sooty brown.
+
+
+
+_Texture of Hair._
+
+This is frizzly in all cases, as with other negroids, the word "woolly"
+often used being, I imagine, intended to imply frizzly.
+
+_Colour of Hair._
+
+This being a point which seems to me to be rather interesting,
+I propose to quote various descriptions.
+
+
+Andamanese
+
+    Varies from sooty black to dark brown, old gold, red and light
+    brown; and, though these may be the colours of individual hairs,
+    the general appearance is sooty black or yellowish-brown.
+    Portman (_History of our Relations with the Andamanese_, p. 30).
+
+    Varies between black, greyish-black and sooty, the last perhaps
+    predominating.
+    Man (_The Andaman Islanders_, p. II).
+
+    Black, with a reddish tinge.
+    Haddon (_Races of Man, &c._, p. 9).
+
+Semang
+
+    Brownish-black, not a bluish-black like that of the Malays.
+    Skeat and Blagden (_Pagan Races, &c.,_ p. 46).
+
+    Brownish-black.
+    Haddon (_Races of Man, &c.,_ p. 9).
+
+Aetas
+
+    Brown-black, shining.
+    Semper (_Journal of Anthropology_ for October, 1870, p. 135).
+
+    Rich dark brown.
+    Writer of article on Semper's work (_Id_.).
+
+    Varying from a dark seal-brown to black.
+    Meyer (_Journal of Anthropological Institute_, vol. 25, p. 174).
+
+    Dirty black colour, in some instances _sun-burned at top to_
+    a reddish-brown. [The italics are mine.]
+    Reed (_Negritos of Zambales_, p. 35).
+
+    Black, sometimes tinged with red.
+    Haddon (_Races of Man_, &c., P. 9).
+
+Dutch New Guinea dwarfs.
+
+    Black.
+    Rawling (_Geographical Journal_, vol. 38, p. 245).
+
+    The hair of some of the pygmies was decidedly _dark_ brown.
+    Statement made to me by Mr. Walter Goodfellow.
+
+    Hair of 3 men (out of 24) distinctly not black, a sort of dirty
+    rusty brown or rusty black colour; all others black-haired.
+    Extract supplied to me by Dr. Wollaston from his Diary.
+
+Mafulu.
+
+    Generally dark brown, often quite dark, approaching to black,
+    and sometimes perhaps quite black. But frequently lighter, and
+    often not what we in Europe should call dark.
+
+
+
+I think that the above tables indicate that, though there are
+differences, there are elements of similarity between (i) the Mafulu
+people, (2) the Dutch New Guinea dwarfs, and (3) one or more of the
+Andamanese, Semang and Aetas; but in my comparison of the Mafulu
+and the dwarfs of Dutch New Guinea with the other previously known
+dwarf races I would specially draw attention to their similarity in
+shortness of stature and (as regards most of the Mafulu and a few of
+the Dutch New Guinea people) colour of hair; and this impels me to
+venture to say a few words on the larger question.
+
+I have searched through much existing literature concerning the
+various hitherto discovered dwarf races of the world with reference
+to the question whether, even assuming that these people have an
+original primary ancestry from which the taller negroid races also
+are descended, they must be regarded as having become a related type,
+separate and distinct from the latter, as now existing, or whether
+they must all be treated as merely separate local variations, each of
+them having failed to develop, or retrograded, and in other respects
+become different in type from taller negroid races among or near
+to whom they are found. And I am struck by the fact that, though
+the natural tendency to local variation in stature, shape of head,
+colour and other matters is brought forward in support of the latter
+theory, no one seems, in connection with the general question, to have
+noted the fact that, whilst the hair colour of negroes, Papuans and
+Melanesians is black, the hair of all these various dwarf people seems
+to be predominantly brown, and that this variation explanation, if
+regarded as applying to these dwarf races separately and independently
+of one another, involves a remarkable coinciding double variation
+(in stature and predominant colour of hair) exhibited by all these
+dwarf people as compared with the taller negroids.
+
+On the other hand, if there has been an original separation of
+descendants of common primary ancestors of all the negroid races,
+which, through variation, has resulted in two main types, one
+predominantly full-sized and always black-haired, and the other always
+short and predominantly brown-haired, and the pygmies (negritoes and
+negrilloes) are to be regarded as being all descendants of the latter
+type, who have since for some reason become geographically separated,
+there would appear to be nothing remarkable in the double variation.
+
+But in that case we are, I take it, justified in regarding the dwarf
+races as being a separate type, to be distinguished from the taller
+races; and, if that be so, there appears to be substantial ground
+for thinking that the Dutch New Guinea dwarf people and the Mafulu
+people are in part descended from people of that type.
+
+I may also draw attention (for what they are worth as points of detail)
+to the facts already noted, that the Semang and Andamanese, who bury
+their ordinary folk under ground, adopt tree burial, and apparently,
+as regards the Semang, platform burial not on trees also, as a more
+honourable method of disposing of the bodies of important people and
+chiefs; and that as regards these matters the Mafulu custom is similar.
+
+Also the very simple ideas of the Mafulu, as compared with Papuans
+and Melanesians, in matters of social organization, implements,
+arts and crafts, religion and other things may well, I think, be
+associated with a primitive negrito origin.
+
+If the Mafulu people may be properly regarded as having a negrito
+ancestry, distinct in type from that of either the Papuans or the
+Melanesians, the negrito element would presumably be the earlier one,
+Papuan and Melanesian infusion having occurred subsequently. Indeed
+it may well be believed that the negrito element is derived from
+an original ancestry who were probably the earlier inhabitants of
+New Guinea.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+A Grammar of the Fuyuge Language
+
+Translated and Edited by _Sidney H. Ray_, M.A., from the Manuscript
+of the _Rev. Father Egedi_, S.C.
+
+
+Phonology.
+
+
+I. Alphabet.
+
+Vowels: _a, e, i, o, u_.
+
+Consonants: _k, g; t, d; p, b, f, v; m, n; r, l; s; y_.
+
+The vowels are pronounced as in Italian, the consonants as in
+English. The sound of the Italian _c_ is also found, but is rare.
+
+It is sometimes difficult to distinguish between _o_ and
+_u_. Ex. _ombo(le)_ or _umbo(le)_, belly.
+
+_G, b_, and _d_, are often preceded by a nasal, sometimes constant
+(and then marked in the vocabulary), sometimes variable according
+to the pronunciation of individuals. For the nasals _m_ is employed
+before _p_ and _b_, and _n_ before other consonants.
+
+The _i_ and _y_ are very difficult to distinguish, especially when
+they follow one another. Ex. _iye_ or _ye_, or _ie_, tree; _iangolo_
+or _yangolo_, ear. Father Egidi wrote _j_ for _y_.
+
+The _l_ and _r_ are very difficult to determine. Ex. _aliete_ or
+_ariete_, to salute; _naul'i_ and _naur'i_, my eye. In the vocabulary
+_l_ is used generally.
+
+The _s_ is often _ts_. Ex. tsivu and sivu; su(le) and tsu(le
+grass. Also in the future suffix _t_ or _ts_. Ex. _nati_ or _natsi_,
+I will eat.
+
+
+II. Elision.
+
+A great number of Fuyuge words terminate in an open syllable of which
+the vowel is generally _e_. This syllable is usually omitted at the end
+of a phrase, and nearly always when the following word commences with
+a consonant. But if the following word begins with a vowel the final
+_e_ only falls away. Thus the complete form of a word is rarely used,
+except to avoid confusion, or for the sake of emphasis. The following
+are examples:
+
+_ovo(le),_ pig: _ovol' ovoge,_ boar, _ovo momombe,_ sow.
+
+_ifa(ne),_ beautiful: _ifa ta,_ very fine, _ifan' aka,_ less fine.
+
+_da(le),_ who? _nu da?_ who art thou? _dal' aua?_ who is this?
+
+_i(nde),_ to give: _ne i,_ give me, _ne ind' u,_ give it to me.
+
+_-a(le)_, with: _andal' a?_ with what? _indiv' al' ongai_, cut with
+the knife.
+
+_a(le),_ here: _a mo ma?_ must I put it here? _al' itatsi,_ he will
+sleep here.
+
+_u(ne),_ and: _kitoval' u kene,_ black parroquet and white, _amb'
+un' ale,_ banana and sugar cane.
+
+Note (1). The _b_ in an elision sometimes changes to _p._ Ex. _obe,_
+bud, _op'indie,_ to bud.
+
+(2). Sometimes two syllables are elided: Ex. _taume, tame,_ from which
+comes _ovo ta,_ a tame pig, and _ovo taum' ifa,_ the tame pig is good.
+
+(3). Words which do not end in _e,_ rarely elide a final vowel, and
+never the last syllable. Ex. _kuku,_ tobacco, _kuk' oko nei,_ give me
+a little tobacco; _na,_ I, _nu,_ thee, _ongo_ at the foot of, _na n'
+ong' ando,_ I am at thy feet; _umbubi, wash, umbub' u,_ wash him.
+
+(4). Some verbs in _-ri_ or _-li_ however often omit this
+syllable. Ex. _ivo(ri)_ to wipe, _na ga kodig' ivo,_ I have wiped the
+plates; _tsimi(li),_ to lick, _ama tsimi,_ lick the salt; _itu(lili)_
+to split, _ol' itu,_ split the wood.
+
+In the grammar and vocabulary the syllable which may be elided is
+enclosed in a bracket, and in compound words and phrases the elision
+is marked with an apostrophe, as in the preceding examples.
+
+
+III. Vowel Changes.
+
+1. A final _o_ sometimes changes to _u_ if the word following begins
+with a vowel.
+
+Ex. _oko,_ some, a little, _kuk' oku ind' uno,_ give him some tobacco
+to smoke.
+
+2. An initial _o,_ on the other hand, sometimes changes to _u_ when
+the preceding word begins with _a._
+
+Ex. _ongo,_ under; _na_ ungo ando, remain at my feet.
+
+3. The final _a_ of the word _na,_ I, becomes _e_ when it is followed
+by the verb _indi_ in the imperative.
+
+Ex. _ne i, ne inde,_ give me, but _nuga na indi,_ thou hast given me.
+
+
+Nouns.
+
+
+I. Gender.
+
+There is no modification or grammatical difference to mark gender.
+
+Sex is indicated by separate words in the case of human beings:
+_an(e)_ man, _me(le)_ boy, _ena(ne)_ brother, _amu(le)_ woman,
+_ame(le)_ girl, _eta(de)_ sister.
+
+For mammals the words _avoge,_ male, or _momobe,_ female, follow the
+noun: _ovol' avoge,_ boar, _ovo' momobe,_ sow.
+
+Dr. Strong notes that the sex of birds is sometimes denoted by the
+adjective _ifa(ne),_ good, _i.e.,_ "ornamented," for the male bird, and
+_ifan' ul' amu,_ the "wife of the ornamented" for the female: _uruv'
+ifa,_ the male hornbill; _uruv' ifan ul' amu,_ the female hornbill.
+
+
+II. Number.
+
+Only nouns indicating persons have been found with plurals. These
+are formed by changing the final _e_ to _i._ Sometimes the _e_ is
+changed to _a;_ this may indicate the dual.
+
+Ex. _amu(le)_ woman, plur. amuli and amula; _so(le),_ young man,
+plur. _soli_ and _sola; me(le),_ child, plur. _meli_ and _mela._
+
+Note (1). The word _a(ne)_ man, has a double plural in two different
+meanings: _ani,_ the men; _ake(da)_ the married men.
+
+(2). The shortened form of the word is often used in the plural. This
+naturally is the same as the singular.
+
+
+III. Case.
+
+1. There is no modification of the noun to express case, but the
+equivalents of cases are shown by suffixes. The vocative alone often
+takes a final _a_ as in the interrogative form.
+
+Ex. _Tayova, a tsia!_ Tayo, come here!
+
+The subject, direct object, and indirect object are however easily
+recognised by their position in the sentence. The subject comes
+first, followed by the direct object, then the indirect object if
+there be one, with the verb at the end. If there are complements they
+immediately precede the word which governs them.
+
+Ex. _naga kuku nu inde,_ I tobacco to thee gave; _Baiv' u mega nembe
+u fod' al' ema,_ Baiva's child bird his bow-with killed; _nuni ake
+mu letsi gatsi,_ thou men their village-to will-go.
+
+2. The genitive is expressed by means of the possessive adjective.
+
+Ex. _ovo'u ma,_ hair of the pig, lit. pig his hair.
+
+3. Persons belonging to a place sometimes omit the adjective.
+
+Ex. _A Kotsi,_ a man of Kotsi; _An'Alol',_ a man of Alole; _Alol'
+amu,_ a woman of Alole; _Ambov'amu,_ a woman of Ambove; _Tseluku ul'
+akeda,_ men of Tseluku.
+
+4. Position in a place, or motion to or from a place is shown in
+the following ways. When the noun has a shortened for _-tsi_ is
+suffixed. If there is no short form the final _e_ of the noun is
+changed to _i_ and _-tsi_ is added.
+
+Ex. _nani etsi ando,_ I am in the house; _nuni bulitsi gatsi,_ thou
+wilt go to the garden; _naga Mambutsi l'a tela,_ I have come here
+from Mambo.
+
+Note (1). Some proper names of places do not take the suffix _-tsi._
+Ex. _amul' Alol' itatsi,_ the woman will sleep at Alole.
+
+(2). Other proper names, especially those of mountains and the
+villages built on them, take the suffix _-tu_ (upon) instead of _-tsi._
+Ex. _Falitu gatsi,_ I will go to Faliba, lit. I will go upon Faliba.
+
+
+IV. Interrogative Nouns.
+
+The noun in Fuyuge has a special form to indicate the interrogative. If
+the noun ends in _e,_ this vowel is changed to _a._ If already ending
+in _a,_ the _a_ takes a strong accent. To any other vowel ending _a_
+is added.
+
+Ex. _ovo(le)_ pig: interrog. _ovola?_ is it a pig?
+
+_bulomakao,_ cow, &c.: interrog. _bulomakaoa?_ is it a cow?
+
+_kuku,_ tobacco: interrog. _kukua?_ is it tobacco?
+
+_kupa,_ sweet potato: interrog. _kupa?_ is it a sweet potato?
+
+
+
+
+
+V. Demonstrative Nouns.
+
+These are similar to the Interrogative Nouns and are formed by the
+addition of the syllables _-aua, -ana,_ or _-ala_ instead of _a._
+This form is both affirmative and interrogative.
+
+Ex. _oyand' aua?_ is it a flower? or, it is a flower.
+
+_Tayov' aua,_ it is Tayo; _kuku aua,_ it is tobacco; _an' ala,_
+it is a man; _Ambov' ana,_ it is Ambo.
+
+
+Adjectives.
+
+I. Adjectives have no Gender. In the expression of Case, Interrogative
+and Demonstrative forms they are the same as Nouns.
+
+Ex. _a baibe, amu baibe,_ man tall, woman tall; _uli baibitsi mau,_
+pot big-in put it, put it in the big pot; _ifana?_ is it good? _ifan'
+ala,_ it is good.
+
+II. Adjectives of Quality.
+
+1. Number.
+
+Number is expressed as with nouns by changing _e_ to _i._ Some
+adjectives in _-a_ add _i._ There are no adjectives with the plural
+in _-a._ Some adjectives in _-a(ne)_ have the plural _-ai._
+
+Ex. _kakava(ne)_ strong, plur. _kakavani; safa(le),_ plur. _safa(li);
+isosonga,_ idle, plur. _isosongai; aka(ne)_ small, plur. _akai._
+
+2. Agreement.
+
+The adjective always follows the noun which it qualifies, and takes
+the suffix of the noun.
+
+Ex. _a sesada,_ fence long; _emo gai,_ house old; _kodige kisiakatsi,_
+plate little-in: _indiv' amoja(le)_ knife blunt-with; _koua baibitu,_
+box big-on.
+
+Sometimes the pronoun _u(ne),_ his, is placed between the noun and
+the adjective.
+
+The meaning of this is uncertain, but it appears to be more emphatic,
+as _e.g._ "the road which is good," "the house which is bad."
+
+Ex, _enamb' un' ifa,_ the good road, _em' u koi,_ the bad house.
+
+The adjective used as predicate immediately follows the noun, without
+a substantive verb.
+
+Ex. _an' ala gududuba,_ that man (is) stingy; _nuni sesada,_ thou
+(art) tall; _amu safali,_ the women (are) weak.
+
+Note.--When the subject is represented by a pronoun of the first or
+second person dual or plural, the predicate remains singular.
+
+Ex. _dini kakava(ne)_ we (are) strong; _yani kapape,_ you two (are)
+weak; but, _muni isosongai,_ they (are) idle.
+
+When the predicate expresses a negation the word expressing the
+quality is followed by the adverb _ua(ne)_ not.
+
+Ex. _sesad' ua, onov' aka,_ it is not long, it is short.
+
+3. Comparison.
+
+There is no special form for comparisons. Two positive statements
+are made, or a superlative may be used.
+
+Ex. My house is larger than yours may be translated: _naul' e baibe,
+nul' a kisiaka,_ my house is large, yours is small, or _nul'e baibe,
+naul'a baibe ta,_ your house is large, mine is large much.
+
+Equality is expressed by the suffix _-umba_ or _-yakala._
+
+Ex. _naul' e, nul' em' umba,_ my house is like your house; _nuni
+sesada, nauyekala,_ you are tall like me.
+
+A superlative is expressed by the prefix _ande,_ or the suffix _-ta._
+But if the adjective in the superlative expresses a lessening of the
+quality then _-aka(ne)_ is suffixed.
+
+Ex. _baibe,_ large, _ande baibe,_ larger; _ifa,_ fine, _ifata,_ finer;
+but _ono(ve),_ short, _onov'aka,_ shorter.
+
+The prefix _ande_ is used only with adjectives which express an idea
+of extension.
+
+When the adjective expresses an actual state rather than a passive,
+it is preceded by the sign of past tense, the particle _ga._
+
+Ex. _ant g'ifa,_ the breeches are (have become) good; _ena ga ko,_
+the road (is) bad.
+
+
+
+
+
+III. Demonstrative Adjectives.
+
+The demonstrative adjectives in Fuyuge are represented by the suffixes
+-_ana_, this, -_ala_, this, here, -_vala_ that, there. The same
+expressions translate the French "le voici," "le voila."
+
+Ex. _indiv'ana_, this knife; _eni'ala_, this house; _enavala_,
+that road.
+
+There is no article, but the expression _u mane_ is used in reference
+to any thing which has been previously spoken about.
+
+Ex. _enamb' ifa_, or _enamb' un' ifa_, it (is) a good road; but _enamb
+u man' ifa_, the road (which has been mentioned) is good.
+
+
+IV. Interrogative Adjectives.
+
+For these. _See_ Pronouns.
+
+
+V. Indefinite Adjectives.
+
+The indefinite adjectives are _oko_, some, a little, part of;
+_tale(le)_, several, many; _korio_, several; _gegeto_, a few, several;
+_alu(ve)_, all; _urambe_, another; _none_, together, one with the
+other; _dovavemunge_? _domamai_? how many?
+
+Note.--When _oko_ is followed by a word beginning with _i_, it
+becomes _oku_.
+
+Ex. _Kuku oko nei_, give me some tobacco; _nemb' oko ematsi_, they
+will spear the birds; _bodol' oko tsia_, take one of his hands;
+_indiv' oko ya_, take a knife; _kuk oko ua_, (there is) no tobacco;
+_indiv' oku i_, give him a knife; _ake talel' ando_, there are many
+men; _kupa korio inde_, give several potatoes; _me' gegeto indiatsi_,
+some children will come; _aked' aluvi etsi ando_, all the men are
+in the village; _nau mel' alu_, all my children; _indiv' urambe ya_,
+take another knife; _Pitsoke non' ade_, the Pitsoke strike one another;
+_oye non' ongete_, the dogs keep beside each other; _kokol' ul' ombo
+dovavemunge?_ how many eggs? _nu sise domamai?_ how many dog's teeth?
+
+
+VI. Possessive Adjectives.
+
+_See_ Possessive Pronouns.
+
+
+Numerals.
+
+I. There are only two numerals: _fida (ne)_, one, and _gegeto_,
+two. _Gegeto_ is also used for a small number, and _gegetom'inda_,
+is little used for three. For more than three, _gegeto_, meaning
+"a few," or _tale(le)_, "many" is used.
+
+II. There are no ordinals and the only distributive is _fida fida_,
+one by one.
+
+
+Pronouns.
+
+
+I. Personal Pronouns. Simple.
+
+Singular.
+
+lst Person      _na, nave, nani,_       I, me
+2nd Person      _nu, nove, nuni,_       thou, thee
+3rd Person      _u(ne), ove, uni,_      he, she, it, him, her
+
+Dual.
+
+lst Person      _da, dani,_             we, or us two
+2nd Person      _ya, yani,_             you two
+3rd Person      _tu, tuni,_             they, or them two
+
+Plural.
+
+1st Person      _di, dini,_             we, us
+2nd Person      _yi yini,_              you
+3rd Person      _mu, muni,_             they, them
+
+
+1. The first form _na, nu, u(ne)_ etc., is used either as subject or
+object of the verb, the meaning being only indicated by the position
+of the word.
+
+Ex. _na kuku nu inditsi,_ I will give thee tobacco; _na un' adatsi,_
+I will strike him; _ya di ong' ando,_ you two are beside us.
+
+When used before the imperative of the verb _indi,_ to give, _na_
+becomes _ne._
+
+Ex. _ne i, ne inde,_ give me.
+
+2. The forms _nave_ and _ove_ are rarely used. The commonest use is
+with the words _ete,_ to say, _ende,_ also.
+
+Ex. _nav' elete,_ I said; _ov' elete,_ he said; _nav' ende, nov'
+ende, ov' ende,_ I also, thou also, he also.
+
+3. The forms _nani, nuni,_ etc., are employed when the verb is
+understood, or to indicate opposition or emphasis.
+
+Ex. _da gatsi? dini;_ who will go? we (will); _nuni kakape ta,
+nani kakava,_ you are weak, but I am strong; _nani a baibe,_ I am a
+great man.
+
+4. The dual is generally observed by the natives. Adjectives used
+with the dual pronoun take the singular form.
+
+Ex. _dani sosonga,_ we (are) idle,
+
+5. The dual is often employed with two subjects one of which is plural.
+
+Ex. _Kakao tu, tsimani u g'anga_, Kakao they two, with the policemen,
+have started.
+
+When _dani_ is used alone it is generally inclusive of the person
+addressed, and means "I and thou." If the third person is intended
+the name is used: _dani Okomi' u da gatsi_, we two Okomi with we will
+go. _Yani_ is used in a similar way, when one of the persons referred
+to is not present: _ya, Dun'u yani natsi_, you two Dune with you will
+go. The use of the conjunction _u(ne)_ with the second member of the
+subject does not appear to be constant.
+
+6. The pronoun of the third person singular _u(ne)_ when it is the
+direct object of the verb usually follows, and often takes the form
+-_unde_.
+
+Ex. _kodigitsi mau_, put it in the dish; _nag' al' unde_, I have
+seen him.
+
+
+II. Personal Pronouns. Compound.
+
+From the pronouns _na, nu_, etc., are derived by means of the suffix
+-_muku_, alone, the forms _namuku, numuku_, etc., with the meanings,
+"I alone, without company," etc.
+
+The suffix -_mule_, is equivalent to self, _namule, numule_, etc.,
+myself, thyself, etc.
+
+From _nani, nuni_, etc., come the forms: _naniende_, or _nanienge_,
+etc., meaning myself in person, etc.; _nanieke, nunieke_, etc., from
+-_eke_, alone; _naniova_, etc., it is my business, _nanibila_, I by
+myself, without help. _Nani endebila_ is more emphatic than _nanibila_.
+
+Ex. _numuku andola_? art thou quite alone? _da gatsi? uniende_; who
+will go? he himself; _nu da? nanienge_; who art thou? it is myself;
+_amed' unieke ando_, the chief is alone; _ake muniova_, it is the
+men's business; _dinieke al' andetsi_, we will stay here alone;
+_isong' unibila_, his own rainbow appears.
+
+
+III. Possessive Pronouns.
+
+1. These are formed from the simple forms of the personal pronouns
+by suffixing -_ula(ne)_ literally "his thing."
+
+
+    Singular.           Dual.               Plural.
+
+    1. _naula(ne)_      1. _daula(ne)_      1. _diula(ne)_
+    2. _nula(ne)_       2. _yaula(ne)_      2. _yula(ne)_
+    3. _ula(ne)_        3. _tula(le)_       3. _mula(ne)_
+
+
+They translate the English mine, thine, etc. Sometimes in compounds
+the final _n_ becomes _nd_. Ex. _nauland' aua_, here is mine.
+
+2. The adjectival forms appear without the syllable _la_.
+
+
+    Singular.           Dual.               Plural.
+
+    1. _nau_(_le_)      1. _dau_(_le_)      1. _diu_(_le_)
+    2. _nu_(_le_)       2. _yau_(_le_)      2. _yu_(_le_)
+    3. _u_(_le_)        3. _tu_(_le_)       3. _mu_(_le_)
+
+
+These adjectives precede the noun which they govern. With personal
+nouns the forms _naula_, etc., are sometimes used.
+
+Ex. _nau me_ and _naula me_, my son; _diu vase_ and _diula vase_,
+our guest.
+
+Note.--The form _nulu_ is heard in the phrase _nulu babe_, thy father.
+
+The suffix _mule_ is also used in the sense of "own."
+
+Ex. _numul' ul' i to, n' alo_, your own name, which I know; _namul'
+ul i_, my own name. These suggest that the true possessive is simply
+_ul_(_e_) or _ula_(_ne_).
+
+
+IV. Interrogative Pronouns.
+
+1. These are: _Da_(_le_)? _dau_(_ne_)? who,
+which? _anda_(_le_)? what? _unau_? which? They are used also as
+adjectives.
+
+Ex. _Nu da_? who art thou? _dau ga ne_? who has eaten it? _anda l'
+elete_? what did he say? _Ivi: unau_? Ivi: which one?
+
+2. When the verb is preceded by the particle _ga_, _dau_(_ne_) must
+be used instead of _da_(_le_).
+
+
+V. Indefinite Pronouns.
+
+These are the same as the Indefinite Adjectives.
+
+
+VI. Relative Pronouns.
+
+The suffix _niu_(_ne_) or _u_(_ne_) takes the place of a relative
+pronoun.
+
+Ex. _A yaigegemune_, the man who descends; _audati itedemu bulitsi
+jalo tolom elota_, in the garden which they are cutting now when the
+food is ripe; _ovo jamun' imbade_, the meat taken from the pig; _fal'
+itamun' akeda_, the men who have dug the ground.
+
+
+
+
+
+Verbs.
+
+
+I. Conjugation.
+
+The Fuyuge verb is conjugated by modifications of the terminal
+syllables, or by a particle added to the subject.
+
+
+II. The Particle, Ga.
+
+The particle _ga_ (often _g'_ before a vowel) is generally used with
+the past tense, and is rarely absent in the positive form of the
+verb. But it may be used also with the present and future. With the
+present it seems to indicate reference to a preceding action in the
+sense of "being on the point of," "ready to." With the future it has
+almost the sense of "go."
+
+Ex. _Ake ga nembe na,_ the men have eaten the bird; _amu g'anga_
+the women are gone; _naga bulitsi gatsi,_ I am going to go away to
+the garden; _naga sue,_ I am going away.
+
+Note (1). _Ga_ always immediately follows the subject, except with
+the past of the verb _ange(ge),_ to go, which always has _g'anga._
+
+(2). When the subject is not a pronoun, the pronoun of the 3rd
+pers. sing. is often expressed.
+
+(3). _Ga_ never appears to be used in a negative expression.
+
+Ex. _Naga ipitsial' uruv' ema,_ I have killed with the gun a toucan;
+_mel ul' etsi g'anga,_ the child to his village has gone; _Okom' ug'
+nemb' ema,_ Okome has killed a bird; _ake kupa me na,_ the men have
+not eaten the potatoes.
+
+
+III. Person and Number.
+
+These are not expressed by the verb in Fuyuge.
+
+
+IV. Tense and Mode.
+
+1. There are three principal tenses, present, past and future. The
+present is found in the indicative and imperative modes, the
+past in the indicative only, and the future in the indicative and
+subjunctive. Besides these, there is a method of expressing the
+infinitive, a passive participle, and two forms of verbal adjectives.
+
+2. _Paradigm of tenses and modes._
+
+
+                        ememe,          umbubi,         isiei,
+                        pierce          wash            follow
+
+Indicative present      ememe           umbubi      isiei
+Indicative past (1)     ema(me)         umbubi(ne)  isia
+Indicative past (2)     emo(ne)
+Indicative future       ematsi(me)      umbubitsi(me)   isiatsi
+Imperative (1)          ema             umbubi      isia
+Imperative (2)          emau            umbubu
+Subjunctive (1)         emo(le)         umbubi(ne)  isio(me)
+Subjunctive (2)         emo(me)
+Infinitive              ema(me)         umbubi(me)  isie(me)
+Past participle         emam(ane)       umbubim(ane)
+Verbal adjective (1)    emabul(ane)     umbubibul(ane)
+Verbal adjective (2)    ememond(ana)
+
+
+If the Imperative be regarded as the stem, there appear to be three
+Conjugations, but Dr. Strong gives four based on past tense, thus:
+i. Verbs with monosyllabic roots, 2. Verbs with roots in _a_, 3. Verbs
+with roots in _i_, 4. Verbs with roots in _e_.
+
+His examples are:--
+
+
+                1.          2.          3.            4.
+                nen,        itede,      ongai,        bole,
+                eat         cut         break         leave
+
+Present         nene        itede       ongai         bolo
+Past            na          ita         ongai         bole
+Future          natsi       itatsi      ongaitsi      bolatsi
+Imperative      nu          ito         ongai         bo(le)
+Subjunctive     no          ito         ongai         bolo
+Infinitive      namubabe    itamubabe   ongaimubabe   bolamane
+Past participle namane      itaname     ongaimane     bolamane
+Adjectival      nab'ula(ne) itedondona  ongaibula(ne) bolabula(ne)
+
+
+3. _Notes on the foregoing paradigms._
+
+_a._ Indicative present.
+
+Most verbs double the last syllable of the stem, which in the first
+conjugation always ends in _e_. There are, however, some exceptions,
+especially among verbs in _i_, and those which have a verbal
+suffix. The syllable _-te_ when doubled is always _-tede_.
+
+Ex. _Nag alili_, I see; _nani e gadi_, I build (tie up) the house;
+_nani okid' atede_, I light the fire.
+
+_b._ Indicative past.
+
+The difference between the two forms, both of which are preceded
+by the particle _ga_, is not yet clearly made out. The ending _e_
+seems to refer to the time when the action finished, whilst _-a_
+has a more general signification.
+
+Ex. _Naga ne_, I have eaten, _naga kupa na_, I ate the potatoes. There
+is another form which replaces the final syllable of the present
+tense by _-ua_. Verbs in _-i_ add _-ua_ to the final syllable. But
+it is uncertain whether this expresses the near past, or includes an
+idea of movement.
+
+Ex. _na bul' elelua_, I have just worked in the garden; _nu a gadi ua_,
+you have just tied up the fence.
+
+_c_. Indicative future.
+
+If the syllables preceding the suffix _-tsi_ also contain _-tsi-ti_. In
+monosyllabic verbs especially, a second form of the future is often
+found, which retains the doubling of the present tense.
+
+Ex. _etsiati_, will come; _nenetsi_, will eat; _yeyetsi_, will
+take. For _ga_ with the future, see below.
+
+_d_. Imperative.
+
+The first form of the imperative has less force than the second. In
+the first conjugation the second form always terminates in _-au_,
+even when the first form is irregular. The last syllable of the
+imperative is often lost, especially when the ending is _-li_.
+
+Ex. _aitodede_, runs, imperat. _aitode_ and _aitodau_; _itulili_,
+ward off, imperat. _itu_; _bole_, leaves, imperat. _bole_, _bo_,
+and _bolau_; _ameme_, puts, imperat. _a_ and _ama_.
+
+The imperative is only used for the second person. In the first and
+third (sometimes even in the second) it is replaced by the subjunctive.
+
+Ex. _di ango_, let us go; _to n'alo_, speak, that I may know; _go di
+go_, go that we may go.
+
+_e_. Subjunctive.
+
+The two forms of the subjunctive are distinguished only in composition,
+and have not yet been clearly understood. The last syllable besides is
+rarely heard except in questions, and refers then to the interrogative
+form. The subjunctive without a conjunction is used in simple phrases
+consisting only of subject and object.
+
+Ex. _kuku gadi, di no_, roll the tobacco (make cigarette), that we
+may smoke (eat).
+
+_f_. Infinitive.
+
+The forms given as infinitive are uncertain. They may be verbal
+nouns. They are used in phrases such as: _nam' u babe_, father of
+eating, for 'a great eater': _tsimilim' u babe_, father of licking,
+cf. _andaval' u babe_, father of crying, one who causes crying.
+
+_g_. Past Participle.
+
+This does not easily lose the final syllable when it ends a
+sentence. In other cases, when it is followed by the word it qualifies
+it loses _-ane_, if the qualified word begins with a vowel, and _-ne_
+in other cases.
+
+Ex. _iy' ongaimane_, the cut tree, _indiv' ongaima ya_, or _ongaim'
+indi' ya_, take the broken knife, _g'usangaman' ul' ande_, the thing
+of death.
+
+The past participle of some verbs has not yet been ascertained.
+
+_h_. Verbal Adjectives.
+
+The exact difference between the two forms is not accurately
+ascertained. The first seems to indicate an instrument, and is
+equivalent to the phrase "used for," the second appears to indicate
+habitual rather than momentary use. When qualifying persons _-onde_
+is used for _-ondana_.
+
+Ex. _indi kupa fifitabula_, knife for scraping potatoes; _ai
+safatsilibula_, a yam which has rotted; _kulule iy' adedondona_,
+a hammer for striking wood; _nuni oyatonde_, you are only joking;
+_nani falawa me nonde_, I don't eat bread.
+
+In composition _-ande_, or at least _-nde_, is lost when the word
+qualified follows.
+
+Ex. _ai filibulanda_, a yam for planting, _filibula' ai ne i_, give me
+the yam for planting; _ambe nenondana_, the eatable banana, _nenond'
+ambe ya_, take the eatable banana.
+
+
+V. Negation.
+
+The negative of the verb is formed by the particle _me_ or _mi_
+preceding. In the imperative it also precedes, but when emphasis
+is laid upon the negation _mi_ follows. The difference between _me_
+and _mi_ is not clear, but _me_ appears to be used only before verbs
+beginning with a consonant, and _mi_ with other verbs.
+
+A negative participle or infinitive does not appear. For the verbal
+adjective the suffix _-ua(ne)_ is used.
+
+Ex. _Na mi alele_, I do not understand; _nani matsine mi engatsi_,
+I will not put on the (shell) bracelet; _mi unde_, do not fear;
+_kolose mi_, do not play; _me ya_, do not take; _nenond' an' ua_,
+what is not eaten.
+
+
+VI. Interrogative.
+
+The interrogative is only employed with reference to the verb itself,
+not to the complements. It changes with the conjugation and varies
+for present, past and future tense.
+
+
+Present.    Past 1.     Past 2.     Future 1.       Future 2.
+
+ememoma?    emama?      emena?      emola?          emoma?
+umbubima?   umbibia?    umbubina?   umbubila?       umbubima?
+
+
+The present in the first conjugation keeps the reduplication of the
+stem, and changes the final _e_ to _-oma_. The second conjugation
+simply adds _-ma_. The interrogative in the past simply changes the _e_
+of the positive indicative to _a_ in both forms. The future is formed
+in the same way from the subjunctive with a stress upon the final _a_
+in the first conjugation.
+
+Ex. _Nuga malele yera?_ have you taken the book? _uga nemb' emama?_ has
+he killed the bird? _nu aiti gola?_ would you start to-morrow? _kupa
+g'ilama?_ are the potatoes cooked?
+
+Note (1). The future interrogative replies to the question, "Can
+I..."? or "Should I..."?
+
+(2). The interrogative of the near past (_cf.p._ 318, 3, _b_) is
+formed by substituting _-una_ for _-ua_.
+
+Ex. _nug' em' aliluna?_ Have you just come to see the village?
+
+(3). The form of the second future as _umbibia_ is rarely heard,
+except with the verb _alili_, see, from which comes _'Aria?_ see?
+
+(4). The negative interrogative is formed like the simple negative
+by _me_ or _mi_ preceding the verb.
+
+The questions "What should I do?" "What should I say," How should
+I begin it?" are translated by the expression _do(le)... maiti_,
+from _do(le)?_ where?
+
+Ex. _dotamaiti?_ how should I say? _dol' imaiti?_ what should I
+do? _do yela maiti?_ how shall I call?
+
+
+VII. Substantive Verb.
+
+1. In the present tense there is no substantive verb. The predicate and
+subject are combined as in the examples already given (cf. p. 312,
+2). But when the present indicates a state in opposition to one
+preceding it, _ga_ is used before the adjective, or if in opposition
+to a future state, the verb _ando_ follows.
+
+Ex. _Kuku ga ko_, the tobacco is bad; _balava ga ua_, the bread is
+finished; _indi ga kouatu_, the knife is on the box; _ambe g'ifa_,
+the banana is good; _ambe gos' ando_, the banana is (still) green
+(not ripe).
+
+The past is more difficult to express. It always requires an adverb
+of time.
+
+Ex. _Mele maleke ifa, audati ga ko_, the child formerly was good,
+now he is bad.
+
+3. For other tenses the verb is translated only by the auxiliaries
+_-elele_ and _-angege_, for which cf. p. 322, 7.
+
+
+
+VIII. Auxiliary Verbs.
+
+1. The particle _ga_ may be used to make any expression whatever
+attributive.
+
+Ex. _Yu g'ua_, the water is finished (_i.e_., is not); _malele ga
+kouatsi_, the book is in the box.
+
+In such examples there is almost the sense of a past action, as if
+it were "The water (has become) nothing," "the book has been put
+(is already in) the box."
+
+2. The verbs _ete, tede_, to say, or to do, and _elele_, to become,
+are often used to form a noun stem into a verb. _Ete_ and _tede_
+give the sense of _sounding_, _elele_ gives the sense of _using_
+whatever the noun expresses.
+
+Ex.
+
+_fioli_, flute, _fioliete_, to play the flute.
+_yuve_, water, _yuv' elele_, to bathe.
+_ule_, thunder, _ulonete_, to thunder.
+_ivule_, dye, _ivul' elele_, to paint one's self.
+_andavale_, crying, _andav' ete_, to weep.
+_bule_, earth, _bul' elele_, to cultivate.
+
+3. The Tenses, etc., of these verbs are found as follows:
+
+
+                        1               2
+
+    Pres. indic.        ete or tede.    elele.
+    Imperative.         ta.             elau, ele, e.
+    Past indic.         te(ne).         elame.
+    Subjunctive.        to(me), to(le). elo(me), elo(le).
+    Past indic.         ta(me).         elene.
+    Infinitive.         ta(me).         ela(me).
+    Future indic.       tatsi(me).      elatsi(me).
+    Verbal adj.         tond(ana).      ?
+
+
+4. The negative is formed regularly by _mi_.
+
+Ex. _nani yu mi elatsi_, I shall not bathe; _degu mi e_, don't
+get dirty.
+
+5. The interrogative is regular.
+
+Pres. or past, _tena?_ or _tama? elena?_ or _elama?_ Fut. _toma?_
+and _tola? eloma?_ and _elola?_
+
+6. The auxiliaries _ete, tede, elele_, should be distinguished from
+the regular verb, _tede_ or _ta_, to make. The latter is a distinct
+verb used when the result of the action is to produce a new thing.
+
+Ex. _Sambari tatsi_, will make a wall; _ombo tatsi_, will make a sieve.
+
+7. The verbs _elele_ and _angege_, both meaning "to become," may be
+regarded as auxiliary verbs when they are used with adjectives, often
+taking the place of a substantive verb. In this use _elele_ is never,
+and _angege_ very rarely used in the past tense, the particle _ga_
+taking their place.
+
+Both are regular except in the imperative, which has respectively _ela_
+and _elau_, _ange_ and _angau_.
+
+Ex. _Ifan' eloma?_ will he become handsome? _ifa mi elatsi?_ he will
+not be handsome? _indi g' ifa_, the knife is good; _yuv' uan angatsi_,
+the water will cease (become nothing); _mel g' us' anga_, or _me g'
+use_, the child is dead.
+
+
+IX. Verbal Suffixes.
+
+1. The suffix _-i_, added to a noun stem, forms generally a neuter
+verb.
+
+Ex. _abe_, work, _abi_, to work; _iso_(_ne_), smoke, _isoni_, to give
+forth smoke; _kese_, a clean vegetable, _kesi_, to clean vegetables.
+
+2. The suffix _-tede_, added to a noun stem, forms usually an active
+verb.
+
+Ex. _foye_, ashes, _foitede_, to cook in ashes; _gurube_, neck,
+_gurutede_, to hang at the neck.
+
+3. The suffix of manner defining the verb, is formed by adding the
+adjective with the final syllable changed to _-i_.
+
+Note (1). The suffix of manner is always added to the infinitive form
+of the preceding verb.
+
+(2). In the negative these compound verbs are considered a single word.
+
+Ex. _te_, say, _ifane_, good, _tam' ifani_, to say well. _i_, do,
+_koye_, bad, _i'koi_, to do badly. _ilele_, cook, _akane_, small,
+_ilam'akani_, to half-cook.
+
+4. The suffix _-matede_ appears to have a causative signification.
+
+Ex. _ga koda_ (perhaps the past of _kodede_,) pierced, _komatede_,
+to pierce (of a man); _ga siuda_, extinguished, _siumatede_,
+to extinguish.
+
+Note. This suffix appears in some examples as a separate verb in the
+same sense.
+
+Ex. _yuv' olola mata_, warm up the water; _indi koi matatsi_, the
+knife will become bad.
+
+The negative is not known.
+
+5. The suffixes _-meme_ and _-ngo_ are added to neuter verbs. The
+first has an active meaning, the second is passive.
+
+Ex. _yu_, to be upright, _yuma_, to put upright, _yungo_, to be
+upright. _yari_(?), _yarima_, to hang, _yaringo_, to be hanging.
+
+Note (1). _Meme_ is regularly conjugated; _-ngo_ is imperfectly known.
+
+(2). Negative forms are _me yumatsi_, will not place upright, _mi
+yaringo_, not hanging.
+
+6. The auxiliary verbs, except _ga_, may perhaps be included among
+the suffixes (_see_ p. 322, VIII.).
+
+
+X. Verbal Prefixes.
+
+The prefix _ya-_ renders a neuter verb active or causative.
+
+Ex. _yaigege_, to go down, _yeyaigege_, to carry down. _faikadede_,
+to come back, _yefaika(dede)_, to give back. _yu_, to stand up,
+_yeyu_, to set up.
+
+
+XI. Irregular Verbs.
+
+1. Many verbs are irregular in the imperative.
+
+Ex.
+
+_angege_, imperat. _ange_, go.
+_atede_, imperat. _ade_, kindle, burn.
+_ende_, imperat. _ende_, undo.
+_etsie_, imperat. _etsie_, come up (ladder).
+_faikadede_, imperat. _faika(dede)_, go back.
+_idede_, imperat. _de_, gather, pluck.
+_isie_,  imperat. _isia_, follow;
+_itede_, imperat. _ide_, sting, bite.
+_itulili_, imperat. _itu(li)_, split.
+_ivori_, imperat. _ivo(ri)_, wipe.
+_kosisi_, imperat. _kose_, turn.
+_telele_, imperat. _te(le)_, come.
+_yelele_, imperat. _ye(le)_, call.
+
+
+2. Other irregular verbs are the following. Only those forms known
+are entered.
+
+_Aitodede_, to run: imperat. _attode_, infin. _aitode(me)_.
+_ando_ and _ande_, to be there: fut. _andetsi_, imperat. _ande_,
+subj. _ando_, and _ande_.
+_bole_, to leave: past, _bo(le)_, imperat. _bo(le)_.
+_ete_, to tell: past, _ete_ and _elete_, imperat. _eta_ and _ta_.
+_faduatsiete_, to ache (head): fut. _faduatatsi_.
+_iei_, to throw: fut. _iatsi_, imperat. _ia_.
+_indi_, to give;, imperat. _i(nde)_, subj. _i(ndi)_.
+_ingale_, to carry (on shoulder): past, _ingala_ and _inge_,
+imperat. _inga_, subj. _ingo_.
+_itede_ and _ito_, to lay down: past, _ito_ and _ita_, near past,
+_itova_, imperat. _ito_.
+_songe_, to go: pres. and past, _se_, near past, _sova_,
+imperat. _so(nge)_, subj. _so_, interrog. _sona?_
+_sue_, to walk, go: pres. _sue_, fut. _susuetsi_.
+_utsisi_, to draw: fut. _utsist_, imperat. _ude_.
+
+Note (1). The verbs _ando_ and _ito_ are not yet accurately understood.
+
+(2). The verb _ete_ has a double conjugation, the initial _e_ being
+retained or omitted at will. The past _elete_ is used in reporting
+the words of another person.
+
+(3). The verb _faduatsiete_ is a type of several verbs which end in
+_ete_, preceded by the syllable _tsi_. All these appear to lose _tsi_
+in the future, although some have both forms.
+
+Ex. _kiovatsiete_, to cry (of black parrot): fut. _kiovatatsi_
+and _kiovatsitatsi_.
+_puatsiete_, to make a cracking noise: fut. _puatatsi_ and
+_puatsiatsi_.
+
+(4). The verb _sue_ in the meaning "go away" always has _ga_.
+
+Ex. _nu ga sua? na ga sua_, are you going away? I am going away.
+
+The verb _angege_, to go, in the past tense has the particle ga
+prefixed to the verb instead of suffixed to the pronoun.
+
+Ex. _na nul etsi ganga_, I went to your village.
+
+
+XII. Notes on Some Verbs.
+
+1. _Tede_ and _i_.
+
+There is a difference in the meaning of the verbs _tede_, (_ete_)
+and _i_, both used for "do" or "make." The first is used when the
+object by which one obtains the action is indicated, the second is
+used when the action only is expressed, and might then be translated
+by the phrase "to go to work, to set about."
+
+Ex. _olon'ete_, to snore, make a sound with the _olo_(_ne_ hole,
+_i.e._, the nostrils, _ung'ul 'olo. na (melauk') i koitsi_, I shall
+do the thing wrong.
+
+2. _Gege, angege, engege, songe._
+
+All of these have the general meaning of "go." Their differences are
+not yet clearly understood. _Engege_ appears to mean "go up." _Songe_
+is specially employed when the following phrase indicates a final
+proposition, or an answer to the questions "Where do you come from?" or
+"Where are you going?"
+
+Ex. _nuni o' gega_, thou hast passed down there; _di engo_, let us
+go up; _na song' em' aritsi_, I am going to see the village; _nu do
+sona_? where have you been? (or, where do you come from?); _na bulitsi
+sova_, I have been in the garden (or, I have come from the garden).
+
+3. _Idede_.
+
+This verb has a general meaning besides the special one "to gather."
+
+Ex. _fang' idede_, to set a trap; _di yu molots' idoma_? should we
+make a water-pipe?
+
+4. _Ameme_.
+
+This verb has the general meaning of passing, or making anything
+pass, through an opening. The object which has the opening does not
+take suffixes.
+
+Ex. _kupa ulin' ama_, put the potatoes in the pot; _na ul' olol'
+amene_, I passed it through the hole; _iso nu emana? andavete_,
+does the smoke irritate you? you are weeping.
+
+
+Adverbs.
+
+I. Adverbs generally precede the verb which they modify. The exceptions
+are the interrogative na? (is it not so?) which always comes at the
+end of the sentence, and _-ta_ (at first), which follows the verb.
+
+Ex. _aiti balava natsi_, to-morrow bread I shall eat; _aiti nu inditsi
+na_? to-morrow I will give it you, shall I not? _kuku neta_, I eat
+the tobacco at first.
+
+Note.--This _ta_ appears to be almost a conjunction, and the phrase
+might be translated "when I shall have smoked (eaten) the tobacco."
+
+
+II. Adverbs of Place.
+
+_do(le)?_ where.
+_a(le)_), here.
+_va(ie)_, there.
+_ombatsi_, underneath.
+_gisa(le)_, far.
+_ime(li)?_ far.
+_kugume_, near.
+_tsi_, inside.
+_val'enga_, outside.
+_tu_, on, over
+_ibe(le)_, down there.
+_o(me)_, up there.
+_yo(le)_, there above.
+
+
+
+III. Adverbs of Time.
+
+The adverbs of time are not very definite. For example _audati_,
+"to-day, now," means also "in a few days" or "a few days ago." The
+latter meaning is also attributed to _arima_, and the former to _aiti_.
+
+_aida_? when?
+_vomarima_, day before yesterday.
+_arima_, yesterday.
+_male(ke)_, formerly.
+_malieke)_, formerly.
+_audali)_, to-day, now.
+_aiti(me)_, to-morrow.
+_vomaiti_, day after to-morrow.
+_talele_, often, for ever.
+_dedi_, just now, later (near).
+_ido(ve)_, not yet (with fut.) immediately.
+_ulsienga_, later on, in the future.
+_utsimata_, later on, in the future.
+_utsinenga_, later on, in the future.
+_kelavalage_, for a time.
+_-ta_, at first.
+_vo(ye_, again.
+
+
+IV. Adverbs of Quantity.
+
+_dovavemunge_? how much? how many?
+_domamai_? how much? how many?
+_avevemunge_, as much, so much, as many, so many.
+_tale(le)_, many.
+_apa(le)_, enough.
+_kisiaka_, few, little.
+_oko_, few, little.
+_-ta_, very.
+_ande_, very.
+_boboi_, entirely, quite.
+_gegeto_, few.
+
+Note. When _apa_ is used with a numeral it precedes it. Ex. _apa
+gegeto_, two are sufficient.
+
+
+V. Adverbs of Affirmation, Negation and Interrogation.
+
+_e_, yes.
+_akai(ge)_, truly.
+_g'akai_, truly.
+_me_! what! certainly!
+_ila_! I who knows?
+_ua(ne)_, not, no.
+_na_? is it not (French, n'est ce pas?).
+_ouo_! not at all, by no means.
+_andal'ai(me)_? why?
+
+Note. _Me_, _ouo_, and _ila_ are almost interjections.
+
+
+VI. Adverbs of Manner and Likeness.
+
+The adverbs of manner are often replaced by noun suffixes attached
+to the verb, with the final _i_. (See Verbal Suffixes, p. 323).
+
+_unoi_, together.
+_akaumai(nge)_, further, beyond, besides.
+_uneke_, only.
+_ende_, also.
+_elele_, quickly.
+_dedi_, slowly
+_fidefide_, continually.
+_kela_, without reason, gratis.
+
+Note. When _ende_ modifies a verb with subject in the third person,
+it is preceded by the pronoun _ove_. Ex. _nau fud' ov' ende fufuli_,
+my bones (they) also ache.
+
+
+
+Prepositions and Postpositions.
+
+
+I. Prepositions.
+
+Only two prepositions are found in Fuyuge. These are _ise_, near,
+and _ga_, by.
+
+Ex. _aked' is' okid' ando_, the men are near the fire; _ganda_? _ga
+ma_! by what do you swear? by the thread.
+
+Note. _Ga_, in the sense of "by," is much used, and corresponds to
+a kind of oath.
+
+
+II. Postpositions.
+
+1. All the postpositions are used as suffixes to the words which they
+govern. When the noun to which they are suffixed has a double form,
+the postposition is added to the short form.
+
+Ex. _uli-tsi_ from _uli(ne)_ pot: _fatsi_ from _fa(le)_, ground.
+
+There are however some exceptions.
+
+2. When the postposition begins with a consonant, the final _e_
+of a noun changes to _i_.
+
+Ex. _kodigi-tsi_ from _kodige_, plate; _bulitsi_ from _bule_, garden.
+
+3. The postpositions are often used as nouns.
+
+Ex. _balava u tsi ido asi_, the inside of the loaf is still raw.
+
+
+III. List of Postpositions.
+
+_-ai(me)_, because of, for: _ovol' aim' andavete_, I weep for the pig.
+
+_-a(le)_, with, by (instrumental): _isong' al' oki ya -andal' a? isong'
+ale_, take the fire with the tongs--with what? with the tongs; _amul'
+al' ul'ese_, the woman with her child; _uli sond' al' ale_, a pot
+with a handle.
+
+_-ala_, to, adherent to, along: _yo' ata yarima_, hang it on the
+rattan; _enamb' ata malele yatsi_, I will take it along the road.
+
+_-fendateme_, near (within bounds): _Sivu Alo fendatem' ando_, Sivu
+is near Alo.
+
+_-noi_, with (?): _yini danoi gatsi_, you will go with us two.
+
+_-ongo_, before, at the side of (with an idea of inferiority):
+_na nu ongo ando_, I am before thee (at thy service); _non' ongo_,
+one beside the other.
+
+_-enga_, from the side of, towards: _nani Ambov'enga g'anga_, I have
+been (gone) towards Ambove.
+
+_-kaine_, towards: _dedi yi kaine tsiati_, later on I will come
+towards you.
+
+_teti_, under: _sosoeteti ando_, he is under the bed.
+
+_tsi_, to (movement, and time, rest), at, at the place of (Fr. chez):
+_nani etsi andota, u bulitsi g'anga_, I am in the house, he has gone
+into the garden; _naga Mambutsil' a tela_, I am come here from Mambo;
+_kouatsi ma_, put it in the box; _tutsi etsiati_, he will come in
+the night; _nu datsi sona_? who has he been with?
+
+_-tu_, upon (to or at places on mountains): _kulumitu, ma_, put it
+on the table; _Falitu g'anga_, he is gone to Faliba.
+
+Note. _Ale_ in the sense of "with" is used when the second substantive
+is considered as an accessory to the first. Ex. _an' al amu_, a married
+man (man with a wife); _uli sondal' ale_, pot with a handle. There
+are not yet enough examples to distinguish the two forms.
+
+
+IV. Prepositional Phrases.
+
+_u mome_, above: _kurum' u mome yarime_, hang it over the table; _u
+bane_, behind; _mel' an' u ban' ando_, the child is behind the man;
+_ul' umbo(le)_, in the middle of; _Veke ul' umbol' ando_, he is at Vee.
+
+
+Conjunctions.
+
+
+I. Copulative.
+
+_-u(ne)_, and, with; _naga kitoval' u kene' ema_, I killed a black
+and white parrot.
+
+_Une_ is generally only used to connect two nouns, and is placed
+between the two. But sometimes it comes after the second, especially
+when meaning "with," and the first noun is then followed by the
+personal pronoun. There are a few doubtful examples of _une_ joining
+two phrases: _ake tale mu, Augustin' un' ando_, many men are with
+Augustin.
+
+
+II. Adversative.
+
+_-ta_, yet, but: _nuni safa' ta nani kakava_, you are weak but I
+am strong.
+
+_Ta_, meaning "but," precedes the phrase which it governs: _nuni natsi,
+ta nani fema_, you will eat, but I do not.
+
+
+III. Sequence.
+
+_-ta_, when (when a fact is accomplished, or will certainly happen),
+lest: _aked' indiota, dinoi gatsi_, when the men arrive, we will
+go together.
+
+_Ta_ in this sense follows the verb, which is in the past if the action
+depends on the person who speaks or is spoken to, in other cases in
+the subjunctive: _kuku neta, etsi gatsi_, when I (or you) have eaten,
+I will (or you will) go to the village; _mulamula angetota, gadiu_,
+lest the medicine fall, tie it up.
+
+_-tamai_, when (uncertain event): _oki finolitamai, na natatsi_,
+when the fire blazes, warn me.
+
+_Tamai_ always requires the subjunctive.
+
+_-mai_, if: _Augusto bubulimai, dimuku e gaditsi_. If Augusto delays,
+we ourselves will build the house.
+
+_-umba_, so, like: _an' umba ne i_, give me (one) like that.
+
+
+Interjections.
+
+_mamu(la)_! admiration.
+_ile_! sadness.
+_fanimo(le)_, commiseration.
+_fanikoe_! commiseration.
+_-e_ (suffix), commiseration.
+_segoa_! joy at another's misfortune.
+_biu_! contempt.
+_alaila_! a command for silence.
+_faiamela_! expresses the recognition of an error.
+
+
+Notes on Dependent Clauses.
+
+1. A final proposition with the future is expressed in four ways.
+
+a. By the infinitive preceding the verb which it governs: _na nul'
+em' arim' an gatsi_, I will go to see thy village, lit, I thy village
+to-see will-go.
+
+b. By the simple future preceded by the verb: _na songe, Tsekari
+aritsi_, I go, I shall see Tseka.
+
+c. By the future preceding the verb: _ake Mambutsi itatsi m' ando_,
+the men remain to sleep at Mambo.
+
+d. By the suffix _-du(le]: Pe' Egidi yol' itadul andemai, puatsitatsi,_
+If Pere Egidi stays to sleep up there, he will fire a gun; _ake Baidane
+(gatsi) ame boladu_, the men will go to Baidane to leave the girl;
+_muto yetadu, Labao gatsi_; I will go to Yule Is to take the sheep,
+(_muto_, Fr. mouton). The use of the verb "to go" is not certain.
+
+2. A dependent sentence with the past is expressed in two ways.
+
+a. By the simple past: _na so, fang' an_, I went to see the trap.
+
+b. By the suffix _-ua_, with the omission of the verb: _Tsekan'
+alilua_, I went to see Tseka, which might also be translated: _na sova,
+Tsekan' ari_.
+
+3. Causative sentences appear to be governed by the same rules as
+the preceding.
+
+Ex. _ame nu arim' undede_, the girl is afraid to see you; _andal'
+un' arim' ete_, what has he seen to talk about.
+
+4. Conditional sentences precede the principal and have their verb
+in the subjunctive with the conjunction _-mai_ or _-tamai_. (See
+p. 330, III.).
+
+5. A dependent sentence expressing time also precedes the principal
+sentence. It has its verb in the subjunctive or indicative, followed
+by the conjunction _-ta_ or sometimes _-tamai_. (See p. 330, III.).
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+Note on the Afoa Language
+
+By Dr. W. M. Strong
+
+The vocabulary recorded below was obtained from a Fuyuge native who
+spoke the Afoa language. He had travelled with me to the Afoa-speaking
+villages on Mount Pitsoko and I could assure myself that he spoke the
+language fluently. In spite of the vocabulary having been obtained
+through a Fuyuge native there is very little similarity between this
+and the Fuyuge vocabulary. It should be noted that the words for "I"
+and for "thou" are substantially the same in the two languages.
+
+I also obtained a short vocabulary from a native who came down the
+coast to me, and found that this was substantially the same as the
+Pitsoko vocabulary. The native had come from a village which appeared
+to be situated on the slopes of Mount Davidson and on the inland side
+of it. According to native accounts the Afoa language is spoken in
+numerous villages which stretch from Mount Davidson to the head of
+the St. Joseph River in the Mafulu district. All the Afoa villages
+are situated north of the St. Joseph and its main branches.
+
+[Dr. Strong gives only the pronoun: _nui,_ thou; and the
+numerals: _koane,_ one; _atolowai,_ two; _atolowai-itima,_ three;
+_atolowai-atolowai,_ four; _atolowai-atolowai-itima,_ five.
+
+The Pronouns given by Father Egidi for Tauata ("Anthropos," II. 1907,
+pp. 1009-1015) are:--
+
+
+                Singular.       Plural.             Dual.
+
+lst Person,     _nai_, _na_.    _nanei_, _nane_.    _nonei_, _none_.
+2nd Person,     _nui_, _nu_.    _nunei_, _nune_     _nuvei_, _nuve_.
+3rd Person,     _omei_, _ome_.  _otei_, _ote_.      _olei_(?).
+
+
+The Possessives are:--
+
+
+                Singular.       Plural.             Dual.
+
+lst Person,     _ne_, _neve_.   _nane_,_nanene_.    _none_.
+
+2nd Person,     _ni_, _nie_.    _nune_.             _nuvene_.
+
+3rd Person,     _ote_, _otene_. _otene_.            _olene_.
+
+
+The Interrogatives are: _te_? who? _te_? _teile_? what
+thing? _te_? _tue_? which?
+
+The Numerals, according to Father Egidi, are, _kone_, one;
+_atolo_(_ai_), two; _atoloai-laina_, three; _talele_, _memene_, many;
+_konekone_, few.
+
+S. H. R.]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+Note on the Kovio Language.
+
+By Dr. W. M. Strong.
+
+Substantially the same language is spoken in the whole of the
+neighbourhood of Mount Yule. I have travelled all around this
+mountain and the same interpreter was able to make himself understood
+everywhere. The vocabulary recorded below was collected by means
+of the Motuan from a native of Lopiko in the Inava valley. I have
+also collected short vocabularies from the village of Inavarene in
+the same valley, and from the Kwoifa district of the upper part of
+the Lakekamu river. These vocabularies show close similarities with
+that of Lopiko. The natives around the Pic Eleia also speak much the
+same language.
+
+The vocabulary of the language bears no resemblance to any other
+language I am acquainted with. It is peculiar in that a word often ends
+in a consonant preceded by a short vowel. There is also an unusual
+consonant sound in the language. This sound seems to vary between a
+"ch" and a "tch" sound.
+
+The pronouns are as follows;--
+
+
+                First person:   _na_.
+                Second person:  _ni_.
+                Third person:   _pi_.
+
+
+These were obtained without much difficulty as well as the
+corresponding possessives _nemai_, _nimai_, and _pimai_; but plurals
+could not be obtained. Possibly the above are both singular and
+plural. The possessive precedes the noun, _e.g._, _nemai tupumagi_,
+my house. [129] A binary system of counting is shown in the following
+numerals:--
+
+
+            One:    _uniuni_.
+            Two:    _karaala_.
+            Three:  _naralavievi napuevi_.
+            Four:   _naralavievi naralavievi_.
+            Five:   _naralavievi naralavievi napuievi_.
+            Ten:    _kowa_.
+            Eleven: _kowa uniuni_.
+            Twelve: _kowa karaala_.
+            Twenty: _kowakowa_.
+
+
+Seven, eight, and nine were also translated by saying _naralavievi_
+for each two, and _napuevi_ for one over. The numeral follows the noun,
+e.g., _inai karaala_, two spears. [130]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+A Comparative Vocabulary of the Fuyuge, Afoa, and Kovio Languages
+
+Prepared by Sidney H. Ray, M.A.
+
+[From the MSS. of Rev. Father Egedi, Rev. P.J. Money, and
+Dr. W.M. Strong. Words in square brackets from "Antropos," II.,
+pp. 1016-1021. _Cf_. Appendix V.]
+
+
+
+English:    Adze
+Mafulu:     so(ve)
+Kambisa:    so(nda)
+Korona:     itau
+Afoa:       kealeve
+Kovio:      labian)ed
+
+English:    Ankle
+Mafulu:     sog' u' kodabe [131]
+Kambisa:    segikanan [132]
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Areca-nut
+Mafulu:     kese
+Kambisa:    kesi
+Korona:     soroma
+Afoa:       iluve; [vonuve]
+Kovio:      koveo; [auliri-koyo]
+
+English:    Arm
+Mafulu:     bodo(le); matange (_shoulder_)
+Kambisa:    ia; kosa (_shoulder_)
+Korona:     ya
+Afoa:       kalab; [kala(pe)]
+Kovio:      malau; [malao]
+
+English:    Armlet
+Mafulu:     koio(ne) (_cane_); matsi(ne) (_shell_)
+Kambisa:    ino (_cane_)
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [torite; litsi]
+Kovio:      [loria]
+
+English:    Arrow
+Mafulu:     fod' u' komome
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     fode
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      [kilelupa]
+
+English:    Ashes
+Mafulu:     foye
+Kambisa:    hoi
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       enamiro [133]; pita; [sepe]
+Kovio:      iziuvate; [itekamite]
+
+English:    Backbone
+Mafulu:     bane
+Kambisa:    bano
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [momo(pe) (_back_)]
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Bad
+Mafulu:     ko(ye)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     ko
+Afoa:       k=o=ali
+Kovio:      kep)ip; [amifu]
+
+English:    Bag, Basket
+Mafulu:     anon(ne)
+Kambisa:    ha(_netted_)
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [lamui]
+Kovio:      [lamui]
+
+English:    Bamboo
+Mafulu:     bione; e(re) (_pipe_)
+Kambisa:    e
+Korona:     tobo [134]
+Afoa:       ila; [vioni; ila (_pipe_)]
+Kovio:      nelele; [pidele; nerele (_pipe_)]
+
+English:    Banana
+Mafulu:     ambe
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     haba
+Afoa:       pelai
+Kovio:      teri; [teli]
+
+English:    Barter
+Mafulu:     davani
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       tvatava [135]
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Beard
+Mafulu:     anama(le)
+Kambisa:    hanama
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Belly
+Mafulu:     ombo(le)
+Kambisa:    hombo (_stomach_)
+Korona:     obo
+Afoa:       aniami; [aniame (_abdomen_); kutote (_belly_)]
+Kovio:      dapoale; [data]
+
+English:    Belt (waist string)
+Mafulu:     ganinge; ganingame (_bark_); tafade (_ratan_)
+Kambisa:    misu
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [terite; afafe; teupe]
+Kovio:      [tabatsio; talakota]
+
+English:    Bird
+Mafulu:     nembe
+Kambisa:    neba
+Korona:     nebe
+Afoa:       kile
+Kovio:      id)ep; [ite]
+
+English:    Bite
+Mafulu:     angale (_of men_); itede (_of dog_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       kanaiva
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Black
+Mafulu:     dube
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     duba
+Afoa:       lumatu
+Kovio:      alolamala; [tumuta].
+
+English:    Blood
+Mafulu:     tana(le)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     tana
+Afoa:       ilive
+Kovio:      uiau-toro; [ueho].
+
+English:    Boat
+Mafulu:     --
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     asi [136]
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Body
+Mafulu:     mule
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [kotsi(pe)]
+Kovio:      ulan-utoro ; [koki].
+
+English:    Bone
+Mafulu:     fude
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     ufudi
+Afoa:       kemiabi
+Kovio:      kateleru.
+
+English:    Bow, _n_
+Mafulu:     fode
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     fode
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Bowels
+Mafulu:     taride; gige
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [kimu(ve)]
+Kovio:      [tsikamaki].
+
+English:    Branch
+Mafulu:     bodo(le); gobe (_young_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     uga
+Afoa:       ietami
+Kovio:      litaud
+
+English:    Breast
+Mafulu:     ouba
+Kambisa:    duda; kononda [137] (_chest_); bononga (_breast-bone_)
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       talate [opipe]
+Kovio:      apiteu; [apetei (_woman's_)].
+
+English:    Bring
+Mafulu:     yetsia (_up_); yayeitsie (_down_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     neda
+Afoa:       ainakava
+Kovio:      [boale?].
+
+English:    Bury
+Mafulu:     mudi
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       alota
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Butterfly
+Mafulu:     keneke
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     kaneke
+Afoa:       gotaubi
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    By an Bye
+Mafulu:     dedi; ido(ve) (_not yet_)
+Kambisa:    gadavi
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [epe (_not yet_)]
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Cane
+Mafulu:     yokome; seene (_ratan_)
+Kambisa:    ongo
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Charcoal
+Mafulu:     --
+Kambisa:    urugum
+Korona:     orugu
+Afoa:       (ena)imiti [138]
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Cheek
+Mafulu:     omenge
+Kambisa:    hanan
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Chest
+Mafulu:     kavale
+Kambisa:    kononda
+Korona:     konode
+Afoa:       kaluvi
+Kovio:      lipat; [ulako].
+
+English:    Chief
+Mafulu:     ame(de)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Child
+Mafulu:     mele; ese (_son_); ame(le) (_girl_); ayame(le) (_small_)
+Kambisa:    isa; isoko (_boy_); amuri (_girl_)
+Korona:     isia
+Afoa:       lu [lu; pie (_boy_); epi (_girl_)]
+Kovio:      nekeotoro; [koemala; feimala (_boy_); nalemala; etaofu (_girl_)].
+
+English:    Chin
+Mafulu:     ana
+Kambisa:    ana
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [natau(pe)]
+Kovio:      [akumare].
+
+English:    Claw (_of bird_)
+Mafulu:     fodo(le)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     bodo [139]
+Afoa:       kila karabe
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Cloth (_native_)
+Mafulu:     kogo(ve)
+Kambisa:    hudo
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [etape]
+Kovio:      [tsimika].
+
+English:    Cloud
+Mafulu:     unu(me)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       ulua; [ponive]
+Kovio:      unida; [lariatsi].
+
+English:    Club
+Mafulu:     gilise (_pineapple_); gadaibe (_disc_); kongomu (_wood_)
+Kambisa:    hadufa (_wood_)
+Korona:     hadoga (_pine-apple_)
+Afoa:       yetikwi
+Kovio:      ineri (_stone_)
+
+English:    Coconut
+Mafulu:     fofo(ne)
+Kambisa:    bao
+Korona:     fofo
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      teri.
+
+English:    Cold
+Mafulu:     yuyuma
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     dudure
+Afoa:       loola
+Kovio:      delea; [abatata].
+
+English:    Come
+Mafulu:     tsia
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     yeterun
+Afoa:       lai
+Kovio:      [imaro]
+
+English:    Crocodile
+Mafulu:     fua
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     fuai
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Cuscus
+Mafulu:     --
+Kambisa:    ano [140]
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Darkness
+Mafulu:     tu(be)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     gerenama
+Afoa:       guviti
+Kovio:      dubare
+
+English:    Daylight
+Mafulu:     ev' ul' aveve [141]
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Die
+Mafulu:     usangege
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     usaga
+Afoa:       lae-elu; [kelui]
+Kovio:      [nusuaka]
+
+English:    Dig
+Mafulu:     tsie
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       amatita
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Digging-stick
+Mafulu:     itsive
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     iti
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Dog
+Mafulu:     oi(e)
+Kambisa:    hu
+Korona:     ho
+Afoa:       kovela
+Kovio:      gad)ep; [katefu]
+
+English:    Door
+Mafulu:     akonimbe
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Dress (_man's_)
+Mafulu:     ganinge
+Kambisa:    haninga
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Dress (_woman's_)
+Mafulu:     yangile (_petticoat_); yamba(le)
+Kambisa:    iambaro
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Drink
+Mafulu:     nene
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     eu' naida
+Afoa:       kwaiana
+Kovio:      [naro]
+
+English:    Ear
+Mafulu:     yangolo(me)
+Kambisa:    gadoro
+Korona:     i
+Afoa:       kepapi
+Kovio:      katoli
+
+English:    Earring
+Mafulu:     --
+Kambisa:    kemang
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Earth (ground)
+Mafulu:     bu(le), fa(le)
+Kambisa:    hoa
+Korona:     fa(la)
+Afoa:       amati
+Kovio:      kamad; [amatsi]
+
+English:    Eat
+Mafulu:     nene
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     adako' naida
+Afoa:       na)nai [142]; [nai]
+Kovio:      [naro]
+
+English:    Egg
+Mafulu:     ombo(le)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     obo
+Afoa:       kile' mutube
+Kovio:      nekeo
+
+English:    Elbow
+Mafulu:     bodol'u' kodabe [143]
+Kambisa:    hukanan [144]
+Korona:     ya' koba
+Afoa:       oma' kaluve
+Kovio:      mala-gagoboro
+
+English:    Eye
+Mafulu:     i(me)
+Kambisa:    i(ng)
+Korona:     yago
+Afoa:       tabe; [va(pe)]
+Kovio:      ita-kwaru; [itau]
+
+English:    Eyebrow
+Mafulu:     ingob' u' male [145]
+Kambisa:    ing' ode [146]
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      ita-dunali
+
+English:    Eyelash
+Mafulu:     --
+Kambisa:    ing' uba
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      ita-kalam
+
+English:    Face
+Mafulu:     mede
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     yodoge
+Afoa:       keuwil [keu(ve)]
+Kovio:      tara-ata; [kawasata]
+
+English:    Far off
+Mafulu:     gisa(le)
+Kambisa:    busara
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       ainioari [ainiole]
+Kovio:      waladekatch; [lulusivelaka]
+
+English:    Father
+Mafulu:     ba(be)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     bane
+Afoa:       ati
+Kovio:      papai; [fafae; vavafu]
+
+English:    Fear
+Mafulu:     undede
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       nu)kela [147]
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Feather
+Mafulu:     ma(le); pame (_of wing_)
+Kambisa:    wasa (_cassowary plum_)
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       kili' amute
+Kovio:      atch; [akoatsi]
+
+English:    Finger
+Mafulu:     bodol' u' gobe [148] (_index_); bodol' u' feneme [149] (_middle
+            and ring_);  bodol' u' talave [150] (_little finger_);  bodol'
+            u' mame [151] (_thumb_)
+Kambisa:    naria (_thumb_)
+Korona:     yaro' goba [148]
+Afoa:       lelevai; [kalaopue (_index and ring_);  kimataliope (_middle_);
+            leleva (_little_); amo(te) _thumb_]
+Kovio:      mala-tiporotch; [obido (_index_); upurau; kaitaita (_middle_);
+            upurau; gitaguruita (_ring_); itarao; taravalara (_little_);
+            banoe (_thumb_)]
+
+English:    Fire
+Mafulu:     oki(de)
+Kambisa:    uki
+Korona:     oke
+Afoa:       )enami
+Kovio:      iziradi; [iti]
+
+English:    Fish
+Mafulu:     garume
+Kambisa:    garung
+Korona:     unuma (?)
+Afoa:       gapila; [kapita]
+Kovio:      rapiamala; [kavila]
+
+English:    Flea
+Mafulu:     yo(le)
+Kambisa:    kasin
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Flesh
+Mafulu:     mise
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     misa
+Afoa:       miluti
+Kovio:      [muditsi]
+
+English:    Flower
+Mafulu:     sive; oyande
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     unida [152]
+Afoa:       iadaude
+Kovio:      [ulatu]
+
+English:    Fly, _n._
+Mafulu:     sungulu(me)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     sigurum
+Afoa:       tainanu; [tainamu]
+Kovio:      [muni]
+
+English:    Fly, _v._
+Mafulu:     iyei
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Fog
+Mafulu:     unu(me)
+Kambisa:    hunu
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Food
+Mafulu:     imbade (_animal_); yalove (_vegetable_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [nifite (_animal_); valive; kalai (_vegetable_)]
+Kovio:      [muditsi (_animal_); taraj (_vegetable_)]
+
+English:    Foot
+Mafulu:     yovali, so(ge); sog' u' tobo (_sole_) [153]
+Kambisa:    suga; hu tobo' (_sole_)
+Korona:     sogo
+Afoa:       lomineti; [lo(ape)]
+Kovio:      ina-tiporotch; [teporotsi]
+
+English:    Forehead
+Mafulu:     mede; ingobe (_bone of eyebrow_)
+Kambisa:    anone (_temple_)
+Korona:     mida
+Afoa:       miavi
+Kovio:      [tavatau]
+
+English:    Forest
+Mafulu:     mavane (_hunting-ground_); siu(le), tsiu(le) (_bush_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     bu [154]
+Afoa:       sule; [kalite]
+Kovio:      yaped; [buloka]
+
+English:    Fowl
+Mafulu:     kokole
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Fruit
+Mafulu:     dede
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       ietaube; [eadauda]
+Kovio:      ulau; [kalitu; ulata]
+
+English:    Garden
+Mafulu:     bu(le)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      [volomala; volofu]
+
+English:    Ghost
+Mafulu:     sila(le)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Give
+Mafulu:     indi
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     ide
+Afoa:       nu)inie [155]; [ini]
+Kovio:      [nanara]
+
+English:    Go
+Mafulu:     gege
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     hego
+Afoa:       lo; [la]
+Kovio:      [taro]
+
+English:    Good
+Mafulu:     ifa(ne)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     ifi
+Afoa:       ladi; [kato]
+Kovio:      aupumara; [tsimafu]
+
+English:    Great
+Mafulu:     baibe
+Kambisa:    mataka
+Korona:     baibe
+Afoa:       kalowo
+Kovio:      aputep; [tovenaetsi]
+
+English:    Hair (of head)
+Mafulu:     alome
+Kambisa:    ha; makoko (_dressed_)
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       auwataute; [voto(pe)]
+Kovio:      nanaled; [manala; manalreta].
+
+English:    Hair (of body)
+Mafulu:     ma(le)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       auwuti; [avute]
+Kovio:      ada; [akoatsi]
+
+English:    Hand
+Mafulu:     bodo(le); bodol' u'-tobo (palm) [156]
+Kambisa:    ia; ia'tobo (_palm_)
+Korona:     yaro' uba
+Afoa:       galatopute [kalaopue]
+Kovio:      mala-kapunatch; [mala=tu portosi]
+
+English:    Hard
+Mafulu:     kakava(ne)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       avava
+Kovio:      maradi; [unamane]
+
+English:    Head
+Mafulu:     ade(de)
+Kambisa:    hondu
+Korona:     ha
+Afoa:       ni)adi; [ade] [157]
+Kovio:      gagau; [kakao]
+
+English:    Head-wrap
+Mafulu:     ogoupe
+Kambisa:    suno
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Hear
+Mafulu:     alele
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       lanita
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Hill
+Mafulu:     kume
+Kambisa:    kumo
+Korona:     bunga
+Afoa:       itavi; [maive; lavave (_uninhabited_);  itave (_crest_)]
+Kovio:      la-oa-uta; [laoaka]
+
+English:    Hip
+Mafulu:     ol'u'ga(ye) [158]
+Kambisa:    huru
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Hook
+Mafulu:     --
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     kimai [159]
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Hot
+Mafulu:     olola
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     giganfe
+Afoa:       nunali
+Kovio:      midilamolamo
+
+English:    House
+Mafulu:     e(me); emo(ne) (_communal_)
+Kambisa:    e(m)
+Korona:     e
+Afoa:       geade; [kia(te); tumute (_communal_)]
+Kovio:      tupumagi; [dema(ki); dubumaki (_communal_)]
+
+English:    Husband
+Mafulu:     a(ne)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       omen)iva; [vale; mu] [160]
+Kovio:      anawab
+
+English:    Iron
+Mafulu:     tavili [161]
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     nani
+Afoa:       nai
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Kill
+Mafulu:     adede; ememe
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [amui]
+Kovio:      [mavemara]
+
+English:    Knee
+Mafulu:     amia
+Kambisa:    amiang
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:
+
+English:    Knife
+Mafulu:     indi(ve)
+Kambisa:    indi(fa)
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [tiveja(ve)] [162]
+Kovio:      [vesti]
+
+English:    Know
+Mafulu:     tsitsiva
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       nu)ali; [ni]
+Kovio:      [edemaka]
+
+English:    Leaf
+Mafulu:     tu(le)
+Kambisa:    idu
+Korona:     utu
+Afoa:       valupi
+Kovio:      aukwata; [aufu; aubota]
+
+English:    Leg
+Mafulu:     yovali; fande (shin); mude (thigh); mise (_calf_)
+Kambisa:    furo (_shin_); muda (_thigh_)
+Korona:     mude (_thigh_)
+Afoa:       wolupi (_thigh_); [keniame; kupuame (_thigh_)]
+Kovio:      alile (_thigh_); [inako; apota (_thigh_)]
+
+English:    Lime
+Mafulu:     abe
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     hava
+Afoa:       [kaute]
+Kovio:      wati.
+
+English:    Lip
+Mafulu:     ude
+Kambisa:    uba
+Korona:     udu
+Afoa:       getapi
+Kovio:      ridokalule (_upper_); akoitale (_lower_); [kijtakorutsi]
+
+English:    Live
+Mafulu:     asilando (_be alive_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     asihera
+Afoa:       kajli
+Kovio:      [watara (_alive_)]
+
+English:    Liver
+Mafulu:     dube
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     hade
+Afoa:       kimaule
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Long
+Mafulu:     sesada
+Kambisa:    busa
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [tsyani]
+Kovio:      [tovenaemita].
+
+English:    Louse
+Mafulu:     i(ye)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     hi
+Afoa:       iate
+Kovio:      [inepu].
+
+
+English:    Male
+Mafulu:     avoge
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Man
+Mafulu:     a(ne)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     a
+Afoa:       woale;[vale]
+Kovio:      kalauotoro;[abo(te); mala; abofu].
+
+English:    Many
+Mafulu:     tale; taluvi
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     harut
+Afoa:       tatele;[talele]
+Kovio:      maimitara.
+
+English:    Mat
+Mafulu:     --
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       unite
+Kovio:      tau-ud.
+
+English:    Milk
+Mafulu:     oubatsinge; oub'indidi [163] (_to suckle_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     obo
+Afoa:       mulape
+Kovio:      apiteu.
+
+English:    Mirror
+Mafulu:     aveve
+Kambisa:    idida
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Moon
+Mafulu:     one
+Kambisa:    hama
+Korona:     hoana
+Afoa:       oani;[one]
+Kovio:      nonitch;[onea, nonitsi].
+
+English:    Morning
+Mafulu:     tutsi
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       laliate' govelai [kuwitue]
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Mosquito
+Mafulu:     maingogo
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     igogesa
+Afoa:       nipope
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Mother
+Mafulu:     ma(me)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     uma
+Afoa:       aumen)ini [164]; [ine]
+Kovio:      nei; [nei, nonofu].
+
+English:    Mouth
+Mafulu:     ambode
+Kambisa:    gobang
+Korona:     adinu
+Afoa:       nautabe; [natave, yolote]
+Kovio:      akwot;[khidatsi].
+
+
+English:    Nail (_finger_)
+Mafulu:     fodo(le); koko (_of cassowary_)
+Kambisa:    bodong (_of toe_) [165]
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [viloipe]
+Kovio:      [tevetsi].
+
+English:    Name
+Mafulu:     i(ve)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       apete
+Kovio:      nitiab;[vitane].
+
+English:    Navel
+Mafulu:     kombolu
+Kambisa:    kumburu
+Korona:     koboro
+Afoa:       oatobe; [otove]
+Kovio:      autau; [koto].
+
+English:    Near
+Mafulu:     kugume
+Kambisa:    kuguraga
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       amauli;[amavola]
+Kovio:      kauwari.
+
+English:    Neck
+Mafulu:     gurube; kalolo (_throat_)
+Kambisa:    indu (_back_); aroro (_throat_)
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [kumulute]
+Kovio:      neneviro;[nelevio].
+
+English:    Necklace
+Mafulu:     sale, sambu (_shell_); tsiba, [Dog's incisors] sise [Dog's canine]
+            (_dogs' teeth_); yakeva (_pearl_)
+Kambisa:    sa (_shell_)
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [telenate [Dog's incisors]; lulate [Dog's canine]
+Kovio:      [kulolobotsi[Dog's incisors]; kitetsi[Dog's canine]].
+
+English:    Night
+Mafulu:     tu(be)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       guve'teletai[kuvite]
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Nipple
+Mafulu:     ouba' ul' unge [166]
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       oalube; [okobe]
+Kovio:      apiteu.
+
+English:    No
+Mafulu:     mi, ua(ne)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       muinu
+Kovio:      [nai].
+
+English:    Nose
+Mafulu:     unge
+Kambisa:    unga
+Korona:     unga
+Afoa:       kiti [ki(te)]
+Kovio:      watarupu;[wata(rube)].
+
+English:    Nostril
+Mafulu:     ung' ul' olo [167]
+Kambisa:    urorong
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+
+English:    Paddle
+Mafulu:     --
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     bara [168]
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Pig
+Mafulu:     ovo(le) (_wild_); ovota (_tame_); oleda (_large_); foilange
+(_wild boar_).
+Kambisa:    sika
+Korona:     o'o
+Afoa:       polu
+Kovio:      woromala; [voro(mala)].
+
+English:    Pot
+Mafulu:     uli(ne); kodige (_dish_);
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [kapite; lua(pe) (_dish_); nau(pe) (_earthen dish_)] [169]
+Kovio:      kaivitch; [apitsi; kuetsi; kapaitsi (_earthen dish_)].
+
+English:    Pumpkin
+Mafulu:     botame; tobo(le) (_goard_).
+Kambisa:    bata
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Rain
+Mafulu:     yangose
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     yagosa
+Afoa:       iti
+Kovio:      uteli.
+
+English:    Rat
+Mafulu:     giliminde
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     sui
+Afoa:       keni
+Kovio:      keniani.
+
+English:    Red
+Mafulu:     ilalama
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       boratu; [polatu]
+Kovio:      lolalumala.
+
+English:    Rib
+Mafulu:     auale
+Kambisa:    awari
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [malupe]
+Kovio:      [elavotsi].
+
+English:    River
+Mafulu:     yu(ve)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       ipe
+Kovio:      everi.
+
+English:    Road
+Mafulu:     enambe; foida (_along flank of mountain_)
+Kambisa:    enambo
+Korona:     enaba
+Afoa:       kani
+Kovio:      abatu.
+
+English:    Root
+Mafulu:     okasili
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     okusi
+Afoa:       kilu' mute
+Kovio:      mudene.
+
+English:    Rope
+Mafulu:     knoage
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     yu
+Afoa:       pumave; [pumave inate]
+Kovio:      pemarap; [leka; vilape].
+
+English:    Sago
+Mafulu:     balck' u; ta(ye) [170]
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Salt
+Mafulu:     ama(ne)
+Kambisa:    hanamo
+Korona:     ama
+Afoa:       limanevi
+Kovio:      [yota].
+
+English:    Sand
+Mafulu:     sanga(ve)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     soana
+Afoa:       nunu
+Kovio:      [utsiaio].
+
+English:    Scratch
+Mafulu:     fifiete; sisilimi (_one's self_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       malitana
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Sea
+Mafulu:     ise
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     isa
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      tapala.
+
+English:    See
+Mafulu:     ariri
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       na)nukava [171]
+Kovio:      [italara].
+
+English:    Shadow
+Mafulu:     sove; abebe; avevene (_of object_);
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       ala
+Kovio:      utupapu.
+
+English:    Sit
+Mafulu:     tegid' ande [172]
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       na)navi9
+Kovio:      [ularo].
+
+English:    Skin
+Mafulu:     ode
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     hode
+Afoa:       gotipe; [kotsi(pe)]
+Kovio:      komotoro; [kalukalutsi].
+
+English:    Sky
+Mafulu:     asolo(ne)
+Kambisa:    asoro
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [manape]
+Kovio:      abat; [abatsi].
+
+English:    Sleep
+Mafulu:     imaritade
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       utewu; [utevoi]
+Kovio:      [voile; waro (_rest_)].
+
+English:    Small
+Mafulu:     kisi; aka(ne); kisiaka(ne) (_very_)
+Kambisa:    ami'aga
+Korona:     kisibaga
+Afoa:       eveeve
+Kovio:      peipu; [utsiaitsi].
+
+English:    Smoke
+Mafulu:     iso(ne)
+Kambisa:    isong
+Korona:     isoa
+Afoa:       etaivi
+Kovio:      [itiaulo].
+
+English:    Snake
+Mafulu:     tsivili
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     hemai [173]
+Afoa:       nai; [kovo]
+Kovio:      toiepe; [toepo].
+
+English:    Soft
+Mafulu:     safe(le)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       tamenu; [oluolue]
+Kovio:      ketitau; [peopeo].
+
+English:    Sour
+Mafulu:     beekoi (_bitter_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Speak
+Mafulu:     ave(te)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       tananipa; [te]
+Kovio:      [wade].
+
+English:    Spear
+Mafulu:     eme(le); idika (_with barbs of cassowary claws_)
+Kambisa:    himi(ra)
+Korona:     hemi
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      inari.
+
+English:    Spit
+Mafulu:     sabete
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       luiteta
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Spittle
+Mafulu:     sabe
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Stand
+Mafulu:     yu
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       lugila; [kilai]
+Kovio:      [lavaka].
+
+English:    Star
+Mafulu:     alile
+Kambisa:    duba [174]
+Korona:     harira
+Afoa:       tui; [imuli]
+Kovio:      kapu.
+
+English:    Stay
+Mafulu:     vayu
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       loia
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Stone
+Mafulu:     bute
+Kambisa:    io
+Korona:     butia
+Afoa:       eviti; [evi(te)]
+Kovio:      geleo; [kile].
+
+English:    Sugar-cane
+Mafulu:     ale
+Kambisa:    teba [175]
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       tu(ami)
+Kovio:      apiu; [api].
+
+English:    Sun
+Mafulu:     eve
+Kambisa:    ewu(ri)
+Korona:     eurima
+Afoa:       wati; [vata(ve)]
+Kovio:      stamari; [kita].
+
+English:    Sweet
+Mafulu:     bebena
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Sweet potato
+Mafulu:     kupa
+Kambisa:    kupe
+Korona:     gupe
+Afoa:       gupe; [kupeame; vetoe]
+Kovio:      kouwai; [vetore].
+
+English:    Taro
+Mafulu:     munde
+Kambisa:    munda
+Korona:     mude
+Afoa:       ku(we)
+Kovio:      gamach; [gimale].
+
+English:    Taste, _v._
+Mafulu:     tovogi
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Thick
+Mafulu:     kakava(ne)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [evoevotupi]
+Kovio:      inep.
+
+English:    Thin
+Mafulu:     fafale; garibe
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [itape]
+Kovio:      krawida.
+
+English:    Tobacco
+Mafulu:     vilu (_native_); kuku (_foreign_); matsika (_stick_)
+Kambisa:    ewuta
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [emuna(te) (_native_)]
+Kovio:      [munamuna (_native_)].
+
+English:    To-day
+Mafulu:     audati
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       kailili
+Kovio:      [tetefa; vae].
+
+English:    Tomohawk
+Mafulu:     so(ve)
+Kambisa:    so(nda)
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       [amu(te)]
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    To-morrow
+Mafulu:     aiti
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       kila
+Kovio:      [kavokae].
+
+English:    Tongue
+Mafulu:     usese
+Kambisa:    asisino
+Korona:     asiesa
+Afoa:       aivi
+Kovio:      tananio; [tzinao].
+
+English:    Tooth
+Mafulu:     ato(le)
+Kambisa:    usi [176]
+Korona:     atu
+Afoa:       noto(ab); [noto(ape)]
+Kovio:      kitira; [rita (tsi)].
+
+English:    Tree
+Mafulu:     i(ye)
+Kambisa:    i (_wood_)
+Korona:     i
+Afoa:       enade; [ea(te)]
+Kovio:      ida.
+
+English:    Valley
+Mafulu:     ole  (_below_)
+Kambisa:    horo
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Village
+Mafulu:     e(me)
+Kambisa:    haru
+Korona:     eda
+Afoa:       geade; [kia(te); mai(te)]
+Kovio:      deata; [dela].
+
+English:    Water
+Mafulu:     yu(ve)
+Kambisa:    iu
+Korona:     eu(wa)
+Afoa:       i(pe)
+Kovio:      eweo; [eveo; evori].
+
+English:    Weep
+Mafulu:     andavel'ete; availili
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       kowaitai
+Kovio:      [inivade].
+
+English:    White
+Mafulu:     kogola; fofoye (_ash colour_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     foa
+Afoa:       ilitu
+Kovio:      unimala; [aela].
+
+English:    Wife
+Mafulu:     amu(le)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       omen)iva [177]; [iva]
+Kovio:      anamara.
+
+English:    Wind
+Mafulu:     gubu(le)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     gubu(ra)
+Afoa:       kavi; [oive]
+Kovio:      tamara; [tsinu].
+
+English:    Wing
+Mafulu:     geoge; fala(le) (_feathers_); pilulupe (_of bat_)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Woman
+Mafulu:     amu(le)
+Kambisa:    mamo [178]
+Korona:     amu
+Afoa:       iva
+Kovio:      anakave; [anatemada, anakave; anafu].
+
+English:    Wrist
+Mafulu:     bodul' u' gurube [179]
+Kambisa:    ia' u' gidiba
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       --
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Yam
+Mafulu:     ai(ne)
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     hain
+Afoa:       loite
+Kovio:      darai; [tarae].
+
+English:    Yellow
+Mafulu:     yangogona [180]
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     yarem
+Afoa:       epe
+Kovio:      katech.
+
+English:    Yes
+Mafulu:     e
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       namoade
+Kovio:      --
+
+English:    Yesterday
+Mafulu:     arima
+Kambisa:    --
+Korona:     --
+Afoa:       kila
+Kovio:      [orivafari].
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+Appendix V
+
+Notes on the Papuan Languages spoken about the Head Waters of the
+St. Joseph River, Central Papua
+
+By Sidney H. Ray, M.A.
+
+The grammars and vocabularies collected by the Rev. Father Egedi,
+the Rev. E. P. Money and Dr. W. M. Strong illustrate the languages
+spoken in the higher hill country extending from the district about
+Mount Yule to Mount Albert Edward and the Upper Vanapa River. They
+form three distinct groups.
+
+1. Fuyuge, comprising the dialects of Mafulu, Kambisa, Korona and
+Sikube.
+
+2. Afoa or Ambo, including Tauata.
+
+3. Kovio, including Oru Lopiko.
+
+
+SECTION I
+
+I. Classification.
+
+1. Fuyuge:--The first specimen of any lanugage of the Fuyuge group was
+collected by the Rev. James Chalmers in 1879. This was called by him
+Kabana, and was printed in a collection of vocabularies in 1888. [181]
+From a note on the original MS., the vocabulary was assumed to be
+the dialect of a village on Mount Victoria (called by Chalmers Mount
+Owen Stanley). [182] But as Sir William MacGregor pointed out, [183]
+there are no villages on that mountain, hence Chalmers, in assigning
+a locality to the vocabulary some time after its collection, must
+have been mistaken. The language of Chalmers' Kabana is nearly the
+same as that of a vocabulary collected by Mr. A. Giulianetti at the
+village of Sikube in the Upper Vetapa or Vanapa valley, north of
+Mount Lilley. This was published in 1898. [184]
+
+A few words from the village of Kambisa, in Sirima (Chirima)
+valley were published in the Annual Report on British New Guinea
+for 1905-6, [185] and I have since been favoured by the compiler,
+the Rev. P. J. Money, with a fuller list. The Rev. Father Egedi
+published in 1907 a vocabulary of Fuyuge along with his account of
+the Tauata or Afoa tribe. [186] Dr. Strong collected a vocabulary
+from the natives of Korona, a village situated close to the head of
+Galley Reach. This was collected with the help of a Motu-speaking
+native, and contains a few apparently Melanesian words. Dr. Strong
+was spontaneously told that these had been introduced from the coast
+in quite recent times. (_Cf_. Sec. III.)
+
+The words in the comparative vocabulary are taken from an extensive
+collection in Mafulu by the Rev. Father Egedi. They represent the
+same dialect as the Grammar in Appendix I.
+
+That Mafulu, Kambisa, and Korona, with Sikube and Kabana, represent
+the same language is plain.
+
+The Kabana pronoun _nahu_, I, the Sikube _na(nio_) I, _nu_(_ni_) thou,
+and the Kambisa _na_, I, _nu_, thou, _hu_, he, agree with the Fuyuge
+_na, na(ni_), I, _nu, nu(ni_) thou, _u_, he. The Kabana _nauera_, mine,
+is the Fuyuge _naula_. The Kambisa _nara-ndo_, mine, _nura-ndo_, thine,
+_hura-ndo_ his, also show a suffix _ndo_ corresponding to Mafulu _ne_
+in _naula(ne_), mine, _nula(ne_) thine, _ula(ne_) his, and in the
+vocabulary the Kambisa suffix _nda_ corresponds to the Korona _de_ in
+the word for "chest." There is, however, no evidence that the Korona
+_de_ is equivalent to the Mafulu _ne_. The word given in Sikube for
+"woman," _amuri_, is the Fuyuge plural _amuli_, "women."
+
+A few other likenesses appear, as _e.g._, Kambisa suffix _ng_
+represents Mafulu _me, ne_; Kambisa _fa_, the Fuyuge _ve_; Kambisa _a_,
+Korona _la_, Mafulu _le_.
+
+The following extract shows the likeness of the vocabulary. [187]
+
+
+            Mafulu.     Kambisa.    Sikube.     Kabana.     Korona.
+
+Adze        so          so          cho         --          itau
+Arm, hand   --          ia          ia          ia          ya
+Belly       ombo        hombo       --          habe        obo
+Bird        nembe       neba        membe       --          nebe
+Cassowary
+plume       --          wasa        vasa        --          --
+Child, son  me, ese     isa         me          ese         isia
+Club        gilise      hadufa      adufa,      --          hadoga
+                                    girishia
+Dog         oi          hu          hu, fu      hoa         ho
+Ear         yangolo     gadoro      gaderu      gadero      i
+Eye         i           i           i           e           yago
+Forest      --          --          bu = garden --          bu
+Father      ba          --          --          ba          ba
+Fire        oki         uki         okia        okia        oke
+Foot        soge        siga        suku        suge        sogo
+Go          gege        --          henga       inga        hego
+Ground      bu, fa      hoa         bu = garden --          fa
+Hair, head  ade         ha          ha          ha          ha
+House       e           e           --          e           e
+Knife       indi        indi        indi        --          --
+Leaf        tu          idu         itu         idu         utu
+Lip, mouth  ude         uba         ude         ude         uau
+Moon        one         hama        --          hama        hoana
+Navel       kombolu     kumburu     --          habera =     koboro
+                                                  belly
+Nose        unge        unga        hunge       unuga       unga
+Pig         ovo         --          obu         --          o'o
+Rain        yangose     --          iangushe    iangose     yagosa
+Smoke       iso         iso         ishio       --          isoa
+Stone       bute        io          --          io          butia
+Sun, day    eve         ewuri       --          evurima     eurima
+Sugar-cane  --          teba        tebe        --          --
+Taro        munde       munda       mude        --          mude
+Thigh       mude        muda        mude        --          mude
+Tongue      usese       asisino     asese       asese       asiesa
+Tooth       ato         usi         ado         ado         atu
+Village     e           haru        e           --          eda
+Water       yu          iu          iu          iu          eu
+Woman       amu         ?mamo =     amu         amu         amu
+                          mother
+
+
+The numerals show similar agreements. These will be illustrated in
+the next section.
+
+2. Afoa.--The Afoa vocabulary was collected by Dr. Strong in
+the villages on Mount Pitsoko from a Fuyuge native who spoke
+Afoa fluently. Dr. Strong also obtained a short vocabulary from a
+native who came from a village apparently on the slopes of Mount
+Davidson. The language is substantially the same as the Tauata or
+Tauatape of which Rev. Father Egedi has published a Vocabulary and
+Grammar. [188] There are, however, a few slight differences which
+seem to confirm Father Egedi's statement that there is probably a
+difference of pronunciation in the various Afoa villages. [189] Father
+Egedi writes: _p, v, k, t, l, ts_ where Dr. Strong has: _b, w, g, d, r,
+t_. The latter also has final _i_ for _e_, _oa_ for _a_ or _o_, _ia_
+for _ea_, _u_ for _oi_ _ai_ for _ei_. Sometimes _b_ represents _m_
+or _v_. Some of Dr. Strong's words show marks of Afoa grammar, as,
+_e.g._, the words for eat, see, sit, give, head, husband or wife,
+mother, are: _na nai_, I eat; _na nu kava_, I thee see; _na navi_,
+I sit; _nu inie_, thou givest; _ni adi_, your head; _omen iva_, his
+wife or her husband; _aumen ini_, his mother. The Tauata words are
+added to the Afoa Vocabulary in square brackets.
+
+3. Kovio.--The language called Kovio by Dr. Strong is substantially
+the same as the Oru Lopiko of Rev. Father Egedi. [190] The same or
+a similar language is said to be found in four places, viz.--
+
+    1. Lopiko in the Inava valley.
+    2. Inavarene in the Inava valley.
+    3. Kwoifa district on upper Lakekamu River.
+    4. Villages round Pic Eleia.
+
+Details of these dialects are not given.
+
+
+
+
+
+SECTION II
+
+II. Comparison.
+
+The three groups of languages illustrated in these vocabularies
+present the usual Papuan characteristics of great differences. A
+certain amount of resemblance may be found in some of the pronouns,
+and possibly in a few other words, but generally speaking the languages
+are not only quite unconnected with each other, but are also distinct
+from the known Papuan languages surrounding them.
+
+
+                        I.          Thou.       He.         We.             You.        They.
+I.   Fuyuge             na, nani    nu, nuni    u, uni      di, dini        yi, yini    tu, tuni
+     Kambisa            na          nu          u           --              --          ha-ru
+     Sikube             na-nio      nu-ni       --          --              --          --
+     Kabana             nau         --          --          --              --          --
+II.  Afoa               na          nu-i        ome         --              --          --
+     Tauata             na, nai     nu, nu-i    ome, ome-i  nane, nane-i    nune, nunei ote, ote-i
+III. Kovio              na          ni          pi          --              --          --
+     Oru-Lopiko         na, naro    ni, niro    pi, piro    dae, daro       ali, alero  valo, valoro
+West Toaripi            ara-o       a-o         are-o       ela-o           e-o         ere-o
+     Namau              na-i        ni-i        u           ene-i           noro        oro
+     Kiwai              mo          ro          nou         nimo            nigo        nei
+North-east, Binandele   na          imo         owa         kaena, nakare   imomae      owawa
+East, Koita             da          a           au          no              yai         yau
+South-east, Mailu       ia          ga          noa         gea             aea         omoa
+
+
+It is interesting here to note the agreement in the forms of the
+first and second persons singular, with a wide difference in the other
+pronouns. Similar words for these two pronouns occur in other Papuan
+languages as _e.g._, Kai (Finschhafen) _no_, Kelana Kai _nai_, "I,"
+and Bongu and Bogadjim (Astrolabe Bay), _ni_, Kelana Kai _ne_, "thou."
+
+The widespread use of a suffix, used when the pronoun is emphatic,
+is noteworthy. The possessive case also is formed as in some other
+Papuan languages by a suffix added to the root of the pronoun. _Cf._--
+
+
+            My.         Thy.      His.      Our.        Your.       Their.
+Fuyuge      nau(le)     nu(le)    u(le)     diu(le)     yu(le)      ta(le)
+            naula(ne)   nula(ne)  ula(ne)   diula(ne)   yula(ne)    tala(ne)
+Kambisa     narando     nurando   hurando   --          --          haruando
+Tauata      neve        nie       omene     nanene      nuvene      otene
+Kovio       nemai       nimai     pimai     --          --          --
+Oru-Lopiko  nema        nima      pima      daema       alima       valoma
+Toaripi     arave       ave       areve     elave       eve         ereve
+Binandele   nato        ito       ounda,    kaenato     itomane     omida
+                                    owanda
+
+
+Sometimes the simple form of the pronoun is prefixed to the noun in
+Tauata to indicate the possessive, as in Namau and Koita. Tauata _na
+ate_, Koita _di omote_, Namau, _na uku_, "my head."
+
+The numerals also show great differences. As far as "three" they
+appear as follows:
+
+
+    Fuyuge.         Korona.         Sikitbe.        Afoa.           Tauata.         Kovio.              Oru Lopiko.
+1.  fida(ne)        fida(ne)        fidana          koane           kone            uniuni              konepu
+2.  gegeto          gegeda          iuara           atolowai        atoloai         karaala             kalotolo
+3.  gegeto m'inaa   gegeda-fidane   iuara-minda     atolowai-itime  atoloai-laina   naralavievi-napuevi konekhalavi
+
+
+Some of these words have other meanings. Thus Fuyuge 2, _gegeto_
+is given also as "few." In Tauata 1, _kone_ duplicated as _konekone_
+is "few," whilst _onioni_, means "alone." In Oru Lopiko 1, _konepu_
+compares with _onionipu_, "few."
+
+These numerals are all different from Mailu, Koita, Binandele,
+Toaripi and Namau.
+
+
+    Mailu.      Koita.        Binandele.    Toaripi.    Namau.          Kiwai.
+1.  omu         kobua, igagu  da            farakeka    monou           nao
+2.  ava         abu           tote          orakoria    morere          netowa.
+3.  aiseri      abi-gaga      tamonde       oroisoria   morere-monou    netowa-naobi
+
+
+The vocabulary shows very few agreements, and there is very little
+evidence in support of a connection of any one of these dialects with
+its neighbours. The following correspondences may be purely accidental.
+
+
+Bamboo. Afoa, _ila_; Namau, _ina_.
+
+Banana. Korona, _haba_; Iworo, _sabari_.
+
+Barter. Afoa, _tavatava_; Toaripi, _tavatava_.
+
+Belly. Oru Lop., _data_; Sogeri, Koiari, _detu_.
+
+Black. Fuyuge, _dube, duba_; Neneba, _aduve_; Koiari, Koita, _dubu_.
+
+Blood. Fuyuge, _tana_; Koiari, Koita, _tago_.
+
+Bone. Fuyuge, _fude, &c._; Toaripi, _uti_.
+
+Child. Fuyuge, _me(le_); Binandele, _mai_; Berepo, _me_.
+
+       Fuyuge, _isia_; Kambisa, _isa_; Ubere, _esi_; Neneba, _eche_.
+
+Coconut. Kambisa, _bao_; Koiari, _bagha_.
+
+Crocodile. Fuyuge, _fua, fuai_; Koiari, _fuie_.
+
+Dig. Fuyuge, _etsia_; Toaripi, _isei_.
+
+Dog. Fuyuge, _oi, ho_; Agi, Ubere, _o_; Koiari, &c., _to_.
+
+Eat, Drink. Fuyuge, _na, nene_; Namau, _na_.
+
+Fire. Tauata, _ena_; Koiari, _vene_; Koita, _veni_.
+
+Foot. Fuyuge, &c., _soge, suga_; Amara, _joka_.
+
+Male. Tauata, _mu_; Toaripi, _mo_. Oru Lopiko, _vitapu_; Toaripi,
+_vita_.
+
+Man. Fuyuge _a(ne_); Neneba, _ana_; Koiari, Koita, _ata_.
+
+Mother. Oru Lopiko, Kovio, _nei_, Uberi, _neia_; Koita, _neina_;
+Tauata; _ine_; Koiari, _ine_.
+
+Pig. Kambisa, _sika_; Musa River, _siko_.
+
+Fuyuge, _avo_; Koiari, _ofo_; Koita, _oho_.
+
+Rope. Fuyuge, _konange_; Gosisi, _goda_; Koiari, Koita,_gote_.
+
+Salt. Fuyuge, _ama(ne_); Neneba, Iworo, _amani_.
+
+Taro. Fuyuge, &c., _munde_, _muda_; Neneba, _muda_.
+
+Tree. Fuyuge, _i_, _iye_; Kovio, _ida_; Koiari, Koita, _idi_.
+
+Water. Fuyuge, &c., _yu_; Afoa, _i(pe_); Neneba, _ei_; Ubere, _e_.
+
+Woman. Fuyuge, _amu_; Iworo, Neneba, _amuro_, wife.
+
+
+
+
+SECTION III
+
+III. Papuan and Melanesian.
+
+Three Melanesian languages are spoken in the country around the lower
+courses of the St. Joseph and Aroa rivers, and are thus in immediate
+contact with the Papuan languages spoken about the upper waters. These
+Melanesian languages are the Mekeo, Kuni and Pokau. It is, therefore,
+of some importance to note whether any apparently non-Melanesian
+elements in these languages may be traced to the influence of the
+neighbouring Papuan tongues.
+
+In Grammar the only non-Melanesian characteristic which appears is the
+preceding of the substantive by the genitive, but in the vocabularies
+a few correspondences are found.
+
+
+Bamboo       Pokau, _ileile_; Fuyuge, _ele_; Afoa,
+             _ila_. Sinaugoro, _tobo_; Korono, _tobo_. Kuni, _bioni_; Mekeo,
+             _piengi_; Fuyuge, _bione_.
+Big          Kuni, _galoa_; Afoa, _kalowo_.
+Bird         Mekeo, _inei_; Afoa, _kile_; Oru Lopiko, _ite_.
+Breast       Pokau, _pede_; Oru Lopiko, _apetei_.
+Chest        Mekeo, _olanga_; Oru Lopiko, _ulako_.
+Couch        Kuni, _itsifu_; Tauata, _itsifu_.
+Crocodile    Roro, _puaea_; Kabadi, _ua_; Fuyuge, _fua_.
+Dog          Pokau, _oveka_; Kuni, _ojame_, _obeka_; Fuyuge,
+             _oi(e_); Afoa, _kovela_.
+Fork         Kuni, _ini_; Tauata, _ini_.
+Girdle       Kuni, _afafa_; Tauata, _afafe_.
+Hammock      Kuni, _totoe_; Fuyuge, _sosoe_; Tauata, _totolo_;
+             Oru Lopiko, _totoki_.
+Head         Mekeo, _kangia_; Oru Lopiko, _kakuo_.
+Hill         Mekeo, _iku_; Fuyuge, _ku(me_).
+House        Mekeo, _ea_; Fuyuge, _e(me_).
+Knife        Mekeo, _aiva_; Kuni, _atsiva_; Tauata, _tiveya_;
+             Oru Lopiko, _vetsi_.
+Many         Kuni, _talelea_; Afoa, _talele_; Fuyuge, _talele_.
+Rope         Mekeo, _ue_; Korona, _yu_.
+Spoon        Kuni, _nima_; Tauata, _dima_.
+Sweet Potato Kuni, _gubea_; Fuyuge, _kupa_, _gupe_; Afoa, _gupe_.
+White        Mekeo, _foenga_; Korona, _foa_.
+
+
+But there are many apparently non-Melanesian words in Mekeo, Kuni
+and Pokau, which are different in each language, and cannot be traced
+to the neighbouring Papuan. The inference is that such words may be
+remnants of other Papuan tongues spoken in the St. Joseph and Aroa
+Basins, which have been absorbed by the immigrant Melanesian speech.
+
+Only three Melanesian words in the list appear to have been adopted by
+the Papuans. These are: Tauata _nau_ (_pe_), earthen dish, which is
+Kuni, Motu, Pokau, &c., _nau_; Fuyuge asi boat, Pokau and Motu asi;
+and Fuyuge _bara_, paddle, the Motu, Kabadi _bara_, Mekeo _fanga_,
+oar. The Fuyuge _kokole_ fowl is also probably the Mekeo _kokolo_.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+NOTES
+
+[1] The photographs of skulls, articles of dress and ornament,
+implements and weapons were made in London after my return.
+
+[2] The Geographical Society's map used by me is somewhat confusing
+as regards the upper reaches of the St. Joseph or Angabunga river
+and the rivers flowing into and forming it. The Fathers' map makes
+the St. Joseph river commence under that name at the confluence, at
+a point a little to the west of 8 deg. 30' S. Lat. and 147 deg. E. Long.,
+of the river Alabula (called in one of its upper parts Loloipa),
+flowing from the north, and the river Aduala, flowing from Mt. Albert
+Edward in the north-east; and this arrangement, which is practically
+in accord with a map appended to the British New Guinea _Annual
+Report_ for June, 1900, is, I think, probably the most suitable and
+correct one. The Aduala is the river the upper part of which is in
+the Geographical Society's map called Angabunga. The Fathers' map
+shows the river Kea flowing into the Aduala at a distance of about
+two miles above the confluence of the latter with the Alabula; but,
+according to the Report map, this distance is about 12 miles.
+
+[3] Note the change from the Mafulu (Papuan) pronunciation _Mambule_
+to the Kuni (Melanesian) pronunciation _Mafulu_ and the similar change
+from the Mafulu _Ambo_ to the Kuni _Ajoa_.
+
+[4] See Dr. Seligmann's "Hunterian Lecture" in the _Lancet_ for
+February 17, 1906, p. 427; Seligmann and Strong in the _Geographical
+Journal_ for March, 1906, pp. 233 and 236; also Dr. Seligmann's
+"Classification of the Natives of British New Guinea" in the _Journal
+of the Royal Anthropological Institute_ for December, 1909, p. 329.
+
+[5] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 29.
+
+[6] _Ibid._ p. 31.
+
+[7] _Lancet_, February 17, 1906, p. 427.
+
+[8] _Geographical Journal_ for September, 1908, p. 274.
+
+[9] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 32.
+
+[10] British New Guinea _Annual Report_ for June, 1906, p. 29.
+
+[11] British New Guinea _Annual Report_ for June 30, 1906, pp. 85
+to 93.
+
+[12] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 33.
+
+[13] Apparently bows and arrows are not found among the tribes of the
+Lower Mambare river (_Annual Report_ for June, 1897, Appendix C, p. 7.)
+
+[14] _Annual Report_ for June, 1894, p. 32.
+
+[15] _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_ for December,
+1909, p. 329.
+
+[16] _Annual Report_ for June, 1897, Appendix C, p. 7.
+
+[17] _Geographical Journal_ for October, 1900, p. 422.
+
+[18] _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_ for December,
+1909, p. 330.
+
+[19] _British New Guinea_, p. 94.
+
+[20] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 32.
+
+[21] _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_ for December,
+1909, p. 329.
+
+[22] Seligmann and Strong--_Geographical Journal_ for March, 1906,
+p. 232.
+
+[23] Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 27.
+
+[24] Dr. Strong has referred (_Geographical Journal_ for September,
+1908, p. 272) to the considerable areas of open grass country at the
+source of the St. Joseph river; and in his remarks which appeared in
+the _Annual Report_ for June, 1906, p. 28, he referred to the same
+matter, and spoke of the valleys being for the most part less steep
+than those of the Kuni district.
+
+[25] I must state that Plate 2 represents a scene taken from a spot
+near to Deva-deva, which, though close to what is regarded as the
+boundary between the Kuni and Mafulu areas, is in fact just within
+the former. The general appearance of the scenery is, however,
+distinctly Mafulu.
+
+[26] Dr. Strong's measurements of seven Mafulu men referred to by
+Dr. Seligmann (_Journal of Royal Anthropological Institute_, Vol. 39,
+p. 329) showed an average stature of 59 1/2 inches, and an average
+cephalic index of 80.0. It will be noticed that my figures show a
+somewhat higher average stature, but that my average cephalic index
+is the same. Dr. Seligmann here speaks of the Mafulu as being almost
+as short as the men of Inavaurene, and even more round-headed.
+
+[27] This is the index calculated on average lengths and breadths. The
+average of the indices is 83.8, the difference arising from the
+omission in working out of each index of second points of decimals.
+
+[28] Dr. Keith thinks they are all skulls of males. They are now in
+College Museum, and are numbered 1186.32, 1186.33 and 1186.34 in the
+College Catalogue.
+
+[29] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p.16.
+
+[30] Dr. Haddon refers (_Geographical Journal_, Vol. 16, p.291)
+to the finding by the Mission Fathers of "another type of native,
+evidently an example of the convex-nosed Papuan," in the upper waters
+of the Alabula river. I gather from the habitat of these natives that
+they must have been either Ambo or Oru Lopiku. I should be surprised
+to hear the Semitic nose was common in either of those areas.
+
+[31] Dr. Seligmann, in speaking of the Koiari people, refers to an
+occasional reddish or gingery tinge of facial hair (_Melanesians of
+British New Guinea,_, p. 29). I never noticed this among the Mafulu.
+
+[32] Since writing the above, I have learnt that some of the dwarf
+people found by the expedition into Dutch New Guinea organised by
+the British Ornithologists' Union had brown hair. Mr. Goodfellow
+tells me that "the hair of some of the pygmies was decidedly _dark_
+brown"; and Dr. Wollaston gives me the following extract from his
+diary for March 1, 1911, relating to twenty-four pygmies then under
+observation:--"Hair of three men distinctly _not_ black, a sort of
+dirty rusty brown or rusty black colour--all others black-haired."
+
+[33] This plate and the plates of dancing aprons were produced by
+first drawing the objects, and then photographing the drawings. It
+would have been more satisfactory if I could have photographed the
+objects themselves. But they were much crumpled, and I was advised
+that with many of them the camera would not indicate differences of
+colour, and that in one or two of them even the design itself would
+not come out clearly.
+
+[34] Dr. Stapf, to whom I showed one of the armlets, No. 4, the
+materials of which are said to be the same as those used for this belt,
+said that the split cane-like material is a strip from the periphery
+of the petiole or stem of a palm, and that the other material is
+sclerenchyma fibre from the petiole or rhizome of a fern, and not
+that of a creeping plant. I may say that I felt a doubt at the time
+as to the complete accuracy of the information given to me concerning
+the vegetable materials used for the manufacture of various articles,
+and there may well be errors as to these.
+
+[35] Dr. Stapf, to whom I showed one of these belts, says that it is
+made of the separated woody strands from the stem of a climbing plant
+(possibly one of the Cucurbitaceae or Aristolochiaceae).
+
+[36] Dr. Stapf, having inspected one of the belts, thinks this material
+is composed of split strips of sclerenchyma fibre from the petiole
+or rhizome of a fern, and not that of a creeping plant.
+
+[37] Dr. Stapf, to whom I showed a written description which I had
+made of the plant, and who has also examined the belt, is of opinion
+that it belongs to the Diplocaulobium section of Dendrobium.
+
+[38] I have examined at the British Museum a belt made by the dwarf
+mountain people found by the recent expedition organised by the
+British Ornithologists' Union. This belt is made in hank-like form,
+remarkably similar to that of my Mafulu belt No. 7, though in other
+respects it differs from the latter, and it is much smaller. The only
+other thing of similar hank-like form which I have been able to find
+at the Museum is a small belt or head ornament (it is said to be the
+latter) made by Sakai people of the Malay Peninsula.
+
+[39] Chalmers describes a young woman in the foot hills behind
+Port Moresby who "had a net over her shoulders and covering her
+breasts as a token of mourning" (_Work and Adventures in New Guinea_
+p. 26). Compare also the Koita custom referred to by Dr. Seligmann
+(_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 164) for a widow to wear
+two netted vests. The same custom is found at Hula.
+
+[40] See reference to this question in the _Annual Report_ for June,
+1906, p. 13.
+
+[41] I shall from time to time have to refer to the croton, and in
+doing so I am applying to the plant in question the name commonly
+given to it; but Dr. Stapf tells me that the plant so commonly called
+is really a codioeum.
+
+[42] The Rev. Mr. Dauncey, of the L.M.S. station at Delena (a Roro
+village on the coast) told me that in his village it is a common thing
+for a native to pick up a small white snake about 12 inches long,
+and pass it through the hole in his nose; and that the Pokau people
+sometimes pass the tip of the tail of a larger black snake into these
+holes, the intention of both practices being to keep the hole open. In
+neither of these cases is the practice a part of an original ceremony
+connected with nose-piercing, such as that of Mafulu; but it may well
+be that all the practices have superstitious origins.
+
+[43] There is apparently no corresponding ceremony among the Koita
+natives (Seligmann, _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 72), nor
+among the Roro people (_Id_., p. 256), and I do not believe there is
+any such in Mekeo.
+
+[44] I do not think these pigtails are used as ornaments by the Roro
+and Mekeo people, though Dr. Seligmann says that a Koita bridegroom
+wears them in his ears on his wedding day (_Melanesians of British
+New Guinea_, p. 78).
+
+[45] Dr. Stapf, to whose inspection I have submitted two of these
+combs, said they were made of palm-wood--split and shaped pieces from
+the periphery of the petiole or stem of a palm--and that the material
+used for binding the teeth of the combs together was sclerenchyma
+fibre from the petiole or rhizome of a fern.
+
+[46] These earrings are, I think, sometimes found in Mekeo; but they
+have all come from the mountains.
+
+[47] See note on p. 27 as to the way in which these plates have
+been produced.
+
+[48] Only the two ends of the pattern have been copied, the
+intermediate part being the same throughout, as is shown.
+
+[49] I am unable to state the various forms and varieties of these
+vegetables, but I give the following native names for plants of the
+yam, taro, and sweet potato types:--Yams include _tsiolo, avanve,
+buba, aligarde, vaule, vonide, poloide_ and _ilavuide_. Taros include
+_auvari, elume, lupeliolu, kamulepe, ivuvana_ and _fude_. Sweet
+potatoes include _asi, bili, dube, saisasumulube_ and _amb' u tolo_
+(this last name means "ripe banana," and the reason suggested for
+the name is that the potato tastes rather like a ripe banana).
+
+[50] Dr. Stapf says the wood is that of a rather soft-wooded
+dicotyledonous tree (possibly urticaceous).
+
+[51] The Chirima boring instrument figured by Mr. Monckton (_Annual
+Report_ for June 30, 1906) is rather of the Mafulu type, but in this
+case the fly-wheel, instead of being a flat piece of wood, appears to
+be made of a split reed bound on either side of the upright cane shaft.
+
+[52] Hammocks are also used in the plains and on the coast, but only,
+I think, to a very limited extent; whereas in the mountains, of at
+all events the Mafulu district, they are used largely.
+
+[53] I had a considerable quantity of impedimenta, and unfortunately
+my condition made it necessary for me to be carried down also; and
+I had great difficulty in getting enough carriers.
+
+[54] Compare the differently shaped mortar found in the Yodda valley
+and described and figured in the _Annual Report_ for June, 1904, p. 31.
+
+[55] The practice of destroying the pigs' eyes in the Kuni district
+is referred to in the _Annual Report_ for June, 1900, p. 61.
+
+[56] This is subject to the qualification which arises from the fact
+(stated below) that a member of one clan who migrates to a village of
+another clan retains his _imbele_ relationship to the members of his
+own old clan, although he has by his change of residence obtained a
+similar relationship to the members of the clan in whose village he
+has settled.
+
+[57] See _Annual Report_ for June, 1910, which on p. 5 speaks of
+"several villages round about the Mission, known as Sivu."
+
+[58]  Compare the Koita system, under which under certain conditions
+the son of a chief's sister might succeed him (Seligmann, _Melanesians
+of British New Guinea_, p. 52). Such a thing could not take place
+among the Mafulu.
+
+[59] I do not know how far this pig-killer may be compared with the
+Roro _ovia akiva_, or chief of the knife, referred to by Dr. Seligmann
+(_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 219). The Mafulu pig-killer
+cannot be regarded as being even a quasi-chief, and his office is
+not hereditary. It is noticeable also that he is the man who kills
+the pigs, whereas the _ovia akiva_ only cuts up the bodies after the
+pigs have been killed by someone else.
+
+[60]  I do not suggest that these defences are peculiar to the
+Mafulu area. I believe they are used by other mountain natives of
+the Central District.
+
+[61] Though this curious-shaped hood in front of a house is apparently
+a speciality of the mountains, so far as British New Guinea is
+concerned, I do not suggest that it does not exist elsewhere. In fact,
+some of the native houses which I have seen in the Rubiana Lagoon
+district of the Solomon Islands had a somewhat similar projection,
+though in them the front wall of the house, with its little
+door-opening, was carried round below the outer edge of the hood,
+which thus formed part of the roof of the interior, instead of being
+merely a shelter over the outside platform, as is the case in Mafulu.
+
+[62] Dr. Haddon refers (_Geographical Journal, Vol. XVI._, p. 422)
+to conical ground houses with elliptical and circular bases found in
+villages on the top of steep hills behind the Mekeo district and on
+the southern spur of Mt. Davidson, and says that in some places, as
+on the Aduala affluent of the Angabunga (_i.e._, St. Joseph's) river,
+the houses are oblong, having a short ridge pole. I think that the
+elliptical houses to which he refers have probably been Kuni houses,
+to which his description could well be applied, and that the oblong
+houses have been Mafulu. The villages with very narrow streets,
+and the houses of which are, he says, built partly on the crest and
+partly on the slope, are also in this respect typically Kuni.
+
+[63] This photograph had to be taken from an awkward position above,
+from which I had to point the camera downwards to the bridge.
+
+[64] See also description of suspension bridge over Vanapa river in
+lower hill districts given in _Annual Report_ for June, 1889, p. 38.
+
+[65] Compare the Koita system under which the owner of the house owns
+the site of it also, and the latter passes on his death to his heirs
+(Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 89.)
+
+[66] See note 1 on p. 128.
+
+[67] Father Egedi describes in _Anthropos_ a Kuni method of preparing
+a fruit similar to the one described here, and which also gives rise to
+terrible smells. The tree is referred to by him as being a bread-fruit;
+and Dr. Stapf thinks that the _malage_ may possibly be one of the
+Artocarpus genus, of which some have smooth or almost smooth fruit,
+and some are said to have poisonous sap, and the seeds of many of
+which are eaten, or of some closely allied type.
+
+[68] The information obtained by me at Mafulu did not go beyond the
+actual facts as stated by me. I cannot, however, help suspecting
+that there is, or has been, a close connection between the building
+of anemone and the holding of a big feast, and that the latter
+may be compared with the tabu ceremonial of the Koita described by
+Dr. Seligmann (_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, pp. 141 and 145
+_et seq_.). Indeed there are some elements of similarity between the
+two feasts.
+
+[69] Compare the Roro custom for the messengers carrying an invitation
+to important feasts to take with them bunches of areca nut, which
+are hung in the _marea_ of the local groups of the invited _itsubu_
+(Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 218).
+
+[70] See note on p. 256 as to the use by me of the terms "grave,"
+"bury" and "burial."
+
+[71] _Ibid._
+
+[72] It is the custom among the Kuni people when any woman (not
+merely the wife of a chief) has her first baby for the women of
+her own village, and probably of some neighbouring villages also,
+to assemble in the village and to attack her house and the village
+club-house with darts, which the women throw with their hands at the
+roofs. At Ido-ido I saw that the roofs of the club-house and of some of
+the ordinary houses had a number of these darts sticking into them. The
+darts were made out of twigs of trees, and were about five or six feet
+long; and each of them had a bunch of grass tied in a whorl at or near
+its head, and some of them had a similar bunch similarly tied at or
+near its middle. See also Dr. Seligmann's reference (_Melanesians
+of British New Guinea_, p. 298) to the Roro custom for warriors,
+when returning from a successful campaign, to throw their spears at
+the roof and sides of the marea. In Mekeo there is no corresponding
+ceremony on the birth of a first child; but men, women and children
+of the village collect by the house and sing all through the night;
+and in the morning the woman's husband will kill a pig or dog for them,
+which they cook and eat without ceremony.
+
+[73] Dr. Seligmann refers to this custom among the Roro people
+(_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 256), and there is no doubt
+that it exists among the Mekeo people also. Father Desnoes, of the
+Sacred Heart Mission, told me that in Mekeo, though the pig used to
+be given when the boy adopted his perineal band at the age of four,
+five, six, or seven, it is now generally given earlier. The pig is
+there regarded as the price paid for the child, and is called the
+child's _engifunga_.
+
+[74] Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 67.
+
+[75] Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 71.
+
+[76] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 21.
+
+[77] In Mekeo such a devolution of chieftainship is the occasion for
+a very large feast.
+
+[78] This ceremony is different from the Mekeo ceremony on the
+elevation by a chief of his successor to a joint chieftainship, of
+which some particulars were given to me by Father Egedi; but there
+is an element of similarity to a Mekeo custom for the new chief,
+after the pigs have been killed and partly cut up by someone else,
+to cut the backs of the pigs in slices.
+
+[79] According to Dr. Seligmann, among the Koita the forbidden
+degrees of relationship extend to third cousins (_Melanesians of
+British New Guinea_, p. 82); whereas it will be seen that among the
+Mafulu it only extends, as between people of the same generation,
+to first cousins. But a Mafulu native who was grandson of the common
+ancestor would be prohibited from marrying his first cousin once
+removed (great-granddaughter of that ancestor) or his first cousin
+twice removed (great-great-granddaughter of that ancestor).
+
+[80] But see p. 178, note 1.
+
+[81] Half-a-dozen years ago, before open systematic killing and
+cannibalism were checked, it was a Kuni custom, when a woman died in
+her confinement, to bury the living baby with the dead mother. I have
+not heard of this custom in Mafulu, and do not know whether or not it
+exists, or has existed, there; but as regards matters of this sort the
+Mafulu and the Kuni are very similar. My statement that there is no
+burying alive must be taken subject to the possibility of this custom.
+
+[82] This custom is found elsewhere.
+
+[83] From Dr. Haddon's distribution chart in Vol. XVI. of _The
+Geographical Journal_, it will be seen that the Mafulu district is
+just about at the junction between his spear area and his bow and
+arrow area.
+
+[84] I have never seen the animal called the "Macgregor bear," and I
+do not know what it is. The Fathers assured me it was a bear; but in
+view of the great unlikelihood of this, I consulted the authorities
+at the Natural History Museum, and they think it is probably one of
+the marsupials. It is named after Sir William Macgregor. It is found
+in the mountains, where the forest is very thick.
+
+[85] Compare the Motumotu (Toaripi) practice of rubbing the dogs'
+mouths with a special plant, referred to by Chalmers (_Pioneering in
+New Guinea_, p. 305).
+
+[86] The birds of paradise which dance in trees include, I was told,
+what the Fathers called the "Red," the "Blue," the "Black," the
+"Superb" and the "Six-feathered." Those which dance on the ground
+include the "Magnificent."
+
+[87] In Mekeo the weir is made with wicker-work, at the openings in
+which basket fish-traps are placed.
+
+[88] _Pioneering in New Guinea_, pp. 3 and 4.
+
+[89] Dr. Stapf tells me that taro is usually propagated by means of
+tubers or division of crowns, that is that either the whole tuber
+is planted or it is cut up, as potatoes are done, into pieces, each
+of which has an eye, and each of which is planted. It would appear
+that the Mafulu method, as explained to me, amounts to much the same
+thing, the only difference being that instead of planting a crown, or a
+piece with an eye from which a fresh shoot will proceed, they let that
+shoot first grow into a young plant and then transplant the latter.
+
+[90] I have examined at the British Museum some net work of the
+dwarf people of the interior of Dutch New Guinea, brought home by
+the recent expedition organised by the British Ornithologists' Union,
+and found it to be similar in stitch to the Mafulu network.
+
+[91] The 1910 comet was regarded by some of the Mekeo people with
+terror, because they thought it presaged a descent of the mountain
+natives upon themselves.
+
+[92] See _Evolution in Art_ (1895), p. 264; and _Geographical Journal_,
+Vol. 16, p. 433.
+
+[93] I would point out, however, that the Inawae clan is part of,
+and is probably largely representative of, the original Inawae
+_ngopu_ group of the great Biofa tribe of Mekeo, and that this
+Inawae group is rather widely scattered over Mekeo (see Seligmann's
+_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 321 and pp. 369 to 372);
+so that the information obtained is probably not really of a merely
+local character.
+
+[94] Sir W. Macgregor, in describing (_Ann. Rep._, June, 1890,
+p. 47) the movements and actions of the Kiwai (Fly river mouth)
+natives prior to a canoe attack by them upon him, says: "The canoes
+darted hither and thither, as if performing a circus dance or a
+Highland reel, and all these movements were accompanied by the chant
+of a paean that sounded as if composed to imitate the cooing--soft,
+plaintive, and melodious--of the pigeons of their native forests";
+and he refers to the performance as a "canoe choral dance." It was,
+of course, not a dance in the sense in which I am dealing with the
+subject here; but the apparently imitative character of the singing is
+perhaps worth noticing in connection with this dancing question. See
+also the description (_Country Life_, March 4, 1911) by Mr. Walter
+Goodfellow, the leader of the recent expedition into Dutch New Guinea,
+of the dancing and accompanying singing of the Mimika natives whom
+he met there, and his suggestion that the final calls of these songs
+were derived from that of the greater paradise bird. Mr. Goodfellow
+has since told me with reference to these Mimika songs that he was
+forcibly struck by the resemblance of the termination of _most_
+of the songs to the common cry of the greater bird of paradise, and
+said: "They finished with the same abrupt note, repeated three times
+(like the birds)." Dr. Haddon has been good enough to lend me the
+manuscript of his notes on the dances performed in the islands of
+Torres Straits, which will probably have appeared in Vol. IV. of the
+_Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits_
+before this book is published. Here again I find interesting records
+of imitative dancing. One dance imitates the swimming movements of
+the large lizard (Varanus), another is an imitation of the movements
+of a crab, another imitates those of a pigeon, and another those of
+a pelican. At a dance which I witnessed in the Roro village of Seria
+a party from Delena danced the "Cassowary" dance; and Father Egedi
+says it is certainly so called because its movements are in some way
+an imitation of those of the cassowary.
+
+[95] Compare the Western Papuans, who, according to Dr. Seligmann,
+also have only two numerals, but who are apparently not able to
+count to anything like the extent which can be done by the Mafulu
+(_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 4). According to Mr. Monckton
+the Kambisi (Chirima valley) people only count on their fingers and
+up to ten, not on their toes and up to twenty (_Annual Report_, June,
+1906, p. 89). Father Egedi told me that the Mekeo people only count
+on their fingers and up to ten.
+
+[96] I believe that in Mekeo they begin with the left hand and with
+the small finger, thus reversing the Mafulu order of counting; but
+I am not quite certain as to this.
+
+[97] Though here and afterwards I use the word "man," it must be
+understood that the notes apply to deaths of women also.
+
+[98] This food taboo is with the Mafulu only an optional alternative;
+but it may be compared with the corresponding food taboo placed
+upon all the relatives of the deceased by the Koita (see Seligmann's
+_Melanesians of British New Guinea,_ p. 164).
+
+[99] I was told of this Mafulu practice as being adopted only on the
+death of the woman's child. But the custom is referred to by the Mekeo
+Government Agent (Mr. Giulianetti) in the _Annual Report_ for June,
+1900, pp. 73 and 78; and, according to him, its adoption applies
+also to deaths of other relatives--husband, father, and mother being
+especially mentioned by him--and he suggests that there are rules
+as regards these amputations, and says he understood that a mother
+would cut off the first joint for her children, and the second for
+her husband, father, or mother. He also gives information as to the
+way in which the amputation is effected.
+
+[100] The sticks are seen in the plates, having been placed on the
+grave before the photographs were taken.
+
+[101] I am not aware of any ground for believing that the community
+invited is one with which intermarriage is specially common. Indeed,
+as stated above, I do not think that there are special matrimonial
+relationships between communities.
+
+[102] _Melanesians of British New Guinea,_ p. 13.
+
+[103] I was told that in the Mekeo mourning-removal ceremony each of
+the persons wearing the insignia of mourning has to go through the
+ceremony, which consists of the cutting of his necklace or something
+else with a shell.
+
+[104] Compare Dr. Seligmann's references in _Melanesians of British
+New Guinea_ to the mourning removal ceremonies of the Koita (p. 165),
+the Roro (p. 277), and the Mekeo (p. 359).
+
+[105] I recognise that, though the terms "grave," "bury," and "burial"
+are correctly applied to the mode of interment underground of an
+ordinary person, the term "grave" is clearly an incorrect one for
+the overground platform box and tree box in one or other of which
+a chiefs body is placed; and the use with reference to this mode of
+disposal of the dead of the terms "bury" and "burial" is, I think,
+at least unsuitable. But with this apology, and for lack of a short
+and convenient, but more accurate, substitute adapted to the three
+methods, I use these terms throughout with reference to all of them.
+
+[106] This Mafulu practice of tree burial is referred to in the
+_Annual Report_ for June, 1900, p. 63.
+
+[107] Platform burial in one form or another is not peculiar to the
+Mafulu district. It is perhaps common among many of the mountain
+people. Sir William Macgregor found it in the mountains of the
+Vanapa watershed (_Annual Report_, 1897-8, pp. 22 and 23), and
+Dr. Seligmann regards it, I think, as a custom among the general class
+of what he calls "Kama-weka" (_Melanesians of British New Guinea_,
+p. 32). Mr. J. P. Thomson records its occurrence even in the lower
+waters of the Kemp Welch river (_British New Guinea_, p. 53, and
+see also his further references to the matter on pp. 59 and 67). In
+view of a suggestion which I make in my concluding chapter as to
+the possible origin of the Mafulu people, it is also interesting to
+note that platform or tree burial is, or used to be, adopted, for
+important people only, by the Semang of the Malay Peninsula and the
+Andamanese. As regards the Semang, though they now employ a simple form
+of interment, their more honourable practice was to expose the dead
+in trees (Skeat and Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_,
+Vol. II., p. 89); and, though the bodies of the Pangan (East Coast
+Semang) lay members were buried in the ground, those of their great
+magicians were deposited in trees (_Ibid._, Vol. II., p. 91); and
+apparently this was the case among the Semang as regards the bodies
+of chiefs (_Ibid._, Vol. I., p. 587). And concerning the Andamanese
+it is recorded that the skeleton of a man who, for reasons given, was
+believed to have been a chief was found lying on a platform of sticks
+placed across forks of a tree about 12 feet from the ground, a mode
+which was compared with the method of underground burial which had
+previously been met with (_Transactions of the Ethnological Society,
+New Series_, Vol. V. p. 42). Mr. Portman records (_History of our
+Relations with the Andamanese_, Vol. II., p. 547) similar tree burial
+of two chiefs and the wife of a chief, and refers to the practice of
+burying underground "or, what is more honourable," on a platform up
+in a tree (_Ibid_., Vol. I., p. 43). The practice is also mentioned
+by Mr. Man, who, after referring (_The Andaman Islanders_, p. 76)
+to underground interment and platform burial, of which "the latter
+is considered the more complimentary," states (pp. 76 and 77) that a
+small stage is constructed of sticks and boughs about 8 to 12 feet
+above the ground, _generally_ (the italics are mine) between the
+forked branches of some large tree, and to it the body is lashed.
+
+[108] I have been unable to find an account of any spiritual or partly
+spiritual being associated with the beliefs of Papuans or Melanesians
+who can be regarded as being similar to _Tsidibe_. Perhaps the
+nearest approach to him will be found in _Qat_ of the Banks Islands,
+of whom much is told us by Dr. Codrington in _The Melanesians_,
+and who apparently is not regarded as having been of divine rank,
+but is rather a specially powerful, but perhaps semi-human, spiritual
+individual, who, though not having originally created mankind and the
+animal and vegetable world and the objects and forces of nature as
+a whole, has had, and it would seem still has, considerable creative
+and influencing powers over them all. But I could learn no detailed
+legends concerning _Tsidibe_; and the scanty information given to me
+concerning him differs from what we know of _Qat_.
+
+[109] Dr. Stapf thinks it is probably a species of Podocarpus or
+Dacrydium.
+
+[110] Dr. Seligmann refers (_Melanesians of British New Guinea_,
+p. 185) to a specimen of _Ficus rigo_, in which a taboo, having the
+power of making Koita folk sick, is believed to be immanent. I do
+not know whether or not the _gabi_ tree is _Ficus rigo_, but, if it
+be so, there is an interesting similarity in this respect between
+these people and the Mafulu.
+
+[111] A knotted wisp of grass is, I think, a common form of taboo
+sign in parts of New Guinea; and Dr. Seligmann refers (_Melanesians of
+British New Guinea_, pp. 136 to 138) to its use by the Koita for the
+protection of cocoanuts and other trees and firewood, and as part of
+the protective sign for new gardens. The use of the wisp by the Mafulu
+people, as above described, is not a taboo used for the protection
+of an object from human interference, being intended to protect
+the travellers in some way from the spirit or spirits haunting the
+spot. But there is, I think, an underlying similarity of superstitious
+ideas involved by the two purposes for which the wisps are used.
+
+[112] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 281.
+
+[113] _The Melanesians_, p. 203.
+
+[114] Seligmann, _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p.85.
+
+[115] I imagine a somewhat similar superstitious origin may be assumed
+as regards the idea of general purification (I of course do not refer
+to mere physical surface washing) by bathing: and Father Egedi says
+(_Anthropos_, Vol. V., p. 755) that the Kuni people, after a cannibal
+feast, had to confine themselves until the end of the moon which
+commenced before the feast to certain food, and that they then all
+bathed in running water and returned purified and free to eat any food.
+
+[116] Apparently flying foxes are good omens in Tubetube (Southern
+Massim). See Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 653.
+
+[117] This is very different from the extensive food taboo restrictions
+which Father Egedi told me were placed upon the bachelors of Mekeo.
+
+[118] Dr. Seligmann puts their average stature at 60.5 in. (_Lancet,_
+Feb. 17th, 1906, p. 427), which is less than the Mafulu average of
+61.1 in. given by me above.
+
+[119] Dr. Seligmann puts their average cephalic index calculated
+from fifteen measurements at 78 (_Geographical Journal_, Vol. XXVII.,
+p. 234), which is below the Mafulu average cephalic index of 80 given
+by me above.
+
+[120] Father Egedi thinks that the Lapeka people have some Pokau
+blood in them. Their language is a mixture of Kuni and Mekeo.
+
+[121] Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 16.
+
+[122] _Geographical Journal_, Vol. XXVI I., p. 235.
+
+[123] _Ibid._
+
+[124] _Geographical Journal_, Vol. XXVII., p. 235.
+
+[125] P. 236.
+
+[126] _Ibid._
+
+[127] _Geographical Journal_, Vol. XXVII., p. 235.
+
+[128] _Nature_, 9 June, 1910, p. 434.
+
+[129] The Rev. Father Egedi's Vocabulary of Oru Lopiko gives the
+pronouns thus:
+
+						Singular.			Plural.
+
+		1st Person,		_na_, _naro_.		_dae_, _daro_.
+		2nd Person,		_ni_, _niro_.		_ali_, _alero_.
+		3rd Person,		_pi_, _piro_.		_valo_, _valoro_.
+
+
+The Possessives are formed with _ma_: _nema_, _nima_, _pima_, _daema_,
+_lima_, _valoma_.
+
+The Interrogatives are: _tsia_? who? _itara_? _vaina_? what
+thing? (S.H.R.)
+
+[130] These numerals differ from the Oru Lopiko of Father Egidi. He
+gives: _konepu_, one; _kalotolo_, two; _konekhalavi_, three;
+_maimitara_, many; _onionipu_, few. (S.H.R.)
+
+[131] Foot's joint.
+
+[132] Cf. M. _kon(on)de_, knot in wood.
+
+[133] Cf. Fire.
+
+[134] Cf. M. _tobo_, gourd.
+
+[135] Probably introduced. Mekeo _avaava_, Pokau _tavatava_, buy.
+
+[136] Introduced. Motu _asi_.
+
+[137] Cf. M. _kon(on)de_, knot in wood.
+
+[138] Cf. Fire.
+
+[139] Cf. Finger.
+
+[140] Cf. bag.
+
+[141] Sun its light.
+
+[142] _Na,_ I.
+
+[143] Arm's joint.
+
+[144] Cf. M. _kon(on)de,_ knot in wood.
+
+[145] Eyebrow's hair.
+
+[146] Eye-skin.
+
+[147] _Nu,_ thou.
+
+[148] Cf. Branch.
+
+[149] _Feneme_, eel.
+
+[150] Cf.  _tala(pe)_, sp. thread.
+
+[151] Finger's mother.
+
+[152] Cf. Earth.
+
+[153] Foot's hollow. Cf. Pumpkin.
+
+[154] Cf. Earth.
+
+[155] _Nu_, thou.
+
+[156] Hand's hollow.
+
+[157] _ Ni_, you.
+
+[158] Side's tongue.
+
+[159] Introduced (Motu, _Kimai_).
+
+[160] _omen_, his.
+
+[161] Also handcuffs.
+
+[162] _Nu_, thou.
+
+[163] To give the breast.
+
+[164] _aumen_, his?.
+
+[165] _Cf._ Finger.
+
+[166] Breast, its nose.
+
+[167] Nose, its hole.
+
+[168] Introduced (Kabadi, Motu, _bara_).
+
+[169] Kabadi, &c., _nau_.
+
+[170] Sagopalm's important part.
+
+[171] _Na_, I.
+
+[172] Sit and Stay.
+
+[173] _Cf._ M. ememe, _pierce._
+
+[174] _Cf._ Night, Darkness, Black.
+
+[175] _Cf._ M. _tsibe_, a reed.
+
+[176] _Cf._ M. _usi(le_), tusk.
+
+[177] _Omen_, he, his.
+
+[178] _Cf_. Mother.
+
+[179] Hand's neck.
+
+[180] _Yango(ne_) a plant of which the roots give a yellow stain
+
+[181] _British New Guinea Vocabularies_. London: The Society for
+Promoting Christian Knowledge.
+
+[182] _A Comparative Vocabulary of the Dialects of British New
+Guinea_. Compiled by Sidney H. Ray. London, 1895.
+
+[183] _Annual Report on British New Guinea_. 1896-7, p. 13.
+
+[184] _Annual Report on British New Guinea_. 1897-8, p. 35.
+
+[185] _British New Guinea. Annual Report for the Year ending 30th
+June_, 1906. p. 93.
+
+[186] _Anthropos II, Heft_ 6. pp. 1016-1021.
+
+[187] In comparing I have omitted the non-essential syllable.
+
+[188] _Anthropos_, II. _Heft_ 6, pp. 1009-1021.
+
+[189] _Op. cit._, p. 1009.
+
+[190] _Op. cit._, pp. 1016-1021.
+
+
+
+
+
+
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