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diff --git a/17910.txt b/17910.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2846c54 --- /dev/null +++ b/17910.txt @@ -0,0 +1,12807 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Mafulu, by Robert W. Williamson + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Mafulu + Mountain People of British New Guinea + +Author: Robert W. Williamson + +Release Date: March 4, 2006 [EBook #17910] +Last updated: January 27, 2009 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MAFULU *** + + + + +Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ + + + + + + + + + + The Mafulu + Mountain People of British New Guinea + + + Robert W. Williamson + + With an Introduction + + by + + A. C. Haddon, Sc.D., F.R.S. + + + With Illustrations and Map + + Macmillan and Co., Limited + St. Martin's Street, London + 1912 + + + + + + + +PREFACE + + +This book is the outcome of an expedition to British New Guinea +in 1910, in which, after a short stay among the people of some of +the western Solomon Islands, including those of that old centre +of the head hunters, the Rubiana lagoon, and a preparatory and +instructive journey in New Guinea among the large villages of the +Mekeo district, I struck across country by a little known route, +via Lapeka, to Ido-Ido and on to Dilava, and thus passed by way of +further preparation through the Kuni country, and ultimately reached +the district of the Mafulu villages, of whose people very little was +known, and which was therefore the mecca of my pilgrimage. + +I endeavoured to carry out the enquiries of which the book is a record +as carefully and accurately as possible; but it must be remembered +that the Mafulu people had seen very few white men, except some +of the Fathers of the Catholic Mission of the Sacred Heart, the +visits of Government officials and once or twice of a scientific +traveller having been but few and far between, and only short; that +the mission station in Mafulu (the remotest station of the mission) +had only been established five years previously; that the people +were utterly unaccustomed to the type of questioning which systematic +ethnological enquiry involves, and that necessarily there was often +the usual hesitation in giving the required information. + +I cannot doubt, therefore, that future enquiries and investigations +made in the same district will bring to light errors and +misunderstandings, which even with the greatest care can hardly be +avoided in the case of a first attempt on new ground, where everything +has to be investigated and worked up from the beginning. I hope, +however, that the bulk of my notes will be found to have been correct +in substance so far as they go. + +I regret that my ignorance of tropical flora and fauna has made it +impossible for me to give the names of many of the plants and animals +to which I refer. + +There are many people, more than I can mention here, to whom I owe my +grateful thanks. Prior to my departure for the South Seas Dr. Haddon +took great trouble in helping and advising me, and, indeed, I doubt +whether I should have ventured upon my solitary expedition if I had +not had his stimulating encouragement. + +In New Guinea I had the never-failing hospitality and kindness +of my good friend Monseigneur de Boismenu (the Bishop of the +Mission of the Sacred Heart) and the Fathers and Brothers of the +Mission. Among the latter I would specially mention Father Egedi +and Father Clauser. Father Egedi (whose name is already familiar +to students of New Guinea Ethnology) was my friend and travelling +companion during a portion of my journeyings through the Mekeo and +Kuni districts, and his Mekeo explanations proved invaluable to me +when I reached my Mafulu destination. And dear good Father Clauser +was a pillar of help in Mafulu. He placed at my disposal all his +existing knowledge concerning the people, and was my intermediary +and interpreter throughout all my enquiries. And finally, when having +at some risk prolonged my stay at Mafulu until those enquiries were +completed, I was at last compelled by the serious state of my health +to beat a retreat, and be carried down to the coast, he undertook +to do the whole of my photographing and physical measurements, and +the care and skill with which he did so are evidenced by the results +as disclosed in this book. [1] I must also add that the frontispiece +and plates 17, 67, 68, 69 and 70 are taken from previous photographs +which Father Clauser kindly placed at my disposal. My remembrance of +His Lordship the Bishop, and of the Reverend Fathers and the Brothers +of the Mission will ever be one of affectionate personal regard, and +of admiration of the spirit of heroic self-sacrifice which impels +them to submit cheerfully to the grave and constant hardships and +dangers to which their labour of love necessarily exposes them. + +Since my return home Dr. Seligmann has given me immense help, advising +me upon my notes, placing material at my disposal, and afterwards +reading through a considerable portion of my manuscript. Mr. T.A. Joyce +and Mr. J. Edge Partington helped me in arranging and dealing with +the things which I had brought back to the British Museum. Dr. Keith +examined and reported upon some skulls which I had obtained, +and advised me upon my notes on physique. Dr. Stapf helped me in +matters of botanical identification; Mr. S.H. Ray has given me the +full benefit of his wide knowledge of South Pacific linguistics, +and has written the appendices to the book. And, finally, Dr. Haddon +has very kindly read through my proof sheets. + +In conclusion, I would add that there is still an immense amount +of detailed work to be done among the Mafulu people, and that +the districts of the Ambo and Boboi and Oru Lopiku people, still +further back among the mountains, offer an almost virgin field for +investigation to anyone who will take the trouble to go there. + + + + + + +CONTENTS + + + +Introduction, by Dr. A.C. Haddon + +CHAPTER I + +Introductory + +CHAPTER II + +Physique and Character + +CHAPTER III + +Dress and Ornament + +CHAPTER IV + +Daily Life and Matters Connected with It + +CHAPTER V + +Community, Clan, and Village Systems and Chieftainship + +CHAPTER VI + +Villages, Emone, Houses and Modes of Inter-Village Communication + +CHAPTER VII + +Government, Property and Inheritance + +CHAPTER VIII + +The Big Feast + +CHAPTER IX + +Some Other Ceremonies and Feasts + +CHAPTER X + +Matrimonial and Sexual + +CHAPTER XI + +Killing, Cannibalism and Warfare + +CHAPTER XII + +Hunting, Fishing and Agriculture + +CHAPTER XIII + +Bark Cloth Making, Netting and Art + +CHAPTER XIV + +Music and Singing, Dancing, and Toys and Games + +CHAPTER XV + +Counting, Currency and Trade + +CHAPTER XVI + +Language + +CHAPTER XVII + +Illness, Death and Burial + +CHAPTER XVIII + +Religion and Superstitious Beliefs and Practices + +CHAPTER XIX + +Note on the Kuni People + +CHAPTER XX + +Conclusion + +APPENDIX I + +A Grammar of the Fuyuge Language + +APPENDIX II + +Note on the Afoa Language + +APPENDIX III + +Note on the Kovio Language + +APPENDIX IV + +A Comparative Vocabulary of the Fuyuge, Afoa, and Kovio Languages + +APPENDIX V + +Notes on the Papuan Languages Spoken about the Head Waters of the +St. Joseph River, Central Papua + + + + + + +PLATES + + + Mafulu Women Decorated for a Dance. ... _Frontispiece_ + 1 Kuni Scenery. + 2 Mafulu Scenery. + 3 Skull A. + 4 Skull C. + 5 Husband, Wife and Child. + 6 Man and Two Women. + 7, 8 Man, Young Man and Boy. + 9 Different Types of Men. +10 An Unusual Type. +11, 12 Two Unusual Types. +13 Fig. 1. Section of Man's Perineal Band. Fig. 2. Decoration + near end of Woman's Perineal Band. Fig. 3. Section of Woman's + Perineal Band. Fig. 4. Section of Man's or Woman's Dancing + Ribbon. +14 Fig. 1. Belt No. 1. Fig. 2. Belt No. 3. Fig. 3. Belt No. 4. +15 Fig. 1. Belt No. 5 (one end only). Fig. 2. Belt No. 6 + (one end only). Fig. 3. Belt No. 7. +16 A General Group. +17 A Young Chief's Sister decorated for a Dance. +18, 19 Women wearing Illness Recovery Capes. +20 Fig. 1. Ear-rings. Fig. 2. Jew's Harp. Fig. 3. Hair Fringe. +21 Man, Woman and Children. +22, 23 A Little Girl with Head Decorations. +24 Figs. 1, 2, 5, and 6. Women's Hair Plaits decorated + with European Beads, Shells, Shell Discs, Dog's Tooth, + and Betel Nut Fruit. Fig. 3. Man's Hair Plait with Cane + Pendant. Fig. 4. Man's Hair Plait with Betel Nut Pendant. +25 Fig. 1. Leg Band. Figs. 2 and 4. Women's Hair Plaits + decorated with Shells and Dogs' Teeth. Fig. 3. Bone Implement + used (as a Fork) for Eating. +26 Group of Women. +27 A Young Woman. +28 Two Women. +29 Two Women. +30 Fig. 1. Mourning String + Necklace. Fig. 2. Comb. Fig. 3. Pig's Tail Ornament for + Head. Fig. 4. Whip Lash Head Ornament. Fig. 5. Forehead + Ornament. +31 Necklaces. +32 A Necklace. +33 Necklaces. +34 Fig. 1. Armlet No. 5. Fig. 2. Armlet No. 4. Fig. 3. Armlet + No. 2. Fig. 4. Armlet No. 1. +35 Woman wearing Dancing Apron. +36, 37 Decoration of Dancing Aprons. +38, 39 Decoration of Dancing Aprons. +40, 41 Decoration of Dancing Aprons. +42, 43 Decoration of Dancing Aprons. +44 Head Feather Ornaments. +45 Head Feather Ornaments. +46 Fig. 1. Head Feather Ornament. Fig. 2. Back Feather + Ornament. +47 Plaited Head Feather Frames. +48 Mother and Baby. +49 At the Spring. +50 A Social Gathering. +51 Fig. 1. Small Smoking Pipe. Fig. 2. Pig-bone Scraping + Implement. Fig. 3. Stone Bark Cloth Beater. Fig. 4. Drilling + Implement. Fig. 5. Bamboo Knife. Figs. 6 and 7. Lime Gourds. +52 Fig. 1. Wooden Dish. Figs. 2 and 3. Water-Carrying Gourds. +53 Fig. 1. Bag No. 3. Fig. 2. Bag No. 4. Fig. 3. Bag. No. 6. +54 Village of Salube and Surrounding Country. +55 Village of Seluku, with Chiefs _Emone_ at End and Remains + of Broken-down Burial Platform in Middle. +56 Village of Amalala, with Chiefs _Emone_ at End.. +57 Village of Amalala (looking in other direction), with + Secondary _Emone_ at End. +58 Village of Malala, with Secondary _Emone_ at End and + Ordinary Grave and Burial Platform of Chief's Child in Right + Foreground. +59 Village of Uvande, with Chief's _Emone_ at End. +60 Village of Biave, with Chief's _Emone_ at End and Burial + Platform of Chief's Child in Middle. +61 Chief's _Emone_ in Village of Amalala. +62 Chief's _Emone_ in Village of Malala. +63 House in Village of Malala. +64 House in Village of Levo, with Child's Excrement Receptacle + to Left. +65 Suspension Bridge over St. Joseph River. +66 Bridge over Aduala River. +67 Scene at Big Feast in Village of Amalala. +68 Row of Killed Pigs at Big Feast at Village of Amalala. +69 Scene at Village of Seluku during Preparations for Big + Feast. +70 Scene at Big Feast at Village of Seluku. +71 Young Girl Ornamented for Perineal Band Ceremony. +72 Feast at Perineal Band Ceremony. +73 Figs, 1, 2, and 3. Points of War Spears. Fig. 4. Point of + War-Arrow. Fig. 5. Point of Bird-Shooting Arrow. +74 Fig. 1. Bow. Fig. 2. Shield (outside). Fig. 3. Shield + (inside). +75 Fig. 1. Club (pineapple type of head). Fig. 2. Club (disc + type of head). Fig. 3. Drum. Fig. 4. Adze. +76 Fishing Weir. +77 Planting Yams in Garden. +78 Collecting Sweet Potatoes in Garden. +79 Hammering Bark Cloth. +80 The Ine Pandanus. +81 Mafulu Network. +82 Funeral Feast (not of Chief). Guests assembled to commence + Dance down Village Enclosure. +83 The same Funeral Feast. Guest Chief Dancing down Village + Enclosure. +84 Platform Grave of Chief's Child at Back. Ordinary Grave + in Front. +85 Group of Platform Graves of Chiefs and their Relations. +86 Platform Grave of a Chief's Child. +87, 88 The _Gabe_ Fig Tree, in which Chiefs' Burial Boxes + are placed and which is Generally Believed to be Haunted + by Spirits. +89 The Remains of a Chiefs Burial Platform which has collapsed, + and beneath which his Skull and some of his Bones are interred + Underground. +90 An _Emone_ to which are hung the Skulls and some of the + Bones from Chiefs' Burial Platforms which have Collapsed. +91 A House with Receptacle for Child's Excrement. + + Map. + + + + +ILLUSTRATIONS IN TEXT + + + 1. Leg band making (commencing stage) + 2. Ancient Mortar + 3. Illustrative Diagram of a Mafulu Community of Villages + 4. Diagram of Front of _Emone_ (Front Hood of Roof and Front + Platform and Portions of Front Timbers omitted, so as to + show Interior) + 5. Diagram of Transverse Section across Centre of Emone + 6. Diagrammatic Sketch of Apse-like Projection of Roof of + _Emone_ and Platform Arrangements + 7. Diagram Illustrating Positions of People during Performance + at Big Feast + 8. Mafulu Net Making (1st Line of Network) + 9. Mafulu Net Making (2nd, 3rd, and 4th Lines of Network) +10. Mafulu Net Making (5th Line of Network, to which Rest of + Net is similar in Stitch) + + + + + +INTRODUCTION + +By Dr. A.C. Haddon + + +It is a great pleasure to me to introduce Mr. Williamson's book to +the notice of ethnologists and the general public, as I am convinced +that it will be read with interest and profit. + +Perhaps I may be permitted in this place to make a few personal +remarks. Mr. Williamson was formerly a solicitor, and always had a +great longing to see something of savage life, but it was not till +about four years ago that he saw his way to attempting the realisation +of this desire by an expedition to Melanesia. He made my acquaintance +in the summer of 1908, and seeing that he was so keenly interested, +I lent him a number of books and all my MS. notes on Melanesia; +by the help of these and by the study of other books he gained a +good knowledge of the ethnology of that area. In November, 1908, he +started for Oceania for the first time and reached Fiji, from which +place he had intended to start on his expedition. Circumstances +over which he had no control, however, prevented the carrying out +of his original programme; so he went to Sydney, and there arranged +modified plans. He was on the point of executing these, when he was +again frustrated by a telegram from England which necessitated his +immediate return. It was a sad blow to him to have his long-cherished +schemes thus thwarted and rendered abortive, but, undaunted, he set +about to plan another expedition. Accordingly, in January, 1910, he +once more set sail for Australia as a starting place for the Solomon +Islands and British New Guinea, and this time achieved success; the +book which he now offers to the public is the result of this plucky +enterprise. In justice to the author it should be known that, owing +to climatic and other conditions, he was unwell during the whole of +his time in New Guinea, and had an injured foot and leg that hurt him +every step he took. The only wonder is that he was able to accomplish +so large and so thorough a piece of work as he has done. + +It is interesting to note the different ways by which various +investigators have entered the field of Ethnology. Some have approached +it from the literary or classical side, but very few indeed of +these have ever had any experience in the field. The majority of +field workers have had a previous training in science--zoology not +unnaturally has sent more recruits than any other branch of science. A +few students have been lawyers, but so far as I am aware Mr. Williamson +is the first British lawyer who has gone into the field, and he has +proved that legal training may be a very good preliminary discipline +for ethnological investigation in the field, as it gives invaluable +practice in the best methods of acquiring and sifting of evidence. A +lawyer must also necessarily have a wide knowledge of human nature +and an appreciation of varied ways of thought and action. + +It was with such an equipment and fortified by extensive reading in +Ethnology, that Mr. Williamson was prepared for his self-imposed +task. Proof of his powers of observation will be found in the +excellent descriptions of objects of material culture with which he +has presented us. + +I now turn to some of the scientific aspects of his +book. Mr. Williamson especially set before himself the work of +investigating some tribes in the mountainous hinterland of the Mekeo +district. This was a most happy selection, though no one could have +foreseen the especial interest of these people. + +Thanks mainly to the systematic investigations of Dr. Seligmann and to +the sporadic observations of missionaries, government officials and +travellers, we have a good general knowledge of many of the peoples +of the eastern coast of the south-eastern peninsula of New Guinea, +and of some of the islands from the Trobriands to the Louisiades. The +Ethnology of the fertile and populous Mekeo district has been mainly +made known to us by the investigations of various members of the +Sacred Heart Mission, and by Dr. Seligmann. What little we know of +the Papuan Gulf district is due to missionaries among the coastal +tribes, Mr. James Chalmers and Mr. W. Holmes. Dr. G. Landtman is at +present investigating the natives of the delta of the Fly river and +Daudai. The natives of the Torres Straits islands have also been +studied as fully as is possible. But of the mountain region lying +behind the Mekeo district very little indeed has been published; so +Mr. Williamson's book fills a gap in our knowledge of Papuan ethnology. + +We have as yet a very imperfect knowledge of the ethnological history +of New Guinea. Speaking very broadly, it is generally admitted that +the bulk of the population belongs to the Papuan race, a dark-skinned, +woolly-haired people who have also spread over western Oceania; but, +to a greater or less extent, New Guinea has been subject to cultural +and racial influences from all sides, except from Australia, where the +movement has been the other way. Thus the East Indian archipelago has +directly affected parts of Netherlands New Guinea, and its influence +is to be traced to a variable degree in localities in the Bismarck +archipelago, German New Guinea (Kaiser Wilhelm's Land), Western +Oceania, and British New Guinea or Papua, as it is termed officially. + +The south-eastern peninsula of New Guinea--or at all events the +coastal regions--has been largely affected by immigrants, who were +themselves a mixed people, and who came later at various times. It is +to these immigrants that Mr. Ray and I applied the term Melanesian +(Ray, S. H., and Haddon, A. C., "A Study of the Languages of Torres +Straits," _Proc. Roy. Irish Acad._, 3rd ser., IV., 1897, p. 509). Early +in 1894, Mr. Ray read a paper before the Anthropological Institute +(_Journ. Anth. Inst._, XXIV., p. 15), in which he adhered to our former +discrimination of two linguistic stocks and added a third type of +language composed of a mixture of the other two, for which he proposed +the name Melano-Papuan. These languages, according to Mr. Ray, occur +in the Trobriands, Woodlarks and the Louisiades, and similar languages +are found in the northern Solomon Islands. For some years I had been +studying the decorative art of British New Guinea, and from physical +and artistic and other cultural reasons had come to the conclusion +that the Melanesians of British New Guinea should be broken up into +two elements: one consisting of the Motu and allied Melanesians, +and the other of the inhabitants of the Massim district--an area +extending slightly beyond that of Mr. Ray's Melano-Papuans ("The +Decorative Art of British New Guinea," _Cunningham Memoirs_, X., +_Roy. Irish Acad._, 1894, pp. 253-269). I reinforced my position +six years later ("Studies in the Anthropo-geography of British New +Guinea," _Journ. Roy. Geog. Soc._, 1900, pp. 265, 414). Dr. Seligmann, +in his valuable paper "A Classification of the Natives of British +New Guinea" (_Journ. Roy. Anth. Inst._, XXXIX., 1909, pp. 246, 315) +corroborated these views and designated the two groups of "Melanesians" +as the Eastern and Western Papuo-Melanesians. The following year he +published the great book to which Mr. Williamson so frequently refers, +and in which this classification is maintained, and these two groups +together with the Papuans, are termed Papuasians. + +The Motu stock of the Western Papuo-Melanesians have extended +their dispersal as far as the Mekeo district, where they came +into contact with other peoples. It has been shown that the true +Papuans are a narrow-headed people, but there are some puzzling +exceptions, the explanation of which is not yet ascertained. The +Papuo-Melanesians contain a somewhat broad-headed element, and +there is a slightly broad-headed population in the central range +of the south-east peninsula, the extent of which has not yet been +determined. The questions naturally arise: (1) Is the true Papuan a +variable stock including both long- broad-headed elements? or (2) +Does the broad-headed element belong to an immigrant people? or, +again (3) Is there an hitherto unidentified indigenous broad-headed +race? I doubt if the time is ripe for a definite answer to any of +these questions. Furthermore, we have yet to assign to their original +sources the differences in culture which characterise various groups +of people in New Guinea. Something has been done in this direction, +but much more has yet to be learnt. + +So far I have not referred to a Negrito element in the Ethnology of +New Guinea. From time to time we have heard rumours of pygmy people, +and German travellers have recorded very short individuals in Kaiser +Wilhelm's Land; but it was not till the expedition to Netherlands New +Guinea of the British Ornithological Union of 1910-11 that a definite +pygmy race was demonstrated. I think this can be no longer denied, +and the observations made by German ethnologists show that the race in +a more or less modified state is widely spread. Now Mr. Williamson, +whose work in New Guinea was contemporaneous with that of the +Netherlands New Guinea expedition, adduces evidence that this is +also the case in British territory. It is worth recalling that de +Quatrefages and Hamy (_Crania Ethnica_, 1882, pp. 207-210, 253-256) +distinguish a "Negrito-Papuan" and a "Papuan" element in the Torres +Straits. This problem will be discussed in Vol. I. of the Reports of +the Cambridge Expedition to Torres Straits. I feel little doubt that +Mr. Williamson has shown strong evidence that the Mafulu and probably +other adjacent mountain tribes are essentially a pygmy--that is to say +a Negrito--people who have been modified to some extent by Papuan and +possibly Papuo-Melanesian influence, both physical and cultural. He +has marshalled his data with great skill, and has dissected out, as it +were, the physical and cultural elements of the Negrito substratum. It +only remains for other observers to study Negritos in other parts of +New Guinea to see how far these claims can be substantiated. It is +evident therefore that, apart from the valuable detailed information +which Mr. Williamson has given us concerning a hitherto unknown tribe, +he has opened up a problem of considerable interest and magnitude. + +A.C. Haddon. + + + + + + + + +THE MAFULU MOUNTAIN PEOPLE OF BRITISH NEW GUINEA + + + + + +CHAPTER I + +Introductory + + +The map appended to this volume is (with the exception of the red +lines and red lettering upon it) a reproduction of a portion of the map +relating to the explorations and surveys of Dr. Strong, Mr. Monckton +and Captain Barton, which was published in the _Geographical Journal_ +for September, 1908, and the use of which has been kindly permitted +me by the Royal Geographical Society. I have eliminated the red route +lines which appear in the original map, so as to avoid confusion with +the red lines which I have added. The unbroken red lines and the red +lettering upon my map are copied from a map, also kindly placed at +my disposal, which has been recently prepared by Father Fillodean +of the Mission of the Sacred Heart, and these lines mark roughly +what the Fathers of the Mission believe to be the boundaries of the +several linguistic areas within the district covered by their map. It +will be observed that some of these lines are not continued so as to +surround and complete the definition of the areas which they indicate; +but this defect is unavoidable, as the Fathers' map only covered a +relatively small area, and even in that map the lines were not all +carried to its margin. It will also be noticed that, though the Fathers +introduce the two names Oru Lopiku and Boboi as being linguistically +distinct, they have not indicated the boundary line between the two +areas. Father Egedi, however, informed me that this boundary passes +along the ridge of hills south of the Ufafa river as far as Mt. Eleia, +and thence along the Ukalama river to the Kuni boundary. The Ukalama +river is not shown in the Geographical Society's map; but I may +say that it is shown in the Fathers' map as rising in Mt. Eleia, +and flowing thence in a south-easterly direction, and so joining the +St. Joseph river close to Dilava. The broken red line upon my map does +not appear in the Fathers' map, but has been added by me to indicate +what, I understand, the Fathers believe to be a continued boundary, +so far as ascertained, of the Fuyuge linguistic area, called by them +the Mafulu area, to which I am about to draw attention. + +The term Mafulu is the Kuni pronunciation of Mambule, which is the +name, as used by themselves, of the people who live in a group of +villages within and near the north-westerly corner of the area of the +Fuyuge-speaking people, whose Papuan language, so far as ascertained, +appears, subject to local dialectal differences, to be the same, and +may, I was informed, be regarded as one common language throughout +the Fuyuge area. + +The Fathers of the Mission have adopted the name Mafulu in a wider +sense, as including all the people with whom they have come in +contact of the Fuyuge-speaking area; and, though my investigations, +which form the subject-matter of this book, have been conducted only +in the neighbourhood of Mafulu itself, I was assured that, so far as +the Fathers have been able to ascertain, all these Fuyuge people not +only have similar languages, but also are substantially similar in +physique and in culture. My observations concerning the Mafulu people +may therefore, if this statement is correct, be regarded as applying, +not only to the inhabitants of the portion of the north-westerly corner +of the Fuyuge area in which the Mafulu group of villages is placed, +but to those of the whole of the north-westerly portion of the area, +and generally in a greater or less degree of accuracy to those of +the northerly and north-easterly parts of the area, and possibly the +southerly ones also. + +The boundaries of this Fuyuge-speaking area can hardly be regarded +as definitely ascertained; and the discrepancies, even as regards +the courses of the rivers and the positions of the mountains, which +appear in the few available maps make it difficult to deal with the +question. The area, so far as actually ascertained by the Fathers +of the Mission, roughly speaking, covers, and seems to extend also +some distance to the south or south-west of a triangle, the western +apex of which is the junction of the river Kea with the river Aduala +(a tributary of the St. Joseph), [2] whose north-eastern apex is +Mt. Albert Edward, and whose south-eastern apex is Mt. Scratchley. It +includes the valley of the Aduala river and its streams (except those +flowing into it from the north in the region of the western apex of the +triangle) within its northern boundary, and the valley of the upper +Vanapa river and its rivers and streams in the neighbourhood of its +eastern boundary; but this eastern boundary has been found to extend +also so as to include the upper valley of the river Chirima. How far +the area extends to the south or south-west of the triangle above +mentioned appears to be uncertain. + +The linguistic area to the north of the Mafulu or Fuyuge people is +that of the Ambo people, who are somewhat similar in appearance to +the Mafulu, and whose language is also Papuan, and, though differing +from the Mafulu language, is, I was told, somewhat similar to it in +grammatical construction and as regards a few of its words. The area +to the west is that of the Kuni people, whose language is Melanesian, +but whose ordinary modes of life are, I was informed, more like those +of the Mafulu than are those of the Papuan-speaking Ambo. The areas +to the east and south cannot be so definitely stated, but are dealt +with below. + +As regards these Ambo people I may, in view of divergences of names +which appear in maps, explain that Ambo is a contraction of Ambore, +and is the name given to the people by their Mafulu neighbours, whilst +Afoa is the name given to them by the Kuni people, and is adopted +in the Geographical Society's map. [3] As regards the Kuni people, +their name is the one adopted by themselves. + +Concerning the boundaries of the Fuyuge linguistic area as above +indicated, and the people whose districts adjoin that area, I propose +here to draw attention to four names, and to refer to some observations +bearing on the subject of the probable Fuyuge boundary which are to +be found in existing literature. + +The term Kovio, though primarily the name of Mt. Yule, and properly +applicable to the people living in the neighbourhood of that mountain, +is now, I think, often used to express all the mountain tribes +of the hinterland of the Mekeo and Pokau, and perhaps the Kabadi, +districts. But the use of this name has not, I believe, been generally +associated with any question of linguistics. + +The area in the map which is called by the Fathers Boboi is occupied +by people whose language, I was told by the Fathers, is Papuan, +but is distinct from the languages of the Ambo and the Fuyuge areas. + +Kamaweka is a name which appears in several of Dr. Seligmann's +publications. It seems to have been originally used by Captain +Barton to designate the natives of the district of which Inavaurene, +to the north-east of the Mekeo plains, is the centre, but to have +been afterwards regarded as a somewhat more general term; and I think +Dr. Seligmann uses it in a very general sense, almost, if not quite, +equivalent to the wide application above referred to of the term Kovio, +and which might include the Papuan-speaking Boboi and Ambo people, and +even perhaps the people of the northern Mafulu villages. [4] But here +again the use of the name has, I think, no reference to linguistics. + +If the Fathers' linguistic boundary lines are substantially correct, +each of the two terms Kovio and Kamaweka, as now used, would appear +to cover more than one linguistic area; and in any case these terms +seem to have widened and to have become somewhat indefinite. It will +be seen on reference to the map and to Father Egedi's information +as to the Oru Lopiku and Boboi boundaries that both Mt. Yule and +Inavaurene are within the area which the Fathers call Oru Lopiku, but +that Inavaurene is not far from their Boboi area. I suggest that it +would be convenient for the present, pending further investigation +and delimitation on the spot, and until we know something of the +difference between the languages of the Oru Lopiku and Boboi people, +to adopt the term Kovio as a general name for, and confine it to, +the two areas Boboi and Oru Lopiku; though for linguistic purposes +the names Boboi and Oru Lopiku, which at present indicate very little +to us, may eventually be accepted and come into general use. + +The Koiari people of the foothills and lateral spurs behind the Motu +area, also referred to from time to time in Dr. Seligmann's writings, +must be eastern next door neighbours of the Fuyuge-speaking people, +the western boundary of these Koiari being stated by him to be the +Vanapa river, [5] and they being in fact regarded by him as being +the eastern neighbours of the natives of "the mountains inland of +Mekeo Nara and Kabadi," [6] and being referred to by him as being +the people from whose district the Kamaweka and Kuni are reached by +"passing westward"--the word used is "eastward," but this is obviously +a printer's error--"in the mountains, keeping roughly parallel with +the coast." [7] + +Turning to the question of the Fuyuge boundary, Dr. Strong says that +the Fuyuge people occupy the upper waters of the St. Joseph river, +[8] and he is quoted by Dr. Seligmann as having stated that the Afoa +language "is spoken in the villages on Mt. Pizoko and the northern +slopes of Mt. Davidson," and that "the Afoa villages lie to the north +of the Fuyuge-speaking communities, stretching westward for an unknown +distance behind Mt. Davidson." [9] If the information given to me +verbally by the Fathers of the Mission of the Sacred Heart and the +red linguistic boundary lines roughly drawn by them, and introduced +into my map, be correct, these statements require modification, for +according to the Fathers the Mafulu or Fuyuge-speaking area does not +include any part of the St. Joseph river, as its extreme north-westerly +corner lies to the east of the junction--close to the boundary line +between the Afoa (Ambo) and the Kuni areas--of the rivers Alabula +and Aduala, and Mt. Pizoko is within the Fuyuge area, and not within +that of the Afoa, and Mt. Davidson is within the Boboi area. I think +that, though the Fathers' lines are admittedly not exact, they and +the information supplied by the Fathers to me are likely to be more +trustworthy in these respects, especially as regards boundaries near to +the actual Mafulu villages, than the earlier statements of Dr. Strong, +as they are the outcome of recent and careful investigation; and, +as regards Mt. Pizoko, I may mention that Dr. Strong himself seems to +have subsequently regarded that mountain as being within the Mafulu +district, [10] which brings it into the Fuyuge area. + +The inclusion of the upper valley of the river Chirima within the +Fuyuge or Mafulu-speaking area is perhaps surprising, as this valley is +separated from the general Fuyuge area by one of the southern ridges +of Mt. Albert Edward, and more or less so by the ridges of Mt. Stone +Wigg and the Wharton range, and as the Chirima is a tributary flowing +into the Mambare river, which is one of the great watercourses of +Northern New Guinea. The Mafulu Fathers, however, had no doubt as +to the correctness of the inclusion, which seems to open out the +possibility of some, at all events, of the Fuyuge people having +northern associations; and indeed Monseigneur de Boismenu told me +that he believed that the Mafulu people were in touch with Northern +New Guinea, and got some of their shell ornaments, or the shells from +which they were made, from the northern coast. + +It is interesting, therefore, to turn for the purpose of comparison +to the report of Mr. Monckton's expedition to Mt. Albert Edward by +way of the Upper Chirima valley in 1906 [11] and the illustrations +accompanying it, with which I incorporate a description of the people +of this valley given to Dr. Seligmann by Mr. Money, who was with +Mr. Monckton. [12] + +From these it appears that the Upper Chirima people are short in +stature and sturdily built. Both sexes wear the perineal band, +the front of which is made (I am not sure whether this applies to +women as well as to men) to bulge out by padding. In some cases the +men's hair is tied up in a bunch with string, and in others it is +bound up in various styles with native cloth. Some of the men have +their hair done up in small plaits over the forehead. All the above +descriptions, except that of the padding of the band, are applicable to +the Mafulu. Some of the Chirima houses have a curious apse-like roof +projection over the front platform, which is a specially distinctive +feature of a Mafulu house, and one with this projection figured by +Mr. Monckton is indistinguishable from a typical Mafulu house. The +Chirima people place the bodies of their dead on raised platforms, +and apparently sometimes put the body of an infant on the platform +erection of an adult, but below the latter. This also is a practice +of the Mafulu; and, though the latter people confine platform burial +(if such it may be called) to chiefs and their families and important +persons, it is possible that some such limitation of the custom exists +in the Chirima valley also, but did not come under Mr. Monckton's +notice. A burial platform figured by him might well be a Mafulu burial +platform, except that the curious cone-shaped receptacle for the child +is a form for which I cannot vouch as regards the Mafulu. The Chirima +have a special and peculiar form of netting, which Mr. Monckton's +illustration shows to be identical with the special form of Mafulu +netting. On the other hand, as regards the Chirima weapons, implements +and utensils, a comparison of Mr. Monckton's verbal descriptions and +figures with what I have seen in Mafulu, and describe in this book, +leads me to the conclusion that, though many of these are similar to +those of Mafulu, some of them are different. As examples of this I may +say that the drill implements of the Chirima people are very similar +to, and their stone cloth-beaters appear to be identical with, those +used by the Mafulu; whilst on the other hand their war bows are much +longer, [13] and their method of producing fire seems to be totally +different; also they apparently have bull-roarers, which to the best +of my knowledge are unknown among the Mafulu. Again some of the Chirima +weapons, as figured by Mr. Monckton, disclose ideas of artistic design, +including that of the curved line and a rude representation of a man, +which I have not met with among the Mafulu. As regards this last +point I draw attention to Mr. Monckton's figures of carving on a bow +and on wooden clubs. I think, however, that in such matters as these +local differences might well arise between people who are really +more or less identical, especially if their respective districts +are on opposite sides of the main mountain range of the country, and +still more so if the people of one of the districts (in the present +case I refer to the Chirima people) may perhaps have been subject to +the influence of other people beyond them. As to this latter point, +however, I should say that these Chirima people seem to be, so far as +dress, ornaments, &c., are concerned, much nearer to the Mafulu than +they are to the natives of the Mambare river itself, as described +by Sir William Macgregor. [14] It is curious also that the dogs of +the Chirima people are not yellow dingoes, but are black and white, +as is the case in Mafulu. + +I notice that Dr. Seligmann suggests that these Chirima valley people +are related to the natives of the neighbourhood of Mt. Yule, [15] a +statement which, though probably intended broadly, is in accord with +the suggestion that they are connected with the Mafulu-speaking people. + +The natives of Mt. Scratchley (apparently the eastern or south-eastern +side), visited by Sir William Macgregor in 1896, appear from his +description of them [16] to show a few points of resemblance to the +Mafulu people. In particular I refer to their "dark bronze" colour, +to the wearing by women of the perineal band (to which, however, is +added a mantle and "in most cases" a grass petticoat, which is not done +in Mafulu), to the absence of tattooing or cicatrical ornamentation, +to their "large earrings made out of tails of lizards covered by +narrow straps of palm leaves dyed yellow" (which, though not correctly +descriptive of the Mafulu earring, is apparently something like it), +to their use of pigs' tails as ear ornaments, to their plaiting of the +hair and the decoration of the plaited hair with teeth and shells, to +their small charm bags and to the shortness of their bows. Also to the +construction of their houses, with the roof carried down to the ground, +with a fireplace about 2 feet wide extending down the centre of the +building from one end to the other, and having an inclined floor on +each side, and especially to the curious apse-like roof projections +in front of these houses (Dr. Haddon calls them "pent roofs" [17]), +Sir William's figure of which is, like that of the Chirima villages, +identical, or nearly so, with that of a Mafulu house. But Sir William's +description of the physique of these Mt. Scratchley people and other +matters make it clear, I think, that they belong to a type different +from that of the Mafulu, though they must be next door neighbours of +the Fuyuge-speaking people. Dr. Seligmann, in commenting upon this +description of these people, expresses the opinion that they are +Papuo-Melanesians. [18] + +The natives in the region of Mt. Musgrave and Mt. Knutsford, as +described by Mr. Thomson, [19] appear, at all events so far as dress +is concerned, to be utterly different from the Mafulu. + +Dr. Seligmann states that Dr. Strong has informed him that the +southern boundary of the Fuyuge-speaking area is the Kabadi country, +[20] and he had previously referred to Korona, immediately behind +the Kabadi and Doura districts, as being within the area, [21] and, +indeed, the Geographical Society's map shows the Fuyuge area as +at all events extending as far south as Korona. I do not know how +far inland the Kabadi and Doura people extend; but I may say that +the Mafulu Fathers expressed grave doubt as to the extension of the +Fuyuge area so far south as is indicated by the map. + +If the Fuyuge area does in fact reach the Kabadi boundary, and if my +notes on the Mafulu people are, as suggested, broadly descriptive of +the natives of the whole Fuyuge area, there must be a very sudden +and sharp differentiation, as the Kabadi people are apparently an +offshoot from Mekeo, [22] with apparently other Papuo-Melanesian blood +(especially Roro) introduced. [23] + +The contour and appearance of the country in the actual Mafulu district +of the Fuyuge area is strikingly different from that of the immediately +adjoining Kuni country, the sharp steep ridges and narrow deep-cut +valleys of the latter, with their thick unbroken covering of almost +impenetrable forest, changing to higher mountain ranges with lateral +ridges among them, and with frequent gentle undulating slopes and +wider and more open valleys; while, interspersed with the forests, +are small patches and great stretches of grass land, sometimes thinly +covered or scattered with timber and sometimes quite open and devoid +of trees. [24] And this condition continues, I was told, over the +greater part of the triangular area above referred to. + +Plates 1 and 2 give, I think, a fair illustration of what I mean, +the steep contours and thickly wooded character of the foreground and +nearer middle distance shown by Plate 1 being typical Kuni scenery, +and the more open nature of the country displayed by Plate 2 and the +comparative freedom from forest of its foreground being typical of +the higher uplands of Mafulu. [25] + +It will be noticed that the physical character of the Mafulu country +is more favourable to continued occupation than is that of the Kuni +country; and it is a fact that the Mafulu people are not so restless +and ready to move as are the Kuni folk; and, even when they do migrate, +it is generally to a spot comparatively near to their old villages. + +The geological formation of the lower hills on which the actual Mafulu +villages are placed and the intervening valleys is partly limestone; +and I was told that limestone formation was also found further to +the east. + +Throughout this book I shall use the term "Mafulu" as including, +not only the little group of villages near the north-westerly corner +of the Fuyuge linguistic area actually known by that name, but also +the other groups of Fuyuge villages in the north-western portion of +that area; and, as above indicated, it is believed by the Fathers of +the Mission that I should be substantially correct if I included the +whole of the northern and north-eastern, and probably the southern +portions of the known part of that area, and possibly the entire area. + + + + + + +CHAPTER II + +Physique and Character + + +Physique. + +The Mafulu people are of short stature, though perhaps a trifle taller +than the Kuni. + +They are as a rule fairly strong and muscular in build, the women +in particular having very strongly developed thighs; but, speaking +generally, their limbs are more slender, and their general development +is slighter, than is usually the case among the Roro and Mekeo people. + +They appear to be usually mesaticephalic, but to have a very marked +tendency to brachycephaly. + +Their noses seemed to me to be generally strong, and of prominent +size, varying considerably in width of bridge, but usually having +rather widely distending nostrils; and sometimes the width of the +nose was equal to its length, or nearly so. + +Referring to the above matters, the following are the results of +twenty measurements of Mafulu men. These were obtained from men of +upwards of six different communities or groups of villages, so as to +avoid the possible misleading character of measurements made in only +one village or group of villages, in which some family relationship +between the persons measured might militate against the true average +character of the figures obtained. + + +No. +| Stature in cm. +| | Length of head in cm. +| | | Breadth of head in cm. +| | | | Cephalic index +| | | | | Cranial index (2 units deducted +| | | | | from cephalic index). +| | | | | | Nose length in cm. +| | | | | | | Nose breadth in cm. +| | | | | | | | Nasal index + + 1 150 18.5 14.7 79.5 77.5 4.9 4.4 89.8 + 2 155 18.8 15.1 80.3 78.3 4.8 4.8 100.0 + 3 155 19.5 14.8 75.9 73.9 5.3 4.3 81.1 + 4 157 18.5 15.4 83.2 81.2 4.3 4.3 100.0 + 5 153 18.9 14.6 77.2 75.2 4.8 4.4 91.7 + 6 151 18.6 14.3 76.9 74.9 4.9 3.8 77.6 + 7 151 19.3 15.2 78.8 76.8 5.4 4.4 81.5 + 8 163 19.4 14.5 74.7 72.7 5.6 4.4 78.6 + 9 162 18.8 15.2 80.9 78.9 5.3 4.0 75.5 +10 163 17.4 15.1 86.8 84.8 5.5 4.6 83.6 +11 155 18.0 14.0 77.8 75.8 5.3 4.4 83.0 +12 157 17.4 14.6 83.9 81.9 4.6 4.0 87.0 +13 158 19.7 14.8 75.1 73.1 5.3 4.3 81.1 +14 160 17.9 14.4 80.4 78.4 5.1 4.3 84.3 +15 153 17.7 14.7 83.1 81.1 5.2 4.1 78.8 +16 156 18.5 14.8 80.0 78.0 5.5 4.5 81.8 +17 152 17.7 14.9 84.2 82.2 5.6 4.0 71.4 +18 154 18.6 14.9 80.1 78.1 5.2 4.5 86.5 +19 150 17.8 15.2 85.4 83.4 4.9 3.9 79.6 +20 147 18.8 14.5 77.1 75.1 4.6 3.8 82.6 + + +Analysing these figures, we get the following results:-- + + + Highest number. Lowest number. Average. + + Stature [26] 163 cm. 147 cm. 155.1 cm. + (64.2 ins.) (57.9 ins.) (61.1 ins.) + Head length 19.7 cm. 17.4 cm. 18.5 cm. + Head breadth 15.4 cm. 14.0 cm. 14.8 cm. + Cephalic index 86.8 74.7 80.0 + Cranial index 84.8 72.7 78.0 + Nose length 5.6 cm. 4.3 cm. 5.1 cm. + Nose breadth 4.8 cm. 3.8 cm. 4.3 cm. + Nasal index 100.0 71.4 84.3 [27] + + + Number of cranial indices under 75 = 4 (20 per cent.). + Number of cranial indices between 75 and 80 = 10 (50 per cent.). + Number of cranial indices over 80 = 6 (30 per cent.). + + +There are a few points in connection with these figures to which I +would draw attention. The very short man (No. 20--height, 147 cm.) has +a cranial index of 75.1, on the border line between dolichocephaly +and mesaticephaly. He has also a short nose (4.6 cm.), and is one +of the two with the narrowest noses (3.8 c.m.). The very tall man +(No. 8--height, 163 cm.) has a long head (19.4 cm.), and the lowest +dolichocephalic cranial index of 72.7, and is one of two with the +longest noses (5.6 cm.). The other very tall man (No. 10--height, +163 cm.) has one of the two shortest heads (17.4 cm.), and the highest +brachycephalic cranial index of 84.8, and has a long nose (5.5 cm.) The +man (No. 2) whose nasal index is 100 has the mesaticephalic cranial +index of 78.3 (almost the average index). The other man (No. 4) +whose nasal index is 100 has a head of exactly the average length +(18.5 cm.) and the greatest breadth (15.4 cm.), and the brachycephalic +cranial index of 81.2. The man (No. 17) with the lowest nasal index +of 71.4 has a very short head (17.7 cm.), and the brachycephalic +cranial index of 82.2. + +The following tables, however, illustrate the fact that the +measurements of these twenty men do not appear to indicate, as +regards them, any marked connection between stature, cranial index, +and nasal index. + +Order in stature (beginning with the shortest): + +20--1--19--6--7--17--5--15--18--2--3--11--16--4--12--13--14--9--8--10. + +Order in progress upwards of cranial indices: + +8--13--3--6-20--5--ll--7--1--16--18--2--14--9--15--4--12--17--19--10. + +Order in progress upwards of nasal indices: + +17--9--6--8--15--19--3--13--7--16--20--11--10--14--18--12--1--5--2--4. + +I brought home three Mafulu skulls, which Dr. Keith kindly had measured +at the Royal College of Surgeons, with the following results [28]:-- + + + Skull + | Length in cm. + | | Breadth in cm. + | | | Height in cm. + | | | | Cranial Index. + | | | | | Proportion of + | | | | | height to length. + + A 17.6 14.0 12.2 79.5 69.3 + B 18.2 14.1 13.2 77.5 72.5 + C 17.3 12.7 12.5 73.4 72.3 + + +It will be observed that the lowest of these three cranial indices is +a trifle higher than the lowest of those of the head measurements, +that the highest of them is much lower than the highest of those +of the head measurements, and that their average (76.8) is a little +below the average of those of the head measurements. + +Dr. Keith had further measurements made of these skulls from the +point of view of prognathism and characters of noses and orbits, +with the following results: + + + Skull. + | Basi-nasal length. + | | Basi-alveolar length. + | | | Height of nose. + | | | | Width of nose. + | | | | | Height of orbit. + | | | | | | Width of orbit. + + mm. mm. mm. mm. mm. mm. + A 98 102 48 26 40 35 + B 99 96 49 25 42 35 + C 97 102 47 26 38 35 + + +Dr. Keith, referring to these skulls, says that they disclose +relatively small brains, the cranial capacity of A being 1,230 c.c., +that of B being 1,330 c.c., and that of C being 1,130 c.c. He compares +these figures with the average cranial capacity of the male European, +which he puts at 1,500 c.c. + +The eyes of the Mafulu people are dark brown and very bright. I never +saw among them those oblique eyes, almost recalling the Mongolian, +which, according to Dr. Seligmann, are found, though rarely only, +on the coast, [29] and of which I saw many instances among the +Kuni people. + +Their lips are usually not so thick as are those of the Mekeo and +Roro people, and are generally finer and more delicate in shape. + +In view of their Papuan language I kept a sharp look out for the +curious backward sloping foreheads and projecting brow ridges and +Jewish-looking noses which are so often found among the Western +Papuans; but, although I saw a few examples of these, they were rare, +and I did not observe any noticeable tendency in these directions in +the faces of the people generally. [30] + +A curious characteristic with them is the big toe, which is usually +much developed, and projects outwards at a larger angle than is the +case with the Roro and Mekeo people, and is much used for holding on +to roots, &c., whilst travelling along their rough mountain paths. + +Their general colour is a dark sooty brown, a trifle darker, perhaps, +than that of the Kuni people, and contrasting forcibly with the +varying shades of chocolate which you find among the Roro and Mekeo +people. They are smooth-skinned. + +Their hair is frizzly, and generally dark brown, often quite dark, +almost even approaching to black, and sometimes perhaps quite +black. But it is frequently lighter; and indeed I was often, when +observing men's hair lit up by sunshine, impressed by the fact that +its brown colour was not even what we should in Europe call dark. [31] +I often saw marked variations in the depth of hair colour on the +head of the same individual. I saw no examples of the comparatively +straight or curly type of hair which is found in the Pokau district +and elsewhere. [32] + +Plate 3 gives front and side views of the mesaticephalic (almost +brachycephalic) skull A and Plate 4 gives similar views of the +dolichocephalic skull C. All the photographs were made as nearly as +possible exactly half the sizes of the originals; but the photographer +has made the front view of skull A about an eighth of an inch too +narrow (with, of course, a corresponding deficiency in height), so +that the tendency to roundness of this skull is not quite sufficiently +shown, and the proportion of its height to its length is reduced, +in the plate. I am not a craniologist, and so I do not attempt to +discuss the more detailed points of interest which arise in connection +with these skulls. + +A good idea of the somewhat varying characters of the general physiques +and features of the people will be obtained from my plates; but there +are a few of these plates which I may mention here. + +The people shown in Plates 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 and 16 may, I think, be +regarded as fairly typical, and I would draw attention to the somewhat +Melanesian tendency of feature which is disclosed by the faces of +the man in Plate 6, the young man in the middle in Plate 7 and the +fourth and sixth men from the left in Plate 9; also to the great +diversity shown in Plate 9. The man shown in Plate 10, with his thick +and strong muscular development, is of a type which is occasionally +seen, but which is, I believe, unusual. The two men figured in Plates +11 and 12 are, I think, specially interesting. The one to the right, +with his somewhat backward sloping forehead, and slightly arched nose, +shows a distinct tendency towards the type of the Western Papuan, to +which I have already referred. The other one is in general shape of +head and appearance of features not unlike some of the dwarf people +found by the recent expedition into Dutch New Guinea (see the man to +the left in Plate 4 of the page of illustrations in _The Illustrated +London News_ for September 2, 1911), and indeed there is almost an +Australian tendency in his face. It is noticeable that he has a beard +and moustache, which is quite unusual among the Mafulu. A somewhat +similar type of face may be noticed in one or two of the other plates. + + +Character and Temperament. + +It is difficult to speak with any degree of definiteness on this +question. It must be borne in mind that the Mafulu people have been +very little in touch with white people, the missionaries, who have only +been there since 1905, and on rare occasions a Government official or +scientific traveller, being almost the only white men whom the bulk +of them have ever seen; and they have been but slightly affected by +the outside influences which for some years past have been constantly +brought to bear upon the natives of the adjoining coast line and the +people of the Mekeo plains; so that comparisons of these people with +their more up-to-date neighbours as regards their relative natural +characters may well be in some respects misleading. + +Subject, however, to this caution I would say that they are lazy +and easy-going (though not so much so as the Roro and Mekeo people), +lively, excitable, cheerful, merry, fairly intelligent (this being +judged rather from the young people), very superstitious, brave, +with much power of enduring pain, cruel, not more revengeful perhaps +than is usual among uncivilised natives, friendly one with another, +not quarrelsome, but untrustworthy and not over-faithful even in +their dealings with one another, though honest as regards boundaries +and property rights and in the sense of not stealing from one another +within their own communities (this being regarded as a most shameful +offence), and of very loose sexual morality. + +A difference between them and the Mekeo and Roro natives is that +they appear to be not so conservative as the latter, being more +ready to abandon old traditions and adopt new ideas; though this +characteristic is one which shows itself in the young people rather +than in the elders with their formed habits. + + + + + + + +CHAPTER III + +Dress and Ornament + + +Dress. + +The perineal band, made of bark cloth, is the one article of dress +which is universally worn by both men and women. + +These bands are made by both men and women, but are coloured by men +only. They are commonly unstained and undecorated; but some of them, +and especially those worn for visiting and at dances, are more or +less decorated. Some that I have noticed are stained in one colour +covering the whole garment; others in two colours arranged in alternate +transverse bands, sometimes with narrow spaces of unstained cloth +between; and again others have bands of one colour alternating with +bands of unstained cloth. Some are decorated with lines or groups +of lines of one colour, or alternating lines or groups of lines of +two colours, painted transversely across the cloth. Others, while +simply stained in one colour or stained or decorated in one of the +ways above described, have another simple terminal design near the +end of the garment. + +The men's bands are usually small and narrow, as compared with those +worn by the Roro and Mekeo people; and the women's bands seemed to me +to be generally even narrower than those of the men, particularly in +front. Men's bands, which I have measured, were about 6 inches wide at +one end, narrowing down to about 3 inches at the other; and the widths +of women's bands were 4 or 5 inches or less at one end, narrowing +down to about 2 inches at the other. But the bands of both men and +women, especially those of the latter, often become so crumpled up and +creased with wear that the portion passing between the legs dwindles +down to about an inch or less in width. One is tempted to think, as +regards both men and women, that, from the point of view of covering, +the bands might be dispensed with altogether. This remark applies +still more strongly to the case of young boys and unmarried girls, +including among the latter big full-grown girls, who are in fact +fully developed women, whose bands can hardly be regarded as being +more than nominal, and who, especially the girls and young women, +and even sometimes married women who are nursing their babies, can +really only be described as being practically naked. + +Plate 13 (Figs, 1, 2, and 3) illustrates the staining and decoration +of perineal bands. [33] Fig. 1 is a section of a man's band about +6 inches wide. The transverse lines, which extend along the whole +length of the band, are in alternate groups of black and red. The +background is unevenly stained yellow behind the black lines; but the +background behind the red lines and the spaces intervening between the +groups of lines are unstained. Fig. 2 is the pattern near the end of +a woman's band about 5 inches wide. The lines are coloured red. There +is no pattern on the rest of the band; but the whole of the band, +including the background of the pattern, is stained yellow. Fig. 3 is +a section of a woman's band about 2 1/2 inches wide. The colouring +is in alternate bands of red and yellow with irregular unstained +spaces between. + +I was struck with the gradual reduction of the women's dress as I +travelled from the coast, with its Roro inhabitants, through Mekeo, +and thence by Lapeka and Ido-ido to Dilava, and on by Deva-deva to +Mafulu. The petticoats of the Roro women gave way to the shorter +ones of Mekeo, and these seemed to get shorter as I went further +inland. Then at Lapeka they were still shorter. At Ido-ido, which +is Kuni, the petticoats ceased, and there was only the perineal +band. Then, again, at Dilava (still Kuni) this band was narrower, +and at Deva-deva, and finally at Mafulu, it was often, as I have said, +almost nominal. + +I was told that the age at which a boy usually begins to wear his +band is about 10 or 12, or in the case of a chief's son 16 or 17; +but that girls assume their bands at a somewhat earlier age, say at +7 or 8. So far as my personal observation went I should have thought +that the usual maximum age of nakedness for both boys and girls was +rather younger, and I never saw a naked boy of an age anything like 16. + +The assumption of the perineal band is the subject of a ceremony +which will be dealt with hereafter. + +Caps are very often worn by men, but not by women or children. These +are simply pieces of plain unstained bark cloth about 9 inches wide, +which are coiled and twisted on the head. The result is often a +shapeless mass; but there are methods of arranging the cloth in +definite ways which produce describable results. Sometimes the cloth +is merely coiled several times around the head, so as to produce +a tall thin turban-shaped band, the crown of the head being left +uncovered. Often this plan is extended by turning the end of the +cloth over, so as to cover the top of the head, thus producing in +some cases a result which resembles a fez, and in other cases one +which looks more like a tight skullcap. Again the cap often has its +centre terminating in an end or tassel hanging over, thus making it +look like a cap of liberty; and yet again I have seen the cap look +almost like the square paper caps often worn by certain artisans at +home. These caps are seen in several of the plates. + +Abdominal belts are commonly worn by both men and women, but not as +a rule by children. There are several distinct forms of these:-- + +(1) A thick strong dark-coloured belt (Plate 14, Fig. I) made of tree +bark; made and worn by men only. The belt is about 3 or more inches +wide and is often so long that it passes twice round the body, the +outer end being fastened to the coil beneath it by two strings. This +form of belt is sometimes ornamented with simple straight-lined +geometric patterns carved into the belt, but it is never coloured. The +process of manufacture is as follows: they cut off a strip of bark +large enough for one, two, three, or four belts, and coil it up in +concentric circles, like the two circles of the belt when worn. They +then place it so coiled into water, and leave it there to soak for +a few days, after which they strip off the outer part, leaving the +smooth inner bark, which they dry, and finally cut into the required +lengths, to which they add the attachment strings made of native fibre. + +(2) A belt made of a material looking like split cane and thin strips +from the fibre of what I was told was a creeping plant [34]; made +and worn by men only. The latter material is obtained by splitting +the fibre into thin strips. These strips and the strips of split +cane-like material are rather coarse in texture. The former are of +a dull red-brown colour (natural, not produced by staining) and the +latter are stone-yellow. The two are plaited together in geometric +patterns. The width of the belt is about 2 inches. It only passes once +round the man's body; and the plaiting is finished with the belt on +the body, so that it can only afterwards be removed by unplaiting or +cutting it off. + +(3) A belt (Plate 14, Fig. 2) made of stone-yellow unsplit cane; +made and worn by both men and women. This is the simplest form of +belt, being merely a strip of cane intertwined (not plaited) so as +to form a band about half an inch wide, and left the natural colour +of the cane. Both men and women, when short of food, use this belt +to reduce the pain of hunger, by tightening it over the stomach. It +is, therefore, much worn during a period of restricted diet prior to +a feast. Women also use it, along with their other ordinary means, +to bring about abortion, the belt being for this purpose drawn very +tightly round the body. Often two, or even three, such belts are +worn together. + +(4) A belt (Plate 14, Fig. 3) made of coarse, sometimes very coarse, +stone-yellow split cane or cane-like material; made and worn by men +only. This belt is left the natural colour of the material, which is +plaited so as to form a band from half an inch to 2 inches broad, the +two ends of which are bound together with cane. It also, like No. 2, +is finished on the body. A man will often wear two or three of these +belts together. + +(5) A belt (Plate 15, Fig. i) made out of the inner fibre of a creeping +plant [35]; made and worn by men only. The fibre threads used for +this belt are very fine, so the plaiting is minute, instead of being +coarse like that of No. 2; but it is generally done rather loosely +and openly. The belt is usually about 2 inches wide or a trifle less +and is often plaited in slightly varying geometric patterns. It is +not stained in manufacture, but the natural stone-grey colour of the +fibre soon becomes tinted as the result of wear and the staining of +the wearer's body, and in particular it often becomes an ornamental +red. This belt also is finished on the man's body. + +(6) A belt (Plate 15, Fig. 2) made of the inner fibre of what I was +told was another creeping plant [36] and the stem of a plant which +I believe to be one of the Dendrobiums [37]; made and worn by men +only. The fibres of the former plant are stained black; the reedy stems +of the other plant are put in short bamboo stems filled with water, +and then boiled. They are then easily split up into flattish straws, +and become a colour varying from rather bright yellow to brown. For +making the belt these two materials, looking rather like black and +bright yellow straw, are plaited together in various geometrical +patterns. The width of the belt is 2 inches, or a trifle more. It is +tied at the ends with fibre string. + +(7) A rather special form of belt (Plate 15, Fig. 3) used mainly for +visiting and dancing; made and worn by both men and women. The belt is +made out of a hank of loose separate strands between 4 and 5 feet long, +tied together with string or bark cloth at two opposite points, so as +to form a belt of between 2 feet and 2 feet 6 inches in length. For +better description I would liken it to a skein of wool, as it looks +when held on the hands of one person for the purpose of being wound +off into a ball by someone else, but which, instead of being wound +off, is tied up at the two points where it passes round the hands of +the holder, and is then pulled out into a straight line of double the +original number of strands, and so forms a single many-stranded belt +of 2 feet or more in length. It is fastened round the waist with a +piece of bark cloth attached to one of the points where the hank has +been tied up. [38] + +The number of strands is considerable. Belts examined by me and counted +gave numbers varying from eighteen to thirty-five, and the number of +strands of the belt round the body would be double that. Each strand +is made of three parts plaited together, and is one-eighth of an inch +or less in width. Various materials, including all the materials +used for armlets (see below), are employed for making these belts, +some for one and some for another. Sometimes a belt has its strands +all plaited out of one material only, in which case the belt will +be all of one colour. Sometimes its strands are plaited out of two +different coloured materials. There is no colouring of the belt, +except that of its strands. + +Belt No. 1, as worn, is seen in Plates 9 and 11. Belt No. 3 is worn by +the man at the extreme right in Plate 16. It is worn by many of the +women figured in the plates, and several of them have two belts. One +of the women figured in Plates 18 and 19 has three of them. Belt No. 4 +is worn by one of the men figured in Plates 7 and 8 (he has three of +them). Belt No. 7 is worn by one or two of the women figured in the +frontispiece, the one to the extreme right having a many-stranded belt, +and it is excellently illustrated in Plate 17. + +Capes made of bark cloth are made and worn by men and women. They are +only put on after recovery from an illness by which the wearer has +been laid up, including childbirth. The cape is simply a plain long +narrow piece of undyed bark cloth. The corners of one end are fastened +together, and the whole of that end is bunched up into a sort of hood, +which is placed over the head, whilst the rest of the cloth hangs +down as a narrow strip behind. The cape in no way covers or conceals +any part of the body when viewed from the front or side. It is only +worn for a few days; but whilst wearing it the wearer discards all, +or nearly all, his or her ornaments. I could learn no reason for the +custom. Plates 18 and 19 show these capes, and the way in which they +are worn. + +Mourning strings (Plate 30, Fig. 1) are made and worn by both men and +women. These are plain undecorated necklaces varying much in size and +appearance; sometimes they are made of undyed twisted bark cloth, and +vary in thickness from one-sixteenth of an inch to an inch; sometimes +they are only made of string, and are quite thin. There is always +an end or tassel to the necklace, made out of the extremities of the +neck part, and hanging in front over the chest; and, if the necklace +is of string, and not of bark cloth, some bark cloth is twisted round +this tassel. This sign of grief is after a death worn by the widow or +widower or other nearest relative (male or female) of the deceased; +and at times two people of equal degree of relationship will both wear +it. It is worn until the formal ending of the mourning. The woman to +the extreme right in Plate 26 is wearing one of these. + +Widows' vests. These are mourning garments, only worn by the widows of +chiefs. The garment, which is made by women, is a vest made of string +network (like a string bag), the mesh of which is the special Mafulu +mesh, which will be described hereafter, and it is not coloured. It +is plainly and simply made, with openings at the top for the neck, +and at the sides for the arms (no sleeves), and coming down to +about the waist, without any other opening either in front or at the +back. This garment is also worn until the formal end of the period +of mourning. [39] I was unable to secure a picture of one of these. + +There is no special dress for chiefs to distinguish them from other +people. + +European calico clothing has not been adopted by these people, even +in the district where they are in touch with the missionaries. Indeed +I may say that the people, happily for their own health, show no +inclination to wear more clothing; and no doubt as a result of their +conservatism in this respect they escape many a fatal cold and attack +of pneumonia, and the spread of infectious skin diseases is somewhat +reduced. I may also add that the Bishop and Fathers of the Mission +do not attempt, or seem to desire, to urge the people who come under +their influence to endanger their health and their lives for the sake +of conforming to views as to clothing which have played such havoc +with tropical natives in many parts of the globe. [40] + + +Physical Body Decoration, &c. + +Tattooing and body-scarring are not practised by either men or women +among the Mafulu. + +Depilation. When a young man's beard begins to grow, the hairs +of the beard and moustache and eye-brows are extracted. No other +depilation is practised by men, and none whatever by women; and none +of them shave any part of the body. The depilation is effected with +two fibre threads twisted round each other, the hair to be extracted +being inserted between the threads. Anyone can do this, and there is +no ceremony connected with it. + +Nose-piercing. The septa of the noses of both men and women are +pierced at or after the age of 15 or 18, and either before or after +marriage. This is done for men by men, and for women by women. There +is no special person whose duty it is to do it, but he or she must +be one who knows the incantations which are required. There is no +restriction as to diet or otherwise placed upon the operator prior +to the operation, but there is a day's food restriction imposed upon +the person whose nose is to be pierced. + +Two instruments are used for the operation, one being a piercing +instrument made of pig bone and sharpened, and the other being a small +wooden plug, also sharpened. The operator first visibly, but silently, +engages in two incantations, during the former of which he holds up +the thumb and first finger of his right hand, and during the latter +of which he holds up the two instruments. He then with the thumb +and first finger of his right hand holds the septum of the nose of +the person to be operated upon, whom I will call the "patient," and +with the left hand pierces the septum with the bone instrument. He +next inserts the wooden plug into the hole, so as to make it larger, +and leaves the plug there. Then he takes a blade of grass, which he +also inserts through the hole, by the side of the plug, and, holding +the grass by the two ends, he makes it rotate round and round the +plug. This is a painful process, which frequently causes tears and +cries from the patient. He then probably goes through the same process +with various other patients, as it is the custom to operate on several +persons at the same time. + +The patients are then all lodged in houses built for the purpose, one +house being for men and one for women. These are not houses which are +kept permanently standing, but are specially built on each occasion +on which the nose-boring operation is going to be performed. A great +swelling of the patients' noses develops, and this spreads more or +less over their faces. The patients are confined in the special houses +until the holes in their noses are large enough and the wounds are +healed. During this confinement each patient has himself to do what +is requisite to further enlarge the hole by the insertion into it from +time to time of pieces of wood and by putting in rolled up leaves and +pushing pieces of wood inside these leaves. During all this period he +is not allowed to come out of the house, at all events not so as to be +seen, and his diet is confined to sweet potato, cooked in a certain +way. The cooking for all the patients, men and women, is done by the +woman nose-piercing operator, assisted by other women. The potatoes +are wrapped up in leaves (usually banana), each potato being generally +wrapped up separately in one or more leaves; and, when so wrapped up, +they are cooked in red-hot ashes, and then taken to the houses where +the patients are. + +When the hole in any patient's nose has reached the requisite size, +and the wound is healed, he inserts a large croton leaf [41] into +the hole; he may then come out and return to his own house, retaining +the croton leaf in his nose. He must next occupy himself in searching +for a black non-poisonous snake about 12 or 18 inches long, which is +commonly found in the grass. I cannot say what snake this is, but +I am advised that it is probably _Tropidonotus mairii_. Its native +name is _fal' ul' obe_, which means "germ of the ground." Until he +finds this snake he must keep the croton leaf in his nose, and is +still under the same restriction as to food, which is cooked in the +same way and by the same persons as before. On finding the snake, +he secures it alive, removes the croton leaf from the hole in his +nose, and inserts into it the tail end of the living snake; then, +holding the head of the snake in one of his hands, and the tail in +the other, he draws the snake slowly through the hole, until its head +is close to the hole. He then lets the head drop from his hand, and +with a quick movement of the other hand draws it through the nose, +and throws the snake, still living, away. [42] This completes the +nose-piercing; but there still rests upon the patient the duty of +going to the river, and there catching an eel, which he gives to the +people who have been feeding him during his illness. + +The nose-piercing is generally done at one of the big feasts; and, +as these are rare in any one village, you usually find in the villages +many fully-grown people whose noses have not been pierced; though as +to this I may say that nose-piercing is more generally indulged in by +chiefs and important people and their families than by the village rank +and file. It commonly happens, however, that a good many people have +to be done when the occasion arises. Each person to be operated upon +has to provide a domestic pig for the big feast. I have been unable +to discover the origin and meaning of the nose-piercing ceremony. [43] + +Ear-piercing is done to both men and women, generally when quite young, +say at seven or twelve years of age. Both the lower and the upper lobes +are pierced, sometimes only one or the other, and sometimes both; +but the lower lobe is the one more commonly pierced. They can do it +themselves, or can get someone else to do it. There is no ceremony. The +piercing is done with the thorn of a tree, and the hole is afterwards +gradually widened by the insertion of small pieces of wood. They never +make large holes, or enlarge them greatly afterwards, as the holes are +only used for the hanging of pendants, and not for the insertion of +discs. After the piercing the patient must, until the wound is healed, +abstain from all food except sweet potato; but there is no restriction +as to the way in which this food is to be cooked, or the person who +is to cook it. There is as regards ear-piercing no difference between +the case of chiefs' children and those of other people. + +Body-staining is usual with both men and women, who do it for +themselves, or get others to help them. There is no ceremony +in connection with it. The colours generally adopted are red, +greyish-yellow and black. The red stain is procured from an earth, +which is obtained from the low countries; but they themselves also +have an earth which is used, and produces a more bronzy red. The +yellow stain is also got from an earth. All these coloured earths +are worked into a paste with water, or with animal fat, if they can +get it. I think they also get a red stain from the fruit of a species +of Pandanus; but I am not quite clear as to this. The black stain is +obtained from crushed vegetable ashes mixed with fat or water. The +staining of the face is usually of a simple character. It may cover +the whole face all in one colour or in different colours, and often +one side of the face is stained one colour, and the other side another +colour. They also make stripes and spots or either of them of any +colour or colours on any part of the face. The red colour (I think +especially that obtained from the Pandanus fruit) is also often applied +in staining the whole body, this being especially done for dances and +visiting; though a young dandy will often do it at other times. The +black is the symbol of mourning, and will be referred to hereafter. + +Hairdressing may be conveniently dealt with here. The Mafulu +hairdressing is quite simple and rough, very different from the +big, spreading, elaborately prepared and carefully combed mops of +Mekeo. This is a factor which a traveller in this part of New Guinea +may well bear in mind in connection with his impedimenta, as he has +no difficulty in getting the Kuni and Mafulu people to carry packages +on their heads, which the Mekeo folk are unwilling to do. + +The modes in which the men dress their hair, so far as I was able to +notice, may be roughly divided into the following categories:--(_a_) +A simple crop of hair either cut quite close or allowed to grow fairly +long, or anything between these two, but not dressed in any way, +and probably uncombed, unkempt and untidy. This is the commonest +form. (_b_) The same as (_a_), but with a band round the hair, +separating the upper part of it from the lower, and giving the former +a somewhat chignon-like appearance, (_c_) The hair done up all over +the head in three-stranded plaits a few inches long, and about an +eighth of an inch thick, having the appearance of short thick pieces +of string, (_d_) The top of the head undressed, but the sides, and +sometimes the back, of the head done up in plaits like (_c_). (_e_) +A manufactured long shaped fringe of hair, human, but not the hair +of the wearer (Plate 20, Fig. 3), is often worn over the forehead, +just under the wearer's own hair, so as to form, as it were, a part +of it, pieces of string being attached to the ends of the fringe +and passed round the back of the head, where they are tied. These +fringes are made by tying a series of little bunches of hair close +to one another along the double string, which forms the base of the +fringe. Specimens examined by me were about 12 inches long and 1 1/4 +inches wide (this width being the length of the bunches of hair), +and contained about twenty bunches. It is usual to have two or three +of these strings of bunches of hair tied together at the ends, thus +making one broad fringe. These fringes are often worn in connection +with styles (_c_) and (_d_) of hairdressing; but I never noticed them +in association with (_a_) and (_b_). + +I was told that men who have become bald sometimes wear complete +artificial wigs, though I never saw an example of this. + +The hairdressing of the women seemed to be similar to that of the men, +except that I never saw the chignon-producing band, that they do not +wear fringes, and that the entire or partial plaiting of the hair is +more frequently adopted by them than it is by the men. I do not know +whether the women ever indulge in entire wigs. + +Method (_a_) is seen in many of the plates. Method (_b_) is +illustrated, though not very well, in Plate 9 (the fourth and +fifth man from the left) and in Plate 21 (the young man to the +left, behind). Method (_c_) is adopted by four of the women in the +frontispiece, by some of the women in Plate 16, by the woman in Plate +17, and by the little girl in Plates 22 and 23. Method (_d_) is well +illustrated by the second woman from the right in the frontispiece. + +The cutting of the hair of both men and women is effected with sharp +pieces of stone of the sort used for making adze blades, or with +sharp pieces of bamboo or shell. + +Infant deformation is not practised in any form by the Mafulu people; +nor do they circumcise their children. + + +Ornaments. + +The string-like plaits in which men and women arrange their +hair, and especially those of the women, are often decorated with +ornaments. Small cowrie and other shells, or native or European beads, +or both, are strung by women on to these plaits, sometimes in a line +along all or the greater part of the length of the plait, sometimes +as a pendant at the end of it, and sometimes in both ways; and any +other small ornamental object may be added. Dogs' teeth are also +used by both men and women in the same way; but these are, I think, +more commonly strung in line along the plaits, rather than suspended +at the ends of them. Both men and women wear suspended at the ends +of these plaits wild betel-nut fruit, looking like elongated acorns; +and men, but not women, wear in the same way small pieces of cane, an +inch or two long, into which the ends of the plaits are inserted. All +these forms of decoration may be found associated together. They are +in the case of men usually confined to the plaits at the sides, being +also often attached to the side ends of the artificial fringes; but +they are sometimes used for the back of the head also. The women often +wear them also at the top of the head, and in wearing them at the sides +sometimes have them hanging in long strings reaching to the shoulders. + +Plate 24 (Figs. 1, 2, 5, and 6) and Plate 25 (Figs. 2 and 4) are +ornamented plaits cut off the heads of women. The ornaments shown +include beads, shells, discs made out of shells, dogs' teeth and +betel-nut fruit. Plate 24 (Figs. 3 and 4) are ornamented plaits cut +off the heads of men, one of them having a cane pendant, and the +other a pendant of betel-nut. + +The appearance of these things, as worn, is seen in Plates 16, 26, +27, 28 and 29 (the habit of wearing a single dog-tooth at each side +of the head, as shown by 27, being a common one, and 28 showing +the equally common habit of wearing a couple of betel-nuts at each +side). Their appearance, when worn in abundance for a festal dance, +is excellently shown in the frontispiece and in Plate 17; and the +little girl in Plates 22 and 23, though too young to be a dancer, +is decorated for an occasion. + +Pigs' tails are a common head decoration for women, and are also worn, +though not so frequently, by men. These tails are covered with the +natural hair of the tail, and are brown-coloured. They are suspended +by strings passing round the crown of the head or from the plaits at +the sides of the head. They are generally only about 6 inches long; +but sometimes the ornaments into which they are made are much longer, +and I have seen them worn by women hanging down as far as the level +of the breast. These pigtails are sometimes worn hanging in clusters +of several tails. They are also often, in the case of women, decorated +with shells, beads, dogs' teeth, etc., which are attached like tassels +to their upper ends. [44] + +Plate 30, Fig. 3 shows a pigtail ornament for hanging over the head, +with the tails suspended on both sides and strings of beads and dogs' +teeth hanging from the upper ends of the tails. The ornament is worn +by the middle man in Plate 9 and by the little girl figured in Plates +22 and 23, and it is seen more extensively worn by women decorated +for dancing in the frontispiece and in Plate 17, and by the girl in +Plate 71. + +A peculiar and less usual sort of head ornament (Plate 30, Fig. 4), +worn by both men and women, is a cluster of about a dozen or less of +bark cloth strings, about 1 1/2 feet long, fastened together at the +top, and there suspended by a string tied round the top of the head, +so as to hang down like the lashes of a several-thonged whip over the +back. The individual strings of the cluster are quite thin, but they +are decorated with the yellow and brown straw-like material above +referred to in connection with abdominal belt No. 6 (being prepared +from the same plant, apparently Dendrobium, and in the same way), +the material being twisted in a close spiral round the strings, and +making them look, when seen from a short distance off, like strings +of very small yellow and brown beads, irregularly arranged in varying +lengths of the two colours, shading off gradually from one to the +other. Even when so bound round, these strings are only about 1/16 +to 1/8 of an inch thick. + +The Mafulu comb (Plate 30, Fig. 2) differs in construction from +the wooden combs, all made in one piece, which are commonly used in +Mekeo. It is made of four, five, or six thin pieces of wood, which are +left blunt at one end, but are sharpened to points at the other. These +are bound together with straw-like work, sometimes beautifully done, +the binding being nearly always near to the blunt ends, though it +is sometimes almost in the middle. [45] The combs so made are flat, +with the blunt ends converging and generally fastened together, and +the long sharp ends, which are the ends to be inserted into the hair, +spreading outwards. The bound-up blunt ends are in fact a point, or, +say, half an inch or less (occasionally more) across. The spread of +the sharp ends varies from 1 to 2 inches or more. The straw-like +binding may be light or dark brown, or partly one and partly the +other. Sometimes only the two outside prongs meet together at the blunt +end, and the inner prongs do not extend much, or at all, beyond the +upper edge of the straw-like work binding. The fastening together of +the blunt converging tips is done sometimes with native thread just +at the tips, and sometimes with a little straw work rather further +down; occasionally it is missing altogether. The comb figured is not +so converging at the blunt ends or so spreading at the sharp ends +as is usual, and its blunt ends are not bound together. These combs +are only worn by men; they are commonly worn in front, projecting +forwards over the forehead, as is done in Mekeo; but they are also +worn at the back of the head, projecting sideways to either right or +left. A feather (generally a white cockatoo feather), or sometimes two +feathers, are often inserted into the straw-like work of the comb, +so as to stand up vertically when the comb is worn, and there wave, +or rather wag, backwards and forwards in the wind. I could not learn +any significance in these feathers, such as applies to many of the +upright head feathers worn by the young men of Mekeo. The comb is +worn by several of the men figured in Plate 9, one of them wearing +it in front and the others having it standing out sideways at the back. + +The almost universal type of earring (Plate 20, Fig. 1), varying +from 2 to 3 inches in circumference, is made out of the tail of the +cuscus. The ring is made by removing the hair from the animal's tail, +drying the tail, and fastening the pointed end into or on to the blunt +cut-off stump end, tying them firmly together. The ring is then bound +closely round with the yellow and brown material (Dendrobium) of belt +No. 6; but a space of 1 or 2 inches is generally left uncovered at the +part where the two ends of the tail are fastened together. The simplest +form is a single earring, which passes through the hole in the ear; +but I have seen two rings hanging to the ear; and frequently a second +ring is hung on to the first, and often a third to the second, and +sometimes a fourth to the third; or perhaps, instead of the fourth +ring, there may be two rings hanging to the second one. In fact, +there are varieties of ways in which the fancy of the wearer and the +number of rings he possesses will cause him to wear them. They are +worn by both men and women. [46] They may be seen in several plates, +but unfortunately are not very clear. The most distinct are, I think, +those worn by the second woman from the left in Plate 26 and the +woman on the left in Plate 28. The second woman from the left in the +frontispiece has two of them hanging from her right ear. + +Pigs' tails, similar to those worn from the hair, are also worn by +both men and women, especially the latter, suspended from the ears; +and here again they vary much in length, and are often decorated with +tassel-like hanging ornaments of shells, beads, etc. + +Forehead ornaments (Plate 30, Fig 5) are made by men and worn by them +at dances. This ornament is a band, very slightly curved, which is +worn across the forehead, just under and surrounding the basis of the +dancing feathers. It is generally about 16 inches long and between +4 and 5 inches broad in the middle, from which it narrows somewhat +towards the ends. Its manufacture consists of a ground basis of the +material of belt No. 5, into which are interplaited in geometric +patterns the two black and yellow and brown materials which are used +for belt No. 6. It is fixed on to the forehead by means of strings +attached to its two ends, and passing round, and tied at the back of, +the head. + +Nose ornaments. These are straight pencil-shaped pieces of shell, +generally about 6 inches long, which are passed through the hole in +the septum of the nose. They are only worn at dances and on special +occasions; but the people from time to time insert bits of wood or +cane or bone or some other thing into the hole for the purpose of +keeping it open. There are temporary pegs in the noses of the fifth +man to the left in Plate 9 and the man in Plate 10. The nose ornament +is worn by the woman to the extreme right in the frontispiece. + +Necklaces and straight pendants, suspended from the neck and +hanging over the chest, are common, though they are not usually +worn in anything approaching the profusion seen in Mekeo and on +the coast. These are made chiefly of shells of various sorts (cut +or whole), dogs' teeth and beads, as in Mekeo. The shells include +the cowries and the small closely packed overlapping cut shells so +generally used in Mekeo for necklaces, and the flat disc-like shell +sections, which are here, as in Mekeo, specially used for straight +hanging pendants; also those lovely large crescent-shaped discs of +pearl shell, which are well known to New Guinea travellers. The shells +are, of course, all obtained directly or indirectly from the coast; +in fact, these are some of the chief articles for which the mountain +people exchange their stone implements and special mountain feathers, +so the similarity in the ornaments is to be expected; but it is only +within a quite recent time that the pearl crescents have found their +way to Mafulu. I do not propose to describe at length the various +forms of shell ornament, as they are very similar to, and indeed I +think practically the same as, those of Mekeo. Some of the necklaces +are figured in Plates 31, 32 and 33, and they are worn by many of +the people figured in other plates, especially the frontispiece and +Plate 17. Straight pendant ornaments are seen in the frontispiece and +in Plates 6, 17, 26 and others. The crescent-shaped pearl ornaments +are seen in the frontispiece and in Plates 6, 7, 16, 28 and others, +a very large one being worn by the little girl in Plate 71. + +There is, however, one shell necklace which is peculiar to the +mountains, and, I think, to Mafulu (I do not know whether the Kuni +people also wear it), where it is worn as an emblem of mourning +by persons who are relatives of the deceased, but who are not +sufficiently closely related to him to stain themselves with black +during the period of mourning. This necklace is made of white cowrie +shells varying in size from half an inch to an inch long, each of +which has its convex side ground away, so as to show on one side the +untouched mouth of the shell and on the other an open cavity. The +shells are strung, sometimes closely and sometimes loosely, on to a +double band of thin cord. Specimens of this type of necklace measured +by me varied in length from 36 inches (with 97 shells) to 20 inches +(with 38 shells). It is worn until the period of mourning is formally +terminated. The middle necklace in Plate 33 is a mourning shell +necklace, and it is seen on the neck of the woman to the right in +Plate 29. + +Pigs' tail ornaments similar to those already described are also worn +suspended by neck-bands over the chest. + +Armlets and wrist-bands are worn by both men and women, and more or +less by children, including quite young ones, at the higher end of +the upper arm and just above the wrist. They are made by men only, +and vary in width from half an inch to 5 or 6 inches, the wider ones +being generally worn on the upper arm. There are several common forms +of these: (1) The more usual form (Plate 34, Fig. 4) is made of the +thin and finely plaited stone-grey material described in abdominal +belt No. 5, and is made in the same way, subject to the difference +that the plaiting is more closely done. Measured specimens of this +armlet varied in width from 1 to 2 1/4 inches, and displayed different +varieties of diagonal twill stitch. (2) Another common form (Plate 34, +Fig. 3) is made of the coarser-plaited black and yellow and brown +materials described concerning No. 6 belt, and is made in the same +way. Specimens of this armlet varied in width from 1 to 5 inches. (3) +There is another form which in fineness of material and plait is +between Nos. 1 and 2. I was told that this is made out of another +creeping plant, and is left in its own natural unstained colour, which, +however, in this case is a dull brown red. (4) Another form (Plate +34, Fig. 2) is made of the coarse dull red-brown and stone-yellow +materials described with reference to belt No. 2, and is made in +the same way. A specimen of this armlet was 2 1/4 inches wide. (5) +Another form (Plate 34, Fig. 1) is in make something like No. 4, but +the two materials used are the stone-yellow material of belt No. 2 +and the black material of belt No. 6, and the plaiting materials are +much finer in thickness than are those of armlet No. 4. Specimens +of this armlet varied in width from 3/4 to 1 1/4 inches. (6) The +beautiful large cut single-shell wrist ornament, commonly worn on +the coast and plains, whence the Mafulu people procure it. Armlets +will be seen worn by many of the people figured in the plates. + +There is no practice of putting armlets on young folk, and retaining +them in after life, so as to tighten round and contract the arm. + +Leg-bands (Plate 25, Fig. 1) and anklets are worn by both men and +women, and also by children, just below the knee and above the ankle. + +There is a form of plaited leg-band somewhat similar in make to armlet +No. 5, and between half-an-inch and an inch in width, though the +colour of this leg-band is a dull brown. But the usual form of leg-band +and anklet is made by women only out of thread fibre by a process of +manufacture quite distinct from the stiff plait work adopted for some +of the belts and for the armlets. They make their thread out of fine +vegetable fibre as they proceed with the manufacture of the band, +rolling the individual fibres with their hands upon their thighs, +and then rolling these fibres into two-strand threads, and from time +to time in this way making more thread, which is worked into the open +ends of the then working thread as it is required--all this being +done in the usual native method. + +I had an opportunity of watching a woman making a leg-band, and I think +the process is worth describing. She first made a thread 5 or 6 feet +long by the method above referred to, the thread being a two-strand +one, made out of small lengths about 5 or 6 inches long of the +original fibre, rolled together and added to from time to time until +the full length of 5 or 6 feet of thread had been made. The thread +was of the thickness of very coarse European thread or exceedingly +fine string. She next wound the thread into a triple loop of the size +of the proposed leg-band. This triple loop was to be the base upon +which she was to make the leg-band, of which it would form the first +line and upper edge. It was only about 11 inches in circumference, and +thus left two ends, one of which (I will call it "the working thread") +was a long one, and the other of which (I will call it "the inside +thread") was a short one. Both these threads hung down together from +the same point (which I will call "the starting point"). She then, +commencing at the starting point, worked the working thread round the +triple base by a series of interlacing loops in the form shown (very +greatly magnified) in Fig. 1; but the loops were drawn quite tight, +and not left loose, as, for the purpose of illustration, I have had to +make them in the figure. This process was carried round the base until +she had again reached the starting point, at which stage the base, +with its tightly drawn loop work all around it, was firm and strong, +and there were still the two ends of thread hanging from the starting +point. Here and at subsequent stages of the work she added to the +lengths of these two ends from time to time in the way above described +when they needed it, and the two ends of thread were therefore always +present. Then began the making of the second line. This was commenced +at the starting point, from which the two ends of thread hung, +and was effected by a series of loops made with the working thread +in the way already described, except that these loops, instead of +passing round the whole of the base line, passed through holes which +she bored with a thorn, as she went on, in the extreme bottom edge of +that line, and also that, in making this second line, she passed the +inside thread through each loop before she drew the latter tight; so +that the second line was itself composed of a single internal thread, +around which the loops were drawn. The second line was continued in +this way until she again reached the starting point (but, of course, +one line lower down), from which the two ends of thread hung down as +before. The third and following lines were made by a process identical +with that of the second one, the holes for each line being pricked +through the bottom of that above it. I did not see the completion of +the band, but I may say that the final line is similar to the second +and subsequent ones, and is not a triple-threaded line like the first +one. It was amazing to see this woman doing her work. She was an old +woman, but she did the whole of the work with her fingers, and she must +have had wonderful eyesight and steadiness of hand, as she made the +minute scarcely visible prick holes, and passed the end of her working +thread through them, with the utmost apparent ease and quickness. + +The band thus produced is of very small, close, fine work, and is +quite soft, flexible and elastic, like European canvas, instead of +being stiff and hard, like the plaited belts and armlets. The band +is generally about an inch (more or less) in width. It is not dyed +or coloured in any way, but is often decorated with beads, which +are worked into the fabric in one or more horizontal lines, but as +a rule, I think, only at irregular intervals, and not in continuous +lines. These bands and anklets are seen in many of the plates. In +Plates 10, 11 and 12 the bead decorations are seen. + +Dancing aprons are made out of bark cloth by both men and women, +but coloured by men only. The apron, which is worn at dances by women +only, is about 6 to 12 inches wide. It is worn, as shown in Plate 35, +in front of the body, being passed over the abdominal belt or a cord +so as to hang over it in two folds, one behind the other; and the +front fold, which is the part which shows (the back fold being more +or less concealed), and is generally 18 inches to 2 feet in length, +has at its base a fringe made by cutting the end of the cloth up into +strips, equal or unequal in width, the number of which may be only six +or less, or may be fifteen or twenty. The front fold is often wholly +or partly stained, the colour of the stain being usually yellow, and +is always more or less covered with a decorative design, the colours +of which are usually black and red. The back fold is generally stained +yellow, but never has any design upon it. The fringe is also usually +stained yellow, and is without design, except occasionally perhaps +a few horizontal lines of colour. + +I may say here, as regards these colours, that, so far as my +observation went, the colours of the decorative patterns were always +black and red, and the general staining was always yellow; and indeed +the last-mentioned colour does not show up against the natural colour +of the cloth sufficiently clearly to adapt it for actual design +work. I am not, however, prepared to say that this allocation of +the colours is in fact an invariable one; and, as I know that red +is used for general staining of perineal bands and dancing ribbons, +it is possible that it, as well as yellow, is used for aprons. + +Numerous variations of design are to be found in these garments; +and indeed I may say that it is in these and in the feather head +decorations that the Mafulu people mainly indulge such artistic powers +as they possess. + +Plates 36 to 43 are examples of decoration of the front folds of +these dancing aprons [47]; and I give the following particulars +concerning them, first stating that, subject to what may appear in +my particulars, the darker lines and spots represent black ones in +the apron, and the lighter ones represent red ones. + + +Plate. +| Average width of apron in inches. +| | Notes on ground staining and other matters. + +36 6 1/2 Background of design unstained, but back fold of + apron and fringe stained yellow. +37 [48] 7 3/4 Ditto ditto ditto +38 5 1/4 Only a little irregular yellow staining behind the + design. Back fold of apron and fringe stained yellow. +39 6 Background of design (except fringe part) unstained, + but back fold of apron and fringe stained yellow. +40 7 Background of upper (zig-zag) part of design unstained, + but that of lower (rectangular) part and whole of + back fold of apron and fringe stained yellow. +41 10 1/2 Faintly tinted broad horizontal and vertical lines + and triangles in figure represent yellow stain. No + other staining in the apron. +42 6 3/4 Background of design unstained, but back fold end of + apron and fringe stained yellow. +43 6 3/4 No background staining in the apron. The smallness + of the amount of decoration and the substitution of + two tails for a fringe are, I think, unusual. + + +Dancing ribbons are made out of bark cloth by both men and women, +but are coloured by men only. These are worn by both men and women at +dances, the ribbons hanging round the body from the abdominal belt or a +cord, three or four or five of them being worn by one person, and one +of these commonly hanging in front. They are generally 2 or 3 inches +wide and about 4 feet long, but a portion of this length is required +for hitching the ribbon round the belt. I think their ornamentation +is confined to staining in transverse bands of alternating colour or +of one colour and unstained cloth. Plate 13, Fig. 4, illustrates the +colouring of two ribbons (each 2 inches wide), the alternation in one +case being red and yellow, and in the other red and unstained cloth; +and the men figured in Plate 70 are wearing ribbons, though they are +not very clearly shown in the plate. + +The feather ornaments for the head, and especially those worn at +dances, and the feather ornaments worn on the back at dances present +such an enormous variety of colours and designs that it would be +impossible to describe them here without very greatly increasing the +length of the book. The ornaments are often very large, sometimes +containing eight or ten or even twelve rows of feathers, one behind +another. They can usually be distinguished from those made by the Mekeo +people by a general inferiority in design and make of the ornament as +a whole, the Mafulu people having less artistic skill in this respect +than the people of the lowlands. The ornaments include feathers of +parrots, cockatoos, hornbills, cassowaries, birds of paradise, bower +birds and some others. One never or rarely sees feathers of sea-birds, +or waterfowl, or Goura pigeons (which, I was told, are not found among +the mountains), as the Mafulu people in their trading with the people +of the plains take in exchange things which they cannot themselves +procure, rather than feathers, which are so plentiful with them. + +The black cassowary feather is important in Mafulu as being the +special feather distinction of chiefs; but, though chiefs are as +a rule possessed of more and better ornaments than are the poorer +and unimportant people, they have no other special and distinctive +ornament. + +Plates 44 and 45 illustrate some of these head feather ornaments. Plate +44, Fig. 1, shows an ornament made out of the brown fibrous exterior of +the wild betel-nut, black pigeon feathers and white cockatoo feathers, +the betel fibre and black pigeon feathers being, I was told, only +used in the mountains. Plate 44, Fig. 2, shows one made out of brown +feathers of young cassowary, white cockatoo feathers and red-black +parrot feathers. Plate 44, Fig. 3, shows one made out of bright red +and green parrot feathers. Plate 45, Fig. 1, shows one made out +of black cassowary feathers, white cockatoo feathers, red parrot +feathers and long red feathers of the bird of paradise. Plate 45, +Fig. 2, is made of cassowary feathers only. This ornament is worn in +front of the head, over the forehead, and is specially worn by chiefs. + +Plate 46, Fig. 1, shows a head feather ornament which is peculiar +to the mountains. The crescent-shaped body of the ornament, which is +made of short feathers taken from the neck of the cassowary, is worn +in front over the forehead, and the cockade of hawk feathers stands +up over the head. + +Plate 46, Fig. 2, shows a back ornament of cassowary feathers which +is specially intended to be worn by chiefs at dances. The custom is +to have from five to twelve of these ornaments hanging vertically +side by side, suspended to a horizontal stick, which is fastened on +the chief's back at the height of the shoulders, so that the feathers +hang like a mantle over his back. The mode in which feather ornaments +for the back are hung on sticks is seen in Plate 70, where a stick +with pendant ornaments is being held by two boys in front. + +Plaited frames (Plate 47) are worn by men in connection with these head +feather ornaments. These frames are flat curved bands, rigid or nearly +so, generally forming half or nearly half a circle of an external +diameter of about 9 inches, and being about 1 inch in width. They +are worn at dances and on solemn occasions. They are placed round +the top of the forehead, not vertically, but with their upper edges +sloping obliquely forward, and have at their ends strings, which pass +over the ears and are tied at the back of the head. These frames help +to support the feather ornaments, and prevent them from falling down +over the face. They are made by men only. A groundwork of small split +cane or other material runs in parallel curved lines from end to end, +single pieces of the material being generally doubled back at the ends +so as to form several lines; and this is strengthened and ornamented +by interplaiting into it either split cane or some other material +obtained from the splitting of the inside fibre of a plant in the way +previously referred to. There are varieties of material and of pattern +worked up in different designs of interplaiting. Some of the materials +are uncoloured or merely the natural colour of the material, and others +are in two colours, generally brown or reddish-brown and yellow. These +frames display a considerable amount of variety of artistic design. + +The feather erections used at special and important dances, and +especially those worn by chiefs, are enormous things, towering 6 +or 12 feet above the wearer's head, and are generally larger than +those of Mekeo. They are held in a framework, which has an inverted +basket-shaped part to rest on the head, and downward pointing rods, +which are tied to the shoulders. The frames are to a great extent +similar to those of Mekeo, but, having a larger burden to bear, they +are more strongly made. These feather erections and their frames are +seen in Plate 70. + +Here, as in other parts of New Guinea, both men and women, but +especially men, love to decorate themselves with bright flowers and +leaves and grasses, these being worn in the hair and in bunches stuck +into their belts, armlets and leg-bands, and indeed in any places +where they can be conveniently fastened. + +It is not the practice with the Mafulu for mothers to wear the +umbilical cords of any of their children, though apparently the Kuni +people do so. + + + + + + +CHAPTER IV + +Daily Life and Matters Connected with It + + +Daily Life. + +The early morning finds the wife and young children and unmarried +daughters in the house. The husband has been sleeping either there +or in the _emone_ (clubhouse), but most probably the latter. The +unmarried sons are in the _emone_, except any very young ones, who +have not been formally admitted to it in a way which will be hereafter +described. The women cook the breakfast for the whole family inside the +house at about six or seven o'clock, and then take the food of the men +to the _emone_. After breakfast most of the men and women go off to the +gardens and the bush. The women's work there is chiefly the planting +of sweet potatoes, taro and other things, and cleaning the gardens; +and in the afternoon they get food from the gardens and firewood from +the bush, all of which they bring home to the village; also they have +to clear off the undergrowth from newly cleared bush. The men's work is +mainly the yam and banana and sugar-cane planting, each in its season, +and the cutting down of big trees and making fences, if they happen to +be opening out new garden land. They also sometimes help the women with +their work. Or they may have hunting expeditions in the bush, or go +off in fishing parties to the river. In all matters the men of Mafulu, +though lazy, are not so lazy as those of Mekeo and the coast. In the +middle of the day the women cook the meal for everyone in the gardens, +this being done on the spot, and there they all eat it. At three, four, +or five o'clock all the people of the village have returned to it, +except perhaps when they are very busy taking advantage of good weather +for making new clearings or other special work. In the evening they +have another meal cooked in the village. At every meal in the village +the pigs have to be fed also, these sharing the food of the people +themselves, or feeding on raw potatoes. Unless there is dancing going +on, or they are tempted by a fine moonlight night to sit out talking, +the people all terminate their routine day by going to bed early. + +As regards the daily social conduct of the people among themselves, +I was told that the members of a family generally live harmoniously +together (subject as regards husbands and wives to the matters which +will be mentioned later), that children are usually treated kindly +and affectionately by their parents, and that there is very little +quarrelling within a village; and what I saw when I was among the +Mafulu people certainly seemed to confirm all this. + +There are various detailed matters of daily life which will appear +under their appropriate headings; but I will here deal with a few +of them. + + + + + +Food. + +The vegetable foods of the Mafulu people are sweet potato and other +plants of the same type, yam and other foods of the same type, taro and +other foods of that type, banana of different sorts, sugar-cane, a kind +of wild native bean, a cultivated reed-like plant with an asparagus +flavour (what it is I do not know), several plants of the pumpkin and +cucumber type, one of them being very small, like a gherkin, fruit from +two different species of Pandanus, almonds, the fruit of the _malage_ +(described later on), and others, both cultivated and wild. The +sugar-cane is specially eaten by them when working in the gardens. [49] + +Their animal food consists of wild pig and, on occasions, village pig, +a small form of cassowary, kangaroo, a small kind of wallaby, kangaroo +rat, "iguana," an animal called _gaivale_ (I could not find out what +this is), various wild birds, fish, eels, mice, a large species of +snake and other things. + +Their staple drink is water, but when travelling they cut down a +species of bamboo, and drink the watery fluid which it contains. After +boiling any food in bamboo stems they drink the water which has been +used for the purpose, and which has become a sort of thin flavoured +soup. + +Betel-chewing is apparently not indulged in by these people as +extensively as it is done in Mekeo and on the coast; but they like it +well enough, and for a month or so before a big feast, during which +period they are under a strict taboo restriction as to food, they +indulge in it largely. The betel used by them is not the cultivated +form used in Mekeo and on the coast, but a wild species, only about +half the size of the other; and the lime used is not, as in Mekeo +and on the coast, made by grinding down sea-shells, but is obtained +from the mountain stone, which is ground down to a powder. The gourds +(Plate 51, Figs. 6 and 7) in which the lime is carried are similar to +those used in Mekeo, except that usually they are not ornamented, or, +if they are so, the ornamentation is only done in simple straight-lined +geometric patterns. The spatulae are sometimes very simply and rudely +decorated. The people spit out the betel after chewing, instead of +swallowing it, as is the custom in Mekeo. + + +Cooking and Eating and Their Utensils. + +They have no cooking utensils, other than the simple pieces of bamboo +stem, which they use for boiling. + +Their usual methods of cooking are roasting and boiling. + +Roasting is usually effected by making a fire, letting it die +down into red-hot ashes, and then putting the food without wrap or +covering into the ashes, turning it from time to time. They also +roast by holding the food on sticks in the flame of the burning fire, +turning it occasionally. Stone cooking is adopted for pig and other +meats. They make a big fire, on the top of which they spread the +stones; when the stones are hot enough, they remove some of them, +place the meat without wrap or covering on the others, then place the +removed stones on the meat, and finally pile on these stones a big +covering of leaves to keep in the heat. Stone cooking in the gardens +is done in a slightly different way; there they dig in the ground a +round hole about 1 foot deep and from 1 1/2 to 2 feet in diameter, and +in this hole they make their fire, on which they pile their stones; +and the rest of the process is the same as before. This hole-making +process is never adopted in the village. The only reason for it which +was suggested was that the method was quicker, and that in the gardens +they are in a hurry. Of course, holes of this sort dug in the open +village enclosure would be a source of danger, especially at night. + +Boiling is done in pieces of bamboo about 4 inches in diameter +and about 15 or 18 inches long. They fill these with water, put the +food into them, and then place or hold the bamboo stems in a slanting +position in the flames. This method is specially used for cooking sweet +potatoes, but it is their only method of boiling anything. Water, which +they keep stored and carry in bamboo receptacles and hollow pumpkins, +is boiled in bamboo stems in the same way. The bamboo storage vessels +are generally from 2 to 5 feet long, the intersecting nodes, other +than that at one end, having been removed. The pumpkins (Plate 52, +Figs. 2 and 3) are similar to those used by the Roro coast people and +in Mekeo, except that the usual form, instead of being rather short +and broad with a narrow opening, is longer and narrower, some of them +being, say, 3 feet long, and often very curved and crooked in shape. + +Their only eating utensils are wooden dishes and small pieces of wood, +or sometimes of cassowary or kangaroo bone, which are used as forks, +and pieces of split bamboo, which are used for cutting meat; but these +latter are used for other purposes, and rather come within the list +of ordinary implements, and will be there described. They also use +prepared pig-bones as forks; but these again are largely used for +other purposes, and will be described under the same heading. + +The dishes (Plate 52, Fig. 1) are made out of the trunk of a tree +called _ongome_. The usual length of a dish, without its handles, +is between 1 and 2 feet; its width varies from 9 inches to 1 foot, +and its depth from 3 to 6 inches. It is rudely carved out of the +tree-trunk, [50] the work being done with stone adzes--unless they +happen to possess European axes--and it generally has a handle at one +or both ends. It is not decorated with carving in any way. The common +form of handle is merely a simple knob about 3 inches long and 1 1/2 +inches wide. But it is sometimes less simple, and I have a dish one +of the handles of which is divided into two projecting pieces about +7 1/2 inches long and joined to each other at the end. The handle +is always carved out of the same piece of wood as is the dish; +never made separately and afterwards attached. The wooden forks +are simply bits cut from trees and sharpened at one end, and they +are without prongs. Their use is only temporary, and they are not +permanently stored as household utensils. The cassowary and kangaroo +bone implements (Plate 25, Fig. 3) are also merely roughly pointed +unpronged pieces of bone, and otherwise without special form. When +eating _en famille_ they do not always use these pointed wooden and +bone sticks, but very commonly take the food out of the dish with +their hands only; but if the family had guests with them they would +probably use the sticks more, and their hands less. The men and women +often eat together, sitting round the dish and helping themselves +out of it, though, if there are too many to do this conveniently, +pieces will be handed out to some of them. + + +Various Implements. + +Besides the cooking and eating implements above described and +other things, such as weapons of war and of hunting and fishing, +and implements for manufacture, agriculture and music, which will be +dealt with under their own headings, there are a few miscellaneous +things which may be conveniently described here. + +Bamboo knives (Plate 51, Fig. 5). These are simple strips made out of +a special mountain form of bamboo, and are generally 8 to 10 inches +long and about 1 inch wide. One edge is left straight for its whole +length, and the other is cut away near the end, very much as we cut +away one side of a quill pen, so as to produce a sharp point. The +side edge which is used for cutting is the one which is not cut away +at the end; and when it gets blunt it is renewed by simply peeling +off a length of fibre, thus producing a new edge, bevelled inwards +towards the concave side of the implement, and making a hard and +very sharp fresh cutting edge. The point can of course be sharpened +at any time in the obvious way. + +Pig-bone implements (Plate 51, Fig. 2). These are the implements +which are often used as forks, but they have straight edges also +with which they are used as scraping knives, and they are utilised +for many other purposes. The implement, which is, I think, similar +to what is commonly found in Mekeo and on the coast, is made out of +the leg-bone of a pig, and is generally from 5 to 8 inches long. One +side of the bone is ground away, so as to make the implement flattish +in section, one side (the outside unground part of the bone) being +somewhat convex, and the other (where the bone has been ground away) +being rather concave. Some of the joint end of the bone is left to +serve as a handle; and from this the bone is made to narrow down to +a blunt, rather flattish and rounded point, somewhat like that of +a pointed paper-cutter. The side edge is used for scraping, and the +point for sticking into things. + +Smoking pipes are in the ordinary well-known form of Mekeo and the +coast, being made of sections of bamboo stem in which the natural +intersecting node near the mouthpiece end is bored and the node at the +other end is left closed, and between these two nodes, near to the +closed one, is a flute-like hole, in which is placed the cigarette +of tobacco wrapped up in a leaf. They are, however, generally not +ornamented; or, if they are so, it is merely in a simple geometric +pattern of straight lines. I obtained one pipe (Plate 51, Fig. 1) of +an unusual type, being much smaller than is usual. A special feature +of this pipe is its decoration, which includes groups of concentric +circles. This is the only example of a curved line which I ever met +with among the Mafulu villages, and it is probable that it had not +been made there. + +Boring drills (Plate 51, Fig. 4) are also similar to those of Mekeo +and the coast, except that there the fly-wheel is, I think, usually +a horizontal circular disc, through the centre of which the upright +shaft of the implement passes, whereas in the Mafulu boring instrument +the fly-wheel, through which the shaft passes, is a rudely cut flat +horizontal piece of wood about 9 or 10 inches long, 2 inches broad, +and half an inch or less thick, and also that in Mafulu the native +point, made out of a pointed fragment of the stone used for making +club-heads, adze blades and cloth-beaters, is not generally replaced +by a European iron point, as is so commonly the case in Mekeo and +near the coast. These drills are used for boring dogs' teeth and +shells and other similar hard-substanced things, but are useless +for boring articles of wood or other soft substances, in which the +roughly formed point would stick. [51] + +Fire-making. This is a question of process, rather than of implement, +but may be dealt with here. To produce fire, the Mafulu native +takes two pieces of very dry and inflammable wood, one larger than +the other, and some dry bark cloth fluff. He then holds the smaller +piece of wood and the fluff together, and rubs them on the larger +piece of wood. After four or five minutes the fluff catches fire, +without bursting into actual flame, upon which the native continues the +rubbing process, blowing gently upon the fluff, until the two pieces +of wood begin to smoulder, and can then be blown into a sufficient +flame for lighting a fire. + +Carrying bags. These are all made of network. I shall say something +about the mode of netting and colouring them hereafter, and will here +only deal with the bags and their use. They are of various sizes, + +(1) There are the large bags used by women for carrying heavy objects, +such as firewood, vegetables and fruit, which they bring back to +the village on their return in the afternoon from the gardens and +bush. These bags are carried in the usual way, the band over the +opening of the bag being passed across the front of the head above the +forehead, and the bag hanging over the back behind. They are curved +in shape, the ends of the bag being at both its top and bottom edges +higher than are the centres of those edges, so that, when a bag is +laid out flat, its top line is a concave one and its bottom line is a +convex one. The network at the two ends of the top line is continued +into the loop band by means of which the bag is carried. The usual +dimensions of one of these bags, as it lies flat and unstretched +on a table (the measurements being made along the curved lines) +are as follows--top line about 2 feet, bottom line about 3 feet, +and side lines about 18 inches. But when filled with vegetables, +firewood, etc., they expand considerably, especially those made of +"Mafulu network," of which I shall speak hereafter. These bags are +uncoloured. (2) There are similar, but somewhat smaller, bags, in +which the women carry lighter things, and which in particular they +use for carrying their babies. They frequently carry this bag and +the larger one together; and you will often see a woman with a big +bag heavily laden with vegetables or firewood or both, and another +smaller bag (perhaps also slung behind over the top of the big one, +or hanging from her head at her side, or over her breast), which +contains her baby, apparently rolled up into a ball. These bags also +are uncoloured. (3) There are other bags, similar perhaps in size to +No. 2, used for visiting and at feasts, dances and similar occasions, +and also sometimes used for carrying babies. The top line of one of +these is generally about 2 feet long, the bottom line a trifle longer, +and the side lines about 1 foot. These are coloured in decorative +patterns. (4) There are small bags of various sizes carried by men +slung over their shoulders or arms, and used to hold their betel-nut, +pepper and tobacco and various little implements and utensils of +daily life. These are sometimes uncoloured and sometimes coloured. (5) +There are the very small charm bags, only about 2 inches or a trifle +more square, which are used by both men and women (I think only the +married ones) for carrying charms, and are worn hanging like lockets +from the neck. They are sometimes coloured. + +Plate 53 gives illustrations of three of these bags--Fig. 1 being a +woman's ornamented bag No. 3, and Fig. 2 being a man's ornamented bag +No. 4; but this last-mentioned bag is rather a large one of its type, +the usual difference in size between Nos. 3 and 4 being greater than +the two examples figured would suggest. The patterns of both these +bags, and especially of the larger one, are more regular than is +usually the case. The bag shown in Fig. 3 will be dealt with hereafter +under the heading of netting. + +As regards women, the carrying of bags, either full or empty, hanging +over their backs is so common that one might almost regard the bag +as an additional article of dress. I may say here in advance of +my observations on netting that the distinctive features of Mafulu +bags, as compared with those made in Mekeo and on the coast, are the +special and peculiar form of netting which is commonly adopted for +some of them and the curious lines of colouring with which they are +often ornamented. + +Hammocks are commonly used in the houses and _emone_ for sleeping. [52] +These also are made of network and will be referred to later. The +distinctive feature of network mentioned in relation to bags applies +to these also, but not that of colouring. + +Pottery is not made or used in Mafulu. + +I may perhaps refer here to what I imagine to be an ancient stone +mortar, which I found at Mafulu, and which I have endeavoured to show +in Fig. 2. A portion of the upper part of the original was broken away, +and I regret that I did not try to sketch it just as it was, instead +of adopting the easier course of following what had been the original +lines. I am also sorry that its great weight made it impossible for me +to bring it down with me to the coast, [53] and that by an oversight +I did not secure a photograph of it. The vessel was well and evenly +shaped. It had perfectly smooth surfaces, without any trace of cutting +or chipping, and must have been made by grinding. It was devoid of any +trace of decoration. Its top external diameter was about 12 inches, +its height, when standing upright on its base, was about 8 inches, +and the thickness of the bowl at the lip about 1 inch. I was told +that similar things are from time to time found in the district, +generally on the ridges, far away from water. A Mafulu chief said +that the Mafulu name for these things is _idagafe._ The natives have +no knowledge of their origin or past use, the only explanation of the +latter which was suggested being that they were used as looking-glasses +by looking into the scummy surface of the water inside them. [54] + +European things. The Mafulu people are now beginning, mainly through +the missionaries of the Sacred Heart, and also through their contact +with Mekeo and other lowland tribes, to get into touch with European +manufactures. Trade beads, knives, axes, plane irons (used by them +in place of stone blades for their adzes), matches and other things +are beginning to find their way directly and indirectly into such of +the villages as are nearest to the opportunities of procuring them +by exchange or labour. + + +Domestic Animals. + +Dogs may occasionally, though only rarely, be seen in the villages, +but these are small black, brownish-black, or black and white dogs +with very bushy tails, and not the yellow dingo dogs which infest +the villages of Mekeo; and even these Mafulu dogs are, I was told, +not truly a Mafulu institution, having been obtained by the people, +I think, only recently from their Kuni neighbours. A tame cockatoo may +also very occasionally be seen, and even, though still more rarely, +a tame hornbill. There are no cocks and hens. + +The universal domestic animal of the Mafulu, however, is the pig, +and he is so important to them that he is worthy of notice. These +pigs are "village" pigs, which, though naturally identical with "wild" +pigs--being, in fact, wild pigs which have been caught alive or their +descendants--have to be distinguished from wild pigs, and especially +so in connection with feasts and ceremonies. + +Village pigs are the individual property of the householders who +possess them, there being no system of community or village ownership; +and, when required for feasts and ceremonies, each household has to +provide such pig or pigs as custom requires of it. They are bred in the +villages by their owners, and by them brought up, fed and tended, the +work of feeding and looking after them being the duty of the women. No +distinguishing ownership marks are put upon the pigs, but their owners +know their own pigs, and still more do the pigs know the people who +feed them; so that disputes as to ownership do not arise. The number +of pigs owned by these people is enormous in proportion to the size +of their villages, and I was told that a comparatively small village +will be able at a big feast to provide a number of village pigs much +in excess of what will be produced by one of the big Mekeo villages. + +These village pigs often wander away into the bush, and may disappear +from sight for months; but they nevertheless still continue to +be village pigs. If, however, they are not seen or heard of for a +very long time (say six months), they are regarded as having become +wild pigs, and may be caught and appropriated as such. It is usual +with village pigs to clip or shorten their ears and tails, or even +sometimes to remove their eyes, so as to keep them from wandering +into the gardens. [55] But even a village pig thus marked as such +would be regarded as having become a wild pig if it had disappeared +for a very long time. + +Village pigs (as distinguished from wild pigs) are, as will be seen +below, never eaten in their own village on ceremonial occasions, +or indeed perhaps at all, being only killed and cut up and given to +the visitors to take away and eat in their own villages. + + +Etiquette. + +These simple people do not appear to have many customs which come +under the heading of etiquette, pure and simple. + +A boy must soon, say within a few weeks, after he has received his +perineal band leave the parental home, and go to live in the _emone;_ +but this rule only refers to his general life, and does not prohibit +him from ever entering his parents' house. If he receives his band +when he is very young, this rule will not begin to operate until he +is ten or twelve years old. He is in no case under any prohibition +from being in or crossing the village enclosure. A girl is allowed to +enter the _emone_, though she may not sleep there, prior to receiving +her band, but after that she must never enter it. + +A young unmarried man, who has arrived at the marriageable age, must +not eat in the presence of women. He can eat in the bush, or inside +the _emone_, but he must not eat on the platform of the _emone_, +where women might see him. There appear to be no other customs +of mutual avoidance, as, for example, that between son-in-law and +mother-in-law, and with reference to other marriage relationships, +such as are found in some of the Solomon Islands, and among various +other primitive races. + +Children and unimportant adults must always pass behind a chief, +not in front of him, and when a chief is speaking, everyone else, +old and young, must be silent. + +Young men and girls associate and talk freely together in public +among other people, but no young man would go about alone with a girl, +unless he was misconducting himself with her, or wished to do so. + +Visiting is purely friendly and social, and there is no personal +system of formal and ceremonial visiting, except as between communities +or villages. + +There do not appear to be any forms of physical salutation, but there +are recognised ways in which men address one another on meeting and +parting. If A and B meet in the bush, A may say to B, "Where do you +come from?", and B will answer, "I come from----." A may then say, +"Where are you going to?", and B will reply to this. Then B may +put similar questions to A, and will be similarly answered. These +questions are not necessarily asked because the questioner is really +anxious for information, but are in the nature of a formality,--the +equivalent of our "How do you do?" The system of asking and answering +these questions, though well recognised as a social form, is not +in practice strictly adhered to. Also A, on coming to a village and +finding B there, and wishing to salute him, will call him by name, +and B will then call A by name. Then A will say, "You are here," +and B will reply, "I am here." This form is more strictly carried +out than is the other one. Then when A leaves he will say to B, +"I am going," and B will answer, "Go." Then B will call A by his +name, and A will call B by name, and the formality is finished. If A, +being very friendly with B, comes to his village to see him, on A's +departure B, and probably B's family, will accompany A out of the +village, and will stand watching his departure until he is about to +disappear round the corner of the path; and then they will call out +his name, and he will respond by calling out B's name. + +Gestures may perhaps be included under this heading, though there is +apparently but little to be said about the matter. When a question +is asked, an affirmative reply is indicated by nodding the head, +and a negative one by shaking it; and, though I asked if this was +not probably the result of association with people who had been among +white men, I was told that it was not so. A negative answer is also +often expressed by shrugging the shoulders, and a kind of grimace +with the lips. The nodding of the head to a negative question, such +as "Are you not well?" signifies assent to the negative, that is, +that he is not well, and so vice-versa with the shaking of the head. + + + + + + + +CHAPTER V + +Community, Clan, and Village Systems and Chieftainship + + +Communities, Clans, and Villages. + +The native populations of the Mafulu area are scattered about in +small groups or clusters of villages or hamlets; and, as each cluster +of villages is for many purposes a composite and connected whole, +I propose to call such a cluster a "community." Friendships, based +on proximity and frequent intercourse and intermarriage, doubtless +arise between neighbouring communities, but otherwise there does +not appear to be any idea in the minds of the people of any general +relationship or common interest between these various communities of +the area. Each community regards the members of every other community +within the area as outsiders, just as much so as are, say, the Ambo +people to the north and the Kuni people to the west. If a community, +or group of communities together, were the subject of an attack from +either Ambo or Kuni natives, each of these being people whose language +is different--as regards the Kuni utterly different--from that of the +Mafulu, there would apparently be no thought of other Mafulu-speaking +communities, as such, coming to assist in repelling the attack. Hence +in dealing with the question of inter-village relationship, I have +to fix my mind mainly upon the community and its constituent parts. + +Concerning the situation as between one community and another, +as they regard themselves as quite distinct and unrelated, the only +question which seems to arise is that of the ownership of, and rights +over, the intervening bush and other land. The boundaries between +what is regarded as the preserve of one community, within which its +members may hunt and fish, clear for garden purposes, cut timber, and +collect fruit, and that of an adjoining community are perfectly well +known. The longitudinal boundaries along the valleys are almost always +the rivers and streams, which form good boundary marks; but those +across the hills and ridges from stream to stream are, I was told, +equally defined in the minds of the natives, though no artificial +boundary marks are visible. These boundaries are mutually respected, +and trouble and fighting over boundary and trespass questions are, +I was told, practically unknown, the people in this respect differing +from those of Mekeo. + +A community comprises several villages, the number of which may vary +from, say, two to eight. But the relationship between all the villages +is not identical. There is a clan system, and there is generally more +than one clan in a community. Often there are three or more of such +clans. Each clan, however, has its own villages, or sometimes one +village only, within the community, and two clans are never found +represented in any one village, [56] or any one clan spread over two +or more communities. + +Fig. 3 is a diagrammatic illustration of a typical Mafulu community, +the circles representing villages of one clan, the squares those of +another clan, and the triangle being the sole village of a third clan. + +I have said that the entire community is for many purposes a composite +whole. In many matters they act together as a community. This is +especially so as regards the big feast, which I shall describe +hereafter. It is so also to a large extent in some other ceremonies +and in the organisation of hunting and fishing parties and sometimes +in fighting. And the community as a whole has its boundaries, within +which are the general community rights of hunting, fishing, etc., +as above stated. + +But the relationship between a group of villages of any one clan +within the community is of a much closer and more intimate character +than is that of the community as a whole. These villages of one +clan have a common _amidi_ or chief, a common _emone_ or clubhouse, +and a practice of mutual support and help in fighting for redress +of injury to one or more of the individual members; and there is a +special social relationship between their members, and in particular +clan exogamy prevails with them, marriages between people of the same +clan, even though in different villages, being reprobated almost as +much as are marriages between people of the same village. + +The Mafulu word for village is _emi_, but there are no words +signifying the idea of a community of villages and that of a group +of villages belonging to the same clan within that community. As +regards the latter there is the word _imbele_, but this word is used +to express the intimate social relationship existing between the +members of a clan, and not to express the idea of an actual group of +villages. Communities and villages have geographical names. The name +adopted for a community will probably be the name of some adjoining +river or ridge. That adopted for a village will probably be the name +of the exact crest or spot on which it is placed, the minuteness of +the geographical nomenclature here being remarkable. Clan-groups of +villages, forming part of a community, have, as such, no geographical +names, but a member of one such group will distinguish himself from +those of another group by saying that he is a man of----, giving the +name of the chief of the clan occupying the group. + +I was assured that, when there are two or more villages of a clan with +a common chief and emone, they have originally been one village which +has split up, an event which undoubtedly does in fact take place; +while on the other hand the several villages of a clan, presumably +the outcome of a previous splitting-up of a single village, will +sometimes amalgamate together into one village, which thus becomes +the only village of the clan. But two villages of different clans +could never amalgamate in this way. The following are examples of +these village changes:-- + +Near to the Mafulu Mission station is a community called Sivu, which +includes seven villages occupied by three clans, as follows [57]:-- + + + 1. Voitele Belonging to a clan whose chief, Jaria, lives + at Amalala, where the clan _emone_ is. + 2. Amalala + 3. Kodo-Malabe + 4. Motaligo + 5. Malala Belonging to a clan whose chief, Gito-iola, lived + at Malala, where the clan _emone_ is. (He has + recently retired in favour of his eldest son, + Anum' Iva, who is the present chief, and also lives + there.) + 6. Gelva + 7. Seluku Being the only village of a clan whose chief, Baiva, + has recently died. His eldest son, who has succeeded + him, is an infant. There is no regency. + + +Also near the Mission station is a community called Alo, which includes +four villages occupied by two clans, as follows:-- + + + 1. Asida Belonging to a clan whose chief, Amo-Kau, lives + at Asida, where the _emone_ is. + 2. Kotsi + 3. Ingomaunda + 4. Uvande Being the only village of a clan whose chief + is Iu-Baibe. + + +Referring to these villages, in the year 1899 the clan now occupying +the four villages Voitele, Amalala, Kodo-Malabe and Motaligo had only +a single village, Kaidiabe, the clan's chief being the above-mentioned +Jaria. Then there was a Government punitive expedition, following +the attack of the natives upon Monseigneur de Boismenu (the present +Bishop of the Mission of the Sacred Heart in British New Guinea) and +his friends, who were making their first exploration of the district, +in which expedition a number of natives, including the brother of +the chief, were killed. After that the village was abandoned, and +the three villages of Voitele, Amalala and Motaligo arose in its +place. Subsequently after a big feast, which was held at Amalala in +the year 1909, that village put out an offshoot, which is the present +village of Kodo-Malabe. Also in the year 1909 the village of Uvande +was represented by seven villages, all belonging to one clan under +the chieftainship of Iu-Baibe, the names of which were Ipolo, Olona, +Isisibei, Valamenga, Amada, Angasabe and Amambu; but after the feast +above mentioned the people of that clan all abandoned their villages, +and joined together in forming the present village of Uvande. + +The chief, that is the true chief, of a clan has his house in one of +the villages of the clan, and if, as sometimes occurs, he has houses +in two or more of these villages, there is one village in which is +what is regarded as his usual residence, and this is the village in +which is the _emone_ of the clan. + +As regards the relative predominance of the various clans of a +community and their respective chiefs in matters affecting the whole +community (_e.g.,_ the arranging and holding of a big feast), there +is no rule or system. The predominance will probably, unless there +be a great disparity in the actual size or importance of the clans, +and perhaps even to a certain extent notwithstanding such a disparity, +fall to the clan whose chief by his superior ability or courage or +force of character, or perhaps capacity for palavering, has succeeded +in securing for himself a predominating influence in the community. + +The word _imbele_ and certain other words are used to designate the +closeness or otherwise of the connection between individuals. _Imbele_ +signifies the close connection which exists between members of one +clan, and a man will say of another member of his clan that he is +his _imbele_. The word _bilage_ signifies a community connection, +which is recognised as being not so close as a clan connection; +and a man will say of another, who is outside his own clan, but is a +member of his own community, that he is his _bilage_. The expression +_a-gata_ signifies absence of any connection, and a man will refer +to a member of another community, Mafulu, Kuni, Ambo, or anything +else (there is no distinction between these in the use of the term) +as being _a-gata_, thereby meaning that he is an outsider. + +This brings me to the question of the use by me of the term "clan" to +designate the intimate association above referred to. To begin with, +there is a considerable difference between the situation produced by +the clan system, if it may be regarded as such, of Mafulu and that of, +say, Mekeo, where one finds several clans occupying one village, and +where members of one clan may be scattered over several more or less +distant villages; though this latter difference might perhaps arise in +part from natural geographical causes, the flat lowlands of the Mekeo +people being highly favourable to inter-village communication over +their whole areas, and to the holding of their recognised and numerous +markets, whilst it may almost be assumed that such intercommunication +would be more restricted, at all events in days gone by, among the +Mafulu inhabitants of the mountains. + +Then again in Mafulu there are no clan badges, nor are there any +realistic or conventional representations of, or designs which can +to my mind be possibly regarded as representing, or having had their +origin in the representation of, animals, birds, fishes, plants, +or anything else. As regards this, however, it may be mentioned +that the Mafulu people are very primitive and undeveloped, and have +not in their art any designs which could readily partake of this +imitative character, their artistic efforts never producing curves, +and indeed not going beyond geometric designs composed of straight +lines, rectangular and zig-zag patterns and spots. + +Also I was unable to discover the faintest trace of any idea +which might be regarded as being totemistic, or having a totemistic +origin. In particular, although enquiry was made from ten independent +and trustworthy native sources, I could not find a trace of any system +of general clan taboo against the killing or the eating of any animal, +bird, fish, or plant. It is true that there are various temporary +food taboos associated with special conditions and events, and that +there are certain things the eating of which is regarded as permanently +taboo to certain individuals; but the former of these restrictions are +general and are not associated with particular clans or communities, +and the latter restrictions relate separately to the individuals only, +and apparently are based in each case on the fact that the food has +been found to disagree with him; though whether the restriction is +the result of mere common sense based upon individual experience, +or has in it an element of superstition as to something which may be +harmful to the individual concerned, is a point upon which I could +not get satisfactory explanation. + +Again, still dealing with the question of totemism, I may say that +the community and village names (as already stated, there are no +clan names) do not appear to be referable to any possible totemistic +objects. There is no specific ancestor worship, in connection with +which I could endeavour to trace out an association between that +ancestor and a totemistic object, and there is no special reverence +paid to any animal or vegetable, except certain trees and creepers, +the fear of which is associated with spirits and ghosts generally, +and not with ghosts of individual persons, and except as regards +omen superstitions concerning flying foxes and fireflies, which are +general and universal among all these people, and except as regards +the possible imitative character of the Mafulu dancing, which, if +existent, is probably also universal. + +Moreover, I was told that now, at any rate, the people regard their +_imbele_ or clan relationship as a social one, as well as one of +actual blood, a statement which is illustrated by the fact that, +if a member of one clan leaves his village to reside permanently in a +village of another clan, he will regard the members of the latter clan, +and will himself be regarded by them, as being _imbele_, although he +does not part with the continuing _imbele_ connection between himself +and the other members of his original clan. + +On the other hand the association between members of a clan +is exceedingly close, so much so that a serious injury done by +an outsider to one member of a clan (_e.g._, his murder, or the +case of his wife eloping with a stranger and her family refusing to +compensate him for the price which he had paid for her on marriage) +is taken up by the entire clan, who will join the injured individual +in full force to inflict retribution; and, as already stated, the +members of a clan share in one common chief and one common _emone_, +intermarriage between them is regarded as wrong, and apparently each +group of villages occupied by a single clan has in origin been a single +village, and may well have a common descent. I think, therefore, that +I am justified in regarding these internal sections of a community +as clans. + + +Chiefs, Sub-Chiefs and Notables and Their Emone + +At the head of each clan is the _amidi_, or chief of the clan. He is, +and is recognised as being, the only true chief. + +He is the most important personage of his clan, and is treated +with the respect due to his office; but, though he takes a leading +part in all matters affecting the clan, he is not a person with any +administrative or judicial functions, and he has no power of punishment +or control over the members of the clan. In public ceremonial matters +of importance, however, he has functions which rest primarily upon him +alone, and he does, in fact, always perform these functions in his own +village; and on the occasion of a big feast (as to which see below), +he does so in whatever village of the clan that feast may be held. + +The chief lives in one of the villages of the clan, but may have +houses in other villages of that clan also. In the village in which +he mainly resides is his _emone_ or club-house, which is the only +true _emone_ of the clan; and for the upkeep and repair of this he is +responsible. This is the ceremonial _emone_ in his own village, and +is always the one used in connection with the ceremony of a big feast +in any village of the clan; and, if the feast be held in a village +other than that in which is his then existing _emone_, another one is +built in that village in lieu of his former one in the other village. + +There is not in connection with these chiefs and their ceremonies any +distinctive difference in importance between the right and the left +as regards the positions occupied by them on the _emone_ platform or +the structure of the _emone_, such as is found among the Roro people. + +Next in rank to the chief, and at the head of each village of the clan, +there is a sub-chief, or _em' u babe_, this term meaning "father of the +village." He is not regarded as a true chief, but he is entitled, and +it is his duty, to perform in his own village all the functions of the +chief, except those connected with the big feast. He and the similar +sub-chiefs of the other villages of the clan are the persons who take +the prominent part in supporting the chief in any ceremonial function +concerning the whole clan in which the latter may be engaged, and in +particular at the big feast. The _em' u babe_ is usually a relative +of the chief, and at all events is an important personage. He also +has in his own village his _emone_, which is the principal _emone_ +of that village, and is used for all ceremonial functions in that +village except the big feast, but it is not regarded as being a true +_emone_. The chief holds in his own village of residence both his +office of _amidi_ and that of _em' u babe_, there being no other +person holding the latter office in that village. + +Next in rank to the sub-chiefs come a number of _ake baibe_, which +means "great men." These are the leading people--the aristocracy--of +the clan. There are no distinctive social grades of rank among +them. Their number is often very large in proportion to the total +number of male inhabitants of a village; indeed sometimes almost +every member of a village will claim to belong to this class. These +people are in no sense office-bearers, and have no special duties +to perform, though on a ceremonial occasion they are entitled to +have their importance borne in mind. Each of them also is entitled +to have an _emone_ (here again not a true _emone_) in his village, +but in fact their numbers often make this practically impossible, +and you rarely see more than two or three _emone_ in one village. + +The above are all the chiefs and notables of the clan. There is no +such thing as a war chief. + +Aristocracy in its various forms is not a condition to which a man +attains on getting older--it is attained by inheritance. + +The office of the chief is hereditary in the male line by strict +rules of descent and primogeniture. On the death of a chief his office +descends to his eldest son, or if that son has died leaving children, +it descends to the eldest son of that son, and so on for subsequent +generations. Failing the eldest son or male issue in the male line +of the eldest son, the office devolves upon the late chiefs second +son or his male issue in the male line. And so on for other sons +and their issue. Failing such male issue the office passes to a +collateral relation of the late chief on his father's side (_e.g._, +the late chief's next eldest brother or that brother's son, or the +late chief's second brother or that brother's son), the ascertainment +of the devolution being based upon a general principle of nearest +male relationship in the male line and primogeniture. [58] + +The chief holds his office for life, but he may in his lifetime +resign it in favour of the person entitled to succeed him, and this +in fact often occurs. He cannot, however, on the appointment of +his successor still continue in office himself, so as to create a +joint chieftainship, as is done in Mekeo. He, as chief, is subject +to no special taboo, and there is no qualification for office, +other, of course, than hereditary right; but no chief can perform +the functions of his office, or build for himself an _emone_, +until he has married. There is no ceremony on the chiefs accession +to office on the death of his predecessor; but there is a ceremony +(to be described hereafter) on a chief's abdication in favour of his +successor. Cases have, I was told, occurred in which a man has in +one way or another forced himself into the position of chief, though +not qualified by descent, and has thus become a chief, from whom +subsequent chieftainship descent has been traced, but I could learn +nothing of the circumstances under which this had occurred. Also it +has happened that, when a chief has been weak, and has not asserted his +position, a sub-chief has more or less usurped his power and influence, +without actually upsetting his chieftainship or supplanting him in +his performance of ceremonial duties. + +If the chief on acquiring office by inheritance is a child, or not +qualified to act (_e.g._, unmarried), he is nevertheless chief; but +some person will usually act as his guardian, and perform his functions +for him until he has qualified. This person will probably be one of the +young chief's eldest male paternal relations (_e.g._, the eldest living +brother of the last previous chief), and will presumably be a person +of consequence; but he will not necessarily be one of the sub-chiefs. + +All the above observations concerning the hereditary nature of a +chief's office and subsequently explained matters apply also to the +case of a sub-chief, except that there is no ceremony on his resigning +office in favour of his successor, and that the usurpation of the +office of a sub-chief, of the occurrence of which I found no record, +would perhaps be more difficult of accomplishment. In the event of +a village throwing off an offshoot village, or itself splitting up +into two villages, the then existing sub-chief of the original village +would continue his office in it or, in case of a division, in one of +the villages resulting from the split, and the other village would have +for its sub-chief some one of the _ake-baibe_ of the original village, +probably the one who was most active in organising the split. On +the other hand, if several villages united into one, one only of +their sub-chiefs could be sub-chief of the village arising from the +amalgamation, and the others would sink to the rank of _ake-baibe_. + +The observations concerning the hereditary nature of a chiefs rank +also apply to the _ake-baibe_. I have no information concerning them +on the other points; but these are not so important as regards these +people, who have no official position and have no duties to perform. + +There are, as will be seen hereafter, a number of persons who are +employed from time to time to perform various acts and functions of a +ceremonious or superstitious character, notably the man who has the +important duty of killing pigs at feasts; but these men are not by +virtue of their offices or functions either chiefs or sub-chiefs, or +even notables or important personages. It is in each case a matter of +the specific personal power which the man is believed to possess. Any +of them might happen to be an important personage, and the pig-killer, +whose office is a prominent one, would probably be one; though in his +case muscular strength would, I understand, be an important element +of qualification. [59] + + + + + + + +CHAPTER VI + +Villages, Emone, Houses and Modes of Inter-Village Communication + + +Villages and Their Emone and Houses. + +The Mafulu villages are generally situated on narrow plateaux or +ridges, sloping down on each side; but the plateaux are not usually so +narrow, nor the slopes so steep, as are those of the Kuni district, and +the villages themselves are not generally so narrow, as the contour of +the country does not involve these conditions to the same extent. Also +the Mafulu villages are on the lower ridges only, and not on the high +mountains; but the actual elevations above sea-level of these lower +ridges are, I think, generally higher than those of the top ridges of +the Kuni. Plate 54 shows the position and surroundings of the village +of Salube (community of Auga), and is a good representative example, +except that the plate does not show any open grassland. + +The villages are, or were, protected with stockades and with pits +outside the stockades, and sometimes with platforms on trees near the +stockade boundaries, from which platforms the inhabitants can shoot +and hurl stones upon an enemy climbing up the slope. The stockade +is made of timber, is about 15 to 25 feet high, and is generally +constructed in three or more parallel rows or lines, each of the +lines having openings, but the openings never being opposite to one +another. These protections have now, however, been largely, though +not entirely, discontinued. [60] It is, or was, also the practice, +when expecting an attack, to put into the ground in the approaches +to the village calthrop-like arrow-headed objects, with their points +projecting upwards. + +The average size of the villages is small compared with that of the +large villages of Mekeo, some of them having only six or eight houses, +though many villages have thirty houses, and some of them have fifty +or sixty or more. The houses and _emone_ are much smaller than those +of Mekeo, and much ruder and simpler in construction and they have +no carving or other decoration. There are no communal houses. + +The houses are ranged in two parallel rows along the side of the ridge, +with an open village space between them, the space being considerably +longer than it is broad, and more or less irregular in shape. The +houses are generally built with their door-openings facing inwards +towards the village enclosure. + +At one end of the village, and facing down the open space, is the +chief's or sub-chief's _emone_. These are, like the Roro _marea_ +and the Mekeo _ufu_, used, not only in connection with ceremonies, +but also as living houses for men, especially unmarried men, and +for the accommodation of visitors to the village. There are probably +also in the village the _emone_ of one or more of the notables before +mentioned, of which one will be at the other end of the village and +any others will be among the houses at the side of, and facing into, +the village enclosure. There are not often more than three _emone_, +true or otherwise, in one village. + +You of course do not find the surrounding palm groves of Mekeo and the +coast; nor do you generally see the waste space behind the houses, +or the ring of garden plots outside the waste space, the position +of the village on its ridge being usually hardly adapted to the +latter. You may, however, often find garden plots very near to the +village. Each family has its own house, and, except as regards the +_emone_ and their use, there are no separate houses for men or women, +or for any class of them. + +The Mafulu _emone_ is an oblong building, erected on piles of very +varying height, the interior floor being anything from 3 to 15 feet +above the ground. In size also it varies very much, but generally it +is internally about 12 to 15 feet long from front to back, and about +8 to 12 feet in width. The roof, which is thatched with long, rather +broad leaves, is constructed on the ridge and gable principle, with +the gable ends facing the front and the back, and the roof sloping +on both sides in convex curves from the ridge downwards. Remarkable +and specially distinctive features of the building are the thatched +roof appendages projecting from the tops of the two gable ends +(front and back), the forms of which appendages are somewhat like a +hood or the convex fan-shaped semicircular roof of an apse, and in +construction are sometimes made as rounded overhanging continuations +of the upper part of the roof, and sometimes as independent additions, +not continuous with, and not forming parts of, the actual roof. In +front of the building, but not at the back, is a platform at a level +about a foot below that of the inner floor, extending the whole +length of the front of the building, and projecting forwards to a +distance of from 2 to 5 feet. The approach from the ground to this +platform in the case of a high-built emone is a rudely constructed +ladder, but when the building is only low and near the ground it is +generally merely a rough sloping piece of tree trunk, or even only a +stump. The two gable ends are enclosed with walls made of horizontal +tree branches, two or three of which are, at both the front and rear +ends of the building, discontinued for a short distance in the centre, +so as to leave openings. These openings are, say, 2 feet or more +above the level of the front outside platform, and 1 foot or more +above that of the inside floor, and are usually very small; so that, +in entering or leaving the building, you have to step up to, or even +climb, and wriggle yourself through the opening, and then step down +on the other side. Inside the building you find the centre of the +floor space occupied by a longitudinal fireplace, about 2 feet broad, +extending from front to back of the building; and the floors on each +side of this fireplace slope upwards somewhat from the visible level +of the fire-place towards the sides of the building. The fireplace +part of the interior is, in fact, dropped to a level below that of +the adjoining floors, so as to form a long trough, which is filled +up with soil upon which the fire can burn; and it is the visible +top level of this soil covering which is practically flush with +the inside lower level of the adjacent upward-sloping floors. Some +distance below the roof there is usually an open ceiling of reeds, +used for the purpose of storing and drying fruits and other things, +and especially, as will be seen hereafter, for drying fruit required +in the preparation for the big feast. + +Fig. 4 is a diagram of the front of an _emone_, disclosing the internal +plan of the floor and fireplace, for which purpose the front hood of +the roof and the front platform are omitted from the plan, and of the +horizontal front timbers the third up from the bottom is shown at the +ends only, the middle part being omitted, and small portions of the +timbers immediately above them are omitted. The words in parentheses +appearing in the explanatory notes to the figure are the Mafulu names +for the various parts of the building. + + +_Explanatory Notes to Fig._ 4. + + +(_a_) Main posts, one at the front of the building, one in the middle, +and one at the back (_apopo_). + +(_b_) Posts supporting roof, a line of them running along each side +(_tedele_). + +(_c_) Posts supporting outer edge of flooring, a line of them on each +side (_emuje_ or _aje_). + +(_d_) Post supporting inner edge of flooring and hearth, a line of +them on each side (_foj' ul' emuje_). + +(_e_) Lower ridge pole (_tanguve_). + +(_f_) Main downward-sloping roof work, strongly made, going all the +way back, only four or five of them on each side (_loko-loko_). + +(_g_) Upper ridge pole (_tope_). + +(_h_) Main horizontal roof work, resting on _f_ (_gegebe_). + +(_i_) Upper downward-sloping roof work, not so thick as _f_ resting +on _h_, going all the way back at intervals of about 1 foot (_engala_). + +(_k_) Upper horizontal roof work, not so thick as _h_ +resting on _i_ (_gegebe_) + +(_l_) Thatch made of leaves (_asase_). + +_Note._--The roof (excluding the hood) projects forward and overhangs +a little beyond the post _a_, so as to overhang the greater part, but +not the whole, of the platform; the hood (not shown in this figure) +is really intended to shelter the platform. + +(_m_) Pole supporting roof (_karia_). + +(_n_) Pole supporting outer edge of floor (_karia_). + +(_o_) Pole supporting inner edge of floor and enclosing hearth +(_jakusube_). + +(_p_) Floor, composed of transverse woodwork (_koimame_) with thin +light longitudinal lath work on top of it (_ondovo_). + +(_q_) Pole above inner edge of floor and edging hearth, not so thick +as _o_ (_bubuje_). + +(_r_) Floor of fireplace, upon which soil is put (_foj' ul maovo_). + +(_s_) Pieces of wood supported by _c_ and _d_, going right across +building and over floor of fireplace, but under its earth, all the +way back (_kooije_). + +(_t_) Wall timbers below top of door-opening, at front and back +(_kautape_). + +_Note._--_t_(1)goes right across under door-opening, but the middle +portion of it is omitted from the diagram, and the lower edges +of timbers _t_ (2) are partly broken off, so as to show floor and +fireplace. + +(_u_) Wall timbers above top of door-opening (_dibindi_). + +_Note._--_t_ and _u_ together-the whole wall-are called _bou_. + +(_v_) Uprights bracing together _t_ and _u_ (Mafulu name unknown). + +(_w_) Ceiling made with reeds and used for storing and drying fruit, +etc. It may occupy the whole length of the building and the whole +width of it, or part only of either or both of these (_avale_). + +(_x_) Space filled up with soil and used as hearth (_foje_). + +(_y_) Door-opening, one at back also (_akomimbe_). + + + +Fig. 5 is a diagram of a transverse section across the centre of an +_emone_, showing the internal construction. The explanatory note only +deals with portions not explained in those to Fig. 4. + +_Explanatory Note to Fig._ 5. + +Post _a_ is the main central support of the building corresponding +with post _a_ in Fig. 4. Posts _b b_ are central side supports to +the roof. Poles _c_ and _d_ are attached to posts _a b b_, and help +to strengthen the fabric. These poles are also used for hanging up +sleeping hammocks, the other extremities of which are hung to the +_loko-loko_ of the roof (Fig. 4, _f_). The name for post _a_ is _dudu_, +but this word is often used to express the whole structure _a b b c d_. + +I have endeavoured in the diagrammatic sketch--Fig. 6--to illustrate +the apse-like projection of the roof of an _emone_ and the platform +arrangements. I have in this sketch denuded the apse roof of its +thatch, showing it in skeleton only; and I have shaded all timber +work behind the platform, in order more clearly to define the latter. + +_Explanatory Notes to Fig._ 6. + +(_a_) Front end of thatch (_asase_) of main roof. + +(_b c d_) Front apse-shaped roof (_siafele_), the thatch having been +removed to show its internal construction. + +(_b c, b e, b d_) Downward-sloping roof work (_engala_). + +(_f f, c d_] Horizontal roof work (_gegebe_), carried round in curves. + +_Note._--Sometimes the apse-shaped roof is constructed as a +continuation of the main roof of the building, in which case +the _gegebe_ of the former are a continuation of those of the +latter. Sometimes the apse roof is a separate appendage, not connected +with the main roof, and in that case the _gegebe_ of the former are +separate from those of the latter, and are fixed at their extremities +to the _loko-loko_ of the main roof. + +(_g_) Posts supporting the platform (_purum'-ul' emuge_). + +(_h_) Horizontal platform supports resting at one end on _g_ and at +the other end fixed to either the _tedele_ or the _emuje_. + +(_i_) Platform (_purume_). + +_Note._--It will be seen that the front _apopo_ passes through the +platform. + +(_k_) Additional supports to the apse roof, which are sometimes added, +but are not usual. Their lower ends rest on the platform and they are +connected with the apse roof at its outer edge (Mafulu name unknown). + +(_l_) A stump by which to get on to the platform. This is often a +rough sloping piece of tree-trunk; where the platform of the emone +is high it is a rudely constructed ladder (_gigide_). + +_Note._--The entire facade of the front gable end is called _konimbe_ +(which means door) or _purume_ (which means platform). That of the +back gable end is called _apei_. + +_Note._--The height of the door-opening above the outside platform +is shown in this figure. + +The houses are in construction very similar to the _emone_, and in +fact the above description of the latter may be taken as a description +of a house, subject to the following modifications: (i.) The house is +never raised high, its floor always being within a foot or two of the +ground, (ii.) It is smaller than the _emone_, its average internal +dimensions being about 8 to 12 feet long, and 8 to 10 feet wide, +(iii.) The roof generally slopes down on both sides to the level of +the ground (concealing the side structure of the house) or nearly +so. (iv.) The projecting hood of the roof is only added at the front +of the building, and not at the rear; and it is usually separate from, +and not continuous with, the real roof. [61] (v.) The platform is +generally small and narrow, and often only extends for half the length +of the front of the house, and, being always within a foot or two of +the ground, it does not possess or require a ladder or tree-trunk +approach; it is also narrower. Frequently there is no platform at +all. (vi.) There is no entrance opening at the back of the house, +(vii.) The front entrance opening is smaller and narrower and more +difficult of entry. When the family are absent, they generally put +sticks across this opening to bar entry, whereas the entrance opening +of the _emone_ is always open, (viii.) The centre house support very +often consists of one post only, instead of a combination, (ix.) There +is often on one side of the entrance opening a small space of the +inside of the house fenced off for occupation by the pigs, and there is +a little aperture by which they can get into this space from outside, +(x.) The _avale_ ceiling is usually absent; and, even if there be one, +it will only extend under a small portion of the roof. [62] + +The following are explanations of my plates of villages and their +buildings. + + +Plate. +| Explanation. + +55 Village of Seluku (community of Sivu), with chief's _emone_ + at the end facing up the enclosure. +56 Village of Amalala (community of Sivu), with chief's _emone_ + at the end of the enclosure. +57 The same village of Amalala (photographed in the other direction), + with secondary _emone_ at the end of the enclosure. +58 Village of Malala (community of Sivu), with secondary _emone_ + at the end of the enclosure. +59 Village of Uvande (community of Alo), with chief's _emone_ at + the end of the enclosure. +60 Village of Biave (community of Mambu), with chief's _emone_ + at the end of the enclosure. +61 The chief's _emone_ in village of Amalala. +62 The chief's _emone_ in the village of Malala, at the other end + of the enclosure. +63 A house in the same village. +64 A house in village of Levo (community of Mambu). + + + +Communications. + +The native paths of the Mafulu people, or at all events those passing +through forests, are, like those of most other mountain natives, +usually difficult for white men to traverse. The forest tracks in +particular are often quite unrecognisable as such to an inexperienced +white man, and are generally very narrow and beset with a tangle of +stems and hanging roots and creepers of the trees and bush undergrowth, +which catch the unwary traveller across the legs or body or hands +or face at every turn, and are often so concealed by the grass and +vegetation that, unless he be very careful, he is apt to be constantly +tripped up by them; and moreover these entanglements are often armed +with thorns or prickles, or have serrated edges, a sweep of which may +tear the traveller's clothes, or lacerate his hands or face. Then +there are at every turn and corner rough trunks of fallen trees, +visible or concealed, often more or less rotten and treacherous, +to be got over; and such things are frequently the only means of +crossing ditches and ravines of black rotting vegetable mud. Moreover +the paths are often very steep; and, indeed, it is this fact, and the +presence of rough stones and roots, which renders the very prominent +outward turn of the people's big toes, with their prehensile power, +such useful physical attributes. + +Their bridges may be divided into four types, namely: (1) A single +tree thrown across the stream, having either been blown down, and so +fallen across it accidentally, or been purposely placed across it by +the natives. (2) Two or more such trunks placed in parallel lines +across the stream, and covered with a rough platform of transverse +pieces of wood. (3) The suspension bridge. I regret that I am unable +to give a detailed description of Mafulu suspension bridges, but I +think I am correct in saying that they are very similar to those of the +Kuni people, one of whose bridges is described in the _Annual Report_ +for June, 1909, as being 150 feet long and 20 feet above water at the +lowest part, and as being made of lawyer vine (I do not know whether +this would be right for Mafulu), with flooring of pieces of stick +supported on strips of bark, and as presenting a crazy appearance, +which made the Governor's carriers afraid of crossing it, though +it was in fact perfectly safe, and had very little movement, even +in the middle. I also give in Plate 65 a photograph taken by myself +[63] of a bridge over the St. Joseph river, close to the Kuni village +of Ido-ido, which, though a Kuni bridge, may, I think, be taken as +fairly illustrative of a Mafulu bridge over a wide river. [64] Plate +66 is a photograph, taken in Mafulu, of another form of suspension +bridge used by them, and adapted to narrower rivers, the river in +this case being the Aduala. (4) The bamboo bridge. This is a highly +arched bridge of bamboo stems. The people take two long stems, and +splice them together at their narrow ends, the total length of the +spliced pair being considerably greater than the width of the river +to be bridged. They then place the spliced pair of bamboos across +the river, with one end against a strong backing and support on one +side of the river and the other end at the other side, where it will +extend for some little distance beyond the river bank. This further +end is then forcibly bent backward to the bank by a number of men +working together, and is there fixed and backed. The bamboo stems +then form a high arch over the river. They then fix another pair +of stems in the same way, close to and parallel with the first one; +and the double arch so formed is connected all the way across with +short pieces of wood, tied firmly to the stems, so as to strengthen +the bridge and form a footway, by which it can be crossed. They then +generally add a hand rail on one side. + +One can hardly leave the question of physical communications without +also referring to the marvellous system of verbal communication which +exists amongst the Mafulu and Kuni and other mountain people. Messages +are shouted across the valleys from village to village in a way which +to the unaccustomed traveller is amazing. It never seemed to me that +any attempt was made specially to articulate the words and syllables +of the message, or to repeat them slowly, so as to make them more +readily heard at a distance off, though the last syllable of each +sentence is always prolonged into a continuous sort of wail. This +system of wireless telegraphy has, however, been before described by +other writers, so I need say no more about it. + + + + + + +CHAPTER VII + +Government, Property, and Inheritance + + +Government and Justice. + +There is, as might be expected, no organised system of government +among the Mafulu, nor is there any official administration of justice. + +As regards government, the chiefs in informal consultation with the +sub-chiefs and prominent personages deal with important questions +affecting the community or clan or village as a whole, such as the +holding of big feasts and important ceremonies, the migrations or +splitting-up or amalgamation of villages, and warlike operations; but +events of this character are not frequent. And as to justice, neither +the chiefs nor any other persons have any official duties of settling +personal disputes or trying or punishing wrongdoers. The active +functions of the chiefs, in fact, appear to be largely ceremonial. + +Concerning the question of justice, it would seem, indeed, that +a judicial system is hardly requisite. Personal disputes between +members of a village or clan, or even of a community, on such possible +subjects as inheritance, boundary, ownership of property, trespass +and the like, and wrongful acts within the village or the community, +are exceedingly rare, except as regards adultery and wounding and +killing cases arising from acts of adultery, which are more common. + +There are certain things which from immemorial custom are regarded +as being wrong, and appropriate punishments for which are generally +recognised, especially stealing, wounding, killing and adultery; but +the punishment for these is administered by the injured parties and +their friends, favoured and supported by public opinion, and often, +where the offender belongs to another clan, actively helped by the +whole clan of the injured parties. + +The penalty for stealing is the return or replacement of the article +stolen; but stealing within the community, and perhaps even more so +within the clan or village, is regarded as such a disgraceful offence, +more so, I believe, than either killing or adultery, that its mere +discovery involves a distressing punishment to the offender. As regards +wounding and killing, the recognised rule is blood for blood, and a +life for a life. The recognised code for adultery will be stated in +the chapter on matrimonial matters. + +Any retribution for a serious offence committed by someone outside +the clan of the person injured is often directed, not only against +the offender himself, but against his whole clan. + +There is a method of discovering the whereabouts of a stolen article, +and the identity of the thief, through the medium of a man who is +believed to have special powers of ascertaining them. This man takes +one of the large broad single-shell arm ornaments, which he places on +its edge on the ground, and one of the pig-bone implements already +described, which he places standing on its point upon the convex +surface of the shell. To make the implement stand in this way he puts +on the point, and makes to adhere to the shell a small piece of wild +bees' wax, this being done, I was told, surreptitiously, though I +cannot say to what extent the people are deceived by the dodge, or +are aware of it. The implement stands on the shell for a few seconds, +after which it falls down. Previously to doing this he has told his +client of certain possible directions in which the implement may fall, +and intimated that, whichever that may be, it will be the direction +in which the lost article must be sought. He has also given certain +alternative names of possible culprits, one of such names being +associated with each of the alternative directions of falling. The +fall of the implement thus indicates the quarter in which the lost +article may be found and the name of the thief. Father Clauser saw +this performance enacted in connection with a pig which had been +stolen from a chief; the falling bone successfully pointed to the +direction in which the pig was afterwards found, and there was no +doubt that the alleged thief was in fact the true culprit. Presumably +the operator makes private enquiries before trying his experiment, +and knows how to control the fall of the implement. + + + + + +Property and Inheritance. + +The property of a Mafulu native may be classified as being (1) his +movable belongings, such as clothing, ornaments, implements and pigs; +(2) his house in the village; (3) his bush land; (4) his gardens. + +The movable belongings are, of course, his own absolute property. + +The village house is also his own; but this does not include the site +of that house, which continues to be the property of the village. Every +grown-up male inhabitant of the village has the right to build for +himself one house in that village; he is not entitled to have more than +one there, but he may have a house in each of two or more villages, +and a chief or very important man is allowed two or three houses in +the same village. On a house being pulled down and not rebuilt, or +being abandoned and left to decay, the site reverts to the village, +and another person may build a house upon it. [65] Houses are never +sold, but the ordinary life of a house is only a few years. + +The man's bush land is his own property, and his ownership includes +all trees and growth which may be upon it, and which no other man may +cut down, but it does not include game, this being the common property +of the community; and any member of the community is entitled to pass +over the land, hunt on it, and fish in streams passing through it, +as he pleases. The whole of the bush land of the community belongs +in separate portions to different owners, one man sometimes owning +two or more of such portions; and it is most remarkable that, though +there are apparently no artificial boundary marks between the various +portions, these boundaries are, somehow or other, known and respected, +and disputes with reference to them are practically unknown. How the +original allocations and allotments of land have been made does not +appear to be known to the people themselves. + +The man's garden plot or plots are also his own, having been cleared +by him or some predecessor of his out of his or that predecessor's +own bush land; and he may build in his gardens as many houses as +he pleases. His ownership of his garden plot is more exclusive than +is that of his bush land, as other people are not entitled to pass +over it. But on the other hand, if he abandons the garden, and nature +again overruns it with growth--a process which takes place with great +rapidity--it ceases to be his garden, and reverts to, and becomes +absorbed in, the portion of the bush out of which it had been cleared; +and if, as it may be, he is not the sole owner of that portion of bush, +he loses his exclusive right to the land, which as a garden had been +his own sole property. + +No man can sell or exchange either his bush land or his garden plots, +and changes in their ownership therefore only arise through death +and inheritance. This statement, however, is, I think, subject to the +qualification that an owner of bush-land will sometimes allow his son +or other male descendant to clear and make for himself a garden in it; +but I am not sure as to the point. + +On a man's death his widow, if any, does not inherit any portion of his +property, either movable or immovable, but three things are allowed +to her. She is generally allowed one pig, which will be required by +her at a later date for the ceremony of the removal of her mourning; +and she shares with her husband's children, or, if there be none, +she has the sole right to, the then current season's crops and fruit +resulting from the planting effected by her late husband and herself, +though this is a right which, after her return home to her own people, +she would not continue to exercise; and she is allowed to continue to +occupy her husband's house, but this latter privilege terminates at +the mourning removal ceremony, when the house will be pulled down, and +its site will revert to the village, and she will probably return to +her own people in her own village, if she has not done so previously. + +Subject to these three allowances, I may dismiss the widow entirely +in dealing with the law of inheritance. I may also dismiss the +man's female children by saying that, if there be male children, the +females do not share at all in the inheritance, and even if there be +no male children the female children will only perhaps be allowed, +apparently rather as a matter of grace than of right, to share in +his movable effects; and that, subject to this, everything goes to +the man's male relatives. I may also eliminate the man's pigs, as +apparently any pigs he has, other than that retained for his widow, +are killed at his funeral. + +On the death of an owner everything he possesses goes, except as above +mentioned, to his sons. They divide the movable things between them, +but the bush and garden land pass to them jointly, and there is no +process by which either of these can be divided and portioned among +them. The male children of a deceased son, and the male children of +any deceased male child of that deceased son (and so on for subsequent +generations), inherit between them in lieu of that son. There does not +appear, however, to be any idea in the Mafulu mind of each son of the +deceased owner being entitled to a specific equal fractional share, +or of the descendants of a deceased son of that owner being between +them only entitled to one share, _per stirpes_. They apparently do +not get beyond the general idea that these people, whoever they may +be and to whatever generations they may belong, become the owners of +the property. + +They take possession of and cultivate the existing gardens as joint +property. Any one of them will be allowed to clear some of their +portion of bush, and fence it, and plant it as a garden, and it will +then become the sole property of that one man, and if he dies it +will pass as his own property to his own heirs; though, as before +stated, if he abandons it, and lets it be swallowed up by the bush, +it will cease to be his own garden, and will again be included in the +family's joint portion of bush land, and on his death his heirs will +only come into the joint bush ownership. + +In this way the ownership of a garden must often be in several persons, +with no well-defined rights _inter se_, and the general ownership of +bush land which has never been cleared, or which, having been cleared, +has been abandoned and reverted, must often be in a very large number +of persons without defined rights. In fact, so far as bush land is +concerned, one only has to remember that on the death of an owner it +passes into joint ownership of children--that on the deaths of these +children fresh groups of persons come into the joint ownership--that +this may go on indefinitely, generation after generation--that bush, +having once got into the ownership of many people, is hardly likely +to again fall by descents into a single ownership--that indeed the +tendency must be for the number of owners of any one portion of bush +steadily to increase--and finally that there is no way by which the +extensively divided ownership can be terminated by either partition +or alienation--and one then realises the extraordinary complications +of family ownership of bush land which must commonly exist. + +As regards both movable effects and gardens and bush land there must +be endless occasions for dispute. How are the movable things to be +divided among the inheritors, and, in particular, who is to take +perhaps one valuable article, which may be worth all the rest put +together? How are questions of doubtful claims to heirship to bush +and garden land to be determined? How is the joint ownership of the +gardens to be dealt with, and how is the work there to be apportioned, +and the products of the gardens divided? How are the mutual rights +of the bush land to be regulated, and especially what is to happen +if each of two or more joint owners desires to clear and allocate +to himself as a garden, a specially eligible piece of bush? Such +situations in England would bristle with lawsuits, and I tried to +find out how these questions were actually dealt with by the Mafulu; +but there is no judicial system there, and the only answer I could +get was that in these matters, as in the case of inter-community bush +boundaries and personal bush boundaries, disputes were practically +unknown; though it was pointed out to me, as regards bush land, +that the amount of it belonging to any one family was usually so +large that crowding out could hardly arise. + +If a man dies without male descendants in the male line, then, subject +perhaps to some sort of claim of his daughters, if any, to share in +his movable effects, his property goes to his nearest male relative +or relatives in the male line. This would primarily be his father, +if living, but the father could hardly be the inheritor of anything +but movable things and perhaps garden land, as the deceased could not +be the owner of bush land during the lifetime of his father. Subject as +regards movable things and perhaps gardens to this right of the father, +the persons to inherit everything would be deceased's brothers and the +male descendants in the male line of any such brothers who had died; +or in default of these it would be the father's (not the mother's) +brothers and their male descendants in the male line, and so on for +more distant male relatives, every descent being traced strictly in +the male line only, on a principle similar to that above explained. + +Male infants, by which term I mean young children, there being of +course no infancy in the defined sense in which the term is used +in English law, like adults, may become possessed of property by +inheritance as regards bush and garden land, and by inheritance +or otherwise as regards movable property, but they would hardly be +likely to be the owners of houses; and the descent from these infants +is the same as that in the case of adults. + +No woman can possess any property, other than movable property, +and even this is at best confined to the clothes and ornaments which +she wears. On the death of a married woman all her effects go to her +husband, or, if he be dead, they go to her children or descendants, +male and female, equally, If she has no children or descendants, they +go to her husband's father, or, failing him, to such other person or +persons as would have been entitled to inherit if her effects had +been those of her husband. Her own blood relations do not come in, +as she had been bought and paid for by her husband. If the deceased +woman were a spinster, then her effects would pass to her father, +or, failing him, to her brothers, or, failing them, to her nearest +male relatives on her father's side. + +The guardianship of and responsibility for infant children whose +father dies falls primarily upon the children's mother, and she, +if and when she returned to her own people, would probably take the +children away with her, though her sons, who shared in the inheritance +from their father, would usually come back again to their own village +when they became grown up, and might do so even when comparatively +young. If there is no mother of the children, the guardianship and +responsibility is taken up by one or more of the relatives of either +the deceased father or deceased mother of the children, and it might +be that some children would be taken over by some of such relatives, +and some by others. There appears, however, to be no regular rule as +to all this, the question being largely one of convenience. + +Adopted children have in all matters of inheritance the same rights +as actual children. + +From the above particulars it will be seen that there is no system +of descent in the female line or of mother-right among the Mafulu, +and I could not find any trace of such a thing having ever existed +with them. As to this I would draw attention to the facts that the +mother's relatives do not come in specially, as they do among the +Roro and Mekeo people, in connection with the perineal band ceremony; +that a boy owes no service to his maternal uncle, as is the case among +the Koita; that there is no equivalent of the Koita _Heni_ ceremony; +that in no case can a woman be a chief, or chieftainship descend by +the female line; that children belong to the clan of their father, +and not to that of their mother; and that no duty or responsibility +for orphan children devolves specially upon their mother's relations. + + + + + + + +CHAPTER VIII + +The Big Feast + +This is the greatest and most important social function of a Mafulu +community of villages. I was unable to get any information as to its +real intent and origin, but a clue to this may, I think, be found in +the formal cutting down of the grave platform of a chief, the dipping +of chiefs' bones in the blood of the slain pigs, and the touching of +other chiefs' bones with the bones so dipped, which constitute such +important features of the function, and which perhaps point to an +idea of in some way finally propitiating or driving away or "laying" +the ghosts of the chiefs whose bones are the subject of the ceremony. + +The feast, though only to be solemnised in one village, is organised +and given by the whole community of villages. There is no (now) +known matter or event with reference to which it is held. It is +decided upon and arranged and prepared for long beforehand, say a +year or two, and feasts will only be held in one village at intervals +of perhaps fifteen or twenty years. The decision to hold a feast is +arrived at by the chiefs of the clans of the community which proposes +to give it. The village at which the feast is to be held will not +necessarily be the largest one of the community, or one in which is +a then existing chiefs _emone_. The guests to be invited to it will +be the people of some other (only one other) community, and at the +outset it will be ascertained more or less informally whether or not +they will be willing to accept the invitation. + +When the feast has been resolved upon, the preparations for it +begin immediately, that is a year or two before the date on which it +is to be held. Large quantities will be required of yam, taro and +sugar-cane, and of a special form of banana (not ripening on the +trees, and requiring to be cooked); also of the large fruit of the +_ine_, a giant species of Pandanus (see Plate 80--the figure seated +on the ground near to the base of the tree gives an idea of the size +of the latter and of the fruit head which is hanging from it), which +is cultivated in the bush, and the fruit heads of which are oval or +nearly round, and have a transverse diameter of about 18 inches; and +of another fruit, called by the natives _malage_, which grows wild, +chiefly by streams, and is also cultivated, and the fruit of which +was described to me as being rather like an apple, almost round, +green in colour, and 4 or 5 inches in diameter. [66] And above all +things will be wanted an enormous number of village pigs (not wild +pigs); and sweet potatoes must be plentiful for the feeding of these +pigs. And finally they will need plenty of native tobacco for their +guests. In view of these requirements it is obvious that a year or two +is by no means an excessive period for the preparations for the feast. + +The existing yam and taro gardens, intended for community consumption +alone, will be quite insufficient for the purpose, and fresh bush +land is at once cleared, and new gardens are made and planted, +the products of these new gardens being allocated specially for the +feast, and not used for any other purpose. There is also an extensive +planting of sugar-cane, probably in old potato gardens. For bananas +there will probably be no great need of preparation, as they are +grown plentifully, and there is no specific appropriation of these; +but the sufficiency of the supply of the tobacco for the visitors, +and of the sweet potatoes for the pigs, has to be seen to, also +that of the _ine_ Pandanus trees, the fruit of which has often to be +procured from elsewhere, and of the trees. And finally the village +pigs must be bred and fattened, for which latter purpose it is a +common practice to send young pigs to people in other communities; +and these people will be invited to the big feast, and will have pig +given to them, though not members of the invited community; but never +in any case will any of them have a part of a pig which he himself +has fattened. The cultivated vegetable foods and the pigs are not +provided on a communistic basis, but are supplied by the individual +members of the community, each household of which is expected to +do its duty in this respect; and no person who or whose family has +not provided at least one pig (some of them provide more than one) +will be allowed to take part in the preliminary feast and subsequent +dancing, to be mentioned below. + +The bringing in and storing of the _ine_ and _malage_ fruits commence +at an early stage. The _ine_ fruits are collected when quite ripe; +they split the large fruit heads up into two or more parts, put these +into baskets roughly made of cane (at least half a fruit head in +each basket), and place these baskets in the _avale_ or ceiling of +the _emone_, where the fruits get dried and smoked by the heat and +smoke of the fire constantly burning beneath. If, as is sometimes +the case, the _emone_ has no _avale_ one is constructed specially +for the purpose. The fruits are left there until required; in fact, +if taken away from the smoke, they would go bad. Sometimes, instead of +putting portions of the fruit heads into baskets, they take out from +them the almond-shaped seeds, which are the portions to be eaten, +string these together, each seed being tied round and not pierced, +and hang them to the roof of the _emone_ above the _avale_. The fruits +of the _malage_ are gathered and put into holes or side streams by a +river, and there left for from seven to ten months, until the pulp, +which is very poisonous, is all rotted away, a terrible smell being +emitted during the process; they then take the pips or seeds, the +insides of which, after the surrounding shells have been cracked, +are the edible parts, and place these in baskets made out of the +almost amplexicaul bases of the leaves of a species of palm tree, +and so store them also on the _avale_ of the _emone_. [67] + +Large preparations of a structural and repairing nature are also +required in the village where the feast is to be held. The _emone_, +the true chiefs _emone_, of the village is repaired or pulled down +and entirely rebuilt; or, if that village does not possess such an +_emone_, one is erected in it. In point of fact the usual practice is, +I was informed, to build a new _emone_, the occasion of an intended +feast being the usually recognised time for the doing of this. [68] +The houses of the village are put into repair. The people of the other +villages of the same community build houses for themselves in the feast +village, so that on the occasion of the feast all the members of the +community (the hosts) will be living in that village. View platforms, +from which the dancing can be watched, are built by all the people of +the community. These are built between the houses where possible, or +at all events so as to obstruct the view from the houses as little as +possible. They are built on upright poles, and are generally between +12 and 20 feet high, each platform having a roof, which will probably +be somewhat similar to the roofs of the houses. Sometimes there are +two platforms under one roof, but this is not usual. Sometimes the +platforms, instead of being on posts, are in trees, being, however, +roofed like the others. Two or more houses may join in making one +platform for themselves and their friends. All the above works are +put in hand at an early stage. + +The following are done later, perhaps not till after the sending out +of the formal invitation (see below), but they may conveniently be +dealt with here. The people erect near to, but outside, the village in +which the feast is to be held one or more sheds for the accommodation +of the guests, the number of sheds depending upon the requirements of +the case. These are merely gable and ridge-shaped roofs, which descend +on each side down to the ground, or very close to it, being supported +by posts, and there being no flooring. They are called _olor' eme_, +which means dancers' houses. Posts about 20 or 25 feet high and 12 +inches or nearly so in diameter are erected in various places in the +village enclosure, and each of these posts is surrounded with three, +four, or five upright bamboo stems, which are bound to the post so as +together to make a composite post of which the big one is the strong +supporting centre. The leaf branches of these bamboos, starting out +from the nodes of the stems, are cut off 3 or 4 inches from their +bases, thus leaving small pegs or hooks to which vegetables, etc., +can be afterwards hung; and in the case of each post one only of its +surrounding bamboos has the top branches and leaves left on. Each +household is responsible for the erection of one post. I may here say +in advance that upon these post clusters will be hung successively, +yams and taro in the upper parts, human skulls and bones lower down, +and croton leaves by way of decoration at the bottom. The sugar-cane +and banana and _ine_ and _malage_ are dealt with in another way. There +is a further erection of thin poles, which will be mentioned in its +proper place. + +About six months before the anticipated date of the big feast +there is a preliminary festivity, which is regarded as a sort of +intimation that the long-intended feast is shortly to take place. To +this festivity people of villages of any neighbouring communities, +say within an hour or two's walk, are invited. There is no dancing, +but there is a distribution among the guests of a portion of each of +the vegetables and fruits which will be consumed at the feast, and a +village pig is killed and cut up, and its parts are also distributed +among the guests, who then return home. + +After this preliminary festivity dancing begins in the village +in which the feast is to be held and in the other villages of the +same community, and this dancing goes on, subject to weather, every +day until the evening prior to the day upon which the feast takes +place. The men dance in the villages, beginning at about sundown, and +going on through the evening, and perhaps throughout the night. Only +men who or whose families have provided at least one pig for the feast +are allowed to join in the dancing. Bachelors join in the dancing, +subject to the above condition. The women dance outside their villages, +and, as regards them, there is no pig qualification. + +About a month before the date on which the feast is proposed to be +held, a formal invitation is sent out to the community which is to be +invited to it, and who, as above stated, have already been approached +informally in the matter. For this purpose a number, perhaps ten, +twenty, or thirty, of the men of the community giving the feast start +off, taking with them several bunches of croton leaves--one bunch +for each village of the invited community. These men, if the invited +community be some distance off, only carry the croton leaves as far +as some neighbouring community, probably about one day's journey off, +where they stay the night, and then return. During their progress, +and particularly as they arrive at their destination, they are all +singing. Then the men of this neighbouring community carry the croton +leaves a stage further; and so on till they reach their ultimate +destination. This may involve two or three sets of messengers, but +occasionally one or two of the original messengers may go the whole +way. These croton leaves are delivered to the chiefs of the several +clans of the invited community, and they are tied to the front central +posts of the village _emone_, the true _emone_ of the chiefs village, +and, as regards other villages, the _emone_ of the sub-chiefs. [69] + +The exact date of the feast depends upon the guests, who may come in +a month after receiving the croton leaves, or may be later; and the +community giving the feast do not know on what date their guests will +arrive until news comes that they are actually on their way, though +in the meantime messengers will be passing backwards and forwards +and native wireless telegraphy (shouting from ridge to ridge) will +be employed. + +As soon as the formal invitation has been sent the people of the +community giving the feast begin to bring in the yams from the gardens, +which they do day by day, singing as they do so; and these yams are +stored away in the houses as they are brought in. When the yams have +all been collected, they are brought out and spread in one, two, +or three long lines along the centre of the village open space. The +owner of each post knows which are his own yams, and they will go to +his post. When the yams are laid out on the ground, the chiefs inspect +them, and select the best ones, which are to be given to the chiefs +of the community invited to the dance. To these selected yams they +tie croton leaves as distinguishing marks. Then each man stands by +his own yams, and has a boy standing by his own post; each man picks +up his best yams, and whilst holding these they all (only the men with +the yams) begin to sing. The moment the song is over, each man rushes +with his selected best yam to his post, and hands the yam to the boy, +who climbs up the post, and hangs up the yam. After this they hang +the rest of the yams, each man running with them to the post, and +giving them to the boy, who climbs up and hangs the yam whilst the man +runs back for another, the performance being all in apparent disorder +and there being no singing. Some of the best-shaped yams are hung to +little cross-sticks about 3 or 4 feet long, which the boys then and +there attach to those bamboo stems which have their top branches and +leaves left upon them, the sticks being attached just below these +branches. These selected yams will include those with the croton +leaves, which are intended for chiefs. Of the rest the better yams +are hung up higher on the posts, and the poorer ones lower down. The +lowest of them will probably be 5 or 6 feet from the ground. + +After hanging the yams, the next step is to erect in the ground all +round the village enclosure and in front of the houses a number of +tall young slender straight-stemmed tree poles, with the top branches +and leaves only left upon them. These poles are connected with one +another by long stems, fixed horizontally to them at a height of 7 +or 8 feet from the ground, the stems thus forming a sort of long line +or girdle encircling the village enclosure. + +The men then go to their gardens and bring in the sugar-canes, +singing as they do so, and these they hang to the horizontal stems, +but without ceremony. The sugar-canes are all in thick bundles, perhaps +12 or 18 inches thick, and these bundles are hung horizontally end +to end immediately under the line of stems, so as also to make a +continuous encircling line. + +Next they bring in the bananas, again singing, and these they hang up +on the tall, slender tree poles, and on the platforms of the houses, +and under the view platforms, but without ceremony. + +Lastly, again singing, they bring in the taro, and hang these up, +mixed with the yams (not below them) on the posts, again without +ceremony. The hanging up of the taro is left to the last, and, in +fact, is not done till it is known that the guests are on their way, +as the taro would be spoilt by bad weather. + +In hanging the yam and the taro the people all work +simultaneously--that is, they are all hanging yams at the same time and +all hanging taro at the same time. But as regards the sugar cane and +banana each man works in his own time without waiting for, or being +waited for by, the others. Women may help the men in all these things, +except the ceremonious hanging up of the yams. + +They do not, however, hang all the yam, sugar-cane, banana and taro, +some of each being kept back in the houses for a purpose which will +appear hereafter. + +The _ine_ and _malage_ fruits are not hung up at all, but are kept +in the _avale_ of the village _emone_ until the day of the actual +feast, when the various vegetables and fruits are, as will be seen, +put in heaps for distribution among the guests. + +They then further decorate the posts with human skulls and bones, +which are hung round in circles below the yams and taro, but not +reaching to the ground. These are the skulls and bones of chiefs and +members of their families and sub-chiefs and important personages +only of the community, and the bones used are only the larger bones +of the arms and legs; skulls will, so far as possible, be used for +the purpose in preference to the other bones. These skulls and bones +are taken from wherever they may then happen to be; some of them will +be in burial boxes on trees, [70] some may be in graves underground, +and some may be hung up in the village _emone_; though it may here +be mentioned that those underground and in the _emone_ are not, +as I shall show later, in their original places of sepulture. + +Finally croton leaves, tied in sheaves, are arranged round the posts +below the skulls and bones, so as to decorate the posts down to +the ground. + +One other specially important matter must here be mentioned. There +will probably be in or by the edge of the village enclosure a high +box-shaped wooden burial platform, [71] supported on poles, and +containing the skull and all the bones of a chief, these platforms +and a special sort of tree being, as will be explained later on, the +only places where they and their families and important personages +are originally buried. If so, the people add to the bones on this +platform such of the other skulls and special arm and leg bones, +collected as above mentioned, as are not required for decorating the +posts. If, as is most improbable, there is no such burial platform, +then they erect one, and upon it place all the available skulls and +special bones not required for the posts. + +These various preparations bring us to the evening before the day +of the feast, upon which evening the women, married and unmarried, +of the community, whose families have supplied pigs for the feast, +dance together in full dancing decorations in the village enclosure, +beginning at about sundown, and, if weather permits, dancing all +through the night. There is no ceremony connected with this dancing. + +The next day is the feast day. The guests are in the special guest +houses outside the village, where they are dressing for the dance. They +have probably arrived the day before, in which case they may have +come into the village to watch the women dancing in the evening; +but they are not regarded as having formally arrived. These guests +include married and unmarried men, women and children, nobody of the +invited community being left behind, except old men and women who +cannot walk. The women have brought with them their carrying bags, +in which they carry all their men's and their own goods (_e.g._, +knives, feathers, ornaments, etc.), including not only the things +used for the ceremony, but all their other portable property, which +they do not wish to expose to risk of theft by leaving at home. + +They have also brought special ornamental bags to be used in the +dance as mentioned below. + +The people of the village in the meantime erect one, two, or three +(generally three) trees in a group in the very centre of the village +enclosure. + +And now come the successive ceremonies of the feast, in which both +married and unmarried men and women take part; in describing these +ceremonies I will call the people of the community giving the feast +the "hosts," and the visitors attending it the "guests." + +First: All or nearly all the men hosts go in a body out of the +village to the guests' houses, singing as they go. They are all +fully ornamented for a feast, but do not wear their special dancing +ornaments, and they do not carry their spears, or as a rule any other +weapons. Each chiefs ornaments include a bunch of black cassowary +feathers tied round his head behind, and falling down over his +shoulders, this being his distinctive ornament; but otherwise his +ornaments do not differ from those of the rest, except probably as +regards quantity and quality. The object of this visit is to ascertain +if the guests are ready, and if they are not ready the men hosts +wait until they are so. Then the men hosts return to the village, +singing as before, and all the guests, men and women, follow them; but +they do not sing, and they do not enter the village. The men hosts, +on returning, retire to their houses and the view platforms, where +also are the women hosts, thus leaving the village enclosure empty. + +Second: All the women guests, except two, then enter the village. They +are fully ornamented for the feast, but do not wear their special +dancing ornaments. They all have large carrying bags on their backs, +not the common ones of everyday use, but the ornamental ones; and in +these they carry and show off all their own and their husbands' riches +other than what they respectively are actually wearing. They enter +at one end of the village enclosure (I will hereafter call this the +"entrance end") by the side of the end _emone_ of the village (this +may be the chiefs true _emone_ or it may be the secondary _emone_), +and walk in single file along one side of the village enclosure, +and half of them walk round the other end (which I will call the +"far end") in front of the _emone_ there (which also will be either +the true one or the other one), and back again along the other side, +until there are two rows of them, _vis-a-vis_ at opposite sides of +the enclosure, none of them remaining at the far end in front of the +_emone_ there. If they are very numerous, there may be lines on both +sides of the enclosure, stretching from end to end; whereas if they +are few only, they would be in facing lines at the far end only of +the enclosure. This is all done silently. + +Third: All the women hosts, fully ornamented for a feast, but without +special dancing ornaments, then enter the enclosure at the entrance +end, and congregate at the far end of it, in front of the far _emone_ +and between the two facing lines of women guests, and facing towards +the centre of the enclosure. The group of them stretches as far +forward towards the centre of the enclosure as their number allows; +but it will never extend beyond the special trees, which have been +last erected in the centre. This also is done in silence. + +Fourth: The two women guests excluded from the general entry now +come in. They are presumably the wives of chiefs. They are also +decorated for the feast, but without full dancing ornaments. Each +of them, however, holds in her mouth something intended to give her +a terrible appearance, probably two pairs of pigs' tusks, one pair +curling, crescent-like, upwards, and the other pair similarly curling +downwards, or a piece of cloth; but this is only carried by her for +this particular scene of the performance, and not afterwards. Each of +them also carries two spears, one in each hand. These two women rush +into the village enclosure, one entering at each side of the _emone_ +at the entrance end. They run along the two sides of the enclosure, +one at each side, in front of the lines of women guests already there +(between them and the central group of host women), brandishing +their spears as they do so, but in silence. When they reach the far +end of the enclosure they meet each other in front of the _emone_ +there; and then, if that happens to be the true (chief's) _emone_, +they brandish their spears in a hostile manner at the building, +the spears sometimes even striking it, though they do not leave the +women's hands, and there is probably a little pause or halt in their +running for the purpose of this attack. They then pass each other, +and return as they had come, still brandishing their spears, but +each on the opposite side, until they are both at the entrance end of +the enclosure. If the _emone_ at this end is the true _emone_, then +the attack is made upon it, instead of upon the other one. They then +generally again pass each other, and go round the enclosure a second +time, and again attack the _emone_ exactly as before. During the first +part of this performance the host women congregated in the far end of +the enclosure are all dancing a sort of non-progressive goose step, +there being, however, no singing. But, when the two guest women on +the return journey of their second circuit reach the front row of +the host women, the latter advance in a body silently dancing (but +not travelling so fast as the two guest women) down the enclosure, +and so following the two guest women, until they are all congregated +at the entrance end of the enclosure. The positions of the _dramatis +personae_ up to and including the stage of proceedings lastly described +will be better understood by reference to Fig. 7 and its accompanying +notes. At the end of this stage the lines of guest women are still +as shown; but the two special guest women and all the host women are +at the entrance end of the enclosure. + +Fifth: Such of the guest men as are not going to join in the real +ultimate dance (see heading 9) enter the village at the entrance end, +they also being fully ornamented, but not wearing their special +dancing ornaments. They carry their spears, and perhaps in their +other hands their clubs or adzes. Any chiefs who may be among them +wear their black cassowary feather ornaments, like those of the host +chiefs. They all advance along the enclosure, jumping and dancing and +brandishing their spears, but not singing; and in front of them go all +the host women, dancing as before, also in silence. This double body of +people, host women in front, and guest men behind, advance _en masse_ +along the village enclosure. When, in doing this, the guest men reach +the three last-erected special trees in the middle of the enclosure, +they attack the trees with their spears, never letting the spears leave +their hands, and with kicks, and thus try to knock the trees down. If +they succeed in doing so, then this part of the performance is at an +end, and these guest men disperse and spread about at both sides and +ends of the village; but the host and guest women return from wherever +they are to the entrance end. If the guest men's first attack on the +trees is not successful, they pass them, and continue their advance, +as before, to the far end of the enclosure and return back again in +the other direction, the host women still dancing in front of them; +and on this return journey they repeat their attack on the trees. If +again unsuccessful, they go on to their starting point, and go a second +time through the same performance as before, going up the enclosure, +and, if necessary, down again; and, if still unsuccessful, they will +probably try a third time, the host women always dancing in front of +them as before. The whole of this is one continuous movement, going on +till the trees are down. If after the third double attempt the guest +men have still been unsuccessful, they relinquish their efforts; and in +that case the pig-killer of the hosts' village (as to whom see below) +steps forward, and cuts down the trees with his adze. When the trees +are down, the performance is at an end, the guest men retire, and +the host and guest women return to the entrance end, as above stated. + +Sixth: Such of the chiefs of the guests as do not intend to join in the +real ultimate dance (heading 9) then step forward into the enclosure at +the entrance end. Their number may be two or three or more. They wear +their full dancing ornaments, including their black cassowary feather +ornaments and the enormous feather erections on their heads, which +for chiefs are even larger and heavier than for other people. They +carry their drums, but not spears or clubs or adzes. The two special +guest women who have already been mentioned and two other guest women, +all with their full dancing ornaments, also come forward. A line is +formed with the chiefs in the middle and the four women at the two +ends. In front of this line are all the host women, still decorated as +before, but without special dancing ornaments. Then the whole group, +host women in front and the guest chiefs and their four attendant +guest women in a line behind, dance forward along the enclosure. In +doing this, they face the direction in which they are progressing, +and their progress is slow. This is done to the accompaniment of +the beating by the dancing chiefs of their drums, but there is no +singing. When the dancing party reach the far end of the enclosure, +they go back again in the same way; and so on again until the chiefs +(with the great weights they are carrying) are tired; then they +stop. But the men hosts thereupon politely press them to go on again, +giving them in fact a sort of complimentary encore, and this they +will probably do. After about half-an-hour from the commencement of +the dancing they finally stop. Then the chief of the clan in one of +whose villages the dance is held comes forward and removes the heavy +head-pieces from the dancing chiefs. + +Seventh: An important ceremony now occurs. The chief of the clan cuts +away the supports of the burial platform already mentioned, whereupon +the platform falls to the ground, and the skulls and bones upon it +roll on the ground. These are picked up, and the skulls and big arm +and leg bones are put on one side. There is no singing or ceremony +in connection with this. The platform is not rebuilt; and what is +afterwards done with the skulls and bones will be seen hereafter. + +Eighth: There is now a distribution among the chiefs and more important +male guests of the yam, taro, sugar-cane and bananas, which at the +time of the hanging up on the village posts were kept back and put +into the houses, and of tobacco. The chief of the clan, with help from +others, makes a number of heaps of these things in the centre of the +village enclosure, the number of heaps corresponding to the number of +recipients. Then, standing successively before each of these heaps, +he calls out in turn the names of the men who are to receive them, +chiefs being given the first priority, and specially important people +the next. Each man comes forward, usually bringing with him his +wife or some other woman with a bag, picks up his heap, and takes +it away. And so with all of them in turn, till all is finished. On +each heap there is usually, but not always, a portion of a village +pig, which has that morning been killed under the burial platform, +before it was cut down. The guests, men and women, then return to +the guest houses, where the women cook the food which has been given, +and it is eaten by the men and themselves. + +Ninth: The real dance now takes place, beginning perhaps at 9 or +10 in the evening, and lasting the whole night, and perhaps till 10 +o'clock the following morning. The dancing is done by some only of +the guest men, and none of their women, and none of the hosts, either +men or women, join in it. The dancers are all arrayed in full dancing +ornaments, including their heavy head feather erections, and chiefs +also wear their cassowary feathers; and they all carry their drums +and spears, and sometimes clubs or adzes. After the dance has begun, +the chief of the clan in whose village the dance occurs distributes, +with assistance, among the more important of these dancers, especially +chiefs, the skulls and bones which had been put on one side after +the cutting down of the burial platform, and probably some or all +of the skulls and bones which had been hung upon the big posts; +and the dancers receiving these skulls and bones wear them as +additional decoration upon their arms throughout the dance. Guest +chiefs dance with the others, but owing to the heavy weight of the +head ornaments they have to carry, they will be tired sooner than +the others. The dancing party enter the village at the entrance end, +walking backwards. Directly after they have entered the village they, +still having their backs to it, begin to beat their drums, after doing +which for a short time they turn round, and the dancing begins. The +dancers beat their drums whilst dancing, but neither they nor the +other people sing during the actual dancing. There are, however, +intervals in the dancing (not the mere rest intervals, such as they +have in Mekeo, and which they also have in Mafulu, but intervals which +are themselves an actual part of the dance), and during these intervals +the drums are not being beaten, and the dancers and the other people, +hosts, guests, men and women, all sing. I shall have something more +to say about dancing generally later on. At a subsequent stage the +skulls and bones with which the dancers have been decorated, including +those which had fallen from the burial platform, are all again hung +up among the other skulls and bones on the big posts. + +Tenth: This is the stage at which occur various other ceremonies, +which, though themselves quite distinct from that of the big feast, and +performed, often several of them together, when there is no big feast, +are also, some or all of them, generally or always introduced into it, +as being a convenient occasion for them. The ceremonies in question +are those connected with the assumption of the perineal band, admission +to the _emone_ and the giving of the right to carry a drum and dance, +that of nose-piercing, and that on the devolution of chieftainship. The +nose-piercing ceremony has already been described. The others will +be dealt with later. + +Eleventh: Next comes the general distribution among the guests of the +vegetables and fruits, including all those which have been hung up +and displayed, as above described, and the _ine_ fruit, prepared in +two ways, and _malage_ fruit. Every male guest who has joined in the +real dance is, speaking generally, entitled to have a share; though +sometimes, where there are two or three members of one family, shares +may be given to one or two of them only, instead of to each. The chiefs +of the community giving the feast work together in carrying out the +distribution. The various things are collected into a number of heaps +about the village, the number of heaps corresponding to the number +of portions to be distributed; and each heap contains something of +everything. Excluded from these heaps, however, are the _ine_ seeds +which have been put on strings and preserved separately, as before +explained. For these are erected stakes about 10 feet high, round +which the strings of seeds are twined. The number of these stakes +is less than the number of heaps, because they are only planted +near to the heaps which contain none of the _ine_ fruit prepared +the other way, so that each dancing guest gets some of this fruit, +done in either one way or the other. Then the chiefs of the hosts' +community stand round one of the heaps and shout wildly, calling upon +the recipient. This may be done by name, or it may in the case of a +chief be done by the name of a spot, say a mound or hollow, adjoining +the village from which he comes. Here, again, priority is given first +to chiefs, and next to important personages. The man so called upon +comes running forward with his wife or another woman, picks up his +vegetables and fruit, and runs back again with them. Then the chiefs +go on to another heap, and again afterwards to the others, one by one, +going through the same process in each case, until everything has been +distributed. Some of the women then go back to their own villages, +carrying with them a portion of the food which has been given to their +husbands, but leaving the rest with the latter. Sometimes some of the +guest men go home also. But anyone who is proposing to return to the +village of the feast must leave some of his food, or bring food on +his return, as no more will be given to him. + +Twelfth: The next stage is the collection of the village pigs. This +may take some time, as many of them are running about in the bush, +and have to be caught; and some of them have been agisted out as above +mentioned, and have to be fetched. This may involve a delay of a week +or ten days, during which most or all of the guests remain, sleeping +in their guest houses at night, and perhaps roaming about among other +villages in the neighbourhood by day. During this interval there is +neither singing nor dancing. + +Thirteenth: The village pigs are all brought in alive, and placed under +the houses of the village, each pig having its legs tied up and being +tied to the house. When all is ready, the chief of the clan announces +that the killing of the pigs will take place on the following morning. + +Fourteenth: The next morning all the people, both hosts and guests, +are in the village to watch the pig-killing; and people from other +communities, who are not guests, and will not receive any pig, come +too. The pigs are brought out one by one, and killed by hitting them +on the head with clubs or adzes or anything else. This is not a chiefs +duty. There is a man who is the recognised pig-killer, and who, as +already stated, will probably be a man of some position, though not +either a chief or a sub-chief. Where there are many pigs, as at the +big feast, there will be a number of other men helping him. Each pig is +killed on the site of the burial platform which has been cut down. As +the pigs are killed, their bodies are carried away and placed on the +ground in a row, commencing at the end of the village enclosure, and +forming a central line along it; and it is usual also to place upon the +row of dead pigs a continuous line of long thin poles, laid end to end, +which are afterwards kept tied to the _emone_ as a record of the total +length of the line of pigs, and thus of the number of pigs killed. The +number of pigs killed is generally very large in proportion to the +size of the community giving the feast, much more so than is the case +in the villages of Mekeo and the coast. It may be anything from fifty +to over one hundred; in fact at a recent feast given by a community +of seven villages, having between them about a hundred houses, they +killed 135 pigs. Some chiefs of the hosts' community then take some +of the bones (not skulls) from the big posts, and dip them into the +mouths of the pigs, from which the blood is flowing. They have been +seen to dip one bone into several pigs. There does not appear to be +any method of selection of the bones to be dipped. They then touch +with the bones which have been so dipped the skulls and all the other +bones on the posts, which include the skulls and other special bones +of all the chiefs and members of their families and other prominent +people buried in and by the villages of the community since the last +previous big feast was held there. After this all the bones are again +hung up on the posts. I may say here in advance that, when the feast +is over, all the bones are removed from the posts; and, the ceremony +as regards those bones having been performed, they will never again +be the subject of ceremonial observance. They, or some of them, may +be hung up in the _emone_, but if so it is known that they are not +to be used again for ceremonial purposes; or they may be put in a +box in a tree, or hung up on a tree, not necessarily of the special +species used for burying; or they may be simply flung away anywhere +in the bush. Whilst the bodies of the slain pigs lie in a line, and +before the cutting up, it is the duty of each man who has had a pig +fed up for him to pay the man who has done so, the payment probably +being a string of dogs' teeth, or head feather ornaments. Next, the +hosts set to work to cut up the pigs. This is not done by a chief or +special person, nor is there any ceremony connected with it. Each pig +is cut into seven parts, namely, (1) the head, (2-5) the four legs, +(6) the bowels and internal parts, and (7) the back and sides. I was +told that each part of each pig is destined for a certain person, as +arranged beforehand. It follows that, if there are, say, 100 pigs, +there are 700 predestined pieces, which are known and remembered, +though there are no means of recording them. It is difficult to believe +the truth of this, but I was assured that it was correct. The pieces +of each pig are placed on banana leaves, by the side of the spot where +the body had lain, and all the pieces are distributed among the male +guests. Everybody who has given a pig knows the length of each part +of it, though he could not express it in numerals. Each male guest +has a piece given to him, which, if the feast be a return feast, +will correspond in some way, which I could not understand, with what +he had himself provided at the previous feast. But dancers receive +larger and better portions than do mere singers. People who have fed +up pigs for members of the hosts' community also receive portions. In +the distribution of pig each man is called in turn as before, and in +the same order of priority, and runs up and gets his piece of pig, and +runs back with it; but in this case he is not accompanied by a woman. + +Fifteenth: The feast is now over, and all the guests return to their +homes, taking away with them everything that has been given to them. + +Sixteenth: The village has, however, to undergo a process which I may +perhaps call purification. As soon as possible after the guests have +gone, the men of the community go off into the bush and capture wild +pigs, for which purpose they may have to hunt for three or four days, +or even for a week or more. They must have at least one pig, and they +generally have two or more, even up to six. When caught, the pigs +are brought alive into the village, and are killed upon the site of +the cut-down burial platform, this being done by the pig-killer. The +pigs are then cut up and eaten by the members of the villages of the +community, those of the village itself eating their portions there, +and those of the other villages taking their portions away and eating +them in their own villages. Except as regards the killing of the pigs +on the site of the grave, the whole performance appears to be quite +informal. After the eating of the pigs, perhaps on the same day, +or if, as is probable, the feast lasts until late in the evening, +then on the next day, the women of the village clear away the filthy +mess of blood and garbage by which the village enclosure is filled, +and sweep the enclosure from end to end with branches of trees. Then +the bulk of the villagers leave the village and go off into the +gardens and the bush for a period of about six months. The feast +has denuded the village of food, including even sweet potatoes, +to which they have had no time to attend during the period before +the feast, and which have been used up in the feeding of the village +pigs required for it. New gardens are needed, and therefore new bush +has to be cut down, and the land must be cleared and planted with +various things, and especially with sweet potato. For this purpose +it is requisite or usual for them to build temporary houses on the +scene of their labours, in which the people live. The old people, +however, remain in the village, as do also some of the younger ones, +who have to tend the gardens close to it. At the end of the period +they all return, and village life goes on as usual. What the idea in +the native mind may be concerning what I have called the purification +of the village is a matter upon which I was unable to find any clue, +beyond what may be suspected from the actual facts of the proceeding; +but I think it probably has a superstitious origin. Although in +theory all the village pigs have been killed and given to the guests +at the big feast, there are always some left wandering in the bush, +which have not been caught. These pigs are, however, never used in the +purification ceremony, in which they always kill wild pigs only. It has +been suggested to me that a reason for this may be that, if they killed +village pigs, they would thereby advertise the fact that they had not +killed and distributed all their village pigs at the big feast; but +this hardly seems to be a satisfactory explanation. It clearly falls +to the ground as regards present intent if, as I was told, there always +is an unkilled residue of village pigs after a big feast. The practice +of killing wild pigs only would seem to associate itself with the fact +that pigs killed at this ceremony are eaten in the village itself, +for there seems to be no doubt that among the Mafulu people village +pigs are never eaten in their own village on ceremonial occasions; +and indeed it seems doubtful whether they are ever eaten there at all. + +In fact, it appears to be a general custom in connection with all +ceremonial feasts to which outside guests are invited, to kill village +pigs only at the feast, and for these to be given to the guests to be +eaten by them in their own villages, and afterwards to have a second +feast, to which outside guests are not invited, and at which wild pigs +are killed, and eaten by the villagers themselves within the village. + +The pig-killing is generally, and perhaps always, done in the morning. + +It is thought by the Mafulu Fathers of the Mission as regards the +subsequent partial desertion of the village that, although it is only +partial, and although there is a practical reason for it, it is based +upon superstition, and is regarded by the people as being a formal +leaving of the village, pending its complete purification. + +Plates 67 to 70 are reproductions of four photographs which Father +Clauser was good enough to give me, the two former ones having been +taken at the big feast held in the village of Amalala in the year 1909 +and the two latter prior to and at a big feast held in the village +of Seluku. + +I have thought it better to avoid the insertion of frequent, and +perhaps somewhat confusing, references to these plates in the body of +my notes upon the feast, and to take the plates separately, drawing +attention to what appear to be points of interest in them. + +Plate 67 represents the scene at Amalala immediately prior to or +during the general distribution of vegetables and fruits (_ante_ +heading 11). A comparison of this scene with the village in its normal +condition, as shown in Plates 56 and 57, gives some idea of the very +extensive and elaborate preparations which are made for the feast. On +the right hand side are seen some view platforms, and beyond them on +the same side is a normal house. Here and there are the big posts +surrounded with bamboo stems (notice these posts denuded of their +bamboo appendages still remaining in the village enclosure as shown +in Plates 56 and 57). Some of the vegetables are seen still hanging +upon these post clusters, and near the base of two of them are seen +the sheaves of croton leaves. There are apparently no skulls and bones +upon the posts seen in the plate, but possibly the re-hanging of these +had not been attended to when the photo was taken, or perhaps they had +been suspended to other posts not shown in the photograph. Upon the +ground are the heaps of vegetables, and close to some of these are the +stakes round which are twined strings of seeds of the _ine_ Pandanus. + +Plate 68 is a photograph taken after the subsequent pig-killing, and +shows the pigs' bodies lying in a row along the centre of the village +enclosure, with the measuring line of poles placed above them. It +will be noticed that the elaborate view platforms have been cleared +away, but that the bamboo stems have not yet been removed from their +central posts. + +Plate 69 represents a scene at Seluku prior to a big feast then about +to be held. The view platforms have not yet been erected. But the post +clusters have been erected, and the yams and croton leaves have been +hung upon them. In the centre of the village enclosure is the chief's +grave platform, which will be cut down during the festivities in the +way above described. + +The bones of the chief are in the box-like receptacle at the top of +the structure, and the receptacle rather further down (underneath +the other one) contains the bones of a chief's child. + +Plate 70 shows five men at the Seluku feast with full dancing +ornaments, including the great feather head ornaments. One of them has +donned a piece of European calico, and the one to the extreme right +appears to have done the same. These would doubtless be regarded as +highly decorative additions. A few long thin dancing ribbons can be +seen hanging from their belts. The elaborate carved (turtle?) shell +ornament hanging over the breast of the man to the left is certainly +not of Mafulu make, and has probably come from the coast. I never +saw anything like it when I was at Mafulu. The two boys in front are +holding the ornament of elaborately prepared strings of feathers hung +upon a stick, and worn by dancers on their backs, and into which the +best feathers are generally put. + + + + + + +CHAPTER IX + +Some other Ceremonies and Feasts + + +Ceremony on Birth. + +There is no ceremony on the birth of a child, except in the case of the +first-born of a chief. On this occasion the women of a neighbouring +community are invited. They come in their full dancing ornaments, +and armed in both hands with spears and either clubs or adzes. They +rush into the village, first to the chiefs house and then to his +_emone_; and at each of these they make a warlike demonstration, +actually hurling their spears at the buildings with such force that +the spears sometimes go through the thatch of the roof. Then follows a +distribution of vegetables among the visitors, after which one, two, +or three village pigs are killed under a chiefs burial platform or +on the site of a past one, cut up in the ordinary way, as at the big +feast, given to the visitors and taken away by them, and the ceremony +is over. There is no singing. [72] + + + + +Ceremony on Assumption of Perineal Band. + +This ceremony is performed for both boys and girls, and usually for +several at one time. + +The children are heavily adorned with ornaments, consisting, as +a rule, chiefly of dogs' teeth, which are hung round their necks, +or over their foreheads; and they usually have belts of dogs' teeth +round their waists. Any persons may decorate the children. + +Prior to the ceremony a number of box-like receptacles are erected in +the village by the children's relatives, there being one receptacle +for each child for whom the ceremony is to be performed. These +receptacles are made with upright corner poles 8 or 10 feet high, +boxed in with cross-pieces of wood up to a height of 5 or 6 feet. In +these receptacles are put yams and taro, upon their upright poles are +hung bananas and upon their cross-pieces of wood are hung lengths of +sugar-cane; all this being done by the families of the children. + +Guests are invited from some other community or communities. There is +a dance, in which only people from outside communities take part. A +village pig must be provided by the family of each child. Each +of these pigs is killed by the pig-killer under a chiefs platform +grave, or, if no such platform then exists, upon the site of one, +and is cut up. Before the cutting-up, however, the child in each +case stands upon the body of the pig, and whilst he so stands he +is dressed with a feather ornament put over his head, but which, +instead of being tied up in the usual way at the back of the head, +is left with the ends hanging down over his shoulders. The putting +on of this ornament is not a chiefs duty, but is done for each child +by a certain person who has bought the pig from that child's family. + +Plate 71 shows a little girl upon whom the perineal band ceremony has +just been performed. She has a string of dogs' teeth over her forehead, +and a belt of dogs' teeth round her waist, an enormous crescent-shell +ornament, some long pigtails, and on her head is the feather ornament, +which hangs down at the sides over her shoulders. Plate 72 is a scene +taken at the feast held in connection with the performance of the +ceremony upon her and some other children. + +I could not find out who the person who buys the pig and performs the +ceremony would ordinarily be, nor what motive he has for buying and +paying for a pig which is about to be killed and cut up and distributed +amongst other people; and I am convinced that there must be something +further behind the matter, which I have been unable to ascertain. I +may say that, knowing that among the Roro and Mekeo people a brother +or other male relative of the child's mother takes a prominent part +in the perineal band ceremony, being the recipient of the dog or +pig which is killed, and the person who puts the band upon the boy, +I specially enquired as to any similar relationship on the part +of the person who buys the pig and performs the ceremony among the +Mafulu, but I could find no trace of anything of the sort. [73] Nor, +as already stated, could I find any system of service being rendered +by a boy to his maternal uncle, such as exists among the Koita, [74] +nor anything in the nature of the Koita _Heni_ ceremony, described +by Dr. Seligmann. [75] + +It will be seen that this purchasing of the pig by a person who takes +a prominent part in the ceremony affecting an individual appears in +other ceremonies of that nature among the Mafulu. + +Following this performance there is a general distribution among +the people, including both visitors and members of the village, +of the various vegetables and fruits, and among the visitors only +of the portions of village pig. The vegetables are eaten then and +there, but the visitors take away the pig for eating in their own +villages. The actual putting on by the child of his perineal band is +done afterwards without further ceremony. + +The same ceremony is observed in the case of the son or daughter of a +chief, except that in this case the child is more fully decorated, the +family give two or more pigs, there are more visitors, and the whole +ceremony is on a larger scale; also that, after the performance of +standing on the dead pig and receiving the feather ornament, the child +is placed standing on a platform, which may be only 5 or 6 feet high, +but may be as much as 15 feet, though no further ceremony appears to +be performed whilst it is on that platform. If children of ordinary +people undergo the ceremony at the same time as a chief's child, +they apparently stand on the platform also. + +When the ceremony is performed at a big feast, it is substantially +the same as that above described, subject to certain variations, +which almost naturally arise from the change of conditions. There is +no special dancing, as distinguished from the dancing programme of +the big feast. The vegetable food provided will be included in the +general stock, so that the people of the village will not share in +it; and the ceremony of standing on the pig is postponed till a later +day, and on that day, the child, having worn his special ornaments, +other than the feather ornament, at the big feast, will not again +wear them when he stands on the pig, though his feather ornament is +put upon him on that later day. + +It may be mentioned that this perineal band ceremony and all the +other ceremonies relating personally to both children and adults, if +not performed at a big feast, may be performed together, the people +concerned in each ceremony being taken more or less in batches; and +indeed this generally is so. But in that case each class of ceremony +would be performed separately. One person may have more than one +ceremony performed for him on the same occasion, but if so a separate +pig must be provided in respect of each of these ceremonies, and there +must be a separate receptacle and a separate supply of food in respect +of each of them, though it does not follow that the total amount of +food to be provided, other than pig, is proportionately increased. + +At a subsequent date there will be a purification ceremony, at which +a wild pig or pigs will be killed and eaten by the villagers; though, +if the perineal band ceremony has taken place during a big feast, +the purification ceremony in connection with the latter will be the +only one to take place. + +There is no system of seclusion of either boys or girls on attaining +puberty, or in connection with initiation, or on attaining a +marriageable age. Nor is there any initiation ceremony, or wearing +of ceremonial masks, or use of bull-roarers. The custom by which +chiefs' children, when assuming the perineal band, are made to stand +on a platform reminds one, however, of the Hood Peninsular custom +for girls to stand on a dubu platform for the initiation ceremony, +as referred to by Dr. Seligmann. [76] + + + + + + +Ceremony on Admission to Emone. + +Both boys and girls must undergo a ceremony before being allowed +to enter the _emone_. It generally takes place when they are two, +three, or four years old. The preliminary decoration of the child +is similar to that adopted for the perineal band ceremony, except +that, if the child has lost either of its parents, this decoration is +omitted. The erection of receptacles and provision of food and pigs, +and the invitation of guests and dancing, and the killing of the pigs +are the same as in the case of the other ceremony; also each child +has to stand on the pig which his people provide for him. + +There is, however, no putting on of a feather ornament, but instead +of it the following performance takes place:--Each child has been +carried by its mother or father or other relative, but is taken from +that person by the man who has bought the pig. This man places the +child on the dead pig; then he immediately picks the child up again, +and runs with it to one of the _emone_, upon the platform of which two +rows of men are sitting, and hands it to the man at the end of one of +the rows. The child is then rapidly passed from hand to hand along +that row, and then along the other row, after which it is returned +to its carrier, who runs with it to the other _emone_, on which +also two rows of men are sitting, and where a similar performance +takes place. During all this performance there is much shouting and +calling out to the child-carrier to hurry. Finally, when the child +is again handed back to this man, he returns it to its parents, +and the ceremony is finished. + +The ceremony in the case of a chief's child seems to be the same as +that for other children, the platform business of the perineal band +ceremony being apparently omitted in this case. + +If the ceremony is performed at a big feast, the variations are +substantially similar to those of the perineal band ceremony; and in +particular the placing of the child on the pig, and the running with +it to the _emone_, are postponed to a later date. + +The observations as to the subsequent purification in connection with +the perineal band ceremony apply to this ceremony also. + +It will be noticed that girls are included in this admission to the +_emone_. When a girl has undergone the admission ceremony she has free +entry into the _emone_--except that she must not sleep there--until +she formally receives her perineal band, upon which her permission +to enter the _emone_ ceases. + + +Ceremony Conferring Right to Use Drum and Dance. + +This ceremony also applies to both boys and girls; but I omitted to +ascertain the age at which it usually occurs. It is similar to the +perineal band ceremony, except that the child is dressed in dance +ornaments (though not the fullest formal dance ornaments), until we +reach the stage of standing on the pig, and putting on of the feather +ornament, which is omitted; and, instead of it, the person who has +bought the pig places the child upon it, and then for a short time +beats a drum, after which he gives the drum to the child, who also +beats it, and then returns it to him. + +I cannot say whether in this case there is any variation of the +ceremony as regards a chief's child; but I do not think there is. + +Here again I believe that, when the ceremony takes place at a big +feast, the variations are similar to those above described, and in +particular the standing on the pig and drum-beating are postponed. + +The observations as to the subsequent purification in connection with +the perineal band ceremony apply to this one also. + + +Ceremony on Devolution of Chieftainship + +When chieftainship devolves on the death of a chief to his successor, +there is no ceremony connected with the devolution. [77] + +When a chief resigns in his lifetime, however, there is a +ceremony. There does not appear to be a special dance and feast +connected with this, it being always tacked on to some other ceremony +or group of ceremonies. This particular ceremony does not, in fact, +begin until after the pig-killing. The retiring chief will have +provided one or more pigs for the purpose of his ceremony, and these +will have been killed with the others. He addresses the people and +tells them that he is giving up his office and transferring it to his +successor; but in doing so he says nothing about that successor's title +to succeed, that being always known and recognised. He then sits on +his pig, and hands to his successor a bamboo knife, such as is used +for the cutting up of pigs. The successor, having received the knife, +takes the place of the retiring chief on the pig, and tells the people +that he accepts the office of chief; after which he goes round to all +the pigs which are there in connection with all the various ceremonies +to be gone through, one after another, and in each case makes with +the knife just given to him a small slit at the end of the mouth +of each pig. [78] This act is regarded as a performance by the new +chief of a chiefs office; and, as under present customs the killing +of the pig is commonly done by the pig-killer, and the cutting of it +up is done by anybody, one is tempted to wonder whether the ceremony +points to some chief's duty of the past, which has ceased to exist, +or to some unknown origin of the status of the pig-killer. + + +Ceremony on Building of a New Emone. + +The usual occasion for the building of a new _emone_ is an impending +big feast, the then existing _emone_ in the village being out of +repair, or there being then no true _emone_ in the village. But _emone_ +are built at other times also. + +The actual building of the _emone_ is carried out by the whole clan +without ceremony; but when it is finished they erect tall slender +straight-stemmed tree poles, passing through the roof of the _emone_, +and to these they tie bunches of croton leaves. When the _emone_ is +being built in anticipation of a big feast, these poles are like, +and in fact are part of the series of, the poles erected for the +purpose of the feast, as above described. Croton leaves are also +attached to poles after the repairing of a then existing _emone_. + +In the case of a new _emone_, after its completion they light a fire +in it, and in that fire cook a wild pig; vegetable food is provided, +and the clan, including members of the village and of other villages, +have a little clan feast of the vegetables, followed by a cutting up +and distribution of the pig. But there is no dancing. + + + + + + +CHAPTER X + +Matrimonial and Sexual + +A boy is regarded as having reached a marriageable age at about 16, +17, or 18, and the age for a girl is a few years younger. They do +not as a rule marry before they have received their perineal bands; +but there does not appear to be any definite custom against their +doing so; nor are there any acts which must be performed to qualify +for marriage, nor any indications by dress or ornament or otherwise +that a boy or girl has attained a marriageable age. + +Marriages are usually contracted with women of another community, +though sometimes the wife will belong to a village of another clan +in the same community. Very rarely only is she of another village of +the same clan, and still more rarely is she of the same village, clan +exogamy being the rule, and marriages within the clan, and still more +within the village, being regarded as irregular and undesirable, and +people who have contracted them being considered as having done wrong. + +There does not appear to be any system of special matrimonial +relationship between any communities; and the mode described below, by +which a youth will by lighting a fire decide in which direction he must +travel to seek a wife, would be hardly consistent with any such system. + +They have their prohibitive rules of consanguinity; but these are +based merely upon the number of generations between either party and +the common ancestor. The number of degrees within which prohibition +applies in this way is two, thus taking it to the grandparent; and +the result is that no man or woman may properly marry any descendant +of his or her paternal or maternal grandfather or grandmother, however +distant the actual relationship of the persons concerned may be. [79] +Marriages within the prohibited degree do in fact occur; but they +are discountenanced, and are rare. + +Polygyny is usual, and is largely practised. A man will often have +two or three, or sometimes even four, wives; and a chief or rich man +may have as many as six. In the case of an ordinary person the wives +all live with their husband in the same house; but a chief or rich +person may have two or more houses. A man who is already married, and +then marries again, goes through a formality, if it may be so called, +similar to that of a first marriage. Opposition from the first wife +sometimes occurs, but this is unusual. + +Infant betrothals are common; but they are quite informal, and not the +subject of any ceremony. The parents in such cases, whether of the same +or different communities, are usually intimate friends, and are thus +led to offer their children to each other for intermarriage. There +is a known case of a girl of 16 or 17 years of age, who was what +I can only call betrothed to the unborn son of a chief. A curious +element in this case was that at the date, prior to the birth of +the proposed husband, of what I call the betrothal, the price for +the girl was actually paid--a thing which is never done till the +marriage--and that, as I was most solemnly assured, the living girl +and the unborn boy were in fact regarded, not merely as betrothed, +but as actually married, and that, when the boy died, which he did in +infancy, long before marital relationship between them was possible, +the girl was regarded as being a widow. I could not ascertain what +happened as regards the price which had been paid for the girl. A +couple betrothed in childhood are not subject to any restrictions +as to meeting and mutual companionship, nor is there any mutual +avoidance, nor any increased probability, based on their betrothal, +of immorality between them; though in the more usual case of betrothal +between children of different communities they in ordinary course +are not likely to be constantly seeing each other. + +A young man will speak of his sweetheart, present or prospective, +as his _ojande_, which means his "flower"; and this is so even if he +does not yet know her; and, when asked where he is going, he will +reply that he is going to seek an _ojande_. If he is not already +betrothed, and is matrimonially inclined, he has various expedients +for accomplishing his desires. A boy who wants to marry, and does not +know where to seek a wife, will sometimes light a fire in the bush, +or better still in an open space (not in the village), when the air is +still, and wait until a slight breeze blows the flame or smoke a little +in some one direction; and he will then select a community or village +which lies in that direction as the spot in which to seek a wife. + +A boy will often carry in a small bag (this does not refer to the +special small charm bag already described) some pieces of wood and +stone, and will rub a piece of tobacco between two of these, and send +this tobacco to the girl of his choice through a female relative of +hers or some other friend; and he believes that in some mysterious way +this will draw her heart towards him, and make her accept him. The +pieces of wood and stone need not be of any particular kind; but he +will have carried them for a considerable time, until they have, +as he thinks, acquired the specific odour of his body; and it is +then that they have obtained their special power. It is impossible +to induce a boy to part with a piece of wood or stone which has been +so seasoned by time, and would take long to replace. Sometimes a boy +will acquire these things by purchase from a magic man, who professes +to be able to impart to them a more effective power. + +A proposal of marriage is usually made by the boy through some female +relative of the girl, or other suitable person, and not directly by +him to the girl herself. + +Another custom may be mentioned here, though it only relates to a man +who is already married, but wants another wife or wives. In clearing +the bush for yam gardens it is usual, as regards the smaller trees, +to cut away the side branches only, leaving the main trunks for posts +up which the yams will climb; but the man in question will in the +case of one (only one) of these smaller trees leave uncut one, two, +or three of the upper branches, the number so left being the number +of the wives he desires; and everyone understands its meaning. + +As regards the relationship of unmarried boys and girls generally, +they are allowed to associate together, without any special precautions +to prevent misconduct, and a good deal of general immorality exists. + +The marriage ceremony, following a parental betrothal, or with +parental acquiescence, is a very informal matter, and in fact both +the bargaining for the wife and the ceremony of the marriage are +in striking contrast to the elaborate system of bargaining and mock +raiding by the girl's family, and the wedding ceremonies, which are +adopted in Mekeo. A day is fixed for the marriage, and on that day the +boy goes to the house of the girl's parents, after which he and she +and her parents go to the house of the boy's parents, and the girl +is paid for then and there. After this the young people immediately +live together as a married couple in the house of either his or her +parents, until he has been able to build a house for himself. Neither +are there any special ceremonies in connection with the fixing of +the price. This is generally very small. Dogs' teeth, pearl shell, +necklaces, adzes, etc., are the usual things in which it is paid; but +there is always a pig, which has been killed under, or on the site of, +the grave platform above referred to. The price, in fact, depends upon +the position and wealth of the girl's parents, except that there is +always only one pig. The price is paid to the father of the girl, or, +if dead, to her eldest brother or other nearest male paternal relative. + +A runaway marriage is still simpler. The boy has proposed to the girl +through her friend, and she has consented; and they simply run off +into the bush together, and remain in the bush, or the gardens, or a +distant village, until the boy's friends have succeeded in propitiating +the girl's father, and the price has been paid; and then the couple +return to the village. + +After marriage, the husband and wife are not as a rule faithful to +each other, the marriage tie being only slight. Adultery on the part +of the wife, but not of the husband, is regarded as a serious offence, +if discovered. The injured husband will beat the guilty wife, and +is entitled to kill the man with whom she has misconducted herself, +and will usually do so; though nowadays he often dares not do so in +districts where he fears Government punishment. Sometimes he will be +content if the adulterer pays him a big price, say a pig; and this +compensation is now commonly accepted in districts where the husband +dares not kill. In either case, the husband generally keeps the wife. + +Formal divorce or separation does not exist. A husband who wants to get +rid of his wife will make her life so miserable that she runs away from +him. But more usually the separation originates with the wife, who, not +liking or being tired of her husband, or being in love elsewhere, will +run away and elope altogether with another man. In such a case, the +husband may retaliate on that other man in the way already mentioned; +but that is rather the method adopted in cases of incidental adultery, +and as a rule, when the wife actually elopes, she and her paramour go +off to some other community, and the husband submits to the loss. He +will, however, claim from the wife's people the price which he paid +for her on his marriage. This is sometimes paid, but not always; and, +as the wife almost always belongs to another clan, and generally +to another community, the refusal to pay this claim is one of the +frequent causes of fighting, the members of the husband's clan, +and often the whole community, joining him in a punitive expedition. + +When a man dies, or at all events after the removal by the widow +of her mourning, she goes back to her own people, generally taking +with her any of their young children who are then living in the +house. There is no devolution of the wife to the husband's brother, +or anything of that nature. Nor, in case of the death of the wife, +does the husband marry her sister. + +Speaking of the people generally, it may certainly be said that sexual +morality among men, women, boys and girls is very low; and there is +no punishment for immorality, except as above stated. + + + + + + +CHAPTER XI + +Killing, Cannibalism, and Warfare + + +Killing. + +Individual killing in personal quarrel, as distinguished from +slaying in warfare, is exceedingly rare, except in cases of revenge +upon adulterers. In these cases, however, it is regarded as the +appropriate punishment; and even the family of the adulterer would +hardly retaliate, if satisfied as to his guilt. There is no system of +head-hunting, or of killing victims in connection with any ceremonies, +or of burying alive, [80] or of killing old and sick people, though +the ceremonial blow on the head of a reputed dying man must sometimes +be premature. + +Abortion and infanticide, however, are exceedingly common, the +more usual practice being that of procuring abortion. Although +sexual immorality so largely exists, and young unmarried women and +girls are known to indulge in it so freely, and it is not seriously +reprobated, it is regarded as a disgrace for one to give birth to +a child; and if she gets into trouble she will procure abortion or +kill the child. The same thing is also common among married women, +on the ground that they do not wish to have more children. There is +another cause for this among married women, which is peculiar. A woman +must not give birth to a child until she has given a pig to a village +feast; and if she does so it will be a matter of reproach to her. If, +therefore, she finds herself about to have a child, and there is no +festal opportunity for her to give a pig, or if, though there be a +feast, she cannot afford to give a pig, she will probably procure +abortion or kill the child when born. I was told by Father Chabot, +the Father Superior of the Mission, that among the neighbouring Kuni +people a woman would kill her child for extraordinary reasons; and he +furnished an example of this in a woman who killed her child so that +she might use her milk for suckling a young pig, which was regarded +as being more important. Whether such a thing would occur in Mafulu +appears to be doubtful; but it is quite possible, more especially as +the Mafulu women do, in fact, suckle pigs. + +Abortion is induced by taking the heavy stone mallet used for bark +cloth beating, and striking the woman on the front of the body over +the womb. It is also assisted by the wearing of the tight cane belt +already mentioned. I could not hear of any system of using drugs +or herbs to procure abortion; but herbs are used to produce general +sterility, which they are believed to be effective in doing. + +Married women also often kill their children as the result of a +sort of superstitious ceremony. The child being born, the mother, +in accordance with the custom of the country, goes down to the +river, and throws the placenta into it. She then, however, often +takes a little water from the river, and gives it to the babe. If +the latter seems by the movements of its lips and tongue to accept +and take the water into its mouth, it is a sign that it is to live, +and it is allowed to do so. If not, it is a sign that it is to +die, and she throws it into the river. This custom, which is quite +common, has presumably had a superstitious origin, and it seems to +be practised with superstitious intent now. There appears, however, +to be no doubt that it is also followed for the purpose of keeping +or killing the child, according to the wish of the mother. There is +further, confirming the last statement, a well-known practice, when +the mother goes down to the river with her baby, for some other woman, +who is childless and desires a child, to accompany the mother, and +take from her and adopt the baby; and as to this, there is no doubt +that, before doing so, the woman ascertains from the mother whether +or not she intends to keep her child, and only goes with her to the +river if she does not intend to keep it. This is done quite openly, +with the full knowledge of the second woman's husband and friends; +and everyone knows that the child is not really hers, and how she +acquired it. [81] + + + + + + +Cannibalism. + +There is no doubt that the Mafulu people have always been cannibals, +and are so still, subject now to the fear in which they hold the +controlling authority of the white man, and which impels such of them +as are in close touch with the latter to indulge in their practice +only in secrecy. Their cannibalism has been, and is, however, of a +restricted character. They do not kill for the purpose of eating; +and they only eat bodies of people who have been intentionally +killed, not the bodies of those who have been killed by accident, +or died a natural death. Also the victim eaten is always a member +of another community. The killing which is followed by eating is +always a hostile killing in fight; but this fight may be either a +personal and individual one, or it may be a community battle. The +idea of eating the body appears to be a continued act of hostility, +rather than one of gastronomic enjoyment; and I could learn nothing +of any belief as to acquiring the valour and power of the deceased +by eating him. I was informed that the man who has killed the victim +will never himself share in the eating of him, this being the case +both as regards people killed in private personal fighting and those +killed in war. [82] I tried to find out if there were any ceremonies +connected with the eating of human flesh; but could learn nothing upon +the subject, the natives being naturally not readily communicative +with white men on the matter. + + + + + +Warfare. + +Warfare generally occurs between one community or section of a +community (probably a clan) and another community or section of one; it +very rarely occurs within a community. Sometimes two communities join +together in opposition to a third one; but alliances of this sort are +usually only of a temporary character. War among these people is now, +of course, forbidden by the British authorities, and indulgence in it +is a serious punishable offence; but it cannot be said to be abolished. + +The usual ground for an attack is either that some member of the +attacked community or section of a community has by personal violence +or by spirit-supported sorcery killed a member of the attacking +community or section, or it is of the matrimonial character above +explained. The underlying idea of the war is a life for a life; and in +the matrimonial matter one life is the sum of vengeance required. Hence +the primary object of an attack has usually been accomplished when +the attacking party has killed one of their opponents. If there are +two or more persons whose deaths have to be avenged, a corresponding +number of lives is required in the battle. Then the attacking party +may suffer loss during the fight, in which case this has to be added +to the account; and loss by the attacked is introduced into the other +side of it to their credit. The number killed in a battle is not, +however, often great. + +When the required vengeance has been accomplished, the attacking party +usually cease fighting and return home, if the enemy allow them to +do so. They may retire before their vengeance has been accomplished; +but in that case they are probably doing so as a defeated party, with +the intention of renewing the attack on a subsequent occasion. If +the attacking party cease fighting and try to return, the enemy may +continue their counter attack, especially if they have themselves +suffered loss in the fighting; but I was told that the enemy would +not as a rule follow the attacking party far into the bush. It may be +that what is regarded by the attackers as a correct balance of lives +struck, on which they may retire, is not so regarded by the enemy, +in which case the latter may try to prolong the fight; and, if the +attackers get away, there will probably be a retaliatory expedition, +in which the position of attackers and attacked is reversed. The +primary idea of a life for a life is, however, generally understood +and acknowledged; and if the enemy recognise the truth of the alleged +reason for the attack, and have not lost more life than was required +to balance the account, they usually rest satisfied with the result. + +No ceremony or taboo appears to be adopted in anticipation of proposed +hostilities for the purpose of securing success; but individual +fighters often wear charms, upon whose efficacy they rely. Nor do +there appear to be any omens in connection with them other than +certain general ones to be referred to hereafter. The preparations +for a fight and its conduct can hardly be regarded as subjects of +much organisation, as the chiefs are not war chiefs, and there are +no recognised permanent leaders or commanders of the forces, and no +recognised war councils or systematic organisation, either of the +fighting party or of the conduct of the fight. All adult males of +the community engaged are expected to take part, and the leadership +will generally fall upon someone who at the moment is regarded as a +strong and wise fighter. + +The men start off on their expedition as an armed, but unorganised, +body, their arms being spears, bows and arrows, [83] clubs, adzes +and shields, and none of their weapons being poisoned. During their +progress to the enemy's community they are generally singing, and their +song relates to the grievance the avenging of which is the object of +the expedition. The warriors do not, I was told, as a rule carry a full +supply of provisions, as they rely largely upon what they can find in +the bush, and what they hope to raid from their enemy's plantations. On +reaching the scene of battle they adopt methods of spying and scouting +and sentry duty, though only on simple and unscientific lines. They +have apparently no generally recognised systems of signs of truce or +truce envoys or hostages. There are certain recognised cries, which +respectively signify the killing of a man and the taking of a prisoner, +by which, when such an event occurs, the fighters on both sides are +aware of it. An enemy wounded on the battlefield may be killed at +once or may be taken prisoner. All prisoners, wounded or otherwise, +are taken home by the party that secures them, and are then killed, +apparently without any prior torture, and generally eaten. A prisoner +thus carried off would be regarded as a man killed, which in fact he +shortly will be. The women of a community follow their fighting men +in the expedition, their duty being to encourage the fighters on the +way out, and during the fight, by their singing; but they remain in +the rear during the battle, and do not actually fight. These women, +of course, also run the risk of being killed or wounded or taken +prisoners. + +Fighting between two communities may go on intermittently for +years. Then perhaps the communities may get mutually weary of it, +and decide to make peace. This act is ratified by an exchange between +the two communities of ceremonial visits, with feasts and pig-killing, +but no dancing, the pigs and vegetables and fruit distributed by the +hosts among the visitors on the return visit being exactly similar +in character and quantity to what the latter have given the former +on the prior visit. + +The Mafulu war spears are made out of a very hard-wooded palm tree and +another hard red-wooded tree, the name of which I do not know. They +are round in section, tapering at both ends, and are generally from +10 to 12 feet long, and about three-quarters of an inch in diameter at +the widest part. There are three forms of point. The first (Plate 73, +Fig. 1) is simply a tapering off in round section. The second (Plate +73, Fig. 2) is made square in section for a distance of 2 to 2 1/2 feet +from the tip. The third (Plate 73, Fig. 3) is in section a triangle, +of which two sides are equal and the other side is a little larger, +this triangular form being carried for a foot or less from the tip, +and the larger surface being barbed bilaterally. This last-mentioned +form is also generally decorated with a little tuft of bright-coloured +feathers, just above the point where the barbing begins. + +The bows (Plate 74, Fig. 1) are made of split bamboo, the convex +side of the bow being the inner section of the split bamboo. These +bows are quite short, generally about 4 feet long when straightened +out, and have triangular-shaped knobs at the ends for holding the +bowstrings. The bowstrings are made of what appears to be strong split +canes (not sugar-canes). The arrows (Plate 73, Fig. 4) are from 6 to +8 feet long, which is extraordinary in comparison with the length +of the bows, and are made in two parts, the shaft being made of a +strong reed, and the point, which is inserted into the reed shaft and +is generally a foot or more long, being single and round-sectioned, +and made of the same materials as are used for spears. There are no +feathers or equivalents of feathers, and the shaft end of the arrow +is cut square and not notched. + +The clubs (Plate 75, Figs, 1 and 2) are stone-headed, the heads being +of the pineapple and disc types; but these heads are the same as those +used on the plains and coast, whose people, in fact, get them from +the mountains, and as these are so well-known, it is not necessary +for me to describe them. + +The adzes (Plate 75, Fig. 4) are of the usual type, the stone blade +being lashed directly on to the handle. There are two common forms. In +one, which is also used for ordinary adze work, the haft is cut from +a natural branch, with the angle of the head part set obliquely. In +the other, which is also used for cutting timber, the haft is cut +from a branch with the angle of the head part set at right angles, +or nearly so. I do not know to what extent this second form is common +in New Guinea. It is not found in Mekeo. + +The shields (Plate 74, Figs. 2 and 3) are thick, heavy, cumbrous +weapons, made out of the wood used for making wooden dishes. The outer +surfaces are convex, and the inner ones concave, the natural convexity +of the circular trunk of the tree from which they are made being +retained. These shields are 4 1/2 to 5 feet long, and usually about +15 or 16 inches wide in the broadest central part, getting somewhat +narrower towards the two ends, where they are rounded off. Each shield +has two strong cane handles in the centre of its internal concave +side, each of which handles is fixed by means of two pairs of holes +bored through the shield, and of thongs which are passed through +these holes and attached to the ends of the handles. The shields are +carried by passing the left arm through the upper handle downwards, +the left hand holding the lower handle. + + + + + + +CHAPTER XII + +Hunting, Fishing and Agriculture + + +Hunting. + +This is engaged in more or less all the year round, especially +as regards wild pigs when wanted for village killing. The animals +chiefly hunted are pigs, kangaroos, wallabies, the "Macgregor bear," +[84] large snakes, cassowaries and other birds. + +The hunting weapons and contrivances used are spears, bows and arrows, +nets and traps; but adzes and clubs are used in connection with +net hunting. The spears are those used for war. The bows and arrows +employed for hunting animals and cassowaries are also the same as +those used for war; but these are not much used. For bird-shooting +(excluding cassowary-shooting) they generally use arrows (Plate 73, +Fig. 5) the points of which are made of four rather fine pieces of +bamboo cane, closely bound together at the place of insertion into +the reed shaft, and also bound together further down, but with a +piece of stick or some other material inserted between them inside +this second binding, so as to keep them a little apart and make them +spread outwards, thus producing a four-pronged point. The arrows vary +in length from 5 to 6 or 7 feet, and their points vary from 4 to 10 +inches. The adzes and clubs are the same as those used for war. + +The people generally hunt in large parties for pigs (hunted with +either spears or nets), kangaroos and wallabies (hunted with nets +only), and Macgregor bears, cassowaries, and big snakes (hunted with +spears only). The hunters may be members of a single village or of a +whole community. They generally return home on the same day, except +when hunting the Macgregor bear, which is only found on the tops of +high mountains, and so requires a longer expedition. They usually +take out with them large numbers of young boys, who are not armed, +and do not take part in the actual killing, but who, when the party +reaches the hunting ground, spread out in the bush, and so find the +animals. While doing this the boys bark like dogs. Sometimes dogs +are taken instead, but this is unusual, as they have not many dogs. + +A preliminary ceremony is performed by a person whose special duty +it is, and who, I think, is usually the pig-killer. He takes a +particular kind of fragrant grass, makes an incantation over it, +rubs it on the noses of the dogs (if there are any), [85] and then +ties it in several portions to the meshes of the net to be used. If +there are dogs, but no net, then, after rubbing the dogs' noses, +he throws the grass away. If there is a net, but no clogs, then, +after making the incantation, he ties the grass on to the net as +above mentioned. This appears to be the only ceremony in connection +with hunting; and there is no food or other taboo associated with it, +but some of the charms worn are intended to give success in hunting. + +In spear hunting, when children and not dogs are employed, the children +shout as soon as the animal has been found, and then retreat; and, +when the animal has been found by either children or dogs, the hunting +men attack it with their spears, if possible surrounding it. + +In net hunting, which of course can only be adopted in fairly open +spaces, the hunters place their net by means of pole supports in the +form of a crescent, perhaps as much as 50 or 60 yards long, this +length, however, requiring several nets put end to end together, +and 2 or 3 feet high. The net is generally put across the base of a +narrow ravine, or across a narrow ridge, these being the routes along +which the animals usually travel. The children or dogs search for +the animal, as in spear hunting; and when it is found, most of the +hunters place themselves in a crescent-shaped formation behind the +animal, so that it is between them and the net, and then gradually +close in upon it, and so drive it into the net. Behind the net are +other hunters, more or less hidden, who kill the animal with club or +adze when it is caught in the net. They sometimes use spears in the +event of an animal jumping over the net, and so trying to escape; +though in net hunting the spears are more especially carried for +purposes of self-defence in case of an attack by the animal. + +There is always an enormous amount of shouting all through the +hunt. When the animal has been caught, they generally kill it then and +there, except as regards pigs required alive for village ceremony, +and which are disabled, but not killed. The huntings, except when +pigs are specially required, are usually general; and when any sort +of animal has been killed the hunters are content. They surround the +beast, and make three loud shouting screams, by which the people of the +village or community know, not only that an animal has been killed, +but also what the animal is. It is then brought home, and eaten by +the whole village, if the hunt be a village hunt, or by the community, +if it be a community hunt. + +Individual hunting, in which I include hunts by parties of two or +three, is also common. Solitary hunters are generally only searching +for birds (not cassowaries); but parties of two or three will go after +larger game, such as pigs, cassowaries, etc. Such parties hunt the +larger game with spears, clubs and adzes, and shoot the birds, other +than cassowaries, with bows and arrows. They kill their victims as +they can, and bring them home; and they, and probably some of their +friends, eat them. + +Trap hunting is much engaged in by single individuals. A common form +of trap used for pigs is a round hole about 6 feet deep and 2 feet in +diameter, which is dug in the ground anywhere in the usual tracks of +the pigs, and is covered over with rotten wood, upon which grass is +spread; and into this hole the pig falls and cannot get out. The maker +of the hole does not necessarily stay by it, but will visit it from +time to time in the hope of having caught a pig. Small tree-climbing +animals are often caught by a plan based upon the inclination of an +animal, seeing a continuous line, to go along it. A little pathway +of sticks is laid along the ground, commencing near a suitable tree, +and carried up to the base of that tree, and then taken up the trunk, +and along a branch, on which it terminates, the parts upon the tree +being bound to it with cane. At the branch termination of this path +is either a noose trap, made out of a piece of native string tied at +one end to the branch, and having at the other end a running noose in +which the animal is caught, or a very primitive baitless framework +trap, so made that the animal, having once got into it, cannot get +out again. Or instead of a trap, the man will erect a small rough +platform upon the same tree, upon which platform he waits, perhaps +all night, until the animal comes, and then shoots it with his bow +and arrow. Another form of trap for small animals is a sort of alley +along the ground, fenced in on each side by a palisading of sticks, +and having at its end a heavy overhanging piece of wood, supported +by an easily moved piece of stick, which the animal, after passing +along the alley, disturbs, so bringing down the piece of wood on to +the top of it; this trap also has no bait. Large snakes are caught +in nooses attached to the ground or hanging from trees. + +Birds of all kinds, except cassowaries, are killed with bows and +arrows. There is also a method of killing certain kinds of birds of +paradise which dance on branches of trees, and certain other kinds +and bower birds, which dance on the ground, [86] by means of nooses +as above described, these being tied to the branch of the tree, +or, in the case of ground nooses, tied to a stick or something in +the ground. The natives know the spots where the birds are dancing, +and place the noose traps there. Another method of killing birds is +adopted on narrow forest-covered ridges of the mountains. An open +space or passage about 2 or 3 yards wide is cut in the bush, across +the ridge; and across this passage are suspended three parallel nets, +the inner or central one being of a close and impassable mesh, and the +two outer ones having a mesh so far open that a bird striking against +it can get through. These nets are made of very fine material, and so +are not easily seen, especially as they are more or less in shade from +the trees on each side of the passage. A bird flying from the valley +on either side towards the ridge is attracted by this open passage, +and flies into and along it; it strikes against one of the more open +outer nets, and gets through it, but is confused and bewildered, +and so is easily stopped by the central close-meshed net, where it +is shot with bow and arrow. + + +Fishing. + +Fishing is carried on by the Mafulu people by means of weirs placed +across streams, the weirs having open sluices with intercepting nets, +and smaller nets being used to catch such fish as escape the big +ones. They do not fish with spears, hooks, or bows and arrows, or +with fishing lines, as is done in Mekeo; and even their weir and net +systems are different from the Mekeo ones. Fishing with them is more +or less communistic, as it is generally engaged in by parties of ten +or twenty men (women do not fish), and sometimes nearly all the men +of a village, or even of a community, join in a fishing expedition; +and everyone in the village or community shares more or less in +the spoil. The fishing season is towards the end of the dry season, +say in October or November, when work in the gardens is over, and the +rivers are low. I cannot give the names of the fishes caught, but was +told that the chief ones are large full-bodied carp-like fish and eels. + +The large weir nets are simply ordinary frameless nets about 3 to 5 +yards long, and 1 yard wide, with a fairly small mesh. The smaller ones +are hand nets, made in two forms. One of these is made of ordinary fine +netting, and is bag-shaped, being strung on a round looped end of cane, +of which the other end is the handle, the net being about the size of +a good-sized butterfly net. The other form is also framed on a looped +cane; but the loop in this case is larger and more oval in shape, +and the netting is made of the web of a large spider. To make it they +take the already looped cane to where there are a number of such webs, +and twist the looped end round and round among the webs, until there +is stretched across the loop a double or treble or quadruple layer of +web, which, though flat when made, is elastic, and when used becomes +under pressure more or less bag-shaped. + +The fishers first make a weir of upright sticks placed close together +among the stones in the river bed, the weir stretching across the +greater part of, or sometimes only half-way across, the river. The +side of the river left open and undammed is filled up with stones +to such a height that the water flowing over it is shallow, and the +fish do not escape across it. In the middle of the weir they leave +an open space or sluice, behind which they fasten the big net. [87] +Plate 76 shows a weir on the Aduala river, a portion of the open sluice +being seen on the left. After forming the weir, but before fixing the +net, the fishers all join in a sort of prayer or invocation to the +river. For example, on the Aduala river they will say, "Aduala, give +us plenty of fish, that we may eat well." This is the only ceremony +in connection with the fishing, and there is no food or other taboo +associated with it; but here again charms are often relied upon. The +big net catches most of the fish which are carried down by the rush +of water through the opening in the weir; but a group of fishermen +stand round it with their hand nets, with which they catch any fish +that leap out of the big net, and would otherwise escape, the ordinary +hand nets being usually used for larger fish, and the cobweb ones for +the smaller fish. They often have two or three of these weirs in the +same stream, at some little distance from each other. + +A fishing party will often stay and live for some days at the place +where they are fishing, and eat the fish each day as they catch it; +so that what they bring home for the village or community may only +be the result of the last day's sport. But the women will sometimes +come to the fishers, bring them food, and take some fish back to the +village or community. Each community has waters which it regards as +being its own; but disputes as to this apparently do not arise. + +A solitary individual sometimes goes off to catch fish with one of +the hand nets above described or with his hands, and eats or keeps +what he catches; but this is unusual. + + +Agriculture. + +Agriculture is never communistic, being entirely an individual or +family matter, men and households and families having their own +gardens and plantations. The trees and plants chiefly cultivated are +those already mentioned as being used for food. + +The clearing of the ground is done by men, and is begun about the +end of June. The trees and their branches are used for fencing, the +fencing being also done by men. The clearing away of the undergrowth +is done by women, who pile it in small heaps, which are spread over +the cleared space, being so close together that they almost touch one +another. When these have got quite dry, which may be in a few days, or +not for some time, they burn them, and the ashes add fertility to the +soil. There is no general digging up of the ground, as distinguished +from the digging of holes for individual plants. The clearing of the +trees is done with stone adzes, or in difficult cases by fire; but some +of the people now have European axes, of which some have been acquired +from white men, and some from plain and coast natives. In clearing for +planting yam and plants of the yam type they leave the upright stems of +some of the trees and shrubby undergrowth for the yams, etc., to trail +over. Cultivation of some of the more usual plants is done as follows. + +Sweet potatoes and vegetables of similar type are planted by the women +in August and September. They make little holes in the ground about 2 +feet apart, and in them plant the potatoes, the roots used being the +young sarmentose runners, which they cut off from the parent plants, +the latter being merely cut down to the ground, and the old tubers +being left in it. These runners are left to grow, and in about three +or four months the young potatoes are ready for eating, and afterwards +there will be a continuous supply from the runners. The digging up of +the day-to-day supply of potatoes is done by the women, the work in +this, and in all other digging, being done with small pointed sticks, +roughly made and not preserved; though now they sometimes have European +knives, these knives and axes being the two European implements which +they use in agriculture, if they possess them. + +Yams and similar vegetables are planted by men in August and +September, near to the young tree stems up which they are to trail, +and at distances apart of 2 or 3 yards. In this case, however, there +are two plantings. In the first instance the yam tubers are planted +in pretty deep holes, the tubers being long. The yams then grow, +and twine over the tree stems, and spread. After about ten months +the men dig up the tubers, which in the meantime have grown larger, +and cut away from them all the trailing green growth, and then hang +the tubers up in the houses and _emone_, to let the new growing points +sprout. Then in about another two months the men replant the smaller +tubers, while the larger ones are retained for food. + +There are two curious Mafulu practices in connection with +yam-planting. First, before planting each tuber they wrap round it +an ornamental leaf, such as a croton, which they call the "sweetheart +of the yam." Against this leaf they press a piece of limestone. They +then plant the tuber with its sweetheart leaf around it and the piece +of limestone pressing against its side, and fill in the soil; but as +they do the latter they withdraw the piece of limestone, which they +use successively for other yams, and, indeed, keep in their houses +for use year by year. In the villages near the Mafulu Mission Station +the limestone used is generally a piece of stalactite, which they +get from the limestone caves in the mountains. The belief is that by +planting in this way the yams will grow stronger and better. Secondly, +there is a little small-leafed plant of a spreading nature, only a +few inches high, which grows wild in the mountains, but which is +also cultivated, and a patch of which they always plant in a yam +plantation. This plant they also call the "sweetheart of the yam"; +and they believe that its presence is beneficial to the plantation. + +Yams are ready for supplying food eight or ten months after +planting. They are not, like the potatoes, dug up from day to day, +as they can be stored. The usual period of digging and storing is +about June or July, and this digging is done by both men and women, +the former dealing with the larger yams, which are difficult to get +up, and the latter with the smaller ones. + +The yam is apparently regarded by the Mafulu people as a vegetable +possessing an importance which one is tempted to think may have a +more or less superstitious origin-witness the facts that only men +may plant it and that it is the only vegetable in the planting of +which superstitious methods are employed, and the special methods and +ceremonies adopted in the hanging of the yams at the big feast. But +I fancy this idea as to the yam is not confined to the Mafulu; and +indeed Chalmers tells us of a Motu superstition which attributes to +it a human origin; [88] and a perusal of the chapter on sacrifices +in Dr. Codrington's book, _The Melanesians_, leaves the impression +on one's mind that among these people the yam is the one vegetable +which is specially used for sacrificial purposes. + +Taro and similar vegetables are planted by women in August and +September among the yams, at distances of 2 or 3 feet apart. For this +purpose they take the young secondary growths which crop up round the +main central plants during the year. [89] They are ready for eating +in, say, May or June of the following year. They are dug up by women +from day to day as wanted, as they, like the sweet potato, cannot +be kept, as the yams are, after being taken up. There is, however, +a method when the taro is ripe and needs digging up, but is not then +required for eating, of making a large hole in the ground, filling it +with grass, digging up the taro, putting it on the grass in the hole, +covering and surrounding it with more grass, and then filling up with +soil, and so preserving the taro for future use by a sort of ensilage +system. I was told that this was not done on the plains. + +Bananas are planted by men, this being done every year, and off and on +all through the year, generally in old potato gardens. In this case +they take the young offshoots, which break out near the bases of the +stems. The closeness of planting varies considerably. The fruit is +gathered all through the year by men. A banana will generally begin +to bear fruit about twelve months after planting, though some sorts +of banana take as long as two years. + +Sugar-cane is planted by men off and on during the whole year, +generally in old potato gardens, the growing points at the tops +of the canes being put into the ground at distances of 5 or 6 feet +apart. Each plant produces a number of canes, and these begin to be +edible after six or eight months. They are then cut for eating by +both men and women. + +As regards both banana and sugar-cane, the people, after planting +them in the potato gardens, allow the potatoes to still go on growing +and spreading; but these potatoes are merely used for the pigs, +the people only eating those grown in their open patches. + +Beans of a big coarse-growing sort, with large pods from 8 to 18 inches +long, are planted by women about September by the garden fences of the +potato and yam gardens, and allowed to creep up these fences. They +furnish edible fruit in about three or four months from the time of +planting, and are then gathered by the women. Only the inside seeds +are eaten (not the pod); and even these are so hard that twenty--four +hours' boiling does not soften them--indeed, they are usually roasted. + +Pandanus trees are grown in the bush and not in the gardens. The _ine_ +which is a large form (Plate 80), is always grown at a height of not +less than 5,000 feet; but there is a smaller one which is grown by +a river or stream. The _malage_ is always grown in the valleys near +brooks and rivers. + +As regards the gardens generally, they may be roughly divided into +sweet potato gardens and yam gardens. In the former are also grown +bananas, sugar-cane, beans, pumpkin, cucumber and maize; and in the +latter taro and beans, and the reed plant with the asparagus flavour +to which I have already referred. The general tending of the bananas +and sugar-canes, and to a certain extent the yams, is done by men; +but in other respects the garden produce is looked after by women, +who also attend to the weeding and keeping of the gardens clean, +the men looking after the fences. + +Having planted a certain crop in a garden, they let it go on until +it is exhausted, the period for this being different for different +crops; but afterwards they never again plant the same crop in the same +garden. When a crop is exhausted, they may possibly use the same garden +for some other purpose; but as a rule they do not do so, except as +regards the use of old potato gardens for banana and sugar-cane. When +fresh gardens are wanted, fresh portions of bush are cleared; and the +old deserted gardens are quickly re-covered by nature with fresh bush, +the growth of vegetation being very rapid. Most of the gardens are bush +gardens, and, though these may sometimes be close to the village, you +do not find a regular system of gardens within the village clearing, +as you do in the Mekeo district, the situations of the villages being +indeed hardly adapted for this. + + + + + + +CHAPTER XIII + +Bark Cloth Making, Netting and Art. + + +Bark Cloth Making and Netting. + +I put the two processes of bark cloth making and netting together, +as being the only forms in which material is made in pieces of +substantial size. + +Bark cloth is used for making perineal bands, men's caps, +illness-recovery capes, bark cloth head strings, mourning strings and +dancing aprons and ribbons. Netting is used for fishing and hunting +nets, sleeping hammocks, the various forms of carrying bags and the +mourning vests worn by the widows of chiefs. + + +Bark Cloth Making. + +Bark cloth is made by both men and women out of the bark of three +different kinds of tree; but I do not know what these are. They strip +the bark from the tree, and from the bark they strip off the outer +layer, leaving the inner fibrous layer, which is about 1/8th of an +inch in thickness. They have no method of fastening two pieces of +bark or cloth together, so every garment has to be a single piece, +and the size of the piece to be made depends upon the purpose for +which it is wanted. The cloth is made in the usual way by soaking the +prepared bark in water for about twenty-four hours, and then hammering +it with a heavy mallet upon the rounded surface of a cut-down tree +trunk (Plate 79). + +The mallet used (Plate 51, Fig. 3), however, differs from the wooden +mallet of Mekeo and the coast. It is a heavy black roller-shaped +piece of stone, tapering a little at one or both ends, and being +broader at the beating end than at the holding end. It varies in +length from 10 to 18 inches, and has a maximum width of about 2 or +2 1/2 inches. The beating surface is not flattened, as is the case +with the Mekeo beaters, but it is rather deeply scored with a series +of longitudinal and transverse lines, crossing each other at right +angles, or nearly so. This scoring generally covers a surface space +of about 3 inches by 1 or 2 inches, and is done with pointed pieces +of similar stone, or with the tusks of wild pigs. + +As the hammering proceeds the bark becomes thinner and larger in +surface, and when this process is finished, the cloth is hung up +to dry. + +The colouring of the cloth, if and when this is added, is done by men +only, and, like body-staining, is nearly always in either red, yellow, +or black. The red stain is obtained from the two sorts of earth used +for red face and body-staining, being, as in the other case, mixed with +water or animal fat, so as to produce a paste. Another source of red +stain used for cloth is the fruit of a wild tree growing in the bush, +which fruit they chew and spit out. I do not know what the tree is, +but I do not think it is the Pandanus, whose fruit is, I believe, +used for body-staining. The yellow stain is obtained from the root of +a plant which I understand to be rather like a ginger. They dry the +root in the sun, and afterwards crush it and soak it in water, and the +water so coloured becomes the pigment to be used. The black stain is +obtained in the same way as that used for face-staining. These dyes are +put on to the cloth with the fingers, which the men dip into the dye, +or with feathers. In making a design they do not copy from a pattern +placed before them, nor do they first trace the design on the cloth. + + +Netting. + +In dealing with netting, I should begin with the making of the string; +but, as I think the method adopted is not confined to the mountains, +it is perhaps sufficient to refer to my previous description of +thread-making in connection with the manufacture of leg-bands; +though in most netting the strings are necessarily very much thicker +and stronger than are the threads used for leg-bands, and they are +three-stranded. + +Hunting and fishing nets are made by men in a simple open form of +netting, worked on the common principle of the reef knot, and having +diamond-shaped holes, with a knot at each corner of each hole. I shall +refer to this form of netting as "ordinary network." The nets are made +of thick, strong material, except as regards the hand fishing nets, +which are made of the fine material used for making leg-bands. These +nets are never coloured. + +Hammocks are made by men. They are sometimes done entirely with +ordinary network, and are then, I think, similar to Mekeo-made +hammocks; but often only two or three lines of netting are done in +this way, the rest of the net being made in a closer and finer pattern +of interlacing knotless network, which is never adopted on the coast +and Mekeo plains (all nets of this description found there having come +down from the mountains) and which I will call "Mafulu network." [90] +I have watched the making of one of these nets, and will endeavour +to describe the process. The ultimate result of the Mafulu network +part of this is shown in Plate 81. + +The maker first formed a base line of three strands of native +string stretched out horizontally. This base line is marked _a b_ +in Fig. 8. He then wound a long length of netting string round a +rough piece of stick to be used as a sort of netting shuttle. He next +worked the netting string on to the base line by a series of loops +or slip-knots as shown in Fig. 8, strand _c_ of each loop bending +upwards and becoming strand _d_ of the next loop to the right, and +the series of loops extending for the whole length of the base line, +and thus constituting the first loop line of the net. The hitches of +the loops, which appear loose and open in the figure for the purpose +of showing their construction, were really drawn tight on the base +line. On to these loops he then worked one line of ordinary network, +as shown in Fig. 9, the strings _a b c d_ in this figure being the +loops above mentioned, and the knots of this also being, of course, +drawn tight, and not made loose and open, as shown in the figure. The +base of this line again formed a series made one of these lines of +mesh for my instruction; but it is usual in the making of hammocks to +have two or three of them, as appears in the figure. The next stage +commenced the Mafulu network. The form of this is shown in Fig. 10; +and here again the actual network was more closely drawn than is shown +in the illustration, though it was not drawn tight, as in the case +of the ordinary network. The first line of Mafulu network was worked +on to the loops above it, so as to form a continuous line, in which +many loops of Mafulu work were attached to each loop of the line of +ordinary work above, the former being considerably smaller than the +latter. The rest of the network is similarly made in the Mafulu method, +each loop of each line being connected with a loop of the line above, +until the worker almost reaches the other end of the hammock, which +latter is finished off with ordinary network and a final base line, so +as to correspond with the commencing end. Often there are only four or +five loops of Mafulu network attached to each loop of ordinary network +above them; and I have seen hammocks in which the mesh of the ordinary +network part is much smaller, so that each loop of the bottom line of +this mesh has attached to it only one loop of the top line of Mafulu +mesh; and this last variation is common as regards carrying bags. + +The hammocks are never coloured; but they are sometimes decorated +with a few Pandanus or _malage_ seeds hung from their borders. + +The different forms of carrying bags have already been referred to. I +will now deal with their manufacture and colouring. They are made +exclusively by women; and the fibres used in their manufacture are +not the same as those employed for making nets and hammocks. I will +deal separately with the five forms already described by me. + +Nos. 1 and 2 are made of either ordinary or Mafulu network, and are +never coloured. When these, or any other bags, are made of Mafulu +network, their elasticity is very great. No. 3 is always made of +Mafulu network, and coloured. No. 4 is made of Mafulu network, and +is sometimes coloured, and sometimes not. No. 5 is made of Mafulu +network, and is sometimes coloured. The string used in making this +bag is different from that used for the others, and is obtained from +the bark of a small shrub. + +The question of manufacture introduces another form of bag (Plate 53, +Fig 3), which I may call No. 6. It is used by men for the purposes of +No. 4, and No 5 is also sometimes made in the same way. The method of +manufacture of No. 6 is, I was told, an uncommon one; and, though I +was able to procure one of these bags, I had not an opportunity of +observing the process by which it was made. The appearance of the +bag, however, suggests a process not unlike that of knitting. Its +outer surface displays a series of thick, strong trie ord-plaited, +vertical ridges, all close together, and looking very like the outside +ridges of a knitted woollen stocking; but on the inner surface these +ridges are not to be seen, and the general appearance of this inside +is one of horizontal lines. The material of this bag is much closer, +thicker and heavier than is that of any of the others. + +The colouring of Nos. 3, 4 and 5 is not put into the netting after +its manufacture, as is done with bark cloth. The string itself is +dyed beforehand, and the lines of colour are worked into the bag in +the process of netting. The colouring is confined to the front of +the bag only, being the part which is visible when the bag is worn +hanging over the back or shoulder. Speaking generally, the colouring +is black; but there is often a little red introduced along with the +black. The pattern is in the general form of parallel horizontal +lines or stripes, which, however, are in places made to recess or +turn downwards or upwards at right angles, and subsequently turn +upwards or downwards again, and then continue horizontally as before, +thus giving variety to the mere design of straight horizontal lines; +and these rectangular breaks are often introduced at more or less +symmetrical intervals. There are other details in these patterns, +which can be observed in the plate. I have one of these bags the +lines in which are blue, red and yellow; but I think this colouring +is not usual. The pigments are obtained from the sources described +above with reference to bark cloth. + +The colouring of my specimen of No. 6 bag is also worked into the +bag in the process of knitting, or whatever that process should be +called. But this colouring merely consists of four faint horizontal +lines of pale reddish-brown; and I was told that these bags are +generally uncoloured, or only slightly coloured in thin lines. + +The mourning vests worn by chiefs' widows are, I believe, made of +Mafulu network; but unfortunately I did not see one of these, and so +cannot describe them. + + +Art, Design, etc. + +Art and design among the Mafulu people are only of a simple and +primitive type. There is no carving or other decoration on their +houses, or even on their _emone,_ nor is there any on their stone +or wooden implements. Art and design, other than the arrangement +of feather ornaments, is, in fact, apparently confined to the very +simple designs scratched upon some of their broad abdominal belts, +smoking pipes and lime gourds and perhaps occasionally on one +or two other things, and to the plaited designs displayed in the +manufacture of other abdominal belts and of arm and leg ornaments +and plaited forehead ornaments and feather frames, and to the very +simple linear patterns in which some of their network is made, and +the ground-staining and pattern-colouring of their perineal bands, +dancing aprons and ribbons. As regards the latter, the designs are of +a very simple nature, never apparently representing anything either +realistically or conventionally, and being confined to geometric +designs of straight lines and bands, rectangular and zig-zag patterns +with coloured triangles within the zig-zag patterns, and spots. The +patterns of the perineal bands and dancing ribbons are very simple +indeed; but those of the dancing aprons are more elaborate, covering +a considerable surface of cloth, and often displaying a fair variety +of design on the same apron. + +The Mafulu have no visible method of recording events or numbers, +or sending messages, either by marks or notches on sticks, or tying +of knots in string, or any other method, and they are quite unable +to grasp the meaning of a map. + +The limited nature of the ideas of artistic design possessed by the +Mafulu people is, I think, a matter for surprise. They are believed +to have Papuan or Papuo-Melanesian blood in their veins. But, even +if they also have another distinct and more primitive ancestry of +their own, not associated with the Papuo-Melanesian types, or even +with the pure Papuan types, found on the coast and in the plains, +one would imagine that contact with these types would have caused +the Mafulu people to learn something of the more advanced art which +these other peoples display and that we should not have to record +a sudden drop from artistic designs embodying curves and natural +imitative art to a system confined to straight lines, zig-zags, +and spots. This contact with the coast and plain people, or at all +events with the latter, has certainly existed for some time back; +for, though the mutual fear and antagonism between coast and mountain +natives, which is usually found among savage peoples, has doubtless +existed in this case, and is even now not altogether eradicated, [91] +direct or indirect trading relationship, including in particular the +interchange of the stone implements and feathers of the mountains for +the shell decorations of the coast, is not a mere recent development +of the last few years only. It seems to me that the existence of this +decorative hiatus points to a rather small inherent sense of design in +the Mafulu mind. It may be, however, that the absence of imitative art, +to which I have already referred in connection with totemism and clan +badges, is partly due to the absence of totemism and of the imitative +stimulus, which, as Dr. Haddon has more than once pointed out, [92] +arises from it. + + + + + + +CHAPTER XIV + +Music and Singing, Dancing and Toys and Games + + +Music and Singing. + +The Mafulu people are naturally musical and have good musical +ears--much more so than is the case in Mekeo and on the coast, +thus conforming to what I believe to be a general rule that music is +usually more indigenous in hill country than it is in the plains. Their +instruments are the drum, the jew's-harp and a small flute; but the +flute is not a true Mafulu instrument, and has probably been acquired +from Mekeo. + +The drum (Plate 75, Fig. 3) is like the Mekeo drum, but smaller, +and its open end is cut in deep indentations. The wooden body of the +drum is made from various trees. A pine tree is the favourite one; +but others are used, including a tree the native name of which is +_arive_, which word is also the native word for a drum. The membrane +is made of the skin of a reptile, probably the "iguana." The maker +of a drum must climb up the tree from the wood of which he is about +to make it, and there, until the drum is finished, he must remain +sitting among the branches, or, if these are inconvenient for the +purpose, he may erect a scaffold around the trunk of the tree, with +a platform on the top of it, and work upon that. Whilst working, +he must always keep the upper or tympanic end of his drum facing +the wind, the idea of this being that the wind gets into the drum, +and makes it musical. His food is brought to him, whilst in his tree, +by some woman, probably his mother if he is a bachelor, or his wife +if he is married, and he lets down a string by which he hauls it up; +but he is under no special restriction as to the food he may eat. There +is no superstition, such as is found among the Roro and Mekeo people, +compelling him, in the event of his seeing a woman during the making +of the drum, to throw it away and begin a new one. + +The jew's-harp (Plate 20, Fig. 2), though seen in Mekeo, is, I was +told, as regards its manufacture, an instrument of the mountains. It +is made out of bamboo or palm, or some other tree having a hollow +or soft interior, from which is cut a piece about 8 or 10 inches +long. A portion of this piece is cut away longitudinally, leaving +for the making of the instrument only two-thirds or half, or even +one-third, of the convex outside stem circumference on one side and +the flat surface of the cut-away part on the other, and the latter +is then hollowed out, leaving, however, a solid head an inch or two +long at one end. The hollow piece thus produced is cut into three +longitudinal sections or strips, of which the two outside ones are +longer than the central one. The two outside strips are left at their +full width from the head downwards to a distance of 2 or 3 inches +from the other end, from which point they are cut away, very much +as one would cut away the divided nib of a quill pen, so that the +actual tips of these two strips are quite slender, being no broader +than their thickness. These two ends are tied together with fine +vegetable fibre. The centre strip, which is generally narrower than +the other two at its commencement by the head, is further reduced in +width by a more immediate and gradual process of paring down, and so +becomes a very slender vibrating tongue or reed, the tip of which goes +almost up to, but does not quite reach, the point at which the tips of +the two outer strips are bound together. A hole is bored through the +solid head; and through this hole is passed a thick string of native +make from 5 to 10 or 12 inches long, secured at one end by a knot +on the flat side of the head, to keep the string from slipping out, +and having at the other end a large, rough, ornamental tassel. The +tassel is generally in part composed of the untwisted fibres of the +string itself; but to these is added something else, such as a bunch +of feathers, or two smaller bunches of feathers; and among these may +be seen such miscellaneous articles as a fragment of dried-up fruit, +or a part of the backbone of a fish. For playing the instrument, +they place its tail end, with the hollow side inwards, to the mouth, +holding the extreme tip of that end in the fingers of the left hand, +and keep the tongue of the instrument in a constant state of vibration, +by smart, rapid, jerky pullings of the tasselled string. + +The flute is merely a small simple instrument made out of a small +bamboo stem, with one or two holes bored in it. + +All these instruments are played by both men and women; but the +jew's-harp and flute are regarded only as toys. + +I believe the Mafulu people occasionally sing at dances to the beating +of the drums; but this is quite unusual; and they never sing to the +music of the jew's-harp or flute. Both men and women sing, generally +several or many together, not so often alone. Their songs are all +very simple, and are chiefly sung in unison or octaves. I was told +that they sometimes accomplish simple harmonies, the notes of which +may simultaneously rise or fall either with the same or different +intervals, or may rise and fall in contrary motion; or the harmony +may be produced by one man or part of the group sustaining a note, +whilst another changes it; and I myself heard an example of the latter +of these, and also heard singing in which, while a group of men were +singing the same simple air, some of them were occasionally singing +one part of it, whilst the others seemed to be singing another part, +thus producing a very simple catch or canon. I am not, however, quite +certain as to this. Their songs are both cheerful and plaintive; +but the latter predominate, and are mainly in the minor key. The +subjects of their songs are generally sentimental love, and include +ditties by young men about their sweethearts; and I believe that some +of their songs are indecent, though I am not sure of this. They also +have warlike songs; and, when a special event occurs, songs are often +composed with reference to it. For example, not long ago a chief was +taken by the authorities to Port Moresby, and died there; and songs +about this were sung all through his district. Anyone will compose a +topical song; in fact, a man will begin singing one in the _emone,_ +making it up as he goes on, and the others will join. The men have a +very pretty custom of singing together very softly when at the end +of the day they have retired to their _emone,_ and have lain down +to sleep, the singing being very gentle, and producing what I can +only describe as a sort of crooning sound, like a lullaby or cradle +song. I once heard one of these songs sung by my carriers the last +thing at night as they lay beneath the floor of the building in which +I was sleeping; and the effect was absolutely charming. + +As an example of Mafulu music I give the following, which, though not, +I fear, quite accurate, is I think a substantially correct version of +the music of a war song sung by the Mambule and Sivu communities in +connection with joint hostilities by them against another community, +and I have so far as possible added the song itself. + + + 1st Verse: E! e! e! Si-vu Mambule juju la em u jeka le + 2nd Verse: E! e! e! Noul e nul em u ieka la bulu iuju le + + +It will be observed that the first line is whistling only. I was +informed that it is a common practice to whistle the air before singing +the first verse; though I did not gather that it was always done. It +will also be noticed that simple harmonies occur in the fourth and +fifth bars. I cannot say whether the two parts in the music are +sustained or taken up by the voices upon any defined scheme, and, +if so, what that scheme is. Nor can I say whether the voices which +take the lower notes in the music are silent after the word _la,_ or +repeat that word in the sixth bar, with or without the upper voices, +in order to bring the tune to a full close. I have only given two +verses; and, as regards the song in question, I doubt if there were +any more. Unfortunately I am unable to translate the words, and can +only give the meanings of the following:-- + +_E! e! e!_ are merely meaningless exclamatory sounds, such as we have +in civilised songs. _Sivu_ is the name of a Fuyuge community close +to the Mission Station, being, in fact, the one referred to by me in +my chapter on communities. _Mambule_ is the name of another of these +communities, further away from the station, being, as stated in my +introductory chapter, the name of the community from which the name +Mafulu arises. I cannot give verbal explanations of any of the other +words; but I may say that a rough translation of the second verse is +"My village, your village is alike (or equal.)" + + + + + + +Dancing. + +The Mafulu people, like other New Guinea natives, are fond of dancing, +and indulge in it extensively, especially in connection with feasts +and ceremonies. + +Their dancing is of an exceedingly active and lively character. The +movements of the feet are lively and jumping, often half a hop and half +a run; and, whilst dancing, their heads are actively moving backwards +and forwards and to both sides. The general progressive movement of +a dancing party is slow, but not a crawl; and the progress along the +village enclosure is usually accomplished by a series of diagonal +advances, by which they zig-zag backwards and forwards across the +enclosure, and in this way gradually travel along it. Very often the +dancers divide themselves into two parties, which in their zig-zag +progress alternately approach and recede from each other. The dancers +are always facing in the direction in which at that moment they are +moving. Men and women never dance together, except at the big feast, +where they do so in the way already described. + +This method of dancing is in striking contrast to that of the Mekeo +people, whose movements are generally very gentle and slow, those +of the feet, which are accompanied by a corresponding genuflexion, +downwards and outwards, being a slow slight step, usually barely +more than a shuffle, the feet being hardly lifted off the ground, +and those of the head being confined to a slow and sedate backwards +and forwards nodding. Also the progress of a party of Mekeo dancers +is generally very slow,--a crawl,--so much so as often to be barely +perceptible, perhaps two or three inches being accomplished at each +step, and the line of progress of a dancing party is usually a straight +line down the village enclosure; and more commonly, though not always, +the position of each dancer is sideways to the then actual direction +of progression. And in Mekeo women and men often dance together in +one group. + +Another difference between Mafulu and Mekeo dancing is that among the +Mafulu, though the drum-beating and dancing go on simultaneously, the +singing, in which all the dancers and non-dancers of both sexes join, +does not usually take place during the actual dancing, but only during +periodic pauses, in which the drum-beating and dancing cease; whereas +in Mekeo the drum-beating, dancing and singing all go on continuously +and simultaneously. As regards these Mafulu pauses in the dancing, I +should explain that these are quite distinct from the resting pauses +(in which there is neither drum-beating, dancing, nor singing) which +are customary both among the Mafulu and the Mekeo people. + +A further difference arises as regards the dancing decorations. Both +Mafulu and Mekeo natives have elaborate high framework head feather +decorations, which are worn by some, but not necessarily all, of the +dancers; and they are much ornamented about their bodies. But the +Mafulu people generally wear their finest and most beautiful feathers +on their backs, whereas among the Mekeo natives the head ornament is +the chief feature of the decoration; and in Mekeo any man who has not +a framework head decoration generally has sticking in his hair a tall, +upright feather, which sways slowly backwards and forwards in response +to the slow nodding movements of his head. + +The special dancing ornaments worn by the Mafulu are the aprons worn +by women, the ribbons worn by men and women, the forehead ornaments +worn by men, the long shell nose ornaments worn by both, and the huge +head feather erections. But for dances the people generally wear +all the decorative finery they possess or are able to borrow; and +they usually with special care paint their faces in various colours, +and their bodies red. + +The comparison above given between the dancing of the Mafulu people +and that of the people of Mekeo brings me to a suggestion, made to me +by Father Clauser, that the Mafulu mode of dancing had its origin in an +imitation of that of the red bird of paradise, and the Mekeo mode in an +imitation of that of the goura pigeon. In support of this suggestion +he gave me the following information concerning the dancing of these +birds, which may be compared with the description given above of the +dancing of the Mafulu and Mekeo natives respectively:-- + +The movements of the red birds of paradise, when dancing, are +remarkably lively, the birds hopping and jumping about the tree +branches and from branch to branch, and bobbing their heads backwards +and forwards and from side to side, almost as though they had gone +mad. The progression along the branches is fairly rapid; but there +is not apparently any continuous line of progression in any given +direction, and the birds seem to have a curious way of approaching +and receding from each other as they do so. The birds always face +in the direction in which they are at the time moving, and do not +dance sideways. Moreover, the dance is an alternation of wild dancing +and intermittent pauses; and during the dancing both the males and +females are silent, but during the pauses they are uttering their +songs or cries. + +The dancing movements of the goura pigeons are a gentle slow shuffle, +and are accompanied by a slow bowing or nodding of the head. The +progressive movement is exceedingly slow, and is always a continuous +one in the same direction, and it is usually a sideways movement. The +dancing and accompanying cooing of the pigeons go on continuously +and simultaneously, and the rhythm of the latter is curiously like +the more usual rhythm of the Mekeo drums. + +I have unfortunately never had opportunities of observing the dancing +of either of these birds, and so cannot personally vouch for the +correctness of the above descriptions of them. But Father Clauser +has often watched them, and he is undoubtedly a careful observer, +upon whose testimony we may rely; and I may add that my efforts since +my return to England to obtain evidence, confirmatory or otherwise, +of these descriptions have produced confirmation of some of the facts +stated, and have not produced any contradictions. + +Then again attention must be drawn to the fact that the magnificent +feather decoration of the bird of paradise is mainly upon or springing +from its back or body, whilst the goura pigeon's sole projecting +decoration, and perhaps its chief beauty, is the crest upon its head, +to which the Mekeo single upright head feather may be likened. + +My efforts to obtain light from native sources upon this question of +imitation in Mafulu were fruitless, as the natives questioned knew +nothing of it; and on my return from Mafulu to the coast I did not +again pass through the Mekeo villages. But on reaching the coast I +made further enquiries upon the subject from the Fathers there of the +Mission, and obtained three interesting pieces of information. First, +I was told that the Mekeo clan Inawae of the Mekeo village Oriropetana, +whose clan badge is the goura pigeon, and who are not allowed to +kill and eat it, and whose bird totem it appears to be, say that they +are descended from the goura pigeon, and that an ancestor of theirs, +though himself a man, had all the powers and faculties of movement +of those birds, and that he used to dance with them, and so learnt +the dance and taught it to his people. Unfortunately no enquiry had +been made as to the question of any imitative character in their +present dancing, and the information only emanated from a particular +clan with a particular association with the bird. I therefore do not +attach undue general importance to this case. [93] + +Secondly, I was told that the Pokau people, whose dance is practically +the same as that of the Mekeo people, themselves say that their dancing +is an imitation of that of the goura pigeon. This certainly tends +to support Father Clauser's suggestion as regards Mekeo. Thirdly, +some natives of Kuni, who are undoubtedly very similar and closely +related to the Mafulu, and whose dancing is very similar to that of +the latter, were questioned on the subject in my presence, and under +my direction. The question put was, "When Kuni people are dancing, +are they in their dance imitating anything, and if so what?" (no +mention or suggestion being made of a bird or of anything else). The +answer was that they were imitating the dance of the _goloala_, which +I was told was not the red bird of paradise, but was another small +species of that bird with a yellowish-white body, yellow head and +yellowish-white wings. The leading question was then put to them, +whether they were sure the bird was the yellow one described by +them, and not the red one; which question was answered definitely +in the affirmative. And subsequently, when, in order to test their +definiteness and certainty in what they had told me, I showed them a +few postcard pictures of birds of paradise, which included the red +one and others, but not one such as is above described, and almost +invited them to recognise one of these as being the bird they meant, +they were firm in their insistence that the bird to which they referred +was not shown in any of the pictures. This, I think, helps to support +Father Clauser's suggestion as regards the Mafulu, subject of course +to the question of the variety of bird of paradise which is imitated. + +Dealing with this question of imitation as a whole, and taking into +consideration the apparently marked similarities between the dancing +of the two tribes of natives and the two genera of birds, and the +further element, perhaps not so strong, as to the similarities +in distribution upon the bodies of their decorations, and bearing +in mind the evidence obtained from native sources, which, though +obviously only fragmentary and insufficient in character, is so far +as it goes distinctly confirmatory, I am impelled to suggest that +Father Clauser's theory is not without foundation, and indeed amounts, +subject to the question of the species of bird of paradise, to a very +substantial possibility. And it is undoubtedly an interesting one. [94] + + + + + + +Toys and Games. + +The Mafulu children have neither dolls nor other toys, and do not +make cat's-cradles. The young boys amuse themselves with small bows +and arrows and spears, which they make themselves. One common sport +is for the boys, armed with their spears, to stand in a row and for +another boy to roll in front of them a ball, made out of the root of a +banana tree, with its many rootlets intertwined, and for the boys to +try to hit it with their spears as it passes them. A similar game is +played in Mekeo and on the coast; but there the ball is often made +out of the outer fibre of a cocoanut. Small boys and girls amuse +themselves with glissading down the steep grassy slopes. There is +also a sort of fighting game for boys, in which young men sometimes +join. A number of them divide themselves into two opposing groups, +all armed with little darts, made of reeds on which a few leaves +are left at the head ends; and these two groups mutually attack +each other, advancing and retreating, according to the fortunes of +the fight. Boys, and men also, play at tug-of-war, using long canes +for ropes; and boys and girls have swings, constructed either by +looping two flexible rope-like tree stems together at the bottom, +or with a single rope, with a loop at the bottom, in which to place +their feet. But there are no racing or jumping or gymnastic games, +and no group or singing children's games. + + + + + + +CHAPTER XV + +Counting, Currency and Trade + + +Counting. + +Mafulu counting is accomplished by the use of two numerals (one and +two) and of the word "another" and of their hands and feet [95]; +and with these materials they have phraseology for counting up to +twenty as follows:-- + +1 = _Fida_ (one). + +2 = _Gegedo_ (two). + +3 = _Gegedo minda_ (two and another). + +4 = _Gegedo ta gegedo_ (two and two). + +5 = _Gegedo ta gegedo minda_ (two and two and another) [or _Bodo fida_ +(one hand)]. + +6 = _Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo_ (two and two and two). + +7 = _Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo minda_ (two and two and two and +another) [or _Bodo fida ta gegedo_ (one hand and two) ]. + +8 = _Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo_ (two and two and two and +two) [or _Bodo fida ta gegedo minda_ (one hand and two and another) ]. + +9 = _Gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo minda_ (two and two and +two and two and another) [or _Bodo fida ta gegedo ta gegedo_ (one +hand and two and two) ]. + +10 = _Bodo gegedo_ (two hands). + +11 = _Bodo gegedov' u minda_ (two hands and another). [Note the "v" +at the end of gegedo. The full word is really _gegedove_; but it is +shortened to _gegedo_, unless the next word is a vowel. Also note the +"u." There are two words for "and," namely _ta_ and _une_. The "u" +here is the _une_ shortened, and put instead of _ta_ for euphony]. + +12 = _Bodo gegedo ta gegedo_ (two hands and two). + +13 = _Bodo gegedo ta gegedo minda_ (two hands and two and another). + +14 = _Bodo gegedo ta gegedo ta gegedo_ (two hands and two and two). + +15 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida_ (two hands and one foot). + +16 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari fidari u minda_ (two hands and one foot +and another). [Note the "n" at the end of _fida_. The full word is +really _fidane_, and the "n" is introduced here for euphony.] + +17 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida ta gegedo_ (two hands and one foot +and two). + +18 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida ta gegedo minda_ (two hands and one +foot and two and another). + +19 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari fida ta gegedo ta gegedo_ (two hands and +one foot and two and two). + +20 = _Bodo gegedo ta jovari gegedo_ (two hands and two feet). + +As regards these numerals it will be seen that in some cases +alternatives are given, whilst in other cases, where corresponding +alternatives would appear to be equally applicable, they are not given; +the reason is that in these latter cases the alternatives do not in +fact appear to be used. + +There is no numerical phraseology to indicate any number above twenty; +and in the ordinary affairs of life, although numeration can be carried +in this cumbrous way up to twenty, they rarely use the numerals beyond +ten, and anything over that will be referred to as _tale, tale, tale, +tale_ (which may be translated "plenty, plenty, plenty, plenty"). + +Important counting, such as that of pigs at a feast, is accomplished +by the actual use of the hands and feet. The fingers stretched open +mean nothing; Closing down the thumb of the right hand indicates +one; closing down also the first finger of that hand indicates two; +and so on with the other fingers of the right hand, till you reach +the closing down of the thumb and all the fingers of the right hand, +which indicates five. Then, keeping all the right hand closed, they +begin with the left hand also. Closing down only the thumb indicates +six; and so on as before, until the thumbs and all the fingers of +both hands are closed, which indicates ten. [96] + +Then they go to the feet. They keep both hands closed and together, +and with the right fist they point to the toes, beginning with the +big toe of the right foot, and so along the other toes of that foot, +and then go to the big toe of the left foot, and so along the other +toes of that foot, thus reaching the enumerative total of twenty. They +do not, when wishing to indicate a number, simply place their fingers +and hands and feet simultaneously in the requisite position for doing +so. They always go through the whole process of finger and toe counting +from the beginning. For example, to indicate eight, they turn in the +thumb and all the fingers of the right hand, and afterwards the thumb +and two fingers of the left hand, separately, and one alter another, +until the right position is reached; and similarly as regards numbers +over ten, they solemnly turn down all the fingers one after another, +and then point to the toes one after another, until they get to the +right one for indicating the desired number. When the fingers and +toes of the person counting are exhausted, he has recourse to those +of another person, if he wishes to count further, although he has +then passed the limit of numerical phraseology. For the purpose of +counting big numbers they are always sitting, and as in counting they +exhaust hands and feet, the latter are put together, If, for example, +they reach eighty, there are four men sitting, with all their hands +and feet crowded together; and if the number be eighty-three, there +is also a fifth man with a thumb and two fingers of his right hand +closed up. Sometimes a number above ten, but not over twenty, is +indicated with the hands only by counting up to ten in the ordinary +way, and then opening all the fingers and counting again, until they +reach the requisite amount in excess of ten. + +I do not think it can be said that these people have in their minds any +real abstract idea of number, at all events beyond twenty. Each finger +turned down and toe pointed to, in succession, seems to represent +to their minds the article (_e.g._, a pig) which is counted, rather +than a step in a process of mental addition. But this is a matter upon +which I can only express myself in a very general way; and indeed the +mental stage at which the mere physical idea of the objects counted +has developed into the abstract idea of numbers would in any case be +exceedingly difficult to ascertain, or even, perhaps, to define. + +They never use pebbles or sticks or anything else of that kind, +and have no method of recording numbers or anything else by notching +sticks; and they have no weights or measures. + + +Currency and Trade. + +The Mafulu people have no currency in the true sense, every transaction +being one of exchange; but nevertheless some specific articles, +especially some of the dearer ones, can only be acquired by the +offering of certain other specific articles, and certain things have +definite recognised relative values for the purpose of exchange. + +As examples of the former of these statements, I may say that a pig +used to be always paid for in dogs' teeth--though this practice is +not now, I think, so strict--and that some of their finer head feather +dancing ornaments and ornamental nose pieces can still only be paid for +in dogs' teeth; also that there is a special kind of feather ornament, +composed of many small feathers fixed in a line on a string, which can +only be obtained in exchange for a particular sort of shell necklace. + +As examples of recognised relative values, I may state that the proper +payment in dogs' teeth for a pig is a chain of dogs' teeth equal in +length to the body of the pig, the latter being measured from the +tip of its nose to the base of its tail; and that the payment for +the special feather ornament is its own length of the corresponding +shell necklace. + +Exchange and barter is generally only engaged in between members of +different communities, and not between those of the same community. An +apparent exception to this arises in the purchase of pigs at certain +ceremonies above referred to; but in this case it is really a matter of +ceremony, and not one of ordinary barter. There are no regular markets, +such as exist in some other parts of the country, the exchange of goods +being effected by one or more individuals going with their articles +of exchange to some other community, where they hope to get what they +require. The nearest approach to a market arises intermittently when +there is to be a big feast. Then the communities giving, and invited +to, the feast require a large supply of ornaments, especially for +those who are going to dance, and probably do not possess a sufficient +quantity. They therefore have to procure these ornaments elsewhere; +and the natural place to go to is some other community, possibly a +long way off, which has recently been in the same want of extensive +ornaments for a feast, and has procured and used them, and now has +them, so to speak, in stock, and will be glad to dispose of them +again. Thus ornaments used for feasts are sold and resold and travel +about the country very extensively. + + + + + + +CHAPTER XVI + +Language + +I have been fortunate in having had some interesting and valuable +linguistic material placed at my disposal for publication by Father +Egedi and in having had further material added to it by Dr. Seligmann +and Mr. Sidney H. Ray. I have thought it better to deal with it in +five appendices, and I am greatly indebted to Mr. Ray for having +undertaken the laborious task of their compilation. I give the +following explanation concerning these appendices. + +(1) Is a grammar of the Fuyuge language. The original manuscript is +the work of Father Egedi, the, materials from which it was prepared +by him having been collected in the Mafulu villages. The appendix is +Father Egedi's Grammar, translated and edited by Mr. Ray. + +(2) Is a short note on the Afoa language prepared by Dr. W. M. Strong, +when he was Government Agent in Mekeo, and handed by him to +Dr. Seligmann for publication. To this note Mr. Ray has added +a footnote. + +(3) Is a note on the Kovio language prepared by Dr. Strong, and handed +by him to Dr. Seligmann. This note refers to the languages spoken in +the neighbourhoods of Inavarene and the Inava valley and of the Upper +Lakekamu river, all of which were found by Dr. Strong to be somewhat +similar. The footnote is by Mr. Ray. + +(4) Is a comparative vocabulary, prepared by Mr. Ray, of the +languages of some of the different Papuan-speaking people of the +mountain districts of Central British New Guinea. The words in the +"Mafulu" column are taken from a very lengthy MS. vocabulary compiled +by Father Egedi in Mafulu. Those in the "Kambisa" column were all +collected by the Rev. P. J. Money in the Kambisa villages of the +Upper Chirima valley during Mr. Monckton's expedition, referred to +in my introductory chapter. Most of these words are taken from the +New Guinea _Annual Report_ for 1905-6; but to them have been added +other words, which had been collected by Mr. Money. The words in +the "Korona" column are taken from an MS. vocabulary prepared by +Dr. Strong at Korona, also mentioned in my introductory chapter, +and handed by him to Dr. Seligmann. Those in the "Afoa" column are +taken from an MS. vocabulary prepared by Dr. Strong in connection +with his Afoa notes, to which are added in square brackets some other +words taken from Father Egedi's vocabulary in _Anthropos_ II., 1907, +pp. 1016-1021, this vocabulary being there called by him Tauata. The +words in the "Kovio" column are taken from an MS. vocabulary prepared +by Dr. Strong in connection with his Kovio notes, to which are added +in square brackets some "Oru-Lopiku" words collected by Father Egedi, +and published in _Anthropos_ II., 1907, pp. 1016-1021. As regards this +column I must explain that Dr. Strong's words were all collected within +the districts to which his notes refer, but that Father Egedi's words, +though in part collected there, were, I believe, in part collected +further to the east. + +(5) Is a series of notes by Mr. Ray upon the matter contained in the +previous appendices. + +I am perhaps open to criticism for introducing into a book of my +own notes on the Mafulu people such extensive material written by +others, and relating to other mountain districts as well as to that +of the Mafulu; but my belief as to the probable similarity in many +respects between the Papuan-speaking natives of these central mountain +districts, and the obvious value and importance of the matter which +has been so kindly placed at my disposal, justify me, I think, in +introducing it; and indeed I should be doing but ill service to New +Guinea ethnology if I did not take advantage of these opportunities +which have been offered to me. + +Though I am not qualified to discuss these materials from the +grammatical and scientific linguistic point of view, there are a +few matters to which I should like to draw attention, as affecting +statements appearing in this book, and which were written by me before +I received this linguistic material. + +Regarding the question raised in my introductory chapter as to the +extension of the Fuyuge linguistic area so far south as Korona, it +will be noticed that a large number of the words in the Mafulu and +Korona columns are the same, or very similar. Dr. Strong, in some +unpublished MS. notes in Dr. Seligmann's possession, to which I have +had access, says as regards the Mafulu and Korona languages that "there +is nothing to show that the two languages may not be for all practical +purposes identical," and Mr. Ray in his concluding notes classes Mafulu +and Korona together as dialects of Fuyuge. The village of Sikube, +mentioned by Mr. Ray, is, I believe, on the Upper Vanapa river and +north of Mt. Lilley, and so is well within the Fuyuge-speaking area +as defined by the Fathers. + +Concerning the Kambisa (Upper Chirima valley) column, the similarity +of many of the words contained in it to those in either the Mafulu +or the Korona column is obvious; and it is curious that some of these +words appear to resemble the Korona words more than they do those of +Mafulu. I also think I may say that the similarity between Kambisa +words on the one hand, and those of either Mafulu or Korona on the +other, is almost equal to the similarity between Mafulu and Korona; +and Mr. Ray classes Kambisa along with Mafulu and Korona as dialects +of Fuyuge. So the statement in the introductory chapter that the +valley of the Upper Chirima river is included in the Fuyuge area has, +I think, stood the test of some detailed linguistic comparison. + +The note by Dr. Strong upon what he calls the Kovio language and his +Kovio vocabulary both relate to a district which is within the Fathers' +Oru-Lopiku linguistic area; and I venture to repeat the suggestion, +made in my introductory chapter, that for the present should adopt +the term Kovio for the two areas which the Fathers call Oru-Lopiku +and Boboi, though eventually we may be able to distinguish between +these two areas. + +The Afoa or Tauata area is the Fathers' Ambo area. The Afoa column +discloses a very few words which resemble the Fuyuge words; but it +seems obvious that the Afoa language does not belong to the Fuyuge +group, and this is the view taken of it by Mr. Ray. + +There are two matters in Mr. Ray's classification in the fifth appendix +which I wish to mention. It seems to have been already assumed that +the Rev. James Chalmers' Kabana language could not have been collected +on Mt. Victoria; and I would point out that this mountain is quite +outside what now appears to be the Fuyuge area. As regards the Afoa +language the references by Dr. Strong to Mt. Pizoko and Mt. Davidson +bring me back to my observations upon the point in my introductory +chapter. If the Fathers are right in putting Mt. Pizoko within the +Fuyuge area, it is hardly correct to say (see introductory chapter) +that the Afoa language is spoken in the villages on Mt. Pizoko; but +it might well be, as quoted by Mr. Ray, that a Fuyuge native in a +Mt. Pizoko village spoke Afoa fluently, as this mountain is close to +the Fathers' Fuyuge-Afoa boundary. Also Mt. Davidson is according to +the Fathers in the Boboi area; but Dr. Strong seems to have regarded +it as Ambo, and to have treated vocabulary matter collected from a +native who came from a village "apparently on the slopes of" that +mountain as having been taken from an Ambo native. In this case, +however, there seems to be some doubt as to where this native did in +fact come from; and the eastern slopes of Mt. Davidson are not far +from the Fathers' Afoa boundary. + +I think that these linguistic materials, taken as a whole, are, so far +as they go, well in accord with the delimitation by the Fathers of +the Fuyuge area, except as regards their view concerning Korona, as +to which they did not profess actual knowledge, and merely expressed +a doubt, and subject to the point that, for linguistic purposes at +all events, the Fathers' use of the word "Mafulu" as representing +the whole Fuyuge area is perhaps not desirable, and would be better +replaced by the term "Fuyuge," with subdivisions of "Mafulu," "Korona," +and "Kambisa," as given by Mr. Ray; though probably Sikube might be +included in either Mafulu or Korona, as geographically it is evidently +between these two. + + + + + + +CHAPTER XVII + +Illness, Death, and Burial + + +Ailments and Remedies. + +All serious ailments occurring up to certain ages, and except in +certain cases, are generally assumed to be the work of someone acting +in connection with a spirit; but, speaking generally, no efforts appear +to be made by imprecation or other supernatural method to propitiate +or contend against these spirits, except by the use of general charms +against illness, and except, so far as the propitiation or driving out +of the spirit is involved, by one or other of the specific remedies +for specific ailments mentioned below. The natives have, however, +for common diseases cures of which some are obviously purely fanciful +and superstitious, but some are probably more or less practical. + +The chief ailments are colds and complications arising from them, +malaria, dysentery, stomach and bowel and similar complaints, toothache +and wounds. + +Dysentery has recognised and accredited curers, both men and women. The +operator chews and crushes with his teeth the root of a vegetable +(I do not know what it is) which they grow in their gardens, and then +wraps it up into a small bundle in a bunch of grass, and gives it to +the patient to suck. This remedy does not appear to be effective. + +There are men who are specially skilled in dealing with stomach and +bowel troubles. The operator takes in his hand a stone, and with the +other hand he sprinkles that stone over with ashes. He then makes over +it an incantation, in which, though his lips are seen to be moving, +no sound comes out of them; after which he takes some of the ashes +from the stone, which he still holds in his hand, and with these +ashes he rubs the stomach of the patient, who, I was told, generally +at once feels rather better, or says so. + +There are also women who deal with cases believed to be caused by the +presence in the stomach of a snake, which has to be got out. Here +the operator takes a piece of bark cloth, with which she rubs the +front of the patient's body, but without any incantation. Then, as +she removes the cloth from the body, she makes a movement as though +she were wrapping up in it something, presumably the escaped snake; +and afterwards she carries the cloth away with her, and the cure is +thus effected. + +A man with toothache will say that "a spirit is eating my teeth." The +people seem to have a knowledge of something inside the teeth, +the nature of which I am not able to state definitely, but which +apparently is, in fact, the nerve, and they recognise that it is in +this something that the pain arises; but I could not ascertain the +connection between this something and the spirit which is supposed +to cause the trouble. If the aching tooth can be got at, they adopt a +method the native explanation of which was translated to me as being a +drawing or driving out of the mysterious something from the tooth. This +is done in some way with an ordinary native comb, without extracting +the tooth itself; but how it is done I could not ascertain. There +is no incantation connected with the operation. Another cure is for +the patient to chew the leaf of a certain tree (I do not know what +tree), so that the sap of it gets into the hole in the tooth, and +thereby, as they think, draws or drives out this nerve, or whatever +the something may be. The Fathers of the Mission told me that both +these two remedies do really appear to be effective. + +Wounds are the speciality of many healers with special knowledge of +the curative properties of various plants, and who gather the plant, +make an incantation over it, boil it in water, and then with that +water wash the wound. There are also men who operate surgically on +wounds with knives made of stone or shell or bamboo. + +Charms, probably of a poisonous nature, are used generally for the +warding off of sickness, these being carried in the little charm bags. + +A general and universal cure for all ailments is a piece of bark, +tied with a piece of string to the neck or head, all neck ornaments +having been first removed. + +I regret that as regards all these matters I am only able to indicate +shortly and generally the methods of cure, and can give no further +explanation concerning them. + + + + + + +Death and Burial. + +_(Ordinary People.)_ + +When a man or woman is regarded as dying, he or she is at once attended +by a woman whose permanent office it is to do this, and who has other +women and girls with her to assist her, these others including, but +not necessarily being confined to, the females of the dying man's own +family and relatives. The house is full of women; but there is no +man there. This special woman and the others attend the dying man, +[97] nursing him, washing him from time to time, and keeping the +flies away from him; but they apparently do not attempt any measures +for curing him, their offices only beginning when he is regarded as +dying. In the meantime they all wail, and there are also a number of +other women wailing outside the house. + +The special woman watches the dying person; and when she thinks he +is dead she gives him a heavy blow on the side of the head with her +fist, and pronounces him dead. She apparently does not feel his heart, +or do more than watch his face; and I should think it may often be +that in point of fact he is not dead when the blow is given, and +might perhaps have recovered. + +Then the women inside the house say to one another that he is dead, +and communicate the news to the people outside; whereupon the men in +the village all commence shouting as loudly as they can. The reason +given for this shouting is that it frightens away the man's ghost; +but if so it is apparently only a partial intimidation of the ghost, +who, as will be seen hereafter, is subjected to further alarms at a +later stage. The men communicate the news in the ordinary way adopted +by these people of shouting it across the valleys; and so it spreads +to other villages, and even to other communities. The man being dead, +the wailing of the women inside and outside the house is changed into +a true funeral wailing song; but this latter only continues for a few +minutes. The special woman and some others, probably relatives only, +remain in the house; but they do not touch the body at this stage. The +other women, probably non-relatives, go out. The relatives of the +deceased, both men and women, immediately smear their bodies with mud, +but no one else in the village does so. + +This is the situation until the first party of women, generally +accompanied by men, begin to come in from other villages of the +same, and probably of one or more other, communities. These people +have been laughing and playing and enjoying themselves on their way +to the village, and do so freely until they get close to it. Then +they commence wailing (not the funeral song) and shouting, calling +the deceased by a relationship term, such as father, brother, etc., +though they may never have heard of him before; and, doing this, they +enter the village, and go to the house. The incoming women, but not +the men, all arrive smeared with mud. The women crowd into and about +the house, still wailing as before, but not the funeral song. They +all see the body; and each woman, after seeing it, comes out and sits +on the platform of the house or on the ground outside. The party of +outside village women then cease their first wailing, and commence +the funeral song, in which they are joined by the female relatives +of the deceased and other women of the village. But again this only +lasts for a few minutes, the period being longer or shorter according +to the importance of the person who has died. + +Other similar parties, coming in from other villages, go through the +same performance as they come into the village; and in each case, as +the women of each fresh party come out of the house after seeing the +corpse, there is a fresh outburst of the funeral song on the part of +all the women present, but always only for a few minutes. This goes on +till the last batch of visitors has arrived. The people of the village +know when this last batch has come, because they have been told by +cross-valley shouting which villages are sending parties. The total +number of women in the village is then generally very large. After the +last batch of visitors has arrived, and until the funeral ceremony, +all the women again break out into the funeral song for a few minutes +about once an hour in the daytime, but not so often at night. + +The funeral takes place probably about twenty-four hours after +death. The body is now wrapped up by the special woman attendant, +helped by the female relatives of the deceased, in leaves, especially +banana leaves, and bark of trees, and remains so wrapped up in +the house. + +It is placed with the knees bent up to the chin, and the heels to the +buttocks. In the meantime men of the village dig a grave 2 or 3 feet +deep in the village open enclosure. When all is ready the funeral +song begins again, the singers this time being the female relatives +of the deceased and the women who have come from outside villages, +but not the other women of the village of the deceased. Men of the +village then carry the corpse, wrapped and doubled up, and place it, +lying on its back, in the grave. There is no real procession from the +house to the grave, though all the people assemble at the latter; +but during the whole of the time, until the body is in the grave, +the singing by the women of the funeral song continues. As soon as +the body is in the grave, all the men, both villagers and visitors, +shout again as before, and for the same purpose. The grave is then +filled up, the women in the meantime singing as before; and when this +is done the funeral is over. + +The relatives of the deceased now go into mourning. The widow or +widower or other nearest relative wears the mourning string necklace +already described. He or she, and also the other near relatives, +smear their faces, and sometimes, but not always, their bodies, with +black, to which, as regards the face, but not the body, is added oil or +water. Some more distant relatives, instead of blackening themselves, +wear the mourning shell necklace. And all this will continue, +nominally without break, until the mourning is formally removed, in +the way to be explained hereafter. As a matter of fact, the insignia +of mourning are not worn without interruption, and the black smearing +is by no means so retained; but on any special occasion the person +would take care to appear in mourning. There is a custom under which +the widow or widower or other nearest relative may, instead of wearing +the mourning string necklace, abstain during the period of mourning +from eating some particular food, of which deceased was most fond. [98] + +In connection with mourning, I should also mention a curious custom, +which I understand is common, though not universal, for a woman who +has lost a child, and especially a first-born or very clear child, +to amputate the top end of one of her fingers, up to the first joint, +with an adze. Having done this once for one child, she will possibly +do it again for another child; and a woman has been seen with three +fingers mutilated in this way. [99] + +The family of the deceased invite men and women from some other +community, but only one community, to a funeral feast, which is +held after an interval of two or three days from the day of the +funeral. On the day appointed these guests arrive. They are all well +ornamented, but, with one exception, they do not wear their dancing +ornaments. One of them, however, usually a chief or the son of a chief +of the community invited, comes in his full dancing ornaments. All +the guest men bring with them their spears, and perhaps adzes or clubs. + +When they arrive the following performances take place, the village +enclosure being left by the villagers empty and open:--First two guest +women enter the village enclosure at one end, and run in silence round +it, brandishing spears in both hands, as at the big feast; but they +make no hostile demonstration. When these two women have reached their +starting point, they again do the same thing, brandishing their spears +as before, and all the guest men, except the specially dressed one, +follow them by advancing with a dancing step along the enclosure, +they also brandishing their spears, and also being silent. Thus the +whole group goes to the other end of the village, passing the grave +of the deceased as they do so; then they turn round, and come back +again in the same way, but on their return they stop before they +reach the grave. + +Then the specially ornamented guest man enters alone, without his arms, +but with his drum, which he beats. He dances up the village enclosure +in a zigzag course, going from side to side of the enclosure, and +always facing in the direction in which he is at the time moving; and +during his advance he beats his drum., but otherwise he and all the +other people are silent. When in this way he has reached the grave, +the chief of the clan of the village where the funeral takes place, +who does not wear any dancing ornaments, approaches him, and removes +his heavy head ornament. This ends the first part of the ceremony; +and the villagers and guests then chat and conduct themselves in the +ordinary way. + +Plates 82 and 83 illustrate scenes at a funeral feast in the village +of Amalala. In the former plate the grave is very clear, and the +remains of an older grave are visible behind the post a little to the +left. At the upper end of the village enclosure are the visitors, who +are about to dance along the enclosure past the grave, and then back +again up to it. The figures in the _emone_ behind are Amalala men, +watching the performance. In the latter plate the visitor chief is +seen dancing along the village enclosure towards the grave. + +In the meantime the members of the family of the deceased bring in one +or more village pigs and some vegetables. A number of sticks are laid +upon the ground over the grave, the sticks crossing each other so as +to form a rude ground platform (this is not done by any particular +person), and these sticks are covered with banana leaves. [100] The +pigs are placed on this platform, and are then killed by the pig-killer +and cut up, and the vegetables and pieces of pig are distributed by +the chief of the clan, helped perhaps by the family of the deceased, +among the male visitors. The one specially dressed visitor, being +the only one who has really danced, gets much the largest share. For +example, if there be two or more pigs, he will get an entire pig for +himself. Then the ceremony is over, and the guests return home. The +wood of the platform is not removed from the grave, but is left to +rot there. The killing of the pigs at this ceremony is regarded as +the act which will, they think, finally propitiate or drive away the +ghost of the departed. + +It will be noticed that, though representatives from several +communities may be invited and come to the funeral, only one community +is invited to the subsequent funeral feast, just as only one community +is invited to the big feast, which latter we must, I think, associate +with the general superstitious idea of laying the ghosts of past +departed chiefs and notables. I cannot say what is the reason for the +confinement of these invitations to one community only, but it must, I +think, have had some definite origin [101]; and as to this I am struck +by the similarity of the Massim idea, referred to by Dr. Seligmann, +that an individual's death primarily concerns the dead man's hamlet +and one other hamlet of his clan, with which certain death feasts +are exchanged, other members of the clan being comparatively little +affected. [102] + +As soon as possible after the funeral pig-killing, they catch some +wild pig or pigs, and kill and eat them, and sweep down the village +by way of purification ceremony, very much as they do in the case +of the big feast, except that it is on a very much smaller scale, +and that the people do not afterwards leave the village. + +The ceremony of removal of the mourning may take place after an +interval of only a week or two, or of so much as six months, the +date often depending upon the occurrence of some other ceremony, +at which the removal of the mourning can be carried out without +necessitating a ceremony for itself only. Visitors from some +other community attend. The ceremony only applies to the nearest +relative--the person who wears the string necklace; but, on his or +her mourning being ceremoniously removed, the mourning of all others +in respect of the same deceased ceases automatically. [103] This +nearest relative has to provide a village pig. There is a feast, +and dancing and pig-killing and distribution of food and pig, in +the usual way, and this may be in the village of the deceased or +in some other village of the community. The pig-killing is done by +the pig-killer under the platform of a chiefs platform grave, or on +the site of it. The pig, specially provided by the nearest relative, +is bought and paid for by some person, as in the case of some of the +ceremonies already described, and this person, after the killing of +the pig, without special ceremony, cuts off the mourner's string +necklace, dips it in the blood of the pig, and throws it away; +then he takes some coloured paint, usually red, and with it daubs +two lines on each side of the face across the cheek of the mourner, +who of course at this ceremony will still have his black paint. If +the mourner has been refraining from food, instead of wearing the +necklace, the ceremony is confined to the paint-daubing. Then the +mourner pays this ceremonial pig-buyer for his services, probably in +feathers or dog-teeth, and the mourning is at an end. + +There will at a later date be a purification ceremony, at which wild +pigs will be killed, such as has already been described. [104] + + +Death and Burial. + +_(Chiefs.)_ + +A dying chief is attended by the special woman and others in the +way above described, except that many women of the clan are there, +and that this special attendance and its accompanying wailing begin +earlier, perhaps two or three days earlier, than in the case of an +ordinary person, and that all the women of the clan who are not in +the house wail outside it. + +In this case, however, there is a special ceremony for ascertaining +whether or not the chief is in fact going to die--a ceremony which is +usually performed at his own request. Some vegetable food, probably +sweet potato, or perhaps sugar-cane or taro, is given him to eat; +and this he will do although he may be very ill, and may not have been +taking food, though of course, if he were insensible or unable to eat, +this special ceremony could not be carried out. The inedible portions +of this food, _e.g.,_ the peel of the potato or the hard fibres of +the sugar-cane, are then handed to certain magical persons of the +community, whose special duty it is to perform the ceremony about to be +described, but as to whom I was unable to ascertain who and what they +are, and whether they have any other special functions besides those +of this ceremony. Some of these portions of food may even be sent to +some similar magic person of high reputation in another community, +in order that he also may perform the same ceremony. Each of these +magic persons also has handed to him a portion of a perineal band +belonging to, and recently worn by, the ailing chief. + +Each of the magic men then wraps up the portion of food which has +been given to him in the piece of band; and this he again wraps up in +leaves, and continues doing so until the parcel has become a round +ball 4 or 5 inches in diameter. The men then separate, and each of +them goes off alone to a spot outside the village, where he collects +some very dry firewood, and heaps it up against the trunk of a tree +to a height of, say, 6 feet. He then engages in an incantation, after +which he puts the ball inside the bottom of the wood pile, and lights +the pile at the bottom. Then he lies down by this fire and closes his +eyes. After an interval of perhaps two to five minutes he gets up, +as though awakening from a bad dream, and hears the wailing in the +adjoining village, and asks himself what all this wailing is about; +and he then appears to remember for what purpose he is there, goes to +the fire, and takes out the ball. If the fire has burnt or scorched +the food wrapped up in the ball, it is an indication that the chief +is to die. If not, it indicates that he will live. These magic men +then return to the village, and report the result. If their report +be that the chief is going to live, the people cease their wailing, +but if it be that he is to die, the wailing continues. + +Pausing here for a moment, I may admit that, though I have told +the tale of this ceremony, with its private cogitations--real or +pretended--of the magic men, as it was told to me, the tale is open +to obvious questions. How can a magic man from a distant community +hear the wailing? What would happen if the results of the ceremonies +of the various magic men were to differ? What would be the situation +if a chief whose death was indicated by the ceremony lived, or if one +whose recovery was foretold became worse and died? All these points +I tried to elucidate without success; but possibly the answer to the +query as to divergence of results may be that the men take care that +the results of their experiments shall not differ. + +It is believed by the natives that, if a hostile community can secure +some of the food remnants and band, and hand them to their own magic +man, for him to go through the same ceremony, he may maliciously +bring about an unfavourable result, and thus may cause the death +of the chief. If the belief that such a thing had happened arose, +it would be a _casus belli_ with that other community; and a case is +known in which an inter-community fight did occur on this ground. + +If the report be that the chief is to die, the special woman attendant +will give him the blow on the head, as in the case of the ordinary +villager. The shouting of the men outside when the chiefs death is +announced is much louder than in the case of a commoner; and as they +shout they brandish their spears, and strike the roof of the chiefs +house with the spear points, and some of the men strike it with +adzes and clubs. The spreading of the news to other communities is +on a wider scale, and the number of people who respond to the news +and come to the funeral is very great, and includes a larger number +of chiefs and prominent men; there are more, and much larger, parties +of them. The funeral song of the women, commenced on the announcement +of death, lasts much longer--indeed for hours. In fact, as numerous +large bodies of people keep coming in, and some of these coming from +a distance may not arrive until just before the funeral, and as the +funeral song has to be recommenced as each fresh party comes in, +and lasts so much longer each time, it follows that this funeral song +practically continues without ceasing from the moment when death is +announced until the actual funeral. The immediate smearing by men and +women of their bodies with mud is done by all the members of the entire +community. When the guests reach the village, they are all, both men +and women, smeared with mud, and they loudly call on the dead chief +by his title _amidi_, or as _babe_ (father). Also the various chiefs' +wives among the guests remain in the house after seeing the body, +instead of coming out with the other guest women. + +The funeral does not take place till thirty-six or forty-eight hours +after the death. The various chiefs' wives take part in the wrapping +up of the body; and to the ordinary wrappings are added large pieces +of bark cloth. + +The grave [105] is quite different from that of a commoner. There are +two methods of sepulture adopted for chiefs, the grave being in both +cases in or by the edge of the open village enclosure. + +The first of these methods is a burial platform, a very rough erection +of upright poles from 9 to 12 feet high, the number of which may be +four, or less or more than that, at the top of which erection is a +rude wooden box-shaped receptacle, about 2 or 3 feet square, and from +6 inches to a foot deep, and uncovered at the top, in which receptacle +the corpse is placed. Sometimes the supporting structure, instead +of being composed of a number of poles, is only a rough tree trunk, +on which the lower ends of the branches are left to support the box. + +The second method is tree burial. The tree in which this is done is +a special form of fig tree called _gabi_, the burial box, similar to +the one above described, being placed in its lowest fork, or, if that +be already occupied, then in the next one, and so on. [106] A tree +has been seen with six of these boxes in it, one above another. This +tree is specially used for such burials. The natives will never cut it +down. In selecting a village site they will often specially choose one +where one of these trees is growing; and indeed the presence of such +a tree in the bush raises a probability that there is, or has been, +a native village there. [107] + +If a burial platform afterwards falls down through decay, the people +throw away all the bones, except the skull and the larger bones of the +arms and legs; and these they deal with in one of three alternative +ways. They either (1) dig a shallow grave in the ground under the +fallen platform, and put the skull and special bones there, and then +fill in the grave with soil, on this put a heap of stones, and on these +put the wooden remains of the collapsed platform, planting round them +tobacco or croton, or some other fine-leaved plant, or (2) they put +the skull and special bones in a box on the _gabi_ burying tree, or +(3) they take them to the _emone_, and there hang them up till they +are wanted for a big feast. In the same way, if a tree box falls, +they retain only the skull and large arm and leg bones, and replace +them in a new box in the same tree. + +We have already seen a chiefs burial platform in the two plates 69 and +70 relating to the big feast at Seluku, and the following plates are +additional illustrations:--Plate 84 is the grave of a chiefs child in +the village of Malala. The supports of the grave rise from the village +enclosure fence behind, and are quite distinct from the underground +commoner's grave, which is seen in front. The positions of the two +graves can be seen in the general view of the village (Plate 58). Plate +85 is a group of graves of chiefs and chiefs' relatives in the village +of Tullalave (community of Auga). Plate 86 shows the grave of a chiefs +child in the village of Faribe (community of Faribe). The form of this +grave is quite different from those of the others, and is not, I think, +so common, but a grave somewhat resembling it is seen in Plate 60. + +Plate 87 is a _gabi_ fig tree, used for tree burial, near to the +village of Seluku, and Plate 88 shows the remains of an old burial +box in one of its forks. The bones are still in this box, and indeed +one of them may be just discerned at the extreme left, close to the +upright stem of the tree. + +Plate 89 illustrates what I have said as to what is done when a burial +platform falls down from decay. The skull and larger arm and leg bones +of the body have been buried underground, and upon these have been +heaped first stones and then the remains of the collapsed platform, and +one little foliage plant and dried-up looking specimens of others can +be seen around it. This picture was taken in the village of Seluku, +and the actual position of the grave in the village enclosure is +seen in Plate 55. Plate 90, of an _emone_ in the village of Voitele +(community of Sivu) illustrates the alternative plan of hanging the +skull and bones up in the _emone_. + +At the funeral all the women present, those of the village and of +the whole community and the guests, join in singing the funeral song; +but here again there is no actual procession, and the carrying of the +body is not necessarily entrusted to any particular person. When the +grave, whether on a platform or on a tree, is reached, all the men +present begin to shout loudly, and there is a terrible noise. They all +have their spears, but there is no brandishing of them. Then some men +(anyone may do this) climb up to the box, and others hand the wrapped +body up to them, and they place it lying on its back in the box. This +ends the actual burial ceremony. + +The black mourning face, and sometimes body-staining is then adopted by +all the people of the community, and perhaps also by chiefs from other +communities who have been friends of the dead chief. The special string +necklace worn by the nearest relative and the other family emblems of +mourning are the same as in the case of an ordinary person, except +that the chiefs widow will probably also wear the special mourning +network vest already described, and that the mourning shell necklace, +which in the case of an ordinary man is only worn by distant relatives, +is worn by all the married men and women of the clan who have or can +procure it. + +The subsequent ceremony and feast are in this case held one or two +days after the funeral, the acceleration in the case of a chief being +necessary in consequence of the retention of the corpse above ground +and the foul smell which immediately begins to emanate from it. This +feast is on a very large scale, though here again only one community +is invited. The guests enter the village just as they do in the case +of the death of an ordinary person; but they are all specially well +decorated, and the one guest who comes in full dancing ornaments will +certainly be a chief, or at least a chiefs son. The subsequent part +of the ceremony, up to the removal of the head feather ornament from +the dancer, is the same; but this removal is done by the nearest male +relative of the deceased chief, who will probably be the person to whom +the chieftainship has descended. Then follows the feast itself. The +vegetables and village pigs for the feast are provided by the whole +clan, and are in very large quantities. No platform of sticks is +placed on the grave, the grave in this case not being underground; +but the banana leaves are placed around (not under) the supports of +the burial platform, or around the trunk of the burial tree. The pigs +are killed upon these banana leaves by the pig-killer and his helpers, +and the killed pigs are then placed in circles around the platform +or tree, and are there cut up. The distribution of food and pig's +flesh is made by the chiefs nearest male relative, with assistance, +here again the special dancer getting the largest share, and the +ceremony is then over, and the guests return to their villages. + +And now a true desertion of the village by its inhabitants takes +place, as indeed is necessary, as the putrefying body is becoming +so offensive; and it will be at least two or three weeks before the +emission of the smells is over. The villagers all go off into the bush, +with the exception of two unhappy men, more or less close relatives of +the dead chief, who have to remain in the village. Whilst there alone +they are well ornamented, though not in their full dancing decoration, +but in particular, though not themselves chiefs, they wear on their +heads the cassowary feathers which are the distinctive decoration of +a chief, and they carry their spears. There they remain amidst the +awful stench of the decomposing body and all the mess and smell of the +pigs' blood and garbage about the village. It is a curious fact that, +in speaking of these two men, the natives do not speak of them as +watching over the body of the chief, but as watching over the blood +of the killed pigs. + +When the stench is over, the villagers in the bush are informed, and +they then return to the village. Then follow the killing and eating +of wild pigs and sweeping down of the village, as in the case of the +death of an ordinary person, but again on a much larger scale. + +It will be noticed that, though the desertion of the village after a +big feast lasts for six months, that which follows a chiefs funeral +only lasts for a few weeks. + +The removal of the mourning takes place after an interval which may be +anything between one and six months. This is a special ceremony, and +will not be postponed for the purpose of tacking it on to some other +ceremony, as in the case of an ordinary person's mourning removal; but +other ceremonies will often be tacked on to it. The guests invited are +from only one other community. Here again the person actually dealt +with is the chief mourner, and the removal of mourning from him or +her terminates the mourning for everyone. The village pigs for this +occasion are provided by the dead man's family, and not by the whole +clan, as in the case of a chiefs funeral feast. There will probably +be two or three of such pigs provided; but, as the ceremony is also +available for various other ceremonies, there may be a considerable +number of pigs killed. The dancing and pig-killing and feast are +the same as those of an ordinary mourning-removal ceremony, but on a +larger scale. The pig-killing in this case is done round the platform +or tree on which the chief is buried. The buyer of the pig, who cuts +off the mourning necklace and daubs the face of the chief mourner, +if not a chief, will at all events be a person of importance; but +the ceremonies relating to all these matters are identical with those +already described. There is also the subsequent purification ceremony, +at which wild pigs are killed and eaten as before. + +The graves of chiefs' wives and members of their families, and +other persons of special importance, are platform or tree graves, +like those of chiefs, and the funeral ceremonies on the deaths of +these people are very similar to those of chiefs, though they are on +a scale which is smaller, in proportion to the relative smallness +of the importance of the person to be buried; and they are subject +to a few detailed differences, which the difference of the situation +involves. The special magic ceremony for ascertaining if the patient +is or is not going to die is not performed in the case of these people. + + + + + + +CHAPTER XVIII + +Religion and Superstitious Beliefs and Practices + + +Religion and Superstitions. + +These are subjects which I should hardly have ventured to introduce +into this book if I had had to rely exclusively upon enquiries made +only during my stay among the Mafulu villages, without having the +benefit of five years' observation by the Mafulu Fathers of the +Mission. And, notwithstanding this additional facility, my notes +on these questions will be found to involve puzzles and apparent +inconsistencies; and there is no part of the book which should be +read and accepted with greater reserve and doubt as to possible +misunderstanding. Subject to this caution, I give the information as +I have obtained it. + +I heard nothing to justify the idea of the Mafulu people having +any belief in a universal God or All Father; but there is a general +belief among them in a mysterious individual named _Tsidibe_, who may +be a man, or may be a spirit (they appear to be vague as to this), +who has immense power, and who once passed through their country in +a direction from east to west. Wherever you may be, if you speak of +this personage, and ask to be told in which direction he travelled, +they always point out one which is from east to west. They believe +that it was _Tsidibe_ who taught them all their customs, including +dancing and manufacture, and that he ultimately reached and remained +in the land of the white man, where he is now living; and that the +superior knowledge of the white man in manufacture, and especially +in the making of clothes, has been acquired from him. The idea of +his ultimate association with the white man can hardly, however, be +a very ancient tradition. One of the Fathers was seriously asked by a +native whether he had ever seen _Tsidibe_. They seem to think that he +is essentially a beneficent being. They regret his having left their +country; but they have no doubt as to this, and do not regard him as +still continuing to exercise any influence over them and their affairs, +have no ceremonies or observances with reference to him, and do not +address to him any supplications. As traces of his passage through +their country they will show you extraordinarily shaped rocks and +stones, such as fragments which have fallen from above into the valley, +and rocks and stones which have lodged in strange positions. But there +are no ceremonies with reference to these and the natives have no +fear of them, and indeed they will proudly point them out to you as +evidences of this mysterious being having been in their country, and +of his power. They would not hesitate to touch one of these stones, +but they would never injure it. I learnt nothing about him which +would justify me in suggesting that the Mafulu people deified him +as an ancestor, or even regarded him as being one, though some of +the matters attributed to him are perhaps not dissimilar from those +often attributed to deified ancestors. [108] + +They certainly have a lively belief in ghosts of people who have +lived and died, and in spirits which have never occupied human form, +all of whom (ghosts and spirits) are evil disposed, and in sorcery. + +Every human being, male and female, has during life a mysterious +ghostly self, in addition to his bodily visible and conscious self; +and this ghostly self will on his death survive him as a ghost. There +appears to be no idea of this ghostly self leaving the body in times +of sleeping or dreaming; though, if a man dreams of someone who is +dead, he thinks that he has been visited by that person's ghost. + +At death the ghost leaves the body, and becomes, and remains, a +malevolent being. There is no idea of re-incarnation, or of the ghost +passing into any animal or plant, though, as will be seen hereafter, +it sometimes apparently _becomes_ a plant; and there is no difference +in their minds between the case of a person who has died naturally +and one who has been killed in battle or otherwise, or between persons +who have or have not been eaten, or who have or have not been buried, +though in case of burial there are the methods of getting rid of the +ghost; and there is no superstitious avoidance of graves or fear of +mentioning a deceased person by name, and no superstition as to the +shadows of living persons passing over graves and sacred places. Except +as above stated, I found no trace of any belief in a future state. + +When on the death of a man or woman or child, the ghostly self leaves +the body, or at all events when the funeral pig-killing has been +performed, the ghost goes away to the tops of the mountains, where +apparently it exists as a ghost for ever. The shouting immediately +after the death, and afterwards at the funeral, are steps towards +driving it there; and the pig-killing ceremony completes the +process. On reaching the mountains the ghost _becomes_ one of two +things. The ghost of a young or grown-up person up to, say, forty or +forty-five years of age becomes the shimmering light upon the ground +and undergrowth, which occurs here and there where the dense forest of +the mountains is penetrated by the sun's beams. It is apparently only +the light which shimmers on the ground and undergrowth, and not that +in the air. The ghost of an elderly person over forty or forty-five +years of age becomes a large sort of fungus, which is indigenous to +the mountains, where alone it is found. Any native who on a hunting +expedition or otherwise meets with a glade in which this shimmering +light occurs will carefully pass round it, instead of going across +it; and any native finding one of these fungi will neither eat nor +touch, nor even tread upon it; though indeed, as regards the eating, +I understand that this particular fungus is one of the poisonous +non-edible forms. A native who, after the recent death of another, +is travelling in the mountains, and there finds a young fungus of +this species only just starting into growth, will think that it is +probably the ghost of the recently departed one. + +As regards the use by me with reference to both sunbeams and fungi of +the word "_becomes_" I recognise that it may justify much doubt and +questioning. The idea of actually _becoming_ the flickering light or +the fungus, as distinguished from that of entering into or haunting +it, is a difficult one to grasp, especially as regards the flickering +light. I tried to get to the bottom of this question when I was at +Mafulu; but the belief as to actual _becoming_ was insisted upon, and +I could get no further. I cannot doubt, however, that there is much +room for further investigation on the point, which is of a character +concerning which misapprehension may well arise, especially in dealing +with such simple and primitive people as are the Mafulu natives. + +The foods of these ghosts in both their forms are the ghostly elements +of the usual native vegetable foods (sweet potato, yam, taro, banana, +and in fact every vegetable food) and the ghostly elements of the +excrement of the still living natives; and the ghosts come down from +the mountains to the villages and gardens to procure these foods. Here +again the difficulty as to meaning above referred to arises, as they +can hardly imagine that the flickering lights cease to flicker in their +mountain glades, or that the fungi cease to exist in their mountain +habitats during these food-seeking incursions; and yet, unless this +be so, the superstitious difficulty is increased. A ghost is also +sometimes for some reason or other dissatisfied with his mountain +abode; and he will then return to the village (not apparently in the +visible form of a flickering light or a fungus). + +As the intentions of the ghost towards living humanity are always +evil, his visits, whether for procuring food or in consequence of +dissatisfaction with his habitat, are feared by the people; but I +could not ascertain what was the nature of the injuries by the ghost to +themselves of which they were afraid, nor could I hear of any actual +instance of a disaster or misfortune which had been attributed to the +machinations of such a ghost. When sleeping in their dark enclosed +houses, however, the people fill up all openings by which the ghost +might enter (this does not apply to the _emone_, the entrance openings +of which are not closed at night; but perhaps the fact that a number +of men are always sleeping together there gives them confidence); +and when the Mission Station at Mafulu was started the natives were +amazed at the missionaries daring to sleep alone in rooms with open +doors and windows, through which the ghosts might enter. + +Having by the shouting prior to and at the dead man's funeral wholly +or partially driven his ghost to the mountains, and in some way, +as it would seem, further placated or influenced the ghost by the +subsequent pig-killing over or by his grave at the funeral feast, there +is no method of which I could gain information by which the people can +actually keep him there, or prevent his periodic returns to the village +and gardens for food, or his return from a mountain home with which +he is dissatisfied; and there are apparently no prayers, incantations +or other ceremonies for the purpose of placating, or intimidating, or +in any way influencing the ghost. This statement is subject, however, +to the existence of the practice of pig-killing at the various other +ceremonies before described (always apparently done under or by or +on the site of a chiefs grave), which is evidently superstitious in +character, and must have reference to the ghosts of the departed chiefs +and notables, being intended, or having originally been intended, +to placate or influence them in some way or other; and especially it +would seem that this must be so as regards the dipping of the mourner's +string necklace in dead pigs' blood at the mourning-removal ceremony, +and as regards the pig-killing at the big feast, at which the skulls +and bones of all the then departed chiefs and notables are carefully +collected, and made the objects of ceremonious dipping in blood, or +touching with bones so dipped, and after which these skulls and bones +may be thrown away, as not requiring further ceremony. And concerning +all these ceremonies, if we bear in mind the special fear which many +primitive people seem to have of the ghosts of their great men, as +distinguished from those of the unimportant ones, it seems, I think, +to be natural that the graves and the skulls and bones of the great +ones should be those which are specially dealt with, and the dealing +with which may possibly, so far as the big feasts are concerned, +have been the original purpose for which the feasts were held. + +The mental attitude and conduct of the people towards ghosts may have +originated in some form of ancestor worship, but I found nothing now +existing to indicate this; and in particular I could learn nothing +of any recognition of, or ceremonial observances with reference to, +the individual ghosts of known persons, as distinguished from the +ghosts generally. + +I could find no direct information as to any belief in ghosts of +animals or plants; but the fact that the living edible plants have +a ghostly self, upon which the human ghosts feed, seems to involve +the idea during the life of those plants; and in that case one sees +no reason why the ghost of the plant should not survive the plant +itself, just as the ghost of the living person survives him at his +death. Also the existence of a ghostly element in human excrement +opens out a wide field of ghostly possibilities. + +Spirits which have never been human beings are also malevolent; +though when we come to the operations of magic men or sorcerers, +and to incantations and the use of charms, the powers in connection +with all of which appear to be ascribed to spirits, it will be noticed +that these are by no means necessarily and invariably engaged or used +for malevolent purposes. + +I was not able to obtain any satisfactory information as to these +spirits, or their supposed attributes, nor, except as regards illness +and death, as to the nature of, and ground for, the fears which the +natives feel concerning them; indeed, this is a subject upon which +most natives all over the world are inclined to be reticent, partly +or largely from fear. Even as regards the sacred places which these +spirits are supposed to haunt, though the natives are not unwilling +to pass them, and will mention the fact that they are sacred, they +are unwilling to talk about them. My notes as to spirits, other than +those in connection with sorcery producing illness and death, must +therefore be practically confined to the sacred places haunted by the +spirits, and the demeanour and acts of the natives with reference to, +and when they pass, these places. + +Speaking generally, any place which has something specially peculiar +or unusual in its appearance is likely to be regarded as the abode of +a spirit. A waterfall, or a deep still pool in the course of a river +(but not the river itself), or a deep narrow rocky river ravine, +or a strangely shaped rock come under this category. There are also +certain trees and creepers which are regarded as implying the presence +of a spirit in their vicinity, although that vicinity has in itself +nothing unusual. I can, however, only give a few illustrative examples +of this general idea. + +There are three special trees and two or three special creepers +which imply the presence of a spirit. What the creepers are I could +not ascertain; but the trees are a very large palm which grows +on the mountains and not on the coast, a form of pine tree, [109] +and the _gabi_ fig-tree, used for burial of chiefs. [110] It does +not necessarily follow that every specimen of any one of these trees +and creepers is spirit-haunted; but some are known to be so, and all +are apparently so much under suspicion that, though the natives will +speak of them and will pass them, they are afraid to cut them down. + +At the time when the path near the newly erected Mission Station at +Mafulu was being opened some of these creepers had to be cleared away, +and the Mission Fathers had the utmost difficulty with the natives, +only two or three of whom could be persuaded to help in the work, +whilst the others stood aloof and afraid. In the same way, when +the Fathers wanted to cut down some of the special palms, only two +natives were induced to help in this, and even they only did so on the +condition that the Fathers themselves made the first strokes; and the +Fathers were warned by the natives that evil would befall them. It was +a curious coincidence that the Father who did this tree-cutting, being +then and having been for a long time past perfectly well in health, +was that evening taken ill with a bad sore, which nearly necessitated +his being carried down to the head Mission Station on the coast. + +There is a very common ceremony performed when natives, in travelling +through the country, pass a spirit-haunted spot. The leader of the +party turns round, and in a low voice tells the others that they are +approaching the spot, whereupon they all become silent, though up to +that point they have been chattering. The leader then takes a wisp of +grass and ties it in a knot, and all the others do the same. They then +walk on in silence for a period, which may be anything from five to +fifteen minutes, after which, as they pass the spot, the leader turns +round and throws his bunch of grass on the ground, and the others do +the same. In this way they avert the danger and afterwards chatter +as before. [111] Another somewhat similar ceremony commences, like +the former one, with silence; but, instead of throwing grass down as +they pass the haunted spot, the visible sign of which in this case is +a hole in the ground, the leader stops and looks round at the others, +and then presses the palm of his hand down into the interior of the +hole, and the others do the same; and after this all is safe and well, +as in the former case. In travelling through the country these holes +with numerous impressions of hands in them are to be seen; and you may +in one day's journey pass several of these signs of haunted places, +of either or both sorts, within a comparatively short distance of one +another. The hole in which the people put their hands may not have +originally existed, and may have been produced by the oft-repeated +pressure of hands on the ground as natives passed the haunted spot; +but on this point I am unable to make any statement. Nor have I +been able to ascertain what the difference, if any, is, or has been, +between the places where they put grass and those in which they merely +press the hands. + +I found no evidence of any general idea of supernatural powers being +possessed by natural inanimate objects, such as rivers or rocks; but, +as already stated, fishers are in the habit of addressing the stream +in supplication for fish, and it is possible there are other examples +of the same sort of thing, which I did not discover. + +Magic or sorcery, and those who practise it, and incantations and +charms, and those who supply charms, are naturally associated with +either ghosts or spirits, or both. Among the Mafulu people they are, +I was assured, associated solely with spirits, and not with ghosts; +and, though I have no confirmatory evidence of the accuracy of this +statement, I can only in these notes assume that it is correct. It +may well be, however, that in the minds of the people themselves the +distinction between the ghost of a person who has lived and died and +the spirit which has never lived in visible human form is not really +quite clearly defined; or that powers which are now regarded by them +as spirits have had an origin, possibly long ago, in what were then +believed to be ghosts. I shall revert to this point at a later stage. + + +Sorcery. + +The Mafulu magic men or sorcerers are different from those of the +Mekeo plains. There is not among the Mafulu, as there is in Mekeo, +a large body of powerful professional sorcerers, who are a source of +constant terror to the other people of their own villages, and are +yet to a certain extent relied upon and desired by those people as +a counterpoise to the powers of sorcerers of other villages; and a +Mafulu native, unless prevented by a fear of outside hostility in +no way connected with the supernatural, will travel alone outside +his own community in a way in which fear of the sorcerers would +make a Mekeo native unwilling to do so. The Mafulu sorcerers are a +somewhat less powerful people; but they claim, and are supposed to +have, certain powers of divination, or actual causation, or both, of +certain things. So far as I could learn, the sorcerer's supernatural +powers would never be exercised in a hostile way against anyone of +his own village, or indeed of his own clan, or even, as a rule, of +his own community. Apparently the sorcerer's victim is nearly always +a member of some other community; and the sorcerers of a community do +not appear to be in any way either feared or shunned by the members of +that community. And, even as regards their acts of hostility against +members of other communities, these do not seem to be performed to +an extent in any way approaching what is found in Mekeo. + +It seemed to me at first, as regards these sorcerers, that there was +a confusion in the Mafulu mind between divination and causation. The +question as to this arose specially in connection with the ceremony +for ascertaining whether a chief was or was not going to die. The +people of a clan and the ailing chief certainly assume that the +sorcerers who perform the ceremony under instructions, whether they +be of the same community or of some other community, will by their +magical powers merely divine the death or recovery of the chief; +and the idea does not enter their heads that these sorcerers may +actually cause the death. And yet they will accuse a hostile sorcerer +of causing the death by an exactly similar ceremony, and will go to +war over the matter. Probably, however, it is rather a question of +the sorcerer's assumed volition--that is, it is assumed that the +friendly sorcerer does not want the chief to die, and the people +rely upon him to confine himself to a divination ceremony, and not +to engage in hostile sorcery; whereas a hostile sorcerer might do the +latter. I may add that I was led to suspect that the burning test was +regarded as being only a matter of divination, and that the causation, +if it occurred, was effected by means of the previous incantation. + +There are also, besides the sorcerers, a number of specialists, who +can hardly perhaps be called true sorcerers, but who have certain +specific powers, or are acquainted with certain specific forms of +incantation, and whose services are from time to time sought by +the people. It is impossible for me to point to any definite line +of demarcation between the true sorcerers and these smaller people; +and it cannot be doubted that the powers of the latter, like those +of the former, are, or have been, based upon the supernatural, even +though they themselves do not claim to be and are not regarded as +being magic men in the highest sense. I think I may regard them as +being more or less the Mafulu equivalents of the Roro individuals +whom Dr. Seligmann calls "departmental experts." [112] + +Dealing first with the true sorcerers, they undoubtedly include +among their number the men who perform the special ceremonial already +described for ascertaining whether a sick chief is or is not destined +to die. They also seem to include the makers or providers of the +various charms, including those which are carried in the little charm +bags and the love charms used by young men, as already mentioned. There +are also two other matters which are regarded as coming within the +province of the true sorcerers, of which one relates to rain and the +other relates to illness and death. I will deal with them separately. + +The rain sorcerer is apparently merely a diviner. Dr. Seligmann would +perhaps include him among the departmental experts, but the Fathers +of the Mission regard him as being a true sorcerer. He is the man +to whom the people go in anticipation of a proposed important event, +such as a big feast, or perhaps a fighting or large hunting expedition, +to ascertain and inform them whether the period in which it is proposed +that the event shall occur will be fine or wet; but he does not profess +to be able to do more than this, and they never expect him to prevent +or bring about the rain, or in any way hold him responsible for the +weather as it may in fact eventually occur. + +The sorcery connected with illness and death is not so simple; and +there is no doubt that it is not confined to powers of divination, +but includes powers of actual causation. This department of +sorcery obviously includes the ceremonial in connection with the +supposed dying chief. But it is not confined to this ceremony, +as it is generally believed by the Mafulu people that sickness, +which does not necessarily end in death, and death itself, can be, +and commonly is, brought about by the operation of sorcerers in one +way or another through the medium of certain things. The only things +of this nature concerning which I was able to obtain information are +(1) the inedible part of some vegetable food which the victim has +recently eaten (_e.g.,_ the outside part of a sweet potato or banana +or the cane part of a sugar cane), and (2) the victim's discharged +excrement or urine. I found no trace of any use for purposes of +sorcery of the edible remnants of the victim's food, nor (except +as regards a woman's placenta, to which I shall refer presently) +of any part of his body, such as his hair or nails; and, in fact, +the free way in which the natives throw away their hair when cut is +inconsistent with any belief as to its possible use against them. + +First, the inedible remnants of recently consumed vegetable food. The +use of this as a medium for causing illness and death is apparently +confined to the case of a victim who has passed the stage of very +young childhood. Why this is so I could not learn; though in point +of fact a mere infant would hardly be eating such things as a regular +practice. A man or woman, however, never carelessly throws aside his +own food remnants of this character; and his reason for this is fear +of sorcery. He carefully keeps them under his control until he can +take them to a river, into which he throws them, after which they +are harmless as a medium against him. The fear concerning these +remains is that a sorcerer will use them for a ceremony somewhat +similar to that described in connection with the death of a chief, +but in a hostile way. No such precautions are taken with reference +to similar food eaten by very young children. + +Secondly, the discharged excrement and urine. This, for some reason, +only applies to the case of an infant or quite young child. Here again +I could not learn the reason for the limitation; but it is confirmed +by the fact that grown-up persons take no pains whatever to avoid +the passing of these things into the possession of other people, +whereas, as regards little children, the mothers or other persons +having charge of them always take careful precautions. The mother +picks up her little child's excrement, and wraps it in a leaf, and then +either carefully hides it in a hole in the ground, or throws it into +the river, or places it in a little raised-up nest-like receptacle, +which is sometimes erected near the house for this purpose, and where +also it is regarded as being safe. One of these receptacles, shaped +like an inverted cone, is shown in Plate 91, and a somewhat similar +one is seen in Plate 64. As regards the urine, she pours upon it, +as it lies on the ground or on the house floor or platform, a little +clean water which she obtains from any handy source, or sometimes from +a little store which, when away from other water supply, she often +carries about with her for the purpose. I could get no information as +to the way in which the sorcerer would use the excrement or urine as +a medium for hostile purposes; though there is apparently no process +similar to that of the fire used in connection with the inedible food +remnants of the adult. + +It will have been noticed that the mode of rendering the inedible +food remnants of a grown-up person immune from sorcery, and one +of the methods of making the infants' excrement immune, is that of +throwing them into the river; and even as regards infants' urine, +which apparently is not, and as a rule hardly could be, actually +thrown into the river, the protection is obtained by pouring water +upon it. I think that the belief among the islands of the Pacific in +the power of water to protect against the machinations of spirits or +ghosts is not confined to the Mafulu natives, or indeed to those of +New Guinea. Dr. Codrington mentions its existence as regards human +excrement in Melanesia. [113] I would also refer to a custom of the +Mafulu women after childbirth of throwing the placenta into the river, +a practice which is similar to that of the Koita women, who drop the +placenta into the sea. [114] Probably these practices relating to +placenta are also based upon some idea of protection from sorcerers +and spirits, although I was informed that among the Mafulu there is +no superstitious fear connected with the matter now. If the custom +is in fact superstitious in origin, the list of media for the use of +sorcery already given by me requires enlarging. [115] + +Serious illness or death of either an adult or an infant, if not +caused by visible accident, is by the Mafulu, as by other natives, +generally attributed, subject to limitations, to the sorcerers. The +belief of the Mafulu as to this arises if the victim, being an ordinary +person, is comparatively young, or in the strength of life, say under +forty or forty-five, or if the victim, being a chief or a member of +a chief's family or a person of very high position, is even over that +age, unless he is very old, and old age is recognised as the natural +cause of his illness or death. + +If the belief arises that the calamity, especially that of death, +has been brought about by spiritualistic influence, the family will +probably go to some person who is believed to be in touch with spirits +and able to designate the culprit. I cannot say whether or not the +person so employed is regarded as being a sorcerer in the full sense +of the word, or as merely one of the inferior types of magic men +above referred to. Probably he is only the latter, as I do not think +there are any juvenile sorcerers among the Mafulu, and this particular +person may be quite a young boy; indeed, there is in a village near to +the Mafulu Mission Station a young boy who is supposed to have this +power. As a matter of fact this boy is not quite right in his head; +but this state of mind is not among the Mafulu in any way a necessary, +or indeed a usual, qualification for a sorcerer or magic man of any +sort. The person appealed to will perhaps tell them who has done the +deed, or will make some oracular statement which will lead to his +identification. The culprit identified by him will in any case be a +member of another clan, and most probably of another community. When +he has been discovered, there will probably be a fight, in which +the members of the victim's clan, or even, especially if the victim +be a chief or big person, the whole of his community, will join the +injured relatives, this question of suspected causing of death being, +like that of non-repayment of the price paid for a runaway wife, +one of the frequent causes of intercommunity fighting. + +Reverting here to the matter of ghosts and spirits, one cannot help +noting a similarity between, on the one hand, the ghostly element +of living food plants and the ghostly element of human excrement, +which constitute the food of the ghosts, and, on the other hand, the +physical inedible remnants of food recently eaten by an adult victim +and the physical excrement and urine of an infant victim, which are the +media used for hostile sorcery through the power of spirits; though, +as regards the latter, I have no evidence of a belief that the spirits +eat them. I tried to get further into this matter, but was unable to +do so. Again one is struck by the fact that the special _gabi_ tree, +which is the tree used for the interment of chiefs and notables, is +one of the trees whose presence is regarded as indicating a place +inhabited by spirits. These elements of similarity tend, I think, +to suggest the possibility of some confusion in the native mind as +to the difference between ghosts and spirits, or of some originally +ghostly origin in what are now regarded as spirits. + +The class of magic men who are something less than sorcerers, +and whose powers are perhaps confined to the knowledge of certain +specific forms of incantation, would probably include the person who +does the nose-boring, and perhaps the person who detects the causes +of death above referred to. It would also, I think, include the +men who ascertain the whereabouts of a stolen article and discover +the thief, and who perform the ceremony in connection with hunting, +and the persons who effect, or profess to effect, cures of a more or +less superstitious nature, all of whom are probably not regarded as +full sorcerers. + +The professional pig-killer is not, as such, either a sorcerer or +a magic man in the minor sense; and, if there has originally been +anything of a superstitious or magic character associated with him or +his functions, I was unable to find any trace of it, except perhaps +as regards the ceremony and incantation in connection with hunting, +which apparently is commonly performed by him. + + +Charms. + +The Mafulu people believe in charms. I have already referred to those +used by young men desirous of marrying. But there are many other more +important charms for various purposes, such as averting illness and +death, success in hunting and fishing, and perhaps preservation in +time of war. These charms may be stones, small pieces of different +sorts of bark, flowers, or various kinds of poisons, though the +poisons appear to be only used for averting illness and death. They +are all procured from sorcerers, who may be of the same or of some +other village, or of another community, and there are sorcerers who +have specialities in certain sorts of charms. These charms are often +carried inside the small charm bags already mentioned. + + +Omens. + +They believe in omens; but of these I was only able to hear of two +examples--namely, flying foxes, [116] and fireflies, the latter, +though common in the plains, being rare on the mountains, and both of +these are bad omens. Any person or party starting off on a journey, +or on a hunting or fishing expedition, and meeting either of these +creatures would probably at once turn back; and I was told that even a +full war party starting off on a punitive expedition would turn back, +or at least halt for a time, if it met one or other of them. I cannot +help thinking there must be some other omens, which I have failed +to discover. + + +General. + +Referring generally to supplications, incantations, and acts +of propitiation, the only examples of them which I was able to +discover were the above-mentioned supplication to the river prior +to fishing, which is apparently spoken by the fishers themselves, +and not merely by a sorcerer or magic man, and the incantations in +connection with nose-piercing, with hunting, with a dying chief, +with the stone operation for stomach complaints, and with the plant +remedies for wounds, and the acts of propitiation, if such they are, +in connection with ceremonious pig-killing, and especially with the +ceremonies performed at a big feast and at or following a funeral; and +as regards the incantations I could learn nothing as to their nature, +nor as to the specific spiritual powers for the influencing of which +they are intended, nor the way in which those powers are moved by them. + +In fact, concerning the whole question of ghosts, spirits, sorcery, +charms, omens and superstitions, I cannot imagine that I have +accomplished more than the mere touching of the fringe of it; and I am +sure that, when the Mafulu people have got rather more into touch with +civilisation, and become more accessible and communicative about these +things, there will be much more to be learnt. It may perhaps be that +some of the apparently superstitious acts are, like many such acts +performed in England, based upon beliefs which have long since been +forgotten, and have themselves become mere formalities, to which the +natives do not attach serious superstitious importance; though their +fear of ghosts and spirits is undoubtedly a very real and general one. + +There are no secret societies or mysteries, such as are met with +in some of the Solomon Islands, and they have no superstition as +to sneezing. + + +Taboo. + +The subject of taboo may perhaps be referred to under the present +heading, for, though there appear to be no totemic taboos, and +though I have no material showing that the Mafulu taboos are based on +superstitious ideas, it may, I imagine, be assumed that, while some +of these taboos are possibly partly based on medical common sense, +the element of superstition enters more or less into many of them. I +have already referred to a few general restrictions connected with +etiquette, and what I now propose to mention are food taboos. + +Young men are not supposed to eat wild pig until they have married, +but this is the only food restriction which is put upon them. [117] +A woman who is about to give birth to a child must eat no food +whatever for a day or rather longer (never more than two days), +before the child is born. I have already referred to the food taboo +on persons undergoing the nose-piercing operation, and the optional +food taboo to which the nearest relative of a deceased person may +submit, in lieu of wearing the mourning string. There is also a +general taboo against any food other than sweet potato and chewing +of betel-nuts, with its condiments of lime and pepper, upon any male +person who intends to take part, either as a dancer or singer, in any +ceremonial dance. This latter term includes the dance at a big feast +and the women's dance on the eve of it, but not the dancing during +the six months' interval before it. It also includes the dance at +any of the various minor ceremonies above described, and at a funeral +ceremony. The period of restriction in the case of the big feast begins +when the formal croton-leaf invitation has gone out to the guests, +about a month before the date of the feast. In the case of a funeral +it is necessarily only quite short, and in cases of other ceremonies +it varies, being largely dependent on the length of period during +which the approach of the ceremony is known. During the period of +restriction the people avail themselves largely of the privilege of +betel-chewing, and prior to a big feast their mouths get very red. In +connection with personal ceremonies upon assumption of the perineal +band, admission to the _emone_ (excepting, as regards this, the case +of a child of very tender years), qualifying for drumming and dancing, +devolution of chieftainship and nose-piercing, the person concerned, +male or female, is under the same food restriction for a day prior +to that of the ceremony, and as regards nose-piercing this taboo +is prior to the actual piercing, and is quite distinct from the +subsequent taboo already referred to. There does not appear to be +any taboo connected with fishing, hunting or war. + +The observance of all these taboos is secured only by superstitious +belief or public opinion, or both, there being no method of enforcing +them by punishment or by any exercise of authority by the chiefs. + + + + + + +CHAPTER XIX + +Note on the Kuni People + +Father Egedi, who has studied the Kuni people, and has written a +series of articles about them in numbers of _Anthropos_, told me +that he regarded them as being a cross between the Papuan-speaking +Mafulu and the Melanesian-speaking Papuo-Melanesians of Mekeo and the +adjoining coast. Whether or not this is absolutely and strictly correct +is a question upon which I will not venture to express an opinion. + +In general physique and appearance the Kuni are distinctly and strongly +of the type of the Mafulu, whilst their language is Melanesian; and, +as regards other matters, they in some respects resemble and in other +respects differ from the Mafulu. + +As regards physique, Father Egedi distinguishes the Kuni from the +natives of the adjoining coast by their slighter development, slender +limbs and darker colour of skin, in which respects they resemble the +Mafulu; but he regards them as being lower-statured than the tribes +of the interior, which term includes the Mafulu, [118]with greater +regularity of features, and of lighter colour, all of which tallies, +I think, with my own observation of them. But the fact that they are +shorter in stature than the Mafulu, who are themselves shorter than +the coast natives, is perhaps a matter for surprise, if they are +a cross between the two. I have not measured any Kuni heads; but I +should be disposed from general observation to say that they are very +similar to those of the Mafulu, being predominantly mesaticephalic, +with tendencies to brachycephalism. [119] + +Many of the Lapeka people, who are Kuni, but are on the borders of +the Upper Mekeo district, seemed to me to have distinctly flattish +faces, with remarkably delicately cut features--some of the women +in particular being exceedingly pretty in profile--and very bright +sparkling eyes. Where these local characteristics came from I cannot +say, as it could hardly be the result of an intermixture of Mekeo +blood. [120] + +The oblique eye, which is occasionally found on the coast, [121] but +which I never saw in Mafulu, is, according to Father Egedi, present, +though only rare, among the Kuni. His large amount of opportunity +for observation, and his known care and ability in this respect, +compel me to assume his accuracy; but I can say that I saw a good +many of these eyes among them, and indeed once, having about twenty +of these Kuni people squatting in front of me, I observed that about +half of them had distinctly oblique eyes. + +Father Egedi speaks of their hair as being "generally black, rarely +bright, and more rarely chestnut"; and as to this, I would refer to +the fact that the predominating colour of hair among the Mafulu is +dark or darkish brown, so that in this respect the Kuni apparently +tend more to the black-haired coast type of native than do the Mafulu. + +Concerning matters other than physique and language, as I only passed +through the Kuni district, and did not attempt serious ethnological +investigation there, I can say but little beyond what I learn from +Father Egedi's articles and a few other sources; and the material +thus available only deals with a few questions. + +It would appear from Father Egedi's observations that the relationship +between villages arising from the splitting up into two or more of +an original family village is not so permanent as I believe it to be +among the Mafulu. Dr. Seligmann says [122] that among the Kuni Father +Egedi "could find no trace of intermarrying groups, or groups of clans +claiming common descent," which statement applies to my investigations +among the Mafulu. He further says [123] that "The Dilava folk" +(Dilava is a Kuni village) "marry into all the surrounding villages; +and when a death occurs it is the head of the family of the deceased +who says when mourning shall cease"--statements of which the former, +and I believe the latter, could hardly be correctly made concerning +the Mafulu. He also refers [124] to Kuni war chiefs, an office which +does not exist among the Mafulu, and apparently understands that the +office of these war chiefs is non-hereditary, a statement which could +not be made of any Mafulu chief; and he refers [125] to a funeral +ceremony which is quite unknown in Mafulu. But his statement [126] +that the _kufu_ (club-house) system seems less developed than in +Mekeo would apply very strongly to the Mafulu. + +The Kuni superstitious remedies for illnesses, as described by Father +Egedi, are quite different from those of Mafulu, and their food +restrictions, as enumerated by him, are in some respects substantially +distinct from those of the Mafulu, though some of them are more or +less similar. + +According to him Kuni women, though they may not enter the village +_kufu_ or club-house, are allowed upon its platform, which is not +the case with the Mafulu _emone_; and eldest sons of Kuni influential +people may not enter into the _kufu_ until their parents have given a +specific feast, which custom is apparently not identical with that of +the Mafulu above described by me, and which applies to all sons of all +members of the village, and not merely to those of influential people. + +The Kuni houses differ from those of the Mafulu, being more or +less round or oval in apparent shape, even though the floor is +rectangular. Also according to Father Egedi, Kuni _kufu_ are of +several various sorts, and some of them are constructed in specific +ways, and have specific carved and painted decorations, some of which +are imitative of animals and objects held in veneration; and these +different types of club-house, which include one used only by elderly +bachelors and widowers, have specific names--all of which is quite +different from what is found in Mafulu. Among these club-houses Father +Egedi includes one built at feast times higher up the ridge, outside +the village, for guests' accommodation, which, though apparently +somewhat similar in purpose to the guests' houses at a Mafulu feast, +differs from them in form. Indeed, as regards building construction, +the only point of strong similarity between the Kuni and the Mafulu +which I can trace is the long fireplace extending from front to back +of the building, which with the Kuni is apparently very like that of +the Mafulu. + +Father Egedi's statement as to Kuni cannibalism, that speaking +generally it appears to be confined to the bodies of people killed in +war or in private vendetta, and that, though other cases are recorded, +they are regarded as a violation of a custom and are detested, might be +equally well said of the Mafulu; though I did not actually hear of any +known record there of the other cases mentioned. Again his statement +that the actual killer must not share in the feast holds good with +the Mafulu; but I believe that this idea exists elsewhere also. + +Concerning the Kuni implements I can only refer to Dr. Seligmann's +statement, [127] that they do not appear to use bows and +shields--which, if correct, is a point of difference between them and +the Mafulu--and to a few other things referred to by Father Egedi in +his articles. From his descriptions I should imagine that the Kuni +pig-bone implements and their bamboo cutting knives are similar, and +that their wooden vegetable dishes are somewhat similar to those of +the Mafulu. But the Kuni have cooking pots (which they get from the +coast), and use forks and spoons and various other implements and +utensils which are not found in Mafulu, and their mode of producing +fire is quite different from the Mafulu mode. + +I recognise that the above comparative notes on Kuni culture are only +of a very fragmentary character; but Father Egedi expresses the general +opinion that, though the language of the Kuni people is Melanesian, +their habits and customs "may be considered as making one with those +of the Mafulu people." + +On the whole question of Kuni relationship it can, I think, hardly +be doubted that the Kuni have some characteristics which are clearly +those of the Mafulu and other central mountain tribes, and others which +are obviously those of the Papuo-Melanesians of the adjacent plains +and the coast beyond; and the only question seems to be the nature +and origin of the Kuni relationship to these two types of people. It +may be, as suggested by Father Egedi, that they are actually a cross +between these two mixed types; or, if the suggestion in my concluding +chapter as to the possible presence in these Mafulu and other mountain +people of Negrito blood be correct, it may be that the Kuni people +are merely another result of the general Negrito-Papuo-Melanesian +intercrossing, in which the Papuan and Melanesian elements have been +more predominant than they have been with the Mafulu. + + + + + + +CHAPTER XX + +Conclusion + +What is the origin of these Mafulu people, with their short stature, +small and somewhat rounded heads, slight but active build, sooty +brown skin, and frizzly hair, predominantly brown in colour, and with +their comparatively primitive ideas of organisation, and simple arts +and crafts? + +The question is one of no mere local interest, as the answer to +it will probably be the answer to a similar question concerning +most, and perhaps all, of the other Papuan-speaking people of the +mountainous interior of the Central District of British New Guinea, +and may even be a key to the past early history of the entire island. + +It has, I think, been hitherto believed that all these mountain people +had a mixed Papuan and Melanesian ancestry; but it was impossible to +be among them, as I was, for some time without being impressed by the +difference in appearance between them and the people of the adjacent +coast and plains, and suspecting that, though they had Papuan and +Melanesian blood in their veins, there was also some third element +there. And the name which obtruded itself upon my mind, whilst in +Mafulu, was Negrito. + +The dark skin and the comparatively rounded heads, and, I think, some +shortness of stature are found elsewhere in British New Guinea; though +shortness of stature and rounded heads are unusual, and, I believe, +only local, and I do not know whether even the Papuan skin is ever +quite so dark as that of the Mafulu people. But the almost universal +shortness of stature, the comparatively slight, but strong and active, +build and the brown colour of the hair seemed entirely different from +anything that I had ever seen or read of as regards either the Papuans +or the Melanesians; and all of these, coupled with the tendency to +roundness of head, were consistent with a partial negrito ancestry. + +Then on my return to England I learnt that dwarf people had been +found by the recent expedition into Dutch New Guinea organised by +the British Ornithologists' Union. Dr. Haddon has expressed the +opinion that these dwarf people and some dwarf people previously +found by Dr. Rudolph Poch in German New Guinea are all negritoes, +or negritoes crossed with Papuans. [128] + +Dr. Keith, to whom I submitted all my notes upon the measurements +and physique of the Mafulu people, and who measured and examined the +three skulls which I brought home, wrote to me as follows:-- + +"I have examined the observations you have made on the Mafulu. From +your paper one can form, for the first time, a picture of the +physical characters of this tribe; but, when I proceed to assign +the tribe to its proper race, I am at once met by difficulties. In +my opinion the short stature, the pigmented skin, and the small +heads inclined to brachycephaly indicate a strong negrito element, +which we know is widely distributed in the far east, and certainly, +as we should expect, occurs in certain districts of New Guinea. In the +three crania there were characters which one could assign to Papuan, +as well as to a Melanesian stock.... A brown or reddish tinge is +seen not infrequently in the hair of negritoes. You will see that +I am inclined to look on the Mafulu as showing a very considerable +degree of negrito blood, and to regard the more primitive tribes of +New Guinea as being of this nature. If that were so, the Mafulu might +be regarded as belonging to the older population of New Guinea, both +Papuan and Melanesian having added something to their civilisation, +as well as their physical characters." + +Dr. Keith then is inclined to agree with my suggestion concerning +the origin of the Mafulu; and Dr. Haddon, having seen my notes upon +physique, said that he endorsed the views expressed by Dr. Keith. And +if the view suggested be correct as regards the Mafulu or Fuyuge +people, I am prepared to say that from what I have heard of the other +mountain Papuan-speaking people of that part of New Guinea, including +the Oru Lopiku (Kovio), Boboi and Ambo people, I am convinced that it +must be correct as regards them also, though the relative predominance +of the three strains may well vary with these different people. + +I am hardly qualified to enter into the discussion as to the +relationship, if any, existing between the principal hitherto known +dwarf races, the Pygmies of Central Africa, the Semang of the Malay +Peninsula, the Andamanese and the Aetas of the Philippine Islands, +or to deal with the question whether or not all or some of them are +to be grouped together as forming a distinct and related type, or +are to be regarded as unconnected in the sense that each of them is +merely a local variation, sharing a common ancestry with some other +taller negroid race. + +As, however, my suggestion of a partial negrito origin of the +Mafulu people necessarily brings me into contact with this wider +question, and the latter is still one upon which opinions differ, +I may perhaps briefly tabulate some of the chief physical characters +of the Andamanese, the Semang, the Aetas, the dwarf people recently +found in Dutch New Guinea and the Mafulu. I think I may omit the +African pygmies from my tables. + + +_Stature._ + + +Andamanese 4' 10 1/2'' + + This is the figure given by Mr. Portman (_Journal of + Anthropological Institute_, vol. 25, p. 366) and by Dr. Haddon + (_Races of Man and their Distribution_, p. 9), and is very near + the 4'10 3/4'' given by Mr. Man (_The Andaman Islanders_, p. 5), + and adopted by Messrs. Skeat and Blagden (_Pagan Races of the + Malay Peninsula_, p. 573). + +Semang 4' 10 3/4'' + Skeat and Blagden (_Pagan Races_, &c., p. 573) and Haddon (Races + of Man, &c., p. 9). + +Aetas 4' 10'' + + This is Dr. Haddon's figure (_Races of Man, &c._, p. 9), and it + is within half an inch of the 4' l0 1/2'' given by Dr. Semper + (_Journal of Anthropology_ for October, 1870, p. 135). Dr. Meyer + gives a number of varying measurements (see _Journal of + Anthropological Institute,_ vol. 25, p. 174), and Reed gives the + average of 48 males, some of whom were not pure types, only 4' 9" + (_Negritos of Zambales_, p. 32). + +Dutch New Guinea dwarfs 4' 9'' + + Captain Rawling (_Geographical Journal_, vol. 38, p. 245). + +Mafulu 5' 1'' + + It is merely suggested by me that they are _partly_ negrito, + which, if correct, would explain the somewhat higher stature. + + +_General Physique._ + + +Andamanese + + Well proportioned, and with good muscular development (Man, + _Journal of Anthropological Institute_, vol. 12, pp. 72 and 73). + +Semang + + Sturdily built (Haddon, _Races of Man, &c._, p. 9). + +Aetas + + Well formed and sprightly (Earle, _Papuans_, p. 123), and with + limbs which, corresponding to their stature, are uncommonly + slender, but well formed (Semper, _Journal of Anthropology_ for + October, 1870, p. 135). Well-built little men with broad chests, + symmetrical limbs, and well-developed muscles (Reed, _Negritos + of Zambales,_ p. 34). + +Dutch New Guinea dwarfs + + Of sturdy build (Rawling, _Geographical Journal_, vol. 38, p. 241). + +Mafulu + + Fairly strong and muscular, but rather slender and slight in + development. + + +_Cephalic Index._ + + +Andamanese 82 + + This is Dr. Haddon's figure (_Races of Man, &c._, + p. 9). Messrs. Skeat and Blagden say they are decidedly + brachycephalic (_Pagan Races, &c._, p. 573). + +Semang 78.9 + + Dr. Haddon's figure (_Races of Man, &c._, p. 9). Skeat and Blagden + describe them as brachycephalic to mesatecephalic (_Pagan Races, + &c._, p. 34). + +Aetas 80 + + Dr. Haddon's figure (_Races of Man, &c._, p. 9). Skeat and Blagden + describe them as decidedly brachycephalic (_Pagan Races, &c._, + p. 573). Reed gives 82 as the average (_Negritos of Zambales_, + p. 34). + +Dutch New Guinea dwarfs 80.2 + + This figure is calculated by me from the actual length and breadth + given by Captain Rawling (_Geographical Journal_, vol. 38, p. 245). + +Mafulu 80 + + + +_Nasal Index._ + + + +Andamanese ? + +Semang 101 + + Calculated by me from average of actual measurements of 5 people + given by Skeat and Blagden (_Pagan Races, &c._, p. 577). + +Aetas ? + + Reed records highly varying indices, the bulk of which were + hyperplatyrhine (87.9-108.8), and nearly all the others of which + were ultraplatyrhine (109 and over) (_Negritos of Zambales_, + pp. 34, 35). + +Dutch New Guinea dwarfs 80.9 + + Calculated by me from Captain Rawling's actual figures. + +Mafulu 84.3 + + + +_Colour of Skin._ + +Descriptions of this are so general, and so much depends in each case +upon the relative meanings attached by each writer to the terms used +by him, that I prefer to depend as regards the Andamanese, Semang, +and Aetas upon Dr. Haddon's descriptions, which are doubtless based +upon his comparison of those given in previous literature. + + +Andamanese + + Very dark (_Races of Man, &c._, p. 9). + +Semang + + Dark chocolate brown, approximating to black. (_Ibid._). + +Aetas + + Dark sooty brown (_Ibid._). + +Dutch New Guinea dwarfs + + Brown (Rawling, _Geographical Journal_, vol. 38, p. 245). + +Mafulu + + Dark sooty brown. + + + +_Texture of Hair._ + +This is frizzly in all cases, as with other negroids, the word "woolly" +often used being, I imagine, intended to imply frizzly. + +_Colour of Hair._ + +This being a point which seems to me to be rather interesting, +I propose to quote various descriptions. + + +Andamanese + + Varies from sooty black to dark brown, old gold, red and light + brown; and, though these may be the colours of individual hairs, + the general appearance is sooty black or yellowish-brown. + Portman (_History of our Relations with the Andamanese_, p. 30). + + Varies between black, greyish-black and sooty, the last perhaps + predominating. + Man (_The Andaman Islanders_, p. II). + + Black, with a reddish tinge. + Haddon (_Races of Man, &c._, p. 9). + +Semang + + Brownish-black, not a bluish-black like that of the Malays. + Skeat and Blagden (_Pagan Races, &c.,_ p. 46). + + Brownish-black. + Haddon (_Races of Man, &c.,_ p. 9). + +Aetas + + Brown-black, shining. + Semper (_Journal of Anthropology_ for October, 1870, p. 135). + + Rich dark brown. + Writer of article on Semper's work (_Id_.). + + Varying from a dark seal-brown to black. + Meyer (_Journal of Anthropological Institute_, vol. 25, p. 174). + + Dirty black colour, in some instances _sun-burned at top to_ + a reddish-brown. [The italics are mine.] + Reed (_Negritos of Zambales_, p. 35). + + Black, sometimes tinged with red. + Haddon (_Races of Man_, &c., P. 9). + +Dutch New Guinea dwarfs. + + Black. + Rawling (_Geographical Journal_, vol. 38, p. 245). + + The hair of some of the pygmies was decidedly _dark_ brown. + Statement made to me by Mr. Walter Goodfellow. + + Hair of 3 men (out of 24) distinctly not black, a sort of dirty + rusty brown or rusty black colour; all others black-haired. + Extract supplied to me by Dr. Wollaston from his Diary. + +Mafulu. + + Generally dark brown, often quite dark, approaching to black, + and sometimes perhaps quite black. But frequently lighter, and + often not what we in Europe should call dark. + + + +I think that the above tables indicate that, though there are +differences, there are elements of similarity between (i) the Mafulu +people, (2) the Dutch New Guinea dwarfs, and (3) one or more of the +Andamanese, Semang and Aetas; but in my comparison of the Mafulu +and the dwarfs of Dutch New Guinea with the other previously known +dwarf races I would specially draw attention to their similarity in +shortness of stature and (as regards most of the Mafulu and a few of +the Dutch New Guinea people) colour of hair; and this impels me to +venture to say a few words on the larger question. + +I have searched through much existing literature concerning the +various hitherto discovered dwarf races of the world with reference +to the question whether, even assuming that these people have an +original primary ancestry from which the taller negroid races also +are descended, they must be regarded as having become a related type, +separate and distinct from the latter, as now existing, or whether +they must all be treated as merely separate local variations, each of +them having failed to develop, or retrograded, and in other respects +become different in type from taller negroid races among or near +to whom they are found. And I am struck by the fact that, though +the natural tendency to local variation in stature, shape of head, +colour and other matters is brought forward in support of the latter +theory, no one seems, in connection with the general question, to have +noted the fact that, whilst the hair colour of negroes, Papuans and +Melanesians is black, the hair of all these various dwarf people seems +to be predominantly brown, and that this variation explanation, if +regarded as applying to these dwarf races separately and independently +of one another, involves a remarkable coinciding double variation +(in stature and predominant colour of hair) exhibited by all these +dwarf people as compared with the taller negroids. + +On the other hand, if there has been an original separation of +descendants of common primary ancestors of all the negroid races, +which, through variation, has resulted in two main types, one +predominantly full-sized and always black-haired, and the other always +short and predominantly brown-haired, and the pygmies (negritoes and +negrilloes) are to be regarded as being all descendants of the latter +type, who have since for some reason become geographically separated, +there would appear to be nothing remarkable in the double variation. + +But in that case we are, I take it, justified in regarding the dwarf +races as being a separate type, to be distinguished from the taller +races; and, if that be so, there appears to be substantial ground +for thinking that the Dutch New Guinea dwarf people and the Mafulu +people are in part descended from people of that type. + +I may also draw attention (for what they are worth as points of detail) +to the facts already noted, that the Semang and Andamanese, who bury +their ordinary folk under ground, adopt tree burial, and apparently, +as regards the Semang, platform burial not on trees also, as a more +honourable method of disposing of the bodies of important people and +chiefs; and that as regards these matters the Mafulu custom is similar. + +Also the very simple ideas of the Mafulu, as compared with Papuans +and Melanesians, in matters of social organization, implements, +arts and crafts, religion and other things may well, I think, be +associated with a primitive negrito origin. + +If the Mafulu people may be properly regarded as having a negrito +ancestry, distinct in type from that of either the Papuans or the +Melanesians, the negrito element would presumably be the earlier one, +Papuan and Melanesian infusion having occurred subsequently. Indeed +it may well be believed that the negrito element is derived from +an original ancestry who were probably the earlier inhabitants of +New Guinea. + + + + + + + + +CHAPTER I + +A Grammar of the Fuyuge Language + +Translated and Edited by _Sidney H. Ray_, M.A., from the Manuscript +of the _Rev. Father Egedi_, S.C. + + +Phonology. + + +I. Alphabet. + +Vowels: _a, e, i, o, u_. + +Consonants: _k, g; t, d; p, b, f, v; m, n; r, l; s; y_. + +The vowels are pronounced as in Italian, the consonants as in +English. The sound of the Italian _c_ is also found, but is rare. + +It is sometimes difficult to distinguish between _o_ and +_u_. Ex. _ombo(le)_ or _umbo(le)_, belly. + +_G, b_, and _d_, are often preceded by a nasal, sometimes constant +(and then marked in the vocabulary), sometimes variable according +to the pronunciation of individuals. For the nasals _m_ is employed +before _p_ and _b_, and _n_ before other consonants. + +The _i_ and _y_ are very difficult to distinguish, especially when +they follow one another. Ex. _iye_ or _ye_, or _ie_, tree; _iangolo_ +or _yangolo_, ear. Father Egidi wrote _j_ for _y_. + +The _l_ and _r_ are very difficult to determine. Ex. _aliete_ or +_ariete_, to salute; _naul'i_ and _naur'i_, my eye. In the vocabulary +_l_ is used generally. + +The _s_ is often _ts_. Ex. tsivu and sivu; su(le) and tsu(le +grass. Also in the future suffix _t_ or _ts_. Ex. _nati_ or _natsi_, +I will eat. + + +II. Elision. + +A great number of Fuyuge words terminate in an open syllable of which +the vowel is generally _e_. This syllable is usually omitted at the end +of a phrase, and nearly always when the following word commences with +a consonant. But if the following word begins with a vowel the final +_e_ only falls away. Thus the complete form of a word is rarely used, +except to avoid confusion, or for the sake of emphasis. The following +are examples: + +_ovo(le),_ pig: _ovol' ovoge,_ boar, _ovo momombe,_ sow. + +_ifa(ne),_ beautiful: _ifa ta,_ very fine, _ifan' aka,_ less fine. + +_da(le),_ who? _nu da?_ who art thou? _dal' aua?_ who is this? + +_i(nde),_ to give: _ne i,_ give me, _ne ind' u,_ give it to me. + +_-a(le)_, with: _andal' a?_ with what? _indiv' al' ongai_, cut with +the knife. + +_a(le),_ here: _a mo ma?_ must I put it here? _al' itatsi,_ he will +sleep here. + +_u(ne),_ and: _kitoval' u kene,_ black parroquet and white, _amb' +un' ale,_ banana and sugar cane. + +Note (1). The _b_ in an elision sometimes changes to _p._ Ex. _obe,_ +bud, _op'indie,_ to bud. + +(2). Sometimes two syllables are elided: Ex. _taume, tame,_ from which +comes _ovo ta,_ a tame pig, and _ovo taum' ifa,_ the tame pig is good. + +(3). Words which do not end in _e,_ rarely elide a final vowel, and +never the last syllable. Ex. _kuku,_ tobacco, _kuk' oko nei,_ give me +a little tobacco; _na,_ I, _nu,_ thee, _ongo_ at the foot of, _na n' +ong' ando,_ I am at thy feet; _umbubi, wash, umbub' u,_ wash him. + +(4). Some verbs in _-ri_ or _-li_ however often omit this +syllable. Ex. _ivo(ri)_ to wipe, _na ga kodig' ivo,_ I have wiped the +plates; _tsimi(li),_ to lick, _ama tsimi,_ lick the salt; _itu(lili)_ +to split, _ol' itu,_ split the wood. + +In the grammar and vocabulary the syllable which may be elided is +enclosed in a bracket, and in compound words and phrases the elision +is marked with an apostrophe, as in the preceding examples. + + +III. Vowel Changes. + +1. A final _o_ sometimes changes to _u_ if the word following begins +with a vowel. + +Ex. _oko,_ some, a little, _kuk' oku ind' uno,_ give him some tobacco +to smoke. + +2. An initial _o,_ on the other hand, sometimes changes to _u_ when +the preceding word begins with _a._ + +Ex. _ongo,_ under; _na_ ungo ando, remain at my feet. + +3. The final _a_ of the word _na,_ I, becomes _e_ when it is followed +by the verb _indi_ in the imperative. + +Ex. _ne i, ne inde,_ give me, but _nuga na indi,_ thou hast given me. + + +Nouns. + + +I. Gender. + +There is no modification or grammatical difference to mark gender. + +Sex is indicated by separate words in the case of human beings: +_an(e)_ man, _me(le)_ boy, _ena(ne)_ brother, _amu(le)_ woman, +_ame(le)_ girl, _eta(de)_ sister. + +For mammals the words _avoge,_ male, or _momobe,_ female, follow the +noun: _ovol' avoge,_ boar, _ovo' momobe,_ sow. + +Dr. Strong notes that the sex of birds is sometimes denoted by the +adjective _ifa(ne),_ good, _i.e.,_ "ornamented," for the male bird, and +_ifan' ul' amu,_ the "wife of the ornamented" for the female: _uruv' +ifa,_ the male hornbill; _uruv' ifan ul' amu,_ the female hornbill. + + +II. Number. + +Only nouns indicating persons have been found with plurals. These +are formed by changing the final _e_ to _i._ Sometimes the _e_ is +changed to _a;_ this may indicate the dual. + +Ex. _amu(le)_ woman, plur. amuli and amula; _so(le),_ young man, +plur. _soli_ and _sola; me(le),_ child, plur. _meli_ and _mela._ + +Note (1). The word _a(ne)_ man, has a double plural in two different +meanings: _ani,_ the men; _ake(da)_ the married men. + +(2). The shortened form of the word is often used in the plural. This +naturally is the same as the singular. + + +III. Case. + +1. There is no modification of the noun to express case, but the +equivalents of cases are shown by suffixes. The vocative alone often +takes a final _a_ as in the interrogative form. + +Ex. _Tayova, a tsia!_ Tayo, come here! + +The subject, direct object, and indirect object are however easily +recognised by their position in the sentence. The subject comes +first, followed by the direct object, then the indirect object if +there be one, with the verb at the end. If there are complements they +immediately precede the word which governs them. + +Ex. _naga kuku nu inde,_ I tobacco to thee gave; _Baiv' u mega nembe +u fod' al' ema,_ Baiva's child bird his bow-with killed; _nuni ake +mu letsi gatsi,_ thou men their village-to will-go. + +2. The genitive is expressed by means of the possessive adjective. + +Ex. _ovo'u ma,_ hair of the pig, lit. pig his hair. + +3. Persons belonging to a place sometimes omit the adjective. + +Ex. _A Kotsi,_ a man of Kotsi; _An'Alol',_ a man of Alole; _Alol' +amu,_ a woman of Alole; _Ambov'amu,_ a woman of Ambove; _Tseluku ul' +akeda,_ men of Tseluku. + +4. Position in a place, or motion to or from a place is shown in +the following ways. When the noun has a shortened for _-tsi_ is +suffixed. If there is no short form the final _e_ of the noun is +changed to _i_ and _-tsi_ is added. + +Ex. _nani etsi ando,_ I am in the house; _nuni bulitsi gatsi,_ thou +wilt go to the garden; _naga Mambutsi l'a tela,_ I have come here +from Mambo. + +Note (1). Some proper names of places do not take the suffix _-tsi._ +Ex. _amul' Alol' itatsi,_ the woman will sleep at Alole. + +(2). Other proper names, especially those of mountains and the +villages built on them, take the suffix _-tu_ (upon) instead of _-tsi._ +Ex. _Falitu gatsi,_ I will go to Faliba, lit. I will go upon Faliba. + + +IV. Interrogative Nouns. + +The noun in Fuyuge has a special form to indicate the interrogative. If +the noun ends in _e,_ this vowel is changed to _a._ If already ending +in _a,_ the _a_ takes a strong accent. To any other vowel ending _a_ +is added. + +Ex. _ovo(le)_ pig: interrog. _ovola?_ is it a pig? + +_bulomakao,_ cow, &c.: interrog. _bulomakaoa?_ is it a cow? + +_kuku,_ tobacco: interrog. _kukua?_ is it tobacco? + +_kupa,_ sweet potato: interrog. _kupa?_ is it a sweet potato? + + + + + +V. Demonstrative Nouns. + +These are similar to the Interrogative Nouns and are formed by the +addition of the syllables _-aua, -ana,_ or _-ala_ instead of _a._ +This form is both affirmative and interrogative. + +Ex. _oyand' aua?_ is it a flower? or, it is a flower. + +_Tayov' aua,_ it is Tayo; _kuku aua,_ it is tobacco; _an' ala,_ +it is a man; _Ambov' ana,_ it is Ambo. + + +Adjectives. + +I. Adjectives have no Gender. In the expression of Case, Interrogative +and Demonstrative forms they are the same as Nouns. + +Ex. _a baibe, amu baibe,_ man tall, woman tall; _uli baibitsi mau,_ +pot big-in put it, put it in the big pot; _ifana?_ is it good? _ifan' +ala,_ it is good. + +II. Adjectives of Quality. + +1. Number. + +Number is expressed as with nouns by changing _e_ to _i._ Some +adjectives in _-a_ add _i._ There are no adjectives with the plural +in _-a._ Some adjectives in _-a(ne)_ have the plural _-ai._ + +Ex. _kakava(ne)_ strong, plur. _kakavani; safa(le),_ plur. _safa(li); +isosonga,_ idle, plur. _isosongai; aka(ne)_ small, plur. _akai._ + +2. Agreement. + +The adjective always follows the noun which it qualifies, and takes +the suffix of the noun. + +Ex. _a sesada,_ fence long; _emo gai,_ house old; _kodige kisiakatsi,_ +plate little-in: _indiv' amoja(le)_ knife blunt-with; _koua baibitu,_ +box big-on. + +Sometimes the pronoun _u(ne),_ his, is placed between the noun and +the adjective. + +The meaning of this is uncertain, but it appears to be more emphatic, +as _e.g._ "the road which is good," "the house which is bad." + +Ex, _enamb' un' ifa,_ the good road, _em' u koi,_ the bad house. + +The adjective used as predicate immediately follows the noun, without +a substantive verb. + +Ex. _an' ala gududuba,_ that man (is) stingy; _nuni sesada,_ thou +(art) tall; _amu safali,_ the women (are) weak. + +Note.--When the subject is represented by a pronoun of the first or +second person dual or plural, the predicate remains singular. + +Ex. _dini kakava(ne)_ we (are) strong; _yani kapape,_ you two (are) +weak; but, _muni isosongai,_ they (are) idle. + +When the predicate expresses a negation the word expressing the +quality is followed by the adverb _ua(ne)_ not. + +Ex. _sesad' ua, onov' aka,_ it is not long, it is short. + +3. Comparison. + +There is no special form for comparisons. Two positive statements +are made, or a superlative may be used. + +Ex. My house is larger than yours may be translated: _naul' e baibe, +nul' a kisiaka,_ my house is large, yours is small, or _nul'e baibe, +naul'a baibe ta,_ your house is large, mine is large much. + +Equality is expressed by the suffix _-umba_ or _-yakala._ + +Ex. _naul' e, nul' em' umba,_ my house is like your house; _nuni +sesada, nauyekala,_ you are tall like me. + +A superlative is expressed by the prefix _ande,_ or the suffix _-ta._ +But if the adjective in the superlative expresses a lessening of the +quality then _-aka(ne)_ is suffixed. + +Ex. _baibe,_ large, _ande baibe,_ larger; _ifa,_ fine, _ifata,_ finer; +but _ono(ve),_ short, _onov'aka,_ shorter. + +The prefix _ande_ is used only with adjectives which express an idea +of extension. + +When the adjective expresses an actual state rather than a passive, +it is preceded by the sign of past tense, the particle _ga._ + +Ex. _ant g'ifa,_ the breeches are (have become) good; _ena ga ko,_ +the road (is) bad. + + + + + +III. Demonstrative Adjectives. + +The demonstrative adjectives in Fuyuge are represented by the suffixes +-_ana_, this, -_ala_, this, here, -_vala_ that, there. The same +expressions translate the French "le voici," "le voila." + +Ex. _indiv'ana_, this knife; _eni'ala_, this house; _enavala_, +that road. + +There is no article, but the expression _u mane_ is used in reference +to any thing which has been previously spoken about. + +Ex. _enamb' ifa_, or _enamb' un' ifa_, it (is) a good road; but _enamb +u man' ifa_, the road (which has been mentioned) is good. + + +IV. Interrogative Adjectives. + +For these. _See_ Pronouns. + + +V. Indefinite Adjectives. + +The indefinite adjectives are _oko_, some, a little, part of; +_tale(le)_, several, many; _korio_, several; _gegeto_, a few, several; +_alu(ve)_, all; _urambe_, another; _none_, together, one with the +other; _dovavemunge_? _domamai_? how many? + +Note.--When _oko_ is followed by a word beginning with _i_, it +becomes _oku_. + +Ex. _Kuku oko nei_, give me some tobacco; _nemb' oko ematsi_, they +will spear the birds; _bodol' oko tsia_, take one of his hands; +_indiv' oko ya_, take a knife; _kuk oko ua_, (there is) no tobacco; +_indiv' oku i_, give him a knife; _ake talel' ando_, there are many +men; _kupa korio inde_, give several potatoes; _me' gegeto indiatsi_, +some children will come; _aked' aluvi etsi ando_, all the men are +in the village; _nau mel' alu_, all my children; _indiv' urambe ya_, +take another knife; _Pitsoke non' ade_, the Pitsoke strike one another; +_oye non' ongete_, the dogs keep beside each other; _kokol' ul' ombo +dovavemunge?_ how many eggs? _nu sise domamai?_ how many dog's teeth? + + +VI. Possessive Adjectives. + +_See_ Possessive Pronouns. + + +Numerals. + +I. There are only two numerals: _fida (ne)_, one, and _gegeto_, +two. _Gegeto_ is also used for a small number, and _gegetom'inda_, +is little used for three. For more than three, _gegeto_, meaning +"a few," or _tale(le)_, "many" is used. + +II. There are no ordinals and the only distributive is _fida fida_, +one by one. + + +Pronouns. + + +I. Personal Pronouns. Simple. + +Singular. + +lst Person _na, nave, nani,_ I, me +2nd Person _nu, nove, nuni,_ thou, thee +3rd Person _u(ne), ove, uni,_ he, she, it, him, her + +Dual. + +lst Person _da, dani,_ we, or us two +2nd Person _ya, yani,_ you two +3rd Person _tu, tuni,_ they, or them two + +Plural. + +1st Person _di, dini,_ we, us +2nd Person _yi yini,_ you +3rd Person _mu, muni,_ they, them + + +1. The first form _na, nu, u(ne)_ etc., is used either as subject or +object of the verb, the meaning being only indicated by the position +of the word. + +Ex. _na kuku nu inditsi,_ I will give thee tobacco; _na un' adatsi,_ +I will strike him; _ya di ong' ando,_ you two are beside us. + +When used before the imperative of the verb _indi,_ to give, _na_ +becomes _ne._ + +Ex. _ne i, ne inde,_ give me. + +2. The forms _nave_ and _ove_ are rarely used. The commonest use is +with the words _ete,_ to say, _ende,_ also. + +Ex. _nav' elete,_ I said; _ov' elete,_ he said; _nav' ende, nov' +ende, ov' ende,_ I also, thou also, he also. + +3. The forms _nani, nuni,_ etc., are employed when the verb is +understood, or to indicate opposition or emphasis. + +Ex. _da gatsi? dini;_ who will go? we (will); _nuni kakape ta, +nani kakava,_ you are weak, but I am strong; _nani a baibe,_ I am a +great man. + +4. The dual is generally observed by the natives. Adjectives used +with the dual pronoun take the singular form. + +Ex. _dani sosonga,_ we (are) idle, + +5. The dual is often employed with two subjects one of which is plural. + +Ex. _Kakao tu, tsimani u g'anga_, Kakao they two, with the policemen, +have started. + +When _dani_ is used alone it is generally inclusive of the person +addressed, and means "I and thou." If the third person is intended +the name is used: _dani Okomi' u da gatsi_, we two Okomi with we will +go. _Yani_ is used in a similar way, when one of the persons referred +to is not present: _ya, Dun'u yani natsi_, you two Dune with you will +go. The use of the conjunction _u(ne)_ with the second member of the +subject does not appear to be constant. + +6. The pronoun of the third person singular _u(ne)_ when it is the +direct object of the verb usually follows, and often takes the form +-_unde_. + +Ex. _kodigitsi mau_, put it in the dish; _nag' al' unde_, I have +seen him. + + +II. Personal Pronouns. Compound. + +From the pronouns _na, nu_, etc., are derived by means of the suffix +-_muku_, alone, the forms _namuku, numuku_, etc., with the meanings, +"I alone, without company," etc. + +The suffix -_mule_, is equivalent to self, _namule, numule_, etc., +myself, thyself, etc. + +From _nani, nuni_, etc., come the forms: _naniende_, or _nanienge_, +etc., meaning myself in person, etc.; _nanieke, nunieke_, etc., from +-_eke_, alone; _naniova_, etc., it is my business, _nanibila_, I by +myself, without help. _Nani endebila_ is more emphatic than _nanibila_. + +Ex. _numuku andola_? art thou quite alone? _da gatsi? uniende_; who +will go? he himself; _nu da? nanienge_; who art thou? it is myself; +_amed' unieke ando_, the chief is alone; _ake muniova_, it is the +men's business; _dinieke al' andetsi_, we will stay here alone; +_isong' unibila_, his own rainbow appears. + + +III. Possessive Pronouns. + +1. These are formed from the simple forms of the personal pronouns +by suffixing -_ula(ne)_ literally "his thing." + + + Singular. Dual. Plural. + + 1. _naula(ne)_ 1. _daula(ne)_ 1. _diula(ne)_ + 2. _nula(ne)_ 2. _yaula(ne)_ 2. _yula(ne)_ + 3. _ula(ne)_ 3. _tula(le)_ 3. _mula(ne)_ + + +They translate the English mine, thine, etc. Sometimes in compounds +the final _n_ becomes _nd_. Ex. _nauland' aua_, here is mine. + +2. The adjectival forms appear without the syllable _la_. + + + Singular. Dual. Plural. + + 1. _nau_(_le_) 1. _dau_(_le_) 1. _diu_(_le_) + 2. _nu_(_le_) 2. _yau_(_le_) 2. _yu_(_le_) + 3. _u_(_le_) 3. _tu_(_le_) 3. _mu_(_le_) + + +These adjectives precede the noun which they govern. With personal +nouns the forms _naula_, etc., are sometimes used. + +Ex. _nau me_ and _naula me_, my son; _diu vase_ and _diula vase_, +our guest. + +Note.--The form _nulu_ is heard in the phrase _nulu babe_, thy father. + +The suffix _mule_ is also used in the sense of "own." + +Ex. _numul' ul' i to, n' alo_, your own name, which I know; _namul' +ul i_, my own name. These suggest that the true possessive is simply +_ul_(_e_) or _ula_(_ne_). + + +IV. Interrogative Pronouns. + +1. These are: _Da_(_le_)? _dau_(_ne_)? who, +which? _anda_(_le_)? what? _unau_? which? They are used also as +adjectives. + +Ex. _Nu da_? who art thou? _dau ga ne_? who has eaten it? _anda l' +elete_? what did he say? _Ivi: unau_? Ivi: which one? + +2. When the verb is preceded by the particle _ga_, _dau_(_ne_) must +be used instead of _da_(_le_). + + +V. Indefinite Pronouns. + +These are the same as the Indefinite Adjectives. + + +VI. Relative Pronouns. + +The suffix _niu_(_ne_) or _u_(_ne_) takes the place of a relative +pronoun. + +Ex. _A yaigegemune_, the man who descends; _audati itedemu bulitsi +jalo tolom elota_, in the garden which they are cutting now when the +food is ripe; _ovo jamun' imbade_, the meat taken from the pig; _fal' +itamun' akeda_, the men who have dug the ground. + + + + + +Verbs. + + +I. Conjugation. + +The Fuyuge verb is conjugated by modifications of the terminal +syllables, or by a particle added to the subject. + + +II. The Particle, Ga. + +The particle _ga_ (often _g'_ before a vowel) is generally used with +the past tense, and is rarely absent in the positive form of the +verb. But it may be used also with the present and future. With the +present it seems to indicate reference to a preceding action in the +sense of "being on the point of," "ready to." With the future it has +almost the sense of "go." + +Ex. _Ake ga nembe na,_ the men have eaten the bird; _amu g'anga_ +the women are gone; _naga bulitsi gatsi,_ I am going to go away to +the garden; _naga sue,_ I am going away. + +Note (1). _Ga_ always immediately follows the subject, except with +the past of the verb _ange(ge),_ to go, which always has _g'anga._ + +(2). When the subject is not a pronoun, the pronoun of the 3rd +pers. sing. is often expressed. + +(3). _Ga_ never appears to be used in a negative expression. + +Ex. _Naga ipitsial' uruv' ema,_ I have killed with the gun a toucan; +_mel ul' etsi g'anga,_ the child to his village has gone; _Okom' ug' +nemb' ema,_ Okome has killed a bird; _ake kupa me na,_ the men have +not eaten the potatoes. + + +III. Person and Number. + +These are not expressed by the verb in Fuyuge. + + +IV. Tense and Mode. + +1. There are three principal tenses, present, past and future. The +present is found in the indicative and imperative modes, the +past in the indicative only, and the future in the indicative and +subjunctive. Besides these, there is a method of expressing the +infinitive, a passive participle, and two forms of verbal adjectives. + +2. _Paradigm of tenses and modes._ + + + ememe, umbubi, isiei, + pierce wash follow + +Indicative present ememe umbubi isiei +Indicative past (1) ema(me) umbubi(ne) isia +Indicative past (2) emo(ne) +Indicative future ematsi(me) umbubitsi(me) isiatsi +Imperative (1) ema umbubi isia +Imperative (2) emau umbubu +Subjunctive (1) emo(le) umbubi(ne) isio(me) +Subjunctive (2) emo(me) +Infinitive ema(me) umbubi(me) isie(me) +Past participle emam(ane) umbubim(ane) +Verbal adjective (1) emabul(ane) umbubibul(ane) +Verbal adjective (2) ememond(ana) + + +If the Imperative be regarded as the stem, there appear to be three +Conjugations, but Dr. Strong gives four based on past tense, thus: +i. Verbs with monosyllabic roots, 2. Verbs with roots in _a_, 3. Verbs +with roots in _i_, 4. Verbs with roots in _e_. + +His examples are:-- + + + 1. 2. 3. 4. + nen, itede, ongai, bole, + eat cut break leave + +Present nene itede ongai bolo +Past na ita ongai bole +Future natsi itatsi ongaitsi bolatsi +Imperative nu ito ongai bo(le) +Subjunctive no ito ongai bolo +Infinitive namubabe itamubabe ongaimubabe bolamane +Past participle namane itaname ongaimane bolamane +Adjectival nab'ula(ne) itedondona ongaibula(ne) bolabula(ne) + + +3. _Notes on the foregoing paradigms._ + +_a._ Indicative present. + +Most verbs double the last syllable of the stem, which in the first +conjugation always ends in _e_. There are, however, some exceptions, +especially among verbs in _i_, and those which have a verbal +suffix. The syllable _-te_ when doubled is always _-tede_. + +Ex. _Nag alili_, I see; _nani e gadi_, I build (tie up) the house; +_nani okid' atede_, I light the fire. + +_b._ Indicative past. + +The difference between the two forms, both of which are preceded +by the particle _ga_, is not yet clearly made out. The ending _e_ +seems to refer to the time when the action finished, whilst _-a_ +has a more general signification. + +Ex. _Naga ne_, I have eaten, _naga kupa na_, I ate the potatoes. There +is another form which replaces the final syllable of the present +tense by _-ua_. Verbs in _-i_ add _-ua_ to the final syllable. But +it is uncertain whether this expresses the near past, or includes an +idea of movement. + +Ex. _na bul' elelua_, I have just worked in the garden; _nu a gadi ua_, +you have just tied up the fence. + +_c_. Indicative future. + +If the syllables preceding the suffix _-tsi_ also contain _-tsi-ti_. In +monosyllabic verbs especially, a second form of the future is often +found, which retains the doubling of the present tense. + +Ex. _etsiati_, will come; _nenetsi_, will eat; _yeyetsi_, will +take. For _ga_ with the future, see below. + +_d_. Imperative. + +The first form of the imperative has less force than the second. In +the first conjugation the second form always terminates in _-au_, +even when the first form is irregular. The last syllable of the +imperative is often lost, especially when the ending is _-li_. + +Ex. _aitodede_, runs, imperat. _aitode_ and _aitodau_; _itulili_, +ward off, imperat. _itu_; _bole_, leaves, imperat. _bole_, _bo_, +and _bolau_; _ameme_, puts, imperat. _a_ and _ama_. + +The imperative is only used for the second person. In the first and +third (sometimes even in the second) it is replaced by the subjunctive. + +Ex. _di ango_, let us go; _to n'alo_, speak, that I may know; _go di +go_, go that we may go. + +_e_. Subjunctive. + +The two forms of the subjunctive are distinguished only in composition, +and have not yet been clearly understood. The last syllable besides is +rarely heard except in questions, and refers then to the interrogative +form. The subjunctive without a conjunction is used in simple phrases +consisting only of subject and object. + +Ex. _kuku gadi, di no_, roll the tobacco (make cigarette), that we +may smoke (eat). + +_f_. Infinitive. + +The forms given as infinitive are uncertain. They may be verbal +nouns. They are used in phrases such as: _nam' u babe_, father of +eating, for 'a great eater': _tsimilim' u babe_, father of licking, +cf. _andaval' u babe_, father of crying, one who causes crying. + +_g_. Past Participle. + +This does not easily lose the final syllable when it ends a +sentence. In other cases, when it is followed by the word it qualifies +it loses _-ane_, if the qualified word begins with a vowel, and _-ne_ +in other cases. + +Ex. _iy' ongaimane_, the cut tree, _indiv' ongaima ya_, or _ongaim' +indi' ya_, take the broken knife, _g'usangaman' ul' ande_, the thing +of death. + +The past participle of some verbs has not yet been ascertained. + +_h_. Verbal Adjectives. + +The exact difference between the two forms is not accurately +ascertained. The first seems to indicate an instrument, and is +equivalent to the phrase "used for," the second appears to indicate +habitual rather than momentary use. When qualifying persons _-onde_ +is used for _-ondana_. + +Ex. _indi kupa fifitabula_, knife for scraping potatoes; _ai +safatsilibula_, a yam which has rotted; _kulule iy' adedondona_, +a hammer for striking wood; _nuni oyatonde_, you are only joking; +_nani falawa me nonde_, I don't eat bread. + +In composition _-ande_, or at least _-nde_, is lost when the word +qualified follows. + +Ex. _ai filibulanda_, a yam for planting, _filibula' ai ne i_, give me +the yam for planting; _ambe nenondana_, the eatable banana, _nenond' +ambe ya_, take the eatable banana. + + +V. Negation. + +The negative of the verb is formed by the particle _me_ or _mi_ +preceding. In the imperative it also precedes, but when emphasis +is laid upon the negation _mi_ follows. The difference between _me_ +and _mi_ is not clear, but _me_ appears to be used only before verbs +beginning with a consonant, and _mi_ with other verbs. + +A negative participle or infinitive does not appear. For the verbal +adjective the suffix _-ua(ne)_ is used. + +Ex. _Na mi alele_, I do not understand; _nani matsine mi engatsi_, +I will not put on the (shell) bracelet; _mi unde_, do not fear; +_kolose mi_, do not play; _me ya_, do not take; _nenond' an' ua_, +what is not eaten. + + +VI. Interrogative. + +The interrogative is only employed with reference to the verb itself, +not to the complements. It changes with the conjugation and varies +for present, past and future tense. + + +Present. Past 1. Past 2. Future 1. Future 2. + +ememoma? emama? emena? emola? emoma? +umbubima? umbibia? umbubina? umbubila? umbubima? + + +The present in the first conjugation keeps the reduplication of the +stem, and changes the final _e_ to _-oma_. The second conjugation +simply adds _-ma_. The interrogative in the past simply changes the _e_ +of the positive indicative to _a_ in both forms. The future is formed +in the same way from the subjunctive with a stress upon the final _a_ +in the first conjugation. + +Ex. _Nuga malele yera?_ have you taken the book? _uga nemb' emama?_ has +he killed the bird? _nu aiti gola?_ would you start to-morrow? _kupa +g'ilama?_ are the potatoes cooked? + +Note (1). The future interrogative replies to the question, "Can +I..."? or "Should I..."? + +(2). The interrogative of the near past (_cf.p._ 318, 3, _b_) is +formed by substituting _-una_ for _-ua_. + +Ex. _nug' em' aliluna?_ Have you just come to see the village? + +(3). The form of the second future as _umbibia_ is rarely heard, +except with the verb _alili_, see, from which comes _'Aria?_ see? + +(4). The negative interrogative is formed like the simple negative +by _me_ or _mi_ preceding the verb. + +The questions "What should I do?" "What should I say," How should +I begin it?" are translated by the expression _do(le)... maiti_, +from _do(le)?_ where? + +Ex. _dotamaiti?_ how should I say? _dol' imaiti?_ what should I +do? _do yela maiti?_ how shall I call? + + +VII. Substantive Verb. + +1. In the present tense there is no substantive verb. The predicate and +subject are combined as in the examples already given (cf. p. 312, +2). But when the present indicates a state in opposition to one +preceding it, _ga_ is used before the adjective, or if in opposition +to a future state, the verb _ando_ follows. + +Ex. _Kuku ga ko_, the tobacco is bad; _balava ga ua_, the bread is +finished; _indi ga kouatu_, the knife is on the box; _ambe g'ifa_, +the banana is good; _ambe gos' ando_, the banana is (still) green +(not ripe). + +The past is more difficult to express. It always requires an adverb +of time. + +Ex. _Mele maleke ifa, audati ga ko_, the child formerly was good, +now he is bad. + +3. For other tenses the verb is translated only by the auxiliaries +_-elele_ and _-angege_, for which cf. p. 322, 7. + + + +VIII. Auxiliary Verbs. + +1. The particle _ga_ may be used to make any expression whatever +attributive. + +Ex. _Yu g'ua_, the water is finished (_i.e_., is not); _malele ga +kouatsi_, the book is in the box. + +In such examples there is almost the sense of a past action, as if +it were "The water (has become) nothing," "the book has been put +(is already in) the box." + +2. The verbs _ete, tede_, to say, or to do, and _elele_, to become, +are often used to form a noun stem into a verb. _Ete_ and _tede_ +give the sense of _sounding_, _elele_ gives the sense of _using_ +whatever the noun expresses. + +Ex. + +_fioli_, flute, _fioliete_, to play the flute. +_yuve_, water, _yuv' elele_, to bathe. +_ule_, thunder, _ulonete_, to thunder. +_ivule_, dye, _ivul' elele_, to paint one's self. +_andavale_, crying, _andav' ete_, to weep. +_bule_, earth, _bul' elele_, to cultivate. + +3. The Tenses, etc., of these verbs are found as follows: + + + 1 2 + + Pres. indic. ete or tede. elele. + Imperative. ta. elau, ele, e. + Past indic. te(ne). elame. + Subjunctive. to(me), to(le). elo(me), elo(le). + Past indic. ta(me). elene. + Infinitive. ta(me). ela(me). + Future indic. tatsi(me). elatsi(me). + Verbal adj. tond(ana). ? + + +4. The negative is formed regularly by _mi_. + +Ex. _nani yu mi elatsi_, I shall not bathe; _degu mi e_, don't +get dirty. + +5. The interrogative is regular. + +Pres. or past, _tena?_ or _tama? elena?_ or _elama?_ Fut. _toma?_ +and _tola? eloma?_ and _elola?_ + +6. The auxiliaries _ete, tede, elele_, should be distinguished from +the regular verb, _tede_ or _ta_, to make. The latter is a distinct +verb used when the result of the action is to produce a new thing. + +Ex. _Sambari tatsi_, will make a wall; _ombo tatsi_, will make a sieve. + +7. The verbs _elele_ and _angege_, both meaning "to become," may be +regarded as auxiliary verbs when they are used with adjectives, often +taking the place of a substantive verb. In this use _elele_ is never, +and _angege_ very rarely used in the past tense, the particle _ga_ +taking their place. + +Both are regular except in the imperative, which has respectively _ela_ +and _elau_, _ange_ and _angau_. + +Ex. _Ifan' eloma?_ will he become handsome? _ifa mi elatsi?_ he will +not be handsome? _indi g' ifa_, the knife is good; _yuv' uan angatsi_, +the water will cease (become nothing); _mel g' us' anga_, or _me g' +use_, the child is dead. + + +IX. Verbal Suffixes. + +1. The suffix _-i_, added to a noun stem, forms generally a neuter +verb. + +Ex. _abe_, work, _abi_, to work; _iso_(_ne_), smoke, _isoni_, to give +forth smoke; _kese_, a clean vegetable, _kesi_, to clean vegetables. + +2. The suffix _-tede_, added to a noun stem, forms usually an active +verb. + +Ex. _foye_, ashes, _foitede_, to cook in ashes; _gurube_, neck, +_gurutede_, to hang at the neck. + +3. The suffix of manner defining the verb, is formed by adding the +adjective with the final syllable changed to _-i_. + +Note (1). The suffix of manner is always added to the infinitive form +of the preceding verb. + +(2). In the negative these compound verbs are considered a single word. + +Ex. _te_, say, _ifane_, good, _tam' ifani_, to say well. _i_, do, +_koye_, bad, _i'koi_, to do badly. _ilele_, cook, _akane_, small, +_ilam'akani_, to half-cook. + +4. The suffix _-matede_ appears to have a causative signification. + +Ex. _ga koda_ (perhaps the past of _kodede_,) pierced, _komatede_, +to pierce (of a man); _ga siuda_, extinguished, _siumatede_, +to extinguish. + +Note. This suffix appears in some examples as a separate verb in the +same sense. + +Ex. _yuv' olola mata_, warm up the water; _indi koi matatsi_, the +knife will become bad. + +The negative is not known. + +5. The suffixes _-meme_ and _-ngo_ are added to neuter verbs. The +first has an active meaning, the second is passive. + +Ex. _yu_, to be upright, _yuma_, to put upright, _yungo_, to be +upright. _yari_(?), _yarima_, to hang, _yaringo_, to be hanging. + +Note (1). _Meme_ is regularly conjugated; _-ngo_ is imperfectly known. + +(2). Negative forms are _me yumatsi_, will not place upright, _mi +yaringo_, not hanging. + +6. The auxiliary verbs, except _ga_, may perhaps be included among +the suffixes (_see_ p. 322, VIII.). + + +X. Verbal Prefixes. + +The prefix _ya-_ renders a neuter verb active or causative. + +Ex. _yaigege_, to go down, _yeyaigege_, to carry down. _faikadede_, +to come back, _yefaika(dede)_, to give back. _yu_, to stand up, +_yeyu_, to set up. + + +XI. Irregular Verbs. + +1. Many verbs are irregular in the imperative. + +Ex. + +_angege_, imperat. _ange_, go. +_atede_, imperat. _ade_, kindle, burn. +_ende_, imperat. _ende_, undo. +_etsie_, imperat. _etsie_, come up (ladder). +_faikadede_, imperat. _faika(dede)_, go back. +_idede_, imperat. _de_, gather, pluck. +_isie_, imperat. _isia_, follow; +_itede_, imperat. _ide_, sting, bite. +_itulili_, imperat. _itu(li)_, split. +_ivori_, imperat. _ivo(ri)_, wipe. +_kosisi_, imperat. _kose_, turn. +_telele_, imperat. _te(le)_, come. +_yelele_, imperat. _ye(le)_, call. + + +2. Other irregular verbs are the following. Only those forms known +are entered. + +_Aitodede_, to run: imperat. _attode_, infin. _aitode(me)_. +_ando_ and _ande_, to be there: fut. _andetsi_, imperat. _ande_, +subj. _ando_, and _ande_. +_bole_, to leave: past, _bo(le)_, imperat. _bo(le)_. +_ete_, to tell: past, _ete_ and _elete_, imperat. _eta_ and _ta_. +_faduatsiete_, to ache (head): fut. _faduatatsi_. +_iei_, to throw: fut. _iatsi_, imperat. _ia_. +_indi_, to give;, imperat. _i(nde)_, subj. _i(ndi)_. +_ingale_, to carry (on shoulder): past, _ingala_ and _inge_, +imperat. _inga_, subj. _ingo_. +_itede_ and _ito_, to lay down: past, _ito_ and _ita_, near past, +_itova_, imperat. _ito_. +_songe_, to go: pres. and past, _se_, near past, _sova_, +imperat. _so(nge)_, subj. _so_, interrog. _sona?_ +_sue_, to walk, go: pres. _sue_, fut. _susuetsi_. +_utsisi_, to draw: fut. _utsist_, imperat. _ude_. + +Note (1). The verbs _ando_ and _ito_ are not yet accurately understood. + +(2). The verb _ete_ has a double conjugation, the initial _e_ being +retained or omitted at will. The past _elete_ is used in reporting +the words of another person. + +(3). The verb _faduatsiete_ is a type of several verbs which end in +_ete_, preceded by the syllable _tsi_. All these appear to lose _tsi_ +in the future, although some have both forms. + +Ex. _kiovatsiete_, to cry (of black parrot): fut. _kiovatatsi_ +and _kiovatsitatsi_. +_puatsiete_, to make a cracking noise: fut. _puatatsi_ and +_puatsiatsi_. + +(4). The verb _sue_ in the meaning "go away" always has _ga_. + +Ex. _nu ga sua? na ga sua_, are you going away? I am going away. + +The verb _angege_, to go, in the past tense has the particle ga +prefixed to the verb instead of suffixed to the pronoun. + +Ex. _na nul etsi ganga_, I went to your village. + + +XII. Notes on Some Verbs. + +1. _Tede_ and _i_. + +There is a difference in the meaning of the verbs _tede_, (_ete_) +and _i_, both used for "do" or "make." The first is used when the +object by which one obtains the action is indicated, the second is +used when the action only is expressed, and might then be translated +by the phrase "to go to work, to set about." + +Ex. _olon'ete_, to snore, make a sound with the _olo_(_ne_ hole, +_i.e._, the nostrils, _ung'ul 'olo. na (melauk') i koitsi_, I shall +do the thing wrong. + +2. _Gege, angege, engege, songe._ + +All of these have the general meaning of "go." Their differences are +not yet clearly understood. _Engege_ appears to mean "go up." _Songe_ +is specially employed when the following phrase indicates a final +proposition, or an answer to the questions "Where do you come from?" or +"Where are you going?" + +Ex. _nuni o' gega_, thou hast passed down there; _di engo_, let us +go up; _na song' em' aritsi_, I am going to see the village; _nu do +sona_? where have you been? (or, where do you come from?); _na bulitsi +sova_, I have been in the garden (or, I have come from the garden). + +3. _Idede_. + +This verb has a general meaning besides the special one "to gather." + +Ex. _fang' idede_, to set a trap; _di yu molots' idoma_? should we +make a water-pipe? + +4. _Ameme_. + +This verb has the general meaning of passing, or making anything +pass, through an opening. The object which has the opening does not +take suffixes. + +Ex. _kupa ulin' ama_, put the potatoes in the pot; _na ul' olol' +amene_, I passed it through the hole; _iso nu emana? andavete_, +does the smoke irritate you? you are weeping. + + +Adverbs. + +I. Adverbs generally precede the verb which they modify. The exceptions +are the interrogative na? (is it not so?) which always comes at the +end of the sentence, and _-ta_ (at first), which follows the verb. + +Ex. _aiti balava natsi_, to-morrow bread I shall eat; _aiti nu inditsi +na_? to-morrow I will give it you, shall I not? _kuku neta_, I eat +the tobacco at first. + +Note.--This _ta_ appears to be almost a conjunction, and the phrase +might be translated "when I shall have smoked (eaten) the tobacco." + + +II. Adverbs of Place. + +_do(le)?_ where. +_a(le)_), here. +_va(ie)_, there. +_ombatsi_, underneath. +_gisa(le)_, far. +_ime(li)?_ far. +_kugume_, near. +_tsi_, inside. +_val'enga_, outside. +_tu_, on, over +_ibe(le)_, down there. +_o(me)_, up there. +_yo(le)_, there above. + + + +III. Adverbs of Time. + +The adverbs of time are not very definite. For example _audati_, +"to-day, now," means also "in a few days" or "a few days ago." The +latter meaning is also attributed to _arima_, and the former to _aiti_. + +_aida_? when? +_vomarima_, day before yesterday. +_arima_, yesterday. +_male(ke)_, formerly. +_malieke)_, formerly. +_audali)_, to-day, now. +_aiti(me)_, to-morrow. +_vomaiti_, day after to-morrow. +_talele_, often, for ever. +_dedi_, just now, later (near). +_ido(ve)_, not yet (with fut.) immediately. +_ulsienga_, later on, in the future. +_utsimata_, later on, in the future. +_utsinenga_, later on, in the future. +_kelavalage_, for a time. +_-ta_, at first. +_vo(ye_, again. + + +IV. Adverbs of Quantity. + +_dovavemunge_? how much? how many? +_domamai_? how much? how many? +_avevemunge_, as much, so much, as many, so many. +_tale(le)_, many. +_apa(le)_, enough. +_kisiaka_, few, little. +_oko_, few, little. +_-ta_, very. +_ande_, very. +_boboi_, entirely, quite. +_gegeto_, few. + +Note. When _apa_ is used with a numeral it precedes it. Ex. _apa +gegeto_, two are sufficient. + + +V. Adverbs of Affirmation, Negation and Interrogation. + +_e_, yes. +_akai(ge)_, truly. +_g'akai_, truly. +_me_! what! certainly! +_ila_! I who knows? +_ua(ne)_, not, no. +_na_? is it not (French, n'est ce pas?). +_ouo_! not at all, by no means. +_andal'ai(me)_? why? + +Note. _Me_, _ouo_, and _ila_ are almost interjections. + + +VI. Adverbs of Manner and Likeness. + +The adverbs of manner are often replaced by noun suffixes attached +to the verb, with the final _i_. (See Verbal Suffixes, p. 323). + +_unoi_, together. +_akaumai(nge)_, further, beyond, besides. +_uneke_, only. +_ende_, also. +_elele_, quickly. +_dedi_, slowly +_fidefide_, continually. +_kela_, without reason, gratis. + +Note. When _ende_ modifies a verb with subject in the third person, +it is preceded by the pronoun _ove_. Ex. _nau fud' ov' ende fufuli_, +my bones (they) also ache. + + + +Prepositions and Postpositions. + + +I. Prepositions. + +Only two prepositions are found in Fuyuge. These are _ise_, near, +and _ga_, by. + +Ex. _aked' is' okid' ando_, the men are near the fire; _ganda_? _ga +ma_! by what do you swear? by the thread. + +Note. _Ga_, in the sense of "by," is much used, and corresponds to +a kind of oath. + + +II. Postpositions. + +1. All the postpositions are used as suffixes to the words which they +govern. When the noun to which they are suffixed has a double form, +the postposition is added to the short form. + +Ex. _uli-tsi_ from _uli(ne)_ pot: _fatsi_ from _fa(le)_, ground. + +There are however some exceptions. + +2. When the postposition begins with a consonant, the final _e_ +of a noun changes to _i_. + +Ex. _kodigi-tsi_ from _kodige_, plate; _bulitsi_ from _bule_, garden. + +3. The postpositions are often used as nouns. + +Ex. _balava u tsi ido asi_, the inside of the loaf is still raw. + + +III. List of Postpositions. + +_-ai(me)_, because of, for: _ovol' aim' andavete_, I weep for the pig. + +_-a(le)_, with, by (instrumental): _isong' al' oki ya -andal' a? isong' +ale_, take the fire with the tongs--with what? with the tongs; _amul' +al' ul'ese_, the woman with her child; _uli sond' al' ale_, a pot +with a handle. + +_-ala_, to, adherent to, along: _yo' ata yarima_, hang it on the +rattan; _enamb' ata malele yatsi_, I will take it along the road. + +_-fendateme_, near (within bounds): _Sivu Alo fendatem' ando_, Sivu +is near Alo. + +_-noi_, with (?): _yini danoi gatsi_, you will go with us two. + +_-ongo_, before, at the side of (with an idea of inferiority): +_na nu ongo ando_, I am before thee (at thy service); _non' ongo_, +one beside the other. + +_-enga_, from the side of, towards: _nani Ambov'enga g'anga_, I have +been (gone) towards Ambove. + +_-kaine_, towards: _dedi yi kaine tsiati_, later on I will come +towards you. + +_teti_, under: _sosoeteti ando_, he is under the bed. + +_tsi_, to (movement, and time, rest), at, at the place of (Fr. chez): +_nani etsi andota, u bulitsi g'anga_, I am in the house, he has gone +into the garden; _naga Mambutsil' a tela_, I am come here from Mambo; +_kouatsi ma_, put it in the box; _tutsi etsiati_, he will come in +the night; _nu datsi sona_? who has he been with? + +_-tu_, upon (to or at places on mountains): _kulumitu, ma_, put it +on the table; _Falitu g'anga_, he is gone to Faliba. + +Note. _Ale_ in the sense of "with" is used when the second substantive +is considered as an accessory to the first. Ex. _an' al amu_, a married +man (man with a wife); _uli sondal' ale_, pot with a handle. There +are not yet enough examples to distinguish the two forms. + + +IV. Prepositional Phrases. + +_u mome_, above: _kurum' u mome yarime_, hang it over the table; _u +bane_, behind; _mel' an' u ban' ando_, the child is behind the man; +_ul' umbo(le)_, in the middle of; _Veke ul' umbol' ando_, he is at Vee. + + +Conjunctions. + + +I. Copulative. + +_-u(ne)_, and, with; _naga kitoval' u kene' ema_, I killed a black +and white parrot. + +_Une_ is generally only used to connect two nouns, and is placed +between the two. But sometimes it comes after the second, especially +when meaning "with," and the first noun is then followed by the +personal pronoun. There are a few doubtful examples of _une_ joining +two phrases: _ake tale mu, Augustin' un' ando_, many men are with +Augustin. + + +II. Adversative. + +_-ta_, yet, but: _nuni safa' ta nani kakava_, you are weak but I +am strong. + +_Ta_, meaning "but," precedes the phrase which it governs: _nuni natsi, +ta nani fema_, you will eat, but I do not. + + +III. Sequence. + +_-ta_, when (when a fact is accomplished, or will certainly happen), +lest: _aked' indiota, dinoi gatsi_, when the men arrive, we will +go together. + +_Ta_ in this sense follows the verb, which is in the past if the action +depends on the person who speaks or is spoken to, in other cases in +the subjunctive: _kuku neta, etsi gatsi_, when I (or you) have eaten, +I will (or you will) go to the village; _mulamula angetota, gadiu_, +lest the medicine fall, tie it up. + +_-tamai_, when (uncertain event): _oki finolitamai, na natatsi_, +when the fire blazes, warn me. + +_Tamai_ always requires the subjunctive. + +_-mai_, if: _Augusto bubulimai, dimuku e gaditsi_. If Augusto delays, +we ourselves will build the house. + +_-umba_, so, like: _an' umba ne i_, give me (one) like that. + + +Interjections. + +_mamu(la)_! admiration. +_ile_! sadness. +_fanimo(le)_, commiseration. +_fanikoe_! commiseration. +_-e_ (suffix), commiseration. +_segoa_! joy at another's misfortune. +_biu_! contempt. +_alaila_! a command for silence. +_faiamela_! expresses the recognition of an error. + + +Notes on Dependent Clauses. + +1. A final proposition with the future is expressed in four ways. + +a. By the infinitive preceding the verb which it governs: _na nul' +em' arim' an gatsi_, I will go to see thy village, lit, I thy village +to-see will-go. + +b. By the simple future preceded by the verb: _na songe, Tsekari +aritsi_, I go, I shall see Tseka. + +c. By the future preceding the verb: _ake Mambutsi itatsi m' ando_, +the men remain to sleep at Mambo. + +d. By the suffix _-du(le]: Pe' Egidi yol' itadul andemai, puatsitatsi,_ +If Pere Egidi stays to sleep up there, he will fire a gun; _ake Baidane +(gatsi) ame boladu_, the men will go to Baidane to leave the girl; +_muto yetadu, Labao gatsi_; I will go to Yule Is to take the sheep, +(_muto_, Fr. mouton). The use of the verb "to go" is not certain. + +2. A dependent sentence with the past is expressed in two ways. + +a. By the simple past: _na so, fang' an_, I went to see the trap. + +b. By the suffix _-ua_, with the omission of the verb: _Tsekan' +alilua_, I went to see Tseka, which might also be translated: _na sova, +Tsekan' ari_. + +3. Causative sentences appear to be governed by the same rules as +the preceding. + +Ex. _ame nu arim' undede_, the girl is afraid to see you; _andal' +un' arim' ete_, what has he seen to talk about. + +4. Conditional sentences precede the principal and have their verb +in the subjunctive with the conjunction _-mai_ or _-tamai_. (See +p. 330, III.). + +5. A dependent sentence expressing time also precedes the principal +sentence. It has its verb in the subjunctive or indicative, followed +by the conjunction _-ta_ or sometimes _-tamai_. (See p. 330, III.). + + + + + + + +CHAPTER II + +Note on the Afoa Language + +By Dr. W. M. Strong + +The vocabulary recorded below was obtained from a Fuyuge native who +spoke the Afoa language. He had travelled with me to the Afoa-speaking +villages on Mount Pitsoko and I could assure myself that he spoke the +language fluently. In spite of the vocabulary having been obtained +through a Fuyuge native there is very little similarity between this +and the Fuyuge vocabulary. It should be noted that the words for "I" +and for "thou" are substantially the same in the two languages. + +I also obtained a short vocabulary from a native who came down the +coast to me, and found that this was substantially the same as the +Pitsoko vocabulary. The native had come from a village which appeared +to be situated on the slopes of Mount Davidson and on the inland side +of it. According to native accounts the Afoa language is spoken in +numerous villages which stretch from Mount Davidson to the head of +the St. Joseph River in the Mafulu district. All the Afoa villages +are situated north of the St. Joseph and its main branches. + +[Dr. Strong gives only the pronoun: _nui,_ thou; and the +numerals: _koane,_ one; _atolowai,_ two; _atolowai-itima,_ three; +_atolowai-atolowai,_ four; _atolowai-atolowai-itima,_ five. + +The Pronouns given by Father Egidi for Tauata ("Anthropos," II. 1907, +pp. 1009-1015) are:-- + + + Singular. Plural. Dual. + +lst Person, _nai_, _na_. _nanei_, _nane_. _nonei_, _none_. +2nd Person, _nui_, _nu_. _nunei_, _nune_ _nuvei_, _nuve_. +3rd Person, _omei_, _ome_. _otei_, _ote_. _olei_(?). + + +The Possessives are:-- + + + Singular. Plural. Dual. + +lst Person, _ne_, _neve_. _nane_,_nanene_. _none_. + +2nd Person, _ni_, _nie_. _nune_. _nuvene_. + +3rd Person, _ote_, _otene_. _otene_. _olene_. + + +The Interrogatives are: _te_? who? _te_? _teile_? what +thing? _te_? _tue_? which? + +The Numerals, according to Father Egidi, are, _kone_, one; +_atolo_(_ai_), two; _atoloai-laina_, three; _talele_, _memene_, many; +_konekone_, few. + +S. H. R.] + + + + + + +CHAPTER III + +Note on the Kovio Language. + +By Dr. W. M. Strong. + +Substantially the same language is spoken in the whole of the +neighbourhood of Mount Yule. I have travelled all around this +mountain and the same interpreter was able to make himself understood +everywhere. The vocabulary recorded below was collected by means +of the Motuan from a native of Lopiko in the Inava valley. I have +also collected short vocabularies from the village of Inavarene in +the same valley, and from the Kwoifa district of the upper part of +the Lakekamu river. These vocabularies show close similarities with +that of Lopiko. The natives around the Pic Eleia also speak much the +same language. + +The vocabulary of the language bears no resemblance to any other +language I am acquainted with. It is peculiar in that a word often ends +in a consonant preceded by a short vowel. There is also an unusual +consonant sound in the language. This sound seems to vary between a +"ch" and a "tch" sound. + +The pronouns are as follows;-- + + + First person: _na_. + Second person: _ni_. + Third person: _pi_. + + +These were obtained without much difficulty as well as the +corresponding possessives _nemai_, _nimai_, and _pimai_; but plurals +could not be obtained. Possibly the above are both singular and +plural. The possessive precedes the noun, _e.g._, _nemai tupumagi_, +my house. [129] A binary system of counting is shown in the following +numerals:-- + + + One: _uniuni_. + Two: _karaala_. + Three: _naralavievi napuevi_. + Four: _naralavievi naralavievi_. + Five: _naralavievi naralavievi napuievi_. + Ten: _kowa_. + Eleven: _kowa uniuni_. + Twelve: _kowa karaala_. + Twenty: _kowakowa_. + + +Seven, eight, and nine were also translated by saying _naralavievi_ +for each two, and _napuevi_ for one over. The numeral follows the noun, +e.g., _inai karaala_, two spears. [130] + + + + + + +CHAPTER IV + +A Comparative Vocabulary of the Fuyuge, Afoa, and Kovio Languages + +Prepared by Sidney H. Ray, M.A. + +[From the MSS. of Rev. Father Egedi, Rev. P.J. Money, and +Dr. W.M. Strong. Words in square brackets from "Antropos," II., +pp. 1016-1021. _Cf_. Appendix V.] + + + +English: Adze +Mafulu: so(ve) +Kambisa: so(nda) +Korona: itau +Afoa: kealeve +Kovio: labian)ed + +English: Ankle +Mafulu: sog' u' kodabe [131] +Kambisa: segikanan [132] +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Areca-nut +Mafulu: kese +Kambisa: kesi +Korona: soroma +Afoa: iluve; [vonuve] +Kovio: koveo; [auliri-koyo] + +English: Arm +Mafulu: bodo(le); matange (_shoulder_) +Kambisa: ia; kosa (_shoulder_) +Korona: ya +Afoa: kalab; [kala(pe)] +Kovio: malau; [malao] + +English: Armlet +Mafulu: koio(ne) (_cane_); matsi(ne) (_shell_) +Kambisa: ino (_cane_) +Korona: -- +Afoa: [torite; litsi] +Kovio: [loria] + +English: Arrow +Mafulu: fod' u' komome +Kambisa: -- +Korona: fode +Afoa: -- +Kovio: [kilelupa] + +English: Ashes +Mafulu: foye +Kambisa: hoi +Korona: -- +Afoa: enamiro [133]; pita; [sepe] +Kovio: iziuvate; [itekamite] + +English: Backbone +Mafulu: bane +Kambisa: bano +Korona: -- +Afoa: [momo(pe) (_back_)] +Kovio: -- + +English: Bad +Mafulu: ko(ye) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: ko +Afoa: k=o=ali +Kovio: kep)ip; [amifu] + +English: Bag, Basket +Mafulu: anon(ne) +Kambisa: ha(_netted_) +Korona: -- +Afoa: [lamui] +Kovio: [lamui] + +English: Bamboo +Mafulu: bione; e(re) (_pipe_) +Kambisa: e +Korona: tobo [134] +Afoa: ila; [vioni; ila (_pipe_)] +Kovio: nelele; [pidele; nerele (_pipe_)] + +English: Banana +Mafulu: ambe +Kambisa: -- +Korona: haba +Afoa: pelai +Kovio: teri; [teli] + +English: Barter +Mafulu: davani +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: tvatava [135] +Kovio: -- + +English: Beard +Mafulu: anama(le) +Kambisa: hanama +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Belly +Mafulu: ombo(le) +Kambisa: hombo (_stomach_) +Korona: obo +Afoa: aniami; [aniame (_abdomen_); kutote (_belly_)] +Kovio: dapoale; [data] + +English: Belt (waist string) +Mafulu: ganinge; ganingame (_bark_); tafade (_ratan_) +Kambisa: misu +Korona: -- +Afoa: [terite; afafe; teupe] +Kovio: [tabatsio; talakota] + +English: Bird +Mafulu: nembe +Kambisa: neba +Korona: nebe +Afoa: kile +Kovio: id)ep; [ite] + +English: Bite +Mafulu: angale (_of men_); itede (_of dog_) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: kanaiva +Kovio: -- + +English: Black +Mafulu: dube +Kambisa: -- +Korona: duba +Afoa: lumatu +Kovio: alolamala; [tumuta]. + +English: Blood +Mafulu: tana(le) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: tana +Afoa: ilive +Kovio: uiau-toro; [ueho]. + +English: Boat +Mafulu: -- +Kambisa: -- +Korona: asi [136] +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Body +Mafulu: mule +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: [kotsi(pe)] +Kovio: ulan-utoro ; [koki]. + +English: Bone +Mafulu: fude +Kambisa: -- +Korona: ufudi +Afoa: kemiabi +Kovio: kateleru. + +English: Bow, _n_ +Mafulu: fode +Kambisa: -- +Korona: fode +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Bowels +Mafulu: taride; gige +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: [kimu(ve)] +Kovio: [tsikamaki]. + +English: Branch +Mafulu: bodo(le); gobe (_young_) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: uga +Afoa: ietami +Kovio: litaud + +English: Breast +Mafulu: ouba +Kambisa: duda; kononda [137] (_chest_); bononga (_breast-bone_) +Korona: -- +Afoa: talate [opipe] +Kovio: apiteu; [apetei (_woman's_)]. + +English: Bring +Mafulu: yetsia (_up_); yayeitsie (_down_) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: neda +Afoa: ainakava +Kovio: [boale?]. + +English: Bury +Mafulu: mudi +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: alota +Kovio: -- + +English: Butterfly +Mafulu: keneke +Kambisa: -- +Korona: kaneke +Afoa: gotaubi +Kovio: -- + +English: By an Bye +Mafulu: dedi; ido(ve) (_not yet_) +Kambisa: gadavi +Korona: -- +Afoa: [epe (_not yet_)] +Kovio: -- + +English: Cane +Mafulu: yokome; seene (_ratan_) +Kambisa: ongo +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Charcoal +Mafulu: -- +Kambisa: urugum +Korona: orugu +Afoa: (ena)imiti [138] +Kovio: -- + +English: Cheek +Mafulu: omenge +Kambisa: hanan +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Chest +Mafulu: kavale +Kambisa: kononda +Korona: konode +Afoa: kaluvi +Kovio: lipat; [ulako]. + +English: Chief +Mafulu: ame(de) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Child +Mafulu: mele; ese (_son_); ame(le) (_girl_); ayame(le) (_small_) +Kambisa: isa; isoko (_boy_); amuri (_girl_) +Korona: isia +Afoa: lu [lu; pie (_boy_); epi (_girl_)] +Kovio: nekeotoro; [koemala; feimala (_boy_); nalemala; etaofu (_girl_)]. + +English: Chin +Mafulu: ana +Kambisa: ana +Korona: -- +Afoa: [natau(pe)] +Kovio: [akumare]. + +English: Claw (_of bird_) +Mafulu: fodo(le) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: bodo [139] +Afoa: kila karabe +Kovio: -- + +English: Cloth (_native_) +Mafulu: kogo(ve) +Kambisa: hudo +Korona: -- +Afoa: [etape] +Kovio: [tsimika]. + +English: Cloud +Mafulu: unu(me) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: ulua; [ponive] +Kovio: unida; [lariatsi]. + +English: Club +Mafulu: gilise (_pineapple_); gadaibe (_disc_); kongomu (_wood_) +Kambisa: hadufa (_wood_) +Korona: hadoga (_pine-apple_) +Afoa: yetikwi +Kovio: ineri (_stone_) + +English: Coconut +Mafulu: fofo(ne) +Kambisa: bao +Korona: fofo +Afoa: -- +Kovio: teri. + +English: Cold +Mafulu: yuyuma +Kambisa: -- +Korona: dudure +Afoa: loola +Kovio: delea; [abatata]. + +English: Come +Mafulu: tsia +Kambisa: -- +Korona: yeterun +Afoa: lai +Kovio: [imaro] + +English: Crocodile +Mafulu: fua +Kambisa: -- +Korona: fuai +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Cuscus +Mafulu: -- +Kambisa: ano [140] +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Darkness +Mafulu: tu(be) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: gerenama +Afoa: guviti +Kovio: dubare + +English: Daylight +Mafulu: ev' ul' aveve [141] +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Die +Mafulu: usangege +Kambisa: -- +Korona: usaga +Afoa: lae-elu; [kelui] +Kovio: [nusuaka] + +English: Dig +Mafulu: tsie +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: amatita +Kovio: -- + +English: Digging-stick +Mafulu: itsive +Kambisa: -- +Korona: iti +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Dog +Mafulu: oi(e) +Kambisa: hu +Korona: ho +Afoa: kovela +Kovio: gad)ep; [katefu] + +English: Door +Mafulu: akonimbe +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Dress (_man's_) +Mafulu: ganinge +Kambisa: haninga +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Dress (_woman's_) +Mafulu: yangile (_petticoat_); yamba(le) +Kambisa: iambaro +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Drink +Mafulu: nene +Kambisa: -- +Korona: eu' naida +Afoa: kwaiana +Kovio: [naro] + +English: Ear +Mafulu: yangolo(me) +Kambisa: gadoro +Korona: i +Afoa: kepapi +Kovio: katoli + +English: Earring +Mafulu: -- +Kambisa: kemang +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Earth (ground) +Mafulu: bu(le), fa(le) +Kambisa: hoa +Korona: fa(la) +Afoa: amati +Kovio: kamad; [amatsi] + +English: Eat +Mafulu: nene +Kambisa: -- +Korona: adako' naida +Afoa: na)nai [142]; [nai] +Kovio: [naro] + +English: Egg +Mafulu: ombo(le) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: obo +Afoa: kile' mutube +Kovio: nekeo + +English: Elbow +Mafulu: bodol'u' kodabe [143] +Kambisa: hukanan [144] +Korona: ya' koba +Afoa: oma' kaluve +Kovio: mala-gagoboro + +English: Eye +Mafulu: i(me) +Kambisa: i(ng) +Korona: yago +Afoa: tabe; [va(pe)] +Kovio: ita-kwaru; [itau] + +English: Eyebrow +Mafulu: ingob' u' male [145] +Kambisa: ing' ode [146] +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: ita-dunali + +English: Eyelash +Mafulu: -- +Kambisa: ing' uba +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: ita-kalam + +English: Face +Mafulu: mede +Kambisa: -- +Korona: yodoge +Afoa: keuwil [keu(ve)] +Kovio: tara-ata; [kawasata] + +English: Far off +Mafulu: gisa(le) +Kambisa: busara +Korona: -- +Afoa: ainioari [ainiole] +Kovio: waladekatch; [lulusivelaka] + +English: Father +Mafulu: ba(be) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: bane +Afoa: ati +Kovio: papai; [fafae; vavafu] + +English: Fear +Mafulu: undede +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: nu)kela [147] +Kovio: -- + +English: Feather +Mafulu: ma(le); pame (_of wing_) +Kambisa: wasa (_cassowary plum_) +Korona: -- +Afoa: kili' amute +Kovio: atch; [akoatsi] + +English: Finger +Mafulu: bodol' u' gobe [148] (_index_); bodol' u' feneme [149] (_middle + and ring_); bodol' u' talave [150] (_little finger_); bodol' + u' mame [151] (_thumb_) +Kambisa: naria (_thumb_) +Korona: yaro' goba [148] +Afoa: lelevai; [kalaopue (_index and ring_); kimataliope (_middle_); + leleva (_little_); amo(te) _thumb_] +Kovio: mala-tiporotch; [obido (_index_); upurau; kaitaita (_middle_); + upurau; gitaguruita (_ring_); itarao; taravalara (_little_); + banoe (_thumb_)] + +English: Fire +Mafulu: oki(de) +Kambisa: uki +Korona: oke +Afoa: )enami +Kovio: iziradi; [iti] + +English: Fish +Mafulu: garume +Kambisa: garung +Korona: unuma (?) +Afoa: gapila; [kapita] +Kovio: rapiamala; [kavila] + +English: Flea +Mafulu: yo(le) +Kambisa: kasin +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Flesh +Mafulu: mise +Kambisa: -- +Korona: misa +Afoa: miluti +Kovio: [muditsi] + +English: Flower +Mafulu: sive; oyande +Kambisa: -- +Korona: unida [152] +Afoa: iadaude +Kovio: [ulatu] + +English: Fly, _n._ +Mafulu: sungulu(me) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: sigurum +Afoa: tainanu; [tainamu] +Kovio: [muni] + +English: Fly, _v._ +Mafulu: iyei +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Fog +Mafulu: unu(me) +Kambisa: hunu +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Food +Mafulu: imbade (_animal_); yalove (_vegetable_) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: [nifite (_animal_); valive; kalai (_vegetable_)] +Kovio: [muditsi (_animal_); taraj (_vegetable_)] + +English: Foot +Mafulu: yovali, so(ge); sog' u' tobo (_sole_) [153] +Kambisa: suga; hu tobo' (_sole_) +Korona: sogo +Afoa: lomineti; [lo(ape)] +Kovio: ina-tiporotch; [teporotsi] + +English: Forehead +Mafulu: mede; ingobe (_bone of eyebrow_) +Kambisa: anone (_temple_) +Korona: mida +Afoa: miavi +Kovio: [tavatau] + +English: Forest +Mafulu: mavane (_hunting-ground_); siu(le), tsiu(le) (_bush_) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: bu [154] +Afoa: sule; [kalite] +Kovio: yaped; [buloka] + +English: Fowl +Mafulu: kokole +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Fruit +Mafulu: dede +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: ietaube; [eadauda] +Kovio: ulau; [kalitu; ulata] + +English: Garden +Mafulu: bu(le) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: [volomala; volofu] + +English: Ghost +Mafulu: sila(le) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Give +Mafulu: indi +Kambisa: -- +Korona: ide +Afoa: nu)inie [155]; [ini] +Kovio: [nanara] + +English: Go +Mafulu: gege +Kambisa: -- +Korona: hego +Afoa: lo; [la] +Kovio: [taro] + +English: Good +Mafulu: ifa(ne) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: ifi +Afoa: ladi; [kato] +Kovio: aupumara; [tsimafu] + +English: Great +Mafulu: baibe +Kambisa: mataka +Korona: baibe +Afoa: kalowo +Kovio: aputep; [tovenaetsi] + +English: Hair (of head) +Mafulu: alome +Kambisa: ha; makoko (_dressed_) +Korona: -- +Afoa: auwataute; [voto(pe)] +Kovio: nanaled; [manala; manalreta]. + +English: Hair (of body) +Mafulu: ma(le) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: auwuti; [avute] +Kovio: ada; [akoatsi] + +English: Hand +Mafulu: bodo(le); bodol' u'-tobo (palm) [156] +Kambisa: ia; ia'tobo (_palm_) +Korona: yaro' uba +Afoa: galatopute [kalaopue] +Kovio: mala-kapunatch; [mala=tu portosi] + +English: Hard +Mafulu: kakava(ne) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: avava +Kovio: maradi; [unamane] + +English: Head +Mafulu: ade(de) +Kambisa: hondu +Korona: ha +Afoa: ni)adi; [ade] [157] +Kovio: gagau; [kakao] + +English: Head-wrap +Mafulu: ogoupe +Kambisa: suno +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Hear +Mafulu: alele +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: lanita +Kovio: -- + +English: Hill +Mafulu: kume +Kambisa: kumo +Korona: bunga +Afoa: itavi; [maive; lavave (_uninhabited_); itave (_crest_)] +Kovio: la-oa-uta; [laoaka] + +English: Hip +Mafulu: ol'u'ga(ye) [158] +Kambisa: huru +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Hook +Mafulu: -- +Kambisa: -- +Korona: kimai [159] +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Hot +Mafulu: olola +Kambisa: -- +Korona: giganfe +Afoa: nunali +Kovio: midilamolamo + +English: House +Mafulu: e(me); emo(ne) (_communal_) +Kambisa: e(m) +Korona: e +Afoa: geade; [kia(te); tumute (_communal_)] +Kovio: tupumagi; [dema(ki); dubumaki (_communal_)] + +English: Husband +Mafulu: a(ne) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: omen)iva; [vale; mu] [160] +Kovio: anawab + +English: Iron +Mafulu: tavili [161] +Kambisa: -- +Korona: nani +Afoa: nai +Kovio: -- + +English: Kill +Mafulu: adede; ememe +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: [amui] +Kovio: [mavemara] + +English: Knee +Mafulu: amia +Kambisa: amiang +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: + +English: Knife +Mafulu: indi(ve) +Kambisa: indi(fa) +Korona: -- +Afoa: [tiveja(ve)] [162] +Kovio: [vesti] + +English: Know +Mafulu: tsitsiva +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: nu)ali; [ni] +Kovio: [edemaka] + +English: Leaf +Mafulu: tu(le) +Kambisa: idu +Korona: utu +Afoa: valupi +Kovio: aukwata; [aufu; aubota] + +English: Leg +Mafulu: yovali; fande (shin); mude (thigh); mise (_calf_) +Kambisa: furo (_shin_); muda (_thigh_) +Korona: mude (_thigh_) +Afoa: wolupi (_thigh_); [keniame; kupuame (_thigh_)] +Kovio: alile (_thigh_); [inako; apota (_thigh_)] + +English: Lime +Mafulu: abe +Kambisa: -- +Korona: hava +Afoa: [kaute] +Kovio: wati. + +English: Lip +Mafulu: ude +Kambisa: uba +Korona: udu +Afoa: getapi +Kovio: ridokalule (_upper_); akoitale (_lower_); [kijtakorutsi] + +English: Live +Mafulu: asilando (_be alive_) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: asihera +Afoa: kajli +Kovio: [watara (_alive_)] + +English: Liver +Mafulu: dube +Kambisa: -- +Korona: hade +Afoa: kimaule +Kovio: -- + +English: Long +Mafulu: sesada +Kambisa: busa +Korona: -- +Afoa: [tsyani] +Kovio: [tovenaemita]. + +English: Louse +Mafulu: i(ye) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: hi +Afoa: iate +Kovio: [inepu]. + + +English: Male +Mafulu: avoge +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Man +Mafulu: a(ne) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: a +Afoa: woale;[vale] +Kovio: kalauotoro;[abo(te); mala; abofu]. + +English: Many +Mafulu: tale; taluvi +Kambisa: -- +Korona: harut +Afoa: tatele;[talele] +Kovio: maimitara. + +English: Mat +Mafulu: -- +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: unite +Kovio: tau-ud. + +English: Milk +Mafulu: oubatsinge; oub'indidi [163] (_to suckle_) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: obo +Afoa: mulape +Kovio: apiteu. + +English: Mirror +Mafulu: aveve +Kambisa: idida +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Moon +Mafulu: one +Kambisa: hama +Korona: hoana +Afoa: oani;[one] +Kovio: nonitch;[onea, nonitsi]. + +English: Morning +Mafulu: tutsi +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: laliate' govelai [kuwitue] +Kovio: -- + +English: Mosquito +Mafulu: maingogo +Kambisa: -- +Korona: igogesa +Afoa: nipope +Kovio: -- + +English: Mother +Mafulu: ma(me) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: uma +Afoa: aumen)ini [164]; [ine] +Kovio: nei; [nei, nonofu]. + +English: Mouth +Mafulu: ambode +Kambisa: gobang +Korona: adinu +Afoa: nautabe; [natave, yolote] +Kovio: akwot;[khidatsi]. + + +English: Nail (_finger_) +Mafulu: fodo(le); koko (_of cassowary_) +Kambisa: bodong (_of toe_) [165] +Korona: -- +Afoa: [viloipe] +Kovio: [tevetsi]. + +English: Name +Mafulu: i(ve) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: apete +Kovio: nitiab;[vitane]. + +English: Navel +Mafulu: kombolu +Kambisa: kumburu +Korona: koboro +Afoa: oatobe; [otove] +Kovio: autau; [koto]. + +English: Near +Mafulu: kugume +Kambisa: kuguraga +Korona: -- +Afoa: amauli;[amavola] +Kovio: kauwari. + +English: Neck +Mafulu: gurube; kalolo (_throat_) +Kambisa: indu (_back_); aroro (_throat_) +Korona: -- +Afoa: [kumulute] +Kovio: neneviro;[nelevio]. + +English: Necklace +Mafulu: sale, sambu (_shell_); tsiba, [Dog's incisors] sise [Dog's canine] + (_dogs' teeth_); yakeva (_pearl_) +Kambisa: sa (_shell_) +Korona: -- +Afoa: [telenate [Dog's incisors]; lulate [Dog's canine] +Kovio: [kulolobotsi[Dog's incisors]; kitetsi[Dog's canine]]. + +English: Night +Mafulu: tu(be) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: guve'teletai[kuvite] +Kovio: -- + +English: Nipple +Mafulu: ouba' ul' unge [166] +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: oalube; [okobe] +Kovio: apiteu. + +English: No +Mafulu: mi, ua(ne) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: muinu +Kovio: [nai]. + +English: Nose +Mafulu: unge +Kambisa: unga +Korona: unga +Afoa: kiti [ki(te)] +Kovio: watarupu;[wata(rube)]. + +English: Nostril +Mafulu: ung' ul' olo [167] +Kambisa: urorong +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + + +English: Paddle +Mafulu: -- +Kambisa: -- +Korona: bara [168] +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Pig +Mafulu: ovo(le) (_wild_); ovota (_tame_); oleda (_large_); foilange +(_wild boar_). +Kambisa: sika +Korona: o'o +Afoa: polu +Kovio: woromala; [voro(mala)]. + +English: Pot +Mafulu: uli(ne); kodige (_dish_); +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: [kapite; lua(pe) (_dish_); nau(pe) (_earthen dish_)] [169] +Kovio: kaivitch; [apitsi; kuetsi; kapaitsi (_earthen dish_)]. + +English: Pumpkin +Mafulu: botame; tobo(le) (_goard_). +Kambisa: bata +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Rain +Mafulu: yangose +Kambisa: -- +Korona: yagosa +Afoa: iti +Kovio: uteli. + +English: Rat +Mafulu: giliminde +Kambisa: -- +Korona: sui +Afoa: keni +Kovio: keniani. + +English: Red +Mafulu: ilalama +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: boratu; [polatu] +Kovio: lolalumala. + +English: Rib +Mafulu: auale +Kambisa: awari +Korona: -- +Afoa: [malupe] +Kovio: [elavotsi]. + +English: River +Mafulu: yu(ve) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: ipe +Kovio: everi. + +English: Road +Mafulu: enambe; foida (_along flank of mountain_) +Kambisa: enambo +Korona: enaba +Afoa: kani +Kovio: abatu. + +English: Root +Mafulu: okasili +Kambisa: -- +Korona: okusi +Afoa: kilu' mute +Kovio: mudene. + +English: Rope +Mafulu: knoage +Kambisa: -- +Korona: yu +Afoa: pumave; [pumave inate] +Kovio: pemarap; [leka; vilape]. + +English: Sago +Mafulu: balck' u; ta(ye) [170] +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Salt +Mafulu: ama(ne) +Kambisa: hanamo +Korona: ama +Afoa: limanevi +Kovio: [yota]. + +English: Sand +Mafulu: sanga(ve) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: soana +Afoa: nunu +Kovio: [utsiaio]. + +English: Scratch +Mafulu: fifiete; sisilimi (_one's self_) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: malitana +Kovio: -- + +English: Sea +Mafulu: ise +Kambisa: -- +Korona: isa +Afoa: -- +Kovio: tapala. + +English: See +Mafulu: ariri +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: na)nukava [171] +Kovio: [italara]. + +English: Shadow +Mafulu: sove; abebe; avevene (_of object_); +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: ala +Kovio: utupapu. + +English: Sit +Mafulu: tegid' ande [172] +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: na)navi9 +Kovio: [ularo]. + +English: Skin +Mafulu: ode +Kambisa: -- +Korona: hode +Afoa: gotipe; [kotsi(pe)] +Kovio: komotoro; [kalukalutsi]. + +English: Sky +Mafulu: asolo(ne) +Kambisa: asoro +Korona: -- +Afoa: [manape] +Kovio: abat; [abatsi]. + +English: Sleep +Mafulu: imaritade +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: utewu; [utevoi] +Kovio: [voile; waro (_rest_)]. + +English: Small +Mafulu: kisi; aka(ne); kisiaka(ne) (_very_) +Kambisa: ami'aga +Korona: kisibaga +Afoa: eveeve +Kovio: peipu; [utsiaitsi]. + +English: Smoke +Mafulu: iso(ne) +Kambisa: isong +Korona: isoa +Afoa: etaivi +Kovio: [itiaulo]. + +English: Snake +Mafulu: tsivili +Kambisa: -- +Korona: hemai [173] +Afoa: nai; [kovo] +Kovio: toiepe; [toepo]. + +English: Soft +Mafulu: safe(le) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: tamenu; [oluolue] +Kovio: ketitau; [peopeo]. + +English: Sour +Mafulu: beekoi (_bitter_) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Speak +Mafulu: ave(te) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: tananipa; [te] +Kovio: [wade]. + +English: Spear +Mafulu: eme(le); idika (_with barbs of cassowary claws_) +Kambisa: himi(ra) +Korona: hemi +Afoa: -- +Kovio: inari. + +English: Spit +Mafulu: sabete +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: luiteta +Kovio: -- + +English: Spittle +Mafulu: sabe +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Stand +Mafulu: yu +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: lugila; [kilai] +Kovio: [lavaka]. + +English: Star +Mafulu: alile +Kambisa: duba [174] +Korona: harira +Afoa: tui; [imuli] +Kovio: kapu. + +English: Stay +Mafulu: vayu +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: loia +Kovio: -- + +English: Stone +Mafulu: bute +Kambisa: io +Korona: butia +Afoa: eviti; [evi(te)] +Kovio: geleo; [kile]. + +English: Sugar-cane +Mafulu: ale +Kambisa: teba [175] +Korona: -- +Afoa: tu(ami) +Kovio: apiu; [api]. + +English: Sun +Mafulu: eve +Kambisa: ewu(ri) +Korona: eurima +Afoa: wati; [vata(ve)] +Kovio: stamari; [kita]. + +English: Sweet +Mafulu: bebena +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Sweet potato +Mafulu: kupa +Kambisa: kupe +Korona: gupe +Afoa: gupe; [kupeame; vetoe] +Kovio: kouwai; [vetore]. + +English: Taro +Mafulu: munde +Kambisa: munda +Korona: mude +Afoa: ku(we) +Kovio: gamach; [gimale]. + +English: Taste, _v._ +Mafulu: tovogi +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Thick +Mafulu: kakava(ne) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: [evoevotupi] +Kovio: inep. + +English: Thin +Mafulu: fafale; garibe +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: [itape] +Kovio: krawida. + +English: Tobacco +Mafulu: vilu (_native_); kuku (_foreign_); matsika (_stick_) +Kambisa: ewuta +Korona: -- +Afoa: [emuna(te) (_native_)] +Kovio: [munamuna (_native_)]. + +English: To-day +Mafulu: audati +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: kailili +Kovio: [tetefa; vae]. + +English: Tomohawk +Mafulu: so(ve) +Kambisa: so(nda) +Korona: -- +Afoa: [amu(te)] +Kovio: -- + +English: To-morrow +Mafulu: aiti +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: kila +Kovio: [kavokae]. + +English: Tongue +Mafulu: usese +Kambisa: asisino +Korona: asiesa +Afoa: aivi +Kovio: tananio; [tzinao]. + +English: Tooth +Mafulu: ato(le) +Kambisa: usi [176] +Korona: atu +Afoa: noto(ab); [noto(ape)] +Kovio: kitira; [rita (tsi)]. + +English: Tree +Mafulu: i(ye) +Kambisa: i (_wood_) +Korona: i +Afoa: enade; [ea(te)] +Kovio: ida. + +English: Valley +Mafulu: ole (_below_) +Kambisa: horo +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Village +Mafulu: e(me) +Kambisa: haru +Korona: eda +Afoa: geade; [kia(te); mai(te)] +Kovio: deata; [dela]. + +English: Water +Mafulu: yu(ve) +Kambisa: iu +Korona: eu(wa) +Afoa: i(pe) +Kovio: eweo; [eveo; evori]. + +English: Weep +Mafulu: andavel'ete; availili +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: kowaitai +Kovio: [inivade]. + +English: White +Mafulu: kogola; fofoye (_ash colour_) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: foa +Afoa: ilitu +Kovio: unimala; [aela]. + +English: Wife +Mafulu: amu(le) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: omen)iva [177]; [iva] +Kovio: anamara. + +English: Wind +Mafulu: gubu(le) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: gubu(ra) +Afoa: kavi; [oive] +Kovio: tamara; [tsinu]. + +English: Wing +Mafulu: geoge; fala(le) (_feathers_); pilulupe (_of bat_) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Woman +Mafulu: amu(le) +Kambisa: mamo [178] +Korona: amu +Afoa: iva +Kovio: anakave; [anatemada, anakave; anafu]. + +English: Wrist +Mafulu: bodul' u' gurube [179] +Kambisa: ia' u' gidiba +Korona: -- +Afoa: -- +Kovio: -- + +English: Yam +Mafulu: ai(ne) +Kambisa: -- +Korona: hain +Afoa: loite +Kovio: darai; [tarae]. + +English: Yellow +Mafulu: yangogona [180] +Kambisa: -- +Korona: yarem +Afoa: epe +Kovio: katech. + +English: Yes +Mafulu: e +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: namoade +Kovio: -- + +English: Yesterday +Mafulu: arima +Kambisa: -- +Korona: -- +Afoa: kila +Kovio: [orivafari]. + + + + +CHAPTER V + +Appendix V + +Notes on the Papuan Languages spoken about the Head Waters of the +St. Joseph River, Central Papua + +By Sidney H. Ray, M.A. + +The grammars and vocabularies collected by the Rev. Father Egedi, +the Rev. E. P. Money and Dr. W. M. Strong illustrate the languages +spoken in the higher hill country extending from the district about +Mount Yule to Mount Albert Edward and the Upper Vanapa River. They +form three distinct groups. + +1. Fuyuge, comprising the dialects of Mafulu, Kambisa, Korona and +Sikube. + +2. Afoa or Ambo, including Tauata. + +3. Kovio, including Oru Lopiko. + + +SECTION I + +I. Classification. + +1. Fuyuge:--The first specimen of any lanugage of the Fuyuge group was +collected by the Rev. James Chalmers in 1879. This was called by him +Kabana, and was printed in a collection of vocabularies in 1888. [181] +From a note on the original MS., the vocabulary was assumed to be +the dialect of a village on Mount Victoria (called by Chalmers Mount +Owen Stanley). [182] But as Sir William MacGregor pointed out, [183] +there are no villages on that mountain, hence Chalmers, in assigning +a locality to the vocabulary some time after its collection, must +have been mistaken. The language of Chalmers' Kabana is nearly the +same as that of a vocabulary collected by Mr. A. Giulianetti at the +village of Sikube in the Upper Vetapa or Vanapa valley, north of +Mount Lilley. This was published in 1898. [184] + +A few words from the village of Kambisa, in Sirima (Chirima) +valley were published in the Annual Report on British New Guinea +for 1905-6, [185] and I have since been favoured by the compiler, +the Rev. P. J. Money, with a fuller list. The Rev. Father Egedi +published in 1907 a vocabulary of Fuyuge along with his account of +the Tauata or Afoa tribe. [186] Dr. Strong collected a vocabulary +from the natives of Korona, a village situated close to the head of +Galley Reach. This was collected with the help of a Motu-speaking +native, and contains a few apparently Melanesian words. Dr. Strong +was spontaneously told that these had been introduced from the coast +in quite recent times. (_Cf_. Sec. III.) + +The words in the comparative vocabulary are taken from an extensive +collection in Mafulu by the Rev. Father Egedi. They represent the +same dialect as the Grammar in Appendix I. + +That Mafulu, Kambisa, and Korona, with Sikube and Kabana, represent +the same language is plain. + +The Kabana pronoun _nahu_, I, the Sikube _na(nio_) I, _nu_(_ni_) thou, +and the Kambisa _na_, I, _nu_, thou, _hu_, he, agree with the Fuyuge +_na, na(ni_), I, _nu, nu(ni_) thou, _u_, he. The Kabana _nauera_, mine, +is the Fuyuge _naula_. The Kambisa _nara-ndo_, mine, _nura-ndo_, thine, +_hura-ndo_ his, also show a suffix _ndo_ corresponding to Mafulu _ne_ +in _naula(ne_), mine, _nula(ne_) thine, _ula(ne_) his, and in the +vocabulary the Kambisa suffix _nda_ corresponds to the Korona _de_ in +the word for "chest." There is, however, no evidence that the Korona +_de_ is equivalent to the Mafulu _ne_. The word given in Sikube for +"woman," _amuri_, is the Fuyuge plural _amuli_, "women." + +A few other likenesses appear, as _e.g._, Kambisa suffix _ng_ +represents Mafulu _me, ne_; Kambisa _fa_, the Fuyuge _ve_; Kambisa _a_, +Korona _la_, Mafulu _le_. + +The following extract shows the likeness of the vocabulary. [187] + + + Mafulu. Kambisa. Sikube. Kabana. Korona. + +Adze so so cho -- itau +Arm, hand -- ia ia ia ya +Belly ombo hombo -- habe obo +Bird nembe neba membe -- nebe +Cassowary +plume -- wasa vasa -- -- +Child, son me, ese isa me ese isia +Club gilise hadufa adufa, -- hadoga + girishia +Dog oi hu hu, fu hoa ho +Ear yangolo gadoro gaderu gadero i +Eye i i i e yago +Forest -- -- bu = garden -- bu +Father ba -- -- ba ba +Fire oki uki okia okia oke +Foot soge siga suku suge sogo +Go gege -- henga inga hego +Ground bu, fa hoa bu = garden -- fa +Hair, head ade ha ha ha ha +House e e -- e e +Knife indi indi indi -- -- +Leaf tu idu itu idu utu +Lip, mouth ude uba ude ude uau +Moon one hama -- hama hoana +Navel kombolu kumburu -- habera = koboro + belly +Nose unge unga hunge unuga unga +Pig ovo -- obu -- o'o +Rain yangose -- iangushe iangose yagosa +Smoke iso iso ishio -- isoa +Stone bute io -- io butia +Sun, day eve ewuri -- evurima eurima +Sugar-cane -- teba tebe -- -- +Taro munde munda mude -- mude +Thigh mude muda mude -- mude +Tongue usese asisino asese asese asiesa +Tooth ato usi ado ado atu +Village e haru e -- eda +Water yu iu iu iu eu +Woman amu ?mamo = amu amu amu + mother + + +The numerals show similar agreements. These will be illustrated in +the next section. + +2. Afoa.--The Afoa vocabulary was collected by Dr. Strong in +the villages on Mount Pitsoko from a Fuyuge native who spoke +Afoa fluently. Dr. Strong also obtained a short vocabulary from a +native who came from a village apparently on the slopes of Mount +Davidson. The language is substantially the same as the Tauata or +Tauatape of which Rev. Father Egedi has published a Vocabulary and +Grammar. [188] There are, however, a few slight differences which +seem to confirm Father Egedi's statement that there is probably a +difference of pronunciation in the various Afoa villages. [189] Father +Egedi writes: _p, v, k, t, l, ts_ where Dr. Strong has: _b, w, g, d, r, +t_. The latter also has final _i_ for _e_, _oa_ for _a_ or _o_, _ia_ +for _ea_, _u_ for _oi_ _ai_ for _ei_. Sometimes _b_ represents _m_ +or _v_. Some of Dr. Strong's words show marks of Afoa grammar, as, +_e.g._, the words for eat, see, sit, give, head, husband or wife, +mother, are: _na nai_, I eat; _na nu kava_, I thee see; _na navi_, +I sit; _nu inie_, thou givest; _ni adi_, your head; _omen iva_, his +wife or her husband; _aumen ini_, his mother. The Tauata words are +added to the Afoa Vocabulary in square brackets. + +3. Kovio.--The language called Kovio by Dr. Strong is substantially +the same as the Oru Lopiko of Rev. Father Egedi. [190] The same or +a similar language is said to be found in four places, viz.-- + + 1. Lopiko in the Inava valley. + 2. Inavarene in the Inava valley. + 3. Kwoifa district on upper Lakekamu River. + 4. Villages round Pic Eleia. + +Details of these dialects are not given. + + + + + +SECTION II + +II. Comparison. + +The three groups of languages illustrated in these vocabularies +present the usual Papuan characteristics of great differences. A +certain amount of resemblance may be found in some of the pronouns, +and possibly in a few other words, but generally speaking the languages +are not only quite unconnected with each other, but are also distinct +from the known Papuan languages surrounding them. + + + I. Thou. He. We. You. They. +I. Fuyuge na, nani nu, nuni u, uni di, dini yi, yini tu, tuni + Kambisa na nu u -- -- ha-ru + Sikube na-nio nu-ni -- -- -- -- + Kabana nau -- -- -- -- -- +II. Afoa na nu-i ome -- -- -- + Tauata na, nai nu, nu-i ome, ome-i nane, nane-i nune, nunei ote, ote-i +III. Kovio na ni pi -- -- -- + Oru-Lopiko na, naro ni, niro pi, piro dae, daro ali, alero valo, valoro +West Toaripi ara-o a-o are-o ela-o e-o ere-o + Namau na-i ni-i u ene-i noro oro + Kiwai mo ro nou nimo nigo nei +North-east, Binandele na imo owa kaena, nakare imomae owawa +East, Koita da a au no yai yau +South-east, Mailu ia ga noa gea aea omoa + + +It is interesting here to note the agreement in the forms of the +first and second persons singular, with a wide difference in the other +pronouns. Similar words for these two pronouns occur in other Papuan +languages as _e.g._, Kai (Finschhafen) _no_, Kelana Kai _nai_, "I," +and Bongu and Bogadjim (Astrolabe Bay), _ni_, Kelana Kai _ne_, "thou." + +The widespread use of a suffix, used when the pronoun is emphatic, +is noteworthy. The possessive case also is formed as in some other +Papuan languages by a suffix added to the root of the pronoun. _Cf._-- + + + My. Thy. His. Our. Your. Their. +Fuyuge nau(le) nu(le) u(le) diu(le) yu(le) ta(le) + naula(ne) nula(ne) ula(ne) diula(ne) yula(ne) tala(ne) +Kambisa narando nurando hurando -- -- haruando +Tauata neve nie omene nanene nuvene otene +Kovio nemai nimai pimai -- -- -- +Oru-Lopiko nema nima pima daema alima valoma +Toaripi arave ave areve elave eve ereve +Binandele nato ito ounda, kaenato itomane omida + owanda + + +Sometimes the simple form of the pronoun is prefixed to the noun in +Tauata to indicate the possessive, as in Namau and Koita. Tauata _na +ate_, Koita _di omote_, Namau, _na uku_, "my head." + +The numerals also show great differences. As far as "three" they +appear as follows: + + + Fuyuge. Korona. Sikitbe. Afoa. Tauata. Kovio. Oru Lopiko. +1. fida(ne) fida(ne) fidana koane kone uniuni konepu +2. gegeto gegeda iuara atolowai atoloai karaala kalotolo +3. gegeto m'inaa gegeda-fidane iuara-minda atolowai-itime atoloai-laina naralavievi-napuevi konekhalavi + + +Some of these words have other meanings. Thus Fuyuge 2, _gegeto_ +is given also as "few." In Tauata 1, _kone_ duplicated as _konekone_ +is "few," whilst _onioni_, means "alone." In Oru Lopiko 1, _konepu_ +compares with _onionipu_, "few." + +These numerals are all different from Mailu, Koita, Binandele, +Toaripi and Namau. + + + Mailu. Koita. Binandele. Toaripi. Namau. Kiwai. +1. omu kobua, igagu da farakeka monou nao +2. ava abu tote orakoria morere netowa. +3. aiseri abi-gaga tamonde oroisoria morere-monou netowa-naobi + + +The vocabulary shows very few agreements, and there is very little +evidence in support of a connection of any one of these dialects with +its neighbours. The following correspondences may be purely accidental. + + +Bamboo. Afoa, _ila_; Namau, _ina_. + +Banana. Korona, _haba_; Iworo, _sabari_. + +Barter. Afoa, _tavatava_; Toaripi, _tavatava_. + +Belly. Oru Lop., _data_; Sogeri, Koiari, _detu_. + +Black. Fuyuge, _dube, duba_; Neneba, _aduve_; Koiari, Koita, _dubu_. + +Blood. Fuyuge, _tana_; Koiari, Koita, _tago_. + +Bone. Fuyuge, _fude, &c._; Toaripi, _uti_. + +Child. Fuyuge, _me(le_); Binandele, _mai_; Berepo, _me_. + + Fuyuge, _isia_; Kambisa, _isa_; Ubere, _esi_; Neneba, _eche_. + +Coconut. Kambisa, _bao_; Koiari, _bagha_. + +Crocodile. Fuyuge, _fua, fuai_; Koiari, _fuie_. + +Dig. Fuyuge, _etsia_; Toaripi, _isei_. + +Dog. Fuyuge, _oi, ho_; Agi, Ubere, _o_; Koiari, &c., _to_. + +Eat, Drink. Fuyuge, _na, nene_; Namau, _na_. + +Fire. Tauata, _ena_; Koiari, _vene_; Koita, _veni_. + +Foot. Fuyuge, &c., _soge, suga_; Amara, _joka_. + +Male. Tauata, _mu_; Toaripi, _mo_. Oru Lopiko, _vitapu_; Toaripi, +_vita_. + +Man. Fuyuge _a(ne_); Neneba, _ana_; Koiari, Koita, _ata_. + +Mother. Oru Lopiko, Kovio, _nei_, Uberi, _neia_; Koita, _neina_; +Tauata; _ine_; Koiari, _ine_. + +Pig. Kambisa, _sika_; Musa River, _siko_. + +Fuyuge, _avo_; Koiari, _ofo_; Koita, _oho_. + +Rope. Fuyuge, _konange_; Gosisi, _goda_; Koiari, Koita,_gote_. + +Salt. Fuyuge, _ama(ne_); Neneba, Iworo, _amani_. + +Taro. Fuyuge, &c., _munde_, _muda_; Neneba, _muda_. + +Tree. Fuyuge, _i_, _iye_; Kovio, _ida_; Koiari, Koita, _idi_. + +Water. Fuyuge, &c., _yu_; Afoa, _i(pe_); Neneba, _ei_; Ubere, _e_. + +Woman. Fuyuge, _amu_; Iworo, Neneba, _amuro_, wife. + + + + +SECTION III + +III. Papuan and Melanesian. + +Three Melanesian languages are spoken in the country around the lower +courses of the St. Joseph and Aroa rivers, and are thus in immediate +contact with the Papuan languages spoken about the upper waters. These +Melanesian languages are the Mekeo, Kuni and Pokau. It is, therefore, +of some importance to note whether any apparently non-Melanesian +elements in these languages may be traced to the influence of the +neighbouring Papuan tongues. + +In Grammar the only non-Melanesian characteristic which appears is the +preceding of the substantive by the genitive, but in the vocabularies +a few correspondences are found. + + +Bamboo Pokau, _ileile_; Fuyuge, _ele_; Afoa, + _ila_. Sinaugoro, _tobo_; Korono, _tobo_. Kuni, _bioni_; Mekeo, + _piengi_; Fuyuge, _bione_. +Big Kuni, _galoa_; Afoa, _kalowo_. +Bird Mekeo, _inei_; Afoa, _kile_; Oru Lopiko, _ite_. +Breast Pokau, _pede_; Oru Lopiko, _apetei_. +Chest Mekeo, _olanga_; Oru Lopiko, _ulako_. +Couch Kuni, _itsifu_; Tauata, _itsifu_. +Crocodile Roro, _puaea_; Kabadi, _ua_; Fuyuge, _fua_. +Dog Pokau, _oveka_; Kuni, _ojame_, _obeka_; Fuyuge, + _oi(e_); Afoa, _kovela_. +Fork Kuni, _ini_; Tauata, _ini_. +Girdle Kuni, _afafa_; Tauata, _afafe_. +Hammock Kuni, _totoe_; Fuyuge, _sosoe_; Tauata, _totolo_; + Oru Lopiko, _totoki_. +Head Mekeo, _kangia_; Oru Lopiko, _kakuo_. +Hill Mekeo, _iku_; Fuyuge, _ku(me_). +House Mekeo, _ea_; Fuyuge, _e(me_). +Knife Mekeo, _aiva_; Kuni, _atsiva_; Tauata, _tiveya_; + Oru Lopiko, _vetsi_. +Many Kuni, _talelea_; Afoa, _talele_; Fuyuge, _talele_. +Rope Mekeo, _ue_; Korona, _yu_. +Spoon Kuni, _nima_; Tauata, _dima_. +Sweet Potato Kuni, _gubea_; Fuyuge, _kupa_, _gupe_; Afoa, _gupe_. +White Mekeo, _foenga_; Korona, _foa_. + + +But there are many apparently non-Melanesian words in Mekeo, Kuni +and Pokau, which are different in each language, and cannot be traced +to the neighbouring Papuan. The inference is that such words may be +remnants of other Papuan tongues spoken in the St. Joseph and Aroa +Basins, which have been absorbed by the immigrant Melanesian speech. + +Only three Melanesian words in the list appear to have been adopted by +the Papuans. These are: Tauata _nau_ (_pe_), earthen dish, which is +Kuni, Motu, Pokau, &c., _nau_; Fuyuge asi boat, Pokau and Motu asi; +and Fuyuge _bara_, paddle, the Motu, Kabadi _bara_, Mekeo _fanga_, +oar. The Fuyuge _kokole_ fowl is also probably the Mekeo _kokolo_. + + + + + + +NOTES + +[1] The photographs of skulls, articles of dress and ornament, +implements and weapons were made in London after my return. + +[2] The Geographical Society's map used by me is somewhat confusing +as regards the upper reaches of the St. Joseph or Angabunga river +and the rivers flowing into and forming it. The Fathers' map makes +the St. Joseph river commence under that name at the confluence, at +a point a little to the west of 8 deg. 30' S. Lat. and 147 deg. E. Long., +of the river Alabula (called in one of its upper parts Loloipa), +flowing from the north, and the river Aduala, flowing from Mt. Albert +Edward in the north-east; and this arrangement, which is practically +in accord with a map appended to the British New Guinea _Annual +Report_ for June, 1900, is, I think, probably the most suitable and +correct one. The Aduala is the river the upper part of which is in +the Geographical Society's map called Angabunga. The Fathers' map +shows the river Kea flowing into the Aduala at a distance of about +two miles above the confluence of the latter with the Alabula; but, +according to the Report map, this distance is about 12 miles. + +[3] Note the change from the Mafulu (Papuan) pronunciation _Mambule_ +to the Kuni (Melanesian) pronunciation _Mafulu_ and the similar change +from the Mafulu _Ambo_ to the Kuni _Ajoa_. + +[4] See Dr. Seligmann's "Hunterian Lecture" in the _Lancet_ for +February 17, 1906, p. 427; Seligmann and Strong in the _Geographical +Journal_ for March, 1906, pp. 233 and 236; also Dr. Seligmann's +"Classification of the Natives of British New Guinea" in the _Journal +of the Royal Anthropological Institute_ for December, 1909, p. 329. + +[5] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 29. + +[6] _Ibid._ p. 31. + +[7] _Lancet_, February 17, 1906, p. 427. + +[8] _Geographical Journal_ for September, 1908, p. 274. + +[9] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 32. + +[10] British New Guinea _Annual Report_ for June, 1906, p. 29. + +[11] British New Guinea _Annual Report_ for June 30, 1906, pp. 85 +to 93. + +[12] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 33. + +[13] Apparently bows and arrows are not found among the tribes of the +Lower Mambare river (_Annual Report_ for June, 1897, Appendix C, p. 7.) + +[14] _Annual Report_ for June, 1894, p. 32. + +[15] _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_ for December, +1909, p. 329. + +[16] _Annual Report_ for June, 1897, Appendix C, p. 7. + +[17] _Geographical Journal_ for October, 1900, p. 422. + +[18] _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_ for December, +1909, p. 330. + +[19] _British New Guinea_, p. 94. + +[20] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 32. + +[21] _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_ for December, +1909, p. 329. + +[22] Seligmann and Strong--_Geographical Journal_ for March, 1906, +p. 232. + +[23] Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 27. + +[24] Dr. Strong has referred (_Geographical Journal_ for September, +1908, p. 272) to the considerable areas of open grass country at the +source of the St. Joseph river; and in his remarks which appeared in +the _Annual Report_ for June, 1906, p. 28, he referred to the same +matter, and spoke of the valleys being for the most part less steep +than those of the Kuni district. + +[25] I must state that Plate 2 represents a scene taken from a spot +near to Deva-deva, which, though close to what is regarded as the +boundary between the Kuni and Mafulu areas, is in fact just within +the former. The general appearance of the scenery is, however, +distinctly Mafulu. + +[26] Dr. Strong's measurements of seven Mafulu men referred to by +Dr. Seligmann (_Journal of Royal Anthropological Institute_, Vol. 39, +p. 329) showed an average stature of 59 1/2 inches, and an average +cephalic index of 80.0. It will be noticed that my figures show a +somewhat higher average stature, but that my average cephalic index +is the same. Dr. Seligmann here speaks of the Mafulu as being almost +as short as the men of Inavaurene, and even more round-headed. + +[27] This is the index calculated on average lengths and breadths. The +average of the indices is 83.8, the difference arising from the +omission in working out of each index of second points of decimals. + +[28] Dr. Keith thinks they are all skulls of males. They are now in +College Museum, and are numbered 1186.32, 1186.33 and 1186.34 in the +College Catalogue. + +[29] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p.16. + +[30] Dr. Haddon refers (_Geographical Journal_, Vol. 16, p.291) +to the finding by the Mission Fathers of "another type of native, +evidently an example of the convex-nosed Papuan," in the upper waters +of the Alabula river. I gather from the habitat of these natives that +they must have been either Ambo or Oru Lopiku. I should be surprised +to hear the Semitic nose was common in either of those areas. + +[31] Dr. Seligmann, in speaking of the Koiari people, refers to an +occasional reddish or gingery tinge of facial hair (_Melanesians of +British New Guinea,_, p. 29). I never noticed this among the Mafulu. + +[32] Since writing the above, I have learnt that some of the dwarf +people found by the expedition into Dutch New Guinea organised by +the British Ornithologists' Union had brown hair. Mr. Goodfellow +tells me that "the hair of some of the pygmies was decidedly _dark_ +brown"; and Dr. Wollaston gives me the following extract from his +diary for March 1, 1911, relating to twenty-four pygmies then under +observation:--"Hair of three men distinctly _not_ black, a sort of +dirty rusty brown or rusty black colour--all others black-haired." + +[33] This plate and the plates of dancing aprons were produced by +first drawing the objects, and then photographing the drawings. It +would have been more satisfactory if I could have photographed the +objects themselves. But they were much crumpled, and I was advised +that with many of them the camera would not indicate differences of +colour, and that in one or two of them even the design itself would +not come out clearly. + +[34] Dr. Stapf, to whom I showed one of the armlets, No. 4, the +materials of which are said to be the same as those used for this belt, +said that the split cane-like material is a strip from the periphery +of the petiole or stem of a palm, and that the other material is +sclerenchyma fibre from the petiole or rhizome of a fern, and not +that of a creeping plant. I may say that I felt a doubt at the time +as to the complete accuracy of the information given to me concerning +the vegetable materials used for the manufacture of various articles, +and there may well be errors as to these. + +[35] Dr. Stapf, to whom I showed one of these belts, says that it is +made of the separated woody strands from the stem of a climbing plant +(possibly one of the Cucurbitaceae or Aristolochiaceae). + +[36] Dr. Stapf, having inspected one of the belts, thinks this material +is composed of split strips of sclerenchyma fibre from the petiole +or rhizome of a fern, and not that of a creeping plant. + +[37] Dr. Stapf, to whom I showed a written description which I had +made of the plant, and who has also examined the belt, is of opinion +that it belongs to the Diplocaulobium section of Dendrobium. + +[38] I have examined at the British Museum a belt made by the dwarf +mountain people found by the recent expedition organised by the +British Ornithologists' Union. This belt is made in hank-like form, +remarkably similar to that of my Mafulu belt No. 7, though in other +respects it differs from the latter, and it is much smaller. The only +other thing of similar hank-like form which I have been able to find +at the Museum is a small belt or head ornament (it is said to be the +latter) made by Sakai people of the Malay Peninsula. + +[39] Chalmers describes a young woman in the foot hills behind +Port Moresby who "had a net over her shoulders and covering her +breasts as a token of mourning" (_Work and Adventures in New Guinea_ +p. 26). Compare also the Koita custom referred to by Dr. Seligmann +(_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 164) for a widow to wear +two netted vests. The same custom is found at Hula. + +[40] See reference to this question in the _Annual Report_ for June, +1906, p. 13. + +[41] I shall from time to time have to refer to the croton, and in +doing so I am applying to the plant in question the name commonly +given to it; but Dr. Stapf tells me that the plant so commonly called +is really a codioeum. + +[42] The Rev. Mr. Dauncey, of the L.M.S. station at Delena (a Roro +village on the coast) told me that in his village it is a common thing +for a native to pick up a small white snake about 12 inches long, +and pass it through the hole in his nose; and that the Pokau people +sometimes pass the tip of the tail of a larger black snake into these +holes, the intention of both practices being to keep the hole open. In +neither of these cases is the practice a part of an original ceremony +connected with nose-piercing, such as that of Mafulu; but it may well +be that all the practices have superstitious origins. + +[43] There is apparently no corresponding ceremony among the Koita +natives (Seligmann, _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 72), nor +among the Roro people (_Id_., p. 256), and I do not believe there is +any such in Mekeo. + +[44] I do not think these pigtails are used as ornaments by the Roro +and Mekeo people, though Dr. Seligmann says that a Koita bridegroom +wears them in his ears on his wedding day (_Melanesians of British +New Guinea_, p. 78). + +[45] Dr. Stapf, to whose inspection I have submitted two of these +combs, said they were made of palm-wood--split and shaped pieces from +the periphery of the petiole or stem of a palm--and that the material +used for binding the teeth of the combs together was sclerenchyma +fibre from the petiole or rhizome of a fern. + +[46] These earrings are, I think, sometimes found in Mekeo; but they +have all come from the mountains. + +[47] See note on p. 27 as to the way in which these plates have +been produced. + +[48] Only the two ends of the pattern have been copied, the +intermediate part being the same throughout, as is shown. + +[49] I am unable to state the various forms and varieties of these +vegetables, but I give the following native names for plants of the +yam, taro, and sweet potato types:--Yams include _tsiolo, avanve, +buba, aligarde, vaule, vonide, poloide_ and _ilavuide_. Taros include +_auvari, elume, lupeliolu, kamulepe, ivuvana_ and _fude_. Sweet +potatoes include _asi, bili, dube, saisasumulube_ and _amb' u tolo_ +(this last name means "ripe banana," and the reason suggested for +the name is that the potato tastes rather like a ripe banana). + +[50] Dr. Stapf says the wood is that of a rather soft-wooded +dicotyledonous tree (possibly urticaceous). + +[51] The Chirima boring instrument figured by Mr. Monckton (_Annual +Report_ for June 30, 1906) is rather of the Mafulu type, but in this +case the fly-wheel, instead of being a flat piece of wood, appears to +be made of a split reed bound on either side of the upright cane shaft. + +[52] Hammocks are also used in the plains and on the coast, but only, +I think, to a very limited extent; whereas in the mountains, of at +all events the Mafulu district, they are used largely. + +[53] I had a considerable quantity of impedimenta, and unfortunately +my condition made it necessary for me to be carried down also; and +I had great difficulty in getting enough carriers. + +[54] Compare the differently shaped mortar found in the Yodda valley +and described and figured in the _Annual Report_ for June, 1904, p. 31. + +[55] The practice of destroying the pigs' eyes in the Kuni district +is referred to in the _Annual Report_ for June, 1900, p. 61. + +[56] This is subject to the qualification which arises from the fact +(stated below) that a member of one clan who migrates to a village of +another clan retains his _imbele_ relationship to the members of his +own old clan, although he has by his change of residence obtained a +similar relationship to the members of the clan in whose village he +has settled. + +[57] See _Annual Report_ for June, 1910, which on p. 5 speaks of +"several villages round about the Mission, known as Sivu." + +[58] Compare the Koita system, under which under certain conditions +the son of a chief's sister might succeed him (Seligmann, _Melanesians +of British New Guinea_, p. 52). Such a thing could not take place +among the Mafulu. + +[59] I do not know how far this pig-killer may be compared with the +Roro _ovia akiva_, or chief of the knife, referred to by Dr. Seligmann +(_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 219). The Mafulu pig-killer +cannot be regarded as being even a quasi-chief, and his office is +not hereditary. It is noticeable also that he is the man who kills +the pigs, whereas the _ovia akiva_ only cuts up the bodies after the +pigs have been killed by someone else. + +[60] I do not suggest that these defences are peculiar to the +Mafulu area. I believe they are used by other mountain natives of +the Central District. + +[61] Though this curious-shaped hood in front of a house is apparently +a speciality of the mountains, so far as British New Guinea is +concerned, I do not suggest that it does not exist elsewhere. In fact, +some of the native houses which I have seen in the Rubiana Lagoon +district of the Solomon Islands had a somewhat similar projection, +though in them the front wall of the house, with its little +door-opening, was carried round below the outer edge of the hood, +which thus formed part of the roof of the interior, instead of being +merely a shelter over the outside platform, as is the case in Mafulu. + +[62] Dr. Haddon refers (_Geographical Journal, Vol. XVI._, p. 422) +to conical ground houses with elliptical and circular bases found in +villages on the top of steep hills behind the Mekeo district and on +the southern spur of Mt. Davidson, and says that in some places, as +on the Aduala affluent of the Angabunga (_i.e._, St. Joseph's) river, +the houses are oblong, having a short ridge pole. I think that the +elliptical houses to which he refers have probably been Kuni houses, +to which his description could well be applied, and that the oblong +houses have been Mafulu. The villages with very narrow streets, +and the houses of which are, he says, built partly on the crest and +partly on the slope, are also in this respect typically Kuni. + +[63] This photograph had to be taken from an awkward position above, +from which I had to point the camera downwards to the bridge. + +[64] See also description of suspension bridge over Vanapa river in +lower hill districts given in _Annual Report_ for June, 1889, p. 38. + +[65] Compare the Koita system under which the owner of the house owns +the site of it also, and the latter passes on his death to his heirs +(Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 89.) + +[66] See note 1 on p. 128. + +[67] Father Egedi describes in _Anthropos_ a Kuni method of preparing +a fruit similar to the one described here, and which also gives rise to +terrible smells. The tree is referred to by him as being a bread-fruit; +and Dr. Stapf thinks that the _malage_ may possibly be one of the +Artocarpus genus, of which some have smooth or almost smooth fruit, +and some are said to have poisonous sap, and the seeds of many of +which are eaten, or of some closely allied type. + +[68] The information obtained by me at Mafulu did not go beyond the +actual facts as stated by me. I cannot, however, help suspecting +that there is, or has been, a close connection between the building +of anemone and the holding of a big feast, and that the latter +may be compared with the tabu ceremonial of the Koita described by +Dr. Seligmann (_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, pp. 141 and 145 +_et seq_.). Indeed there are some elements of similarity between the +two feasts. + +[69] Compare the Roro custom for the messengers carrying an invitation +to important feasts to take with them bunches of areca nut, which +are hung in the _marea_ of the local groups of the invited _itsubu_ +(Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 218). + +[70] See note on p. 256 as to the use by me of the terms "grave," +"bury" and "burial." + +[71] _Ibid._ + +[72] It is the custom among the Kuni people when any woman (not +merely the wife of a chief) has her first baby for the women of +her own village, and probably of some neighbouring villages also, +to assemble in the village and to attack her house and the village +club-house with darts, which the women throw with their hands at the +roofs. At Ido-ido I saw that the roofs of the club-house and of some of +the ordinary houses had a number of these darts sticking into them. The +darts were made out of twigs of trees, and were about five or six feet +long; and each of them had a bunch of grass tied in a whorl at or near +its head, and some of them had a similar bunch similarly tied at or +near its middle. See also Dr. Seligmann's reference (_Melanesians +of British New Guinea_, p. 298) to the Roro custom for warriors, +when returning from a successful campaign, to throw their spears at +the roof and sides of the marea. In Mekeo there is no corresponding +ceremony on the birth of a first child; but men, women and children +of the village collect by the house and sing all through the night; +and in the morning the woman's husband will kill a pig or dog for them, +which they cook and eat without ceremony. + +[73] Dr. Seligmann refers to this custom among the Roro people +(_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 256), and there is no doubt +that it exists among the Mekeo people also. Father Desnoes, of the +Sacred Heart Mission, told me that in Mekeo, though the pig used to +be given when the boy adopted his perineal band at the age of four, +five, six, or seven, it is now generally given earlier. The pig is +there regarded as the price paid for the child, and is called the +child's _engifunga_. + +[74] Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 67. + +[75] Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 71. + +[76] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 21. + +[77] In Mekeo such a devolution of chieftainship is the occasion for +a very large feast. + +[78] This ceremony is different from the Mekeo ceremony on the +elevation by a chief of his successor to a joint chieftainship, of +which some particulars were given to me by Father Egedi; but there +is an element of similarity to a Mekeo custom for the new chief, +after the pigs have been killed and partly cut up by someone else, +to cut the backs of the pigs in slices. + +[79] According to Dr. Seligmann, among the Koita the forbidden +degrees of relationship extend to third cousins (_Melanesians of +British New Guinea_, p. 82); whereas it will be seen that among the +Mafulu it only extends, as between people of the same generation, +to first cousins. But a Mafulu native who was grandson of the common +ancestor would be prohibited from marrying his first cousin once +removed (great-granddaughter of that ancestor) or his first cousin +twice removed (great-great-granddaughter of that ancestor). + +[80] But see p. 178, note 1. + +[81] Half-a-dozen years ago, before open systematic killing and +cannibalism were checked, it was a Kuni custom, when a woman died in +her confinement, to bury the living baby with the dead mother. I have +not heard of this custom in Mafulu, and do not know whether or not it +exists, or has existed, there; but as regards matters of this sort the +Mafulu and the Kuni are very similar. My statement that there is no +burying alive must be taken subject to the possibility of this custom. + +[82] This custom is found elsewhere. + +[83] From Dr. Haddon's distribution chart in Vol. XVI. of _The +Geographical Journal_, it will be seen that the Mafulu district is +just about at the junction between his spear area and his bow and +arrow area. + +[84] I have never seen the animal called the "Macgregor bear," and I +do not know what it is. The Fathers assured me it was a bear; but in +view of the great unlikelihood of this, I consulted the authorities +at the Natural History Museum, and they think it is probably one of +the marsupials. It is named after Sir William Macgregor. It is found +in the mountains, where the forest is very thick. + +[85] Compare the Motumotu (Toaripi) practice of rubbing the dogs' +mouths with a special plant, referred to by Chalmers (_Pioneering in +New Guinea_, p. 305). + +[86] The birds of paradise which dance in trees include, I was told, +what the Fathers called the "Red," the "Blue," the "Black," the +"Superb" and the "Six-feathered." Those which dance on the ground +include the "Magnificent." + +[87] In Mekeo the weir is made with wicker-work, at the openings in +which basket fish-traps are placed. + +[88] _Pioneering in New Guinea_, pp. 3 and 4. + +[89] Dr. Stapf tells me that taro is usually propagated by means of +tubers or division of crowns, that is that either the whole tuber +is planted or it is cut up, as potatoes are done, into pieces, each +of which has an eye, and each of which is planted. It would appear +that the Mafulu method, as explained to me, amounts to much the same +thing, the only difference being that instead of planting a crown, or a +piece with an eye from which a fresh shoot will proceed, they let that +shoot first grow into a young plant and then transplant the latter. + +[90] I have examined at the British Museum some net work of the +dwarf people of the interior of Dutch New Guinea, brought home by +the recent expedition organised by the British Ornithologists' Union, +and found it to be similar in stitch to the Mafulu network. + +[91] The 1910 comet was regarded by some of the Mekeo people with +terror, because they thought it presaged a descent of the mountain +natives upon themselves. + +[92] See _Evolution in Art_ (1895), p. 264; and _Geographical Journal_, +Vol. 16, p. 433. + +[93] I would point out, however, that the Inawae clan is part of, +and is probably largely representative of, the original Inawae +_ngopu_ group of the great Biofa tribe of Mekeo, and that this +Inawae group is rather widely scattered over Mekeo (see Seligmann's +_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 321 and pp. 369 to 372); +so that the information obtained is probably not really of a merely +local character. + +[94] Sir W. Macgregor, in describing (_Ann. Rep._, June, 1890, +p. 47) the movements and actions of the Kiwai (Fly river mouth) +natives prior to a canoe attack by them upon him, says: "The canoes +darted hither and thither, as if performing a circus dance or a +Highland reel, and all these movements were accompanied by the chant +of a paean that sounded as if composed to imitate the cooing--soft, +plaintive, and melodious--of the pigeons of their native forests"; +and he refers to the performance as a "canoe choral dance." It was, +of course, not a dance in the sense in which I am dealing with the +subject here; but the apparently imitative character of the singing is +perhaps worth noticing in connection with this dancing question. See +also the description (_Country Life_, March 4, 1911) by Mr. Walter +Goodfellow, the leader of the recent expedition into Dutch New Guinea, +of the dancing and accompanying singing of the Mimika natives whom +he met there, and his suggestion that the final calls of these songs +were derived from that of the greater paradise bird. Mr. Goodfellow +has since told me with reference to these Mimika songs that he was +forcibly struck by the resemblance of the termination of _most_ +of the songs to the common cry of the greater bird of paradise, and +said: "They finished with the same abrupt note, repeated three times +(like the birds)." Dr. Haddon has been good enough to lend me the +manuscript of his notes on the dances performed in the islands of +Torres Straits, which will probably have appeared in Vol. IV. of the +_Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits_ +before this book is published. Here again I find interesting records +of imitative dancing. One dance imitates the swimming movements of +the large lizard (Varanus), another is an imitation of the movements +of a crab, another imitates those of a pigeon, and another those of +a pelican. At a dance which I witnessed in the Roro village of Seria +a party from Delena danced the "Cassowary" dance; and Father Egedi +says it is certainly so called because its movements are in some way +an imitation of those of the cassowary. + +[95] Compare the Western Papuans, who, according to Dr. Seligmann, +also have only two numerals, but who are apparently not able to +count to anything like the extent which can be done by the Mafulu +(_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 4). According to Mr. Monckton +the Kambisi (Chirima valley) people only count on their fingers and +up to ten, not on their toes and up to twenty (_Annual Report_, June, +1906, p. 89). Father Egedi told me that the Mekeo people only count +on their fingers and up to ten. + +[96] I believe that in Mekeo they begin with the left hand and with +the small finger, thus reversing the Mafulu order of counting; but +I am not quite certain as to this. + +[97] Though here and afterwards I use the word "man," it must be +understood that the notes apply to deaths of women also. + +[98] This food taboo is with the Mafulu only an optional alternative; +but it may be compared with the corresponding food taboo placed +upon all the relatives of the deceased by the Koita (see Seligmann's +_Melanesians of British New Guinea,_ p. 164). + +[99] I was told of this Mafulu practice as being adopted only on the +death of the woman's child. But the custom is referred to by the Mekeo +Government Agent (Mr. Giulianetti) in the _Annual Report_ for June, +1900, pp. 73 and 78; and, according to him, its adoption applies +also to deaths of other relatives--husband, father, and mother being +especially mentioned by him--and he suggests that there are rules +as regards these amputations, and says he understood that a mother +would cut off the first joint for her children, and the second for +her husband, father, or mother. He also gives information as to the +way in which the amputation is effected. + +[100] The sticks are seen in the plates, having been placed on the +grave before the photographs were taken. + +[101] I am not aware of any ground for believing that the community +invited is one with which intermarriage is specially common. Indeed, +as stated above, I do not think that there are special matrimonial +relationships between communities. + +[102] _Melanesians of British New Guinea,_ p. 13. + +[103] I was told that in the Mekeo mourning-removal ceremony each of +the persons wearing the insignia of mourning has to go through the +ceremony, which consists of the cutting of his necklace or something +else with a shell. + +[104] Compare Dr. Seligmann's references in _Melanesians of British +New Guinea_ to the mourning removal ceremonies of the Koita (p. 165), +the Roro (p. 277), and the Mekeo (p. 359). + +[105] I recognise that, though the terms "grave," "bury," and "burial" +are correctly applied to the mode of interment underground of an +ordinary person, the term "grave" is clearly an incorrect one for +the overground platform box and tree box in one or other of which +a chiefs body is placed; and the use with reference to this mode of +disposal of the dead of the terms "bury" and "burial" is, I think, +at least unsuitable. But with this apology, and for lack of a short +and convenient, but more accurate, substitute adapted to the three +methods, I use these terms throughout with reference to all of them. + +[106] This Mafulu practice of tree burial is referred to in the +_Annual Report_ for June, 1900, p. 63. + +[107] Platform burial in one form or another is not peculiar to the +Mafulu district. It is perhaps common among many of the mountain +people. Sir William Macgregor found it in the mountains of the +Vanapa watershed (_Annual Report_, 1897-8, pp. 22 and 23), and +Dr. Seligmann regards it, I think, as a custom among the general class +of what he calls "Kama-weka" (_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, +p. 32). Mr. J. P. Thomson records its occurrence even in the lower +waters of the Kemp Welch river (_British New Guinea_, p. 53, and +see also his further references to the matter on pp. 59 and 67). In +view of a suggestion which I make in my concluding chapter as to +the possible origin of the Mafulu people, it is also interesting to +note that platform or tree burial is, or used to be, adopted, for +important people only, by the Semang of the Malay Peninsula and the +Andamanese. As regards the Semang, though they now employ a simple form +of interment, their more honourable practice was to expose the dead +in trees (Skeat and Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_, +Vol. II., p. 89); and, though the bodies of the Pangan (East Coast +Semang) lay members were buried in the ground, those of their great +magicians were deposited in trees (_Ibid._, Vol. II., p. 91); and +apparently this was the case among the Semang as regards the bodies +of chiefs (_Ibid._, Vol. I., p. 587). And concerning the Andamanese +it is recorded that the skeleton of a man who, for reasons given, was +believed to have been a chief was found lying on a platform of sticks +placed across forks of a tree about 12 feet from the ground, a mode +which was compared with the method of underground burial which had +previously been met with (_Transactions of the Ethnological Society, +New Series_, Vol. V. p. 42). Mr. Portman records (_History of our +Relations with the Andamanese_, Vol. II., p. 547) similar tree burial +of two chiefs and the wife of a chief, and refers to the practice of +burying underground "or, what is more honourable," on a platform up +in a tree (_Ibid_., Vol. I., p. 43). The practice is also mentioned +by Mr. Man, who, after referring (_The Andaman Islanders_, p. 76) +to underground interment and platform burial, of which "the latter +is considered the more complimentary," states (pp. 76 and 77) that a +small stage is constructed of sticks and boughs about 8 to 12 feet +above the ground, _generally_ (the italics are mine) between the +forked branches of some large tree, and to it the body is lashed. + +[108] I have been unable to find an account of any spiritual or partly +spiritual being associated with the beliefs of Papuans or Melanesians +who can be regarded as being similar to _Tsidibe_. Perhaps the +nearest approach to him will be found in _Qat_ of the Banks Islands, +of whom much is told us by Dr. Codrington in _The Melanesians_, +and who apparently is not regarded as having been of divine rank, +but is rather a specially powerful, but perhaps semi-human, spiritual +individual, who, though not having originally created mankind and the +animal and vegetable world and the objects and forces of nature as +a whole, has had, and it would seem still has, considerable creative +and influencing powers over them all. But I could learn no detailed +legends concerning _Tsidibe_; and the scanty information given to me +concerning him differs from what we know of _Qat_. + +[109] Dr. Stapf thinks it is probably a species of Podocarpus or +Dacrydium. + +[110] Dr. Seligmann refers (_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, +p. 185) to a specimen of _Ficus rigo_, in which a taboo, having the +power of making Koita folk sick, is believed to be immanent. I do +not know whether or not the _gabi_ tree is _Ficus rigo_, but, if it +be so, there is an interesting similarity in this respect between +these people and the Mafulu. + +[111] A knotted wisp of grass is, I think, a common form of taboo +sign in parts of New Guinea; and Dr. Seligmann refers (_Melanesians of +British New Guinea_, pp. 136 to 138) to its use by the Koita for the +protection of cocoanuts and other trees and firewood, and as part of +the protective sign for new gardens. The use of the wisp by the Mafulu +people, as above described, is not a taboo used for the protection +of an object from human interference, being intended to protect +the travellers in some way from the spirit or spirits haunting the +spot. But there is, I think, an underlying similarity of superstitious +ideas involved by the two purposes for which the wisps are used. + +[112] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 281. + +[113] _The Melanesians_, p. 203. + +[114] Seligmann, _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p.85. + +[115] I imagine a somewhat similar superstitious origin may be assumed +as regards the idea of general purification (I of course do not refer +to mere physical surface washing) by bathing: and Father Egedi says +(_Anthropos_, Vol. V., p. 755) that the Kuni people, after a cannibal +feast, had to confine themselves until the end of the moon which +commenced before the feast to certain food, and that they then all +bathed in running water and returned purified and free to eat any food. + +[116] Apparently flying foxes are good omens in Tubetube (Southern +Massim). See Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 653. + +[117] This is very different from the extensive food taboo restrictions +which Father Egedi told me were placed upon the bachelors of Mekeo. + +[118] Dr. Seligmann puts their average stature at 60.5 in. (_Lancet,_ +Feb. 17th, 1906, p. 427), which is less than the Mafulu average of +61.1 in. given by me above. + +[119] Dr. Seligmann puts their average cephalic index calculated +from fifteen measurements at 78 (_Geographical Journal_, Vol. XXVII., +p. 234), which is below the Mafulu average cephalic index of 80 given +by me above. + +[120] Father Egedi thinks that the Lapeka people have some Pokau +blood in them. Their language is a mixture of Kuni and Mekeo. + +[121] Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 16. + +[122] _Geographical Journal_, Vol. XXVI I., p. 235. + +[123] _Ibid._ + +[124] _Geographical Journal_, Vol. XXVII., p. 235. + +[125] P. 236. + +[126] _Ibid._ + +[127] _Geographical Journal_, Vol. XXVII., p. 235. + +[128] _Nature_, 9 June, 1910, p. 434. + +[129] The Rev. Father Egedi's Vocabulary of Oru Lopiko gives the +pronouns thus: + + Singular. Plural. + + 1st Person, _na_, _naro_. _dae_, _daro_. + 2nd Person, _ni_, _niro_. _ali_, _alero_. + 3rd Person, _pi_, _piro_. _valo_, _valoro_. + + +The Possessives are formed with _ma_: _nema_, _nima_, _pima_, _daema_, +_lima_, _valoma_. + +The Interrogatives are: _tsia_? who? _itara_? _vaina_? what +thing? (S.H.R.) + +[130] These numerals differ from the Oru Lopiko of Father Egidi. He +gives: _konepu_, one; _kalotolo_, two; _konekhalavi_, three; +_maimitara_, many; _onionipu_, few. (S.H.R.) + +[131] Foot's joint. + +[132] Cf. M. _kon(on)de_, knot in wood. + +[133] Cf. Fire. + +[134] Cf. M. _tobo_, gourd. + +[135] Probably introduced. Mekeo _avaava_, Pokau _tavatava_, buy. + +[136] Introduced. Motu _asi_. + +[137] Cf. M. _kon(on)de_, knot in wood. + +[138] Cf. Fire. + +[139] Cf. Finger. + +[140] Cf. bag. + +[141] Sun its light. + +[142] _Na,_ I. + +[143] Arm's joint. + +[144] Cf. M. _kon(on)de,_ knot in wood. + +[145] Eyebrow's hair. + +[146] Eye-skin. + +[147] _Nu,_ thou. + +[148] Cf. Branch. + +[149] _Feneme_, eel. + +[150] Cf. _tala(pe)_, sp. thread. + +[151] Finger's mother. + +[152] Cf. Earth. + +[153] Foot's hollow. Cf. Pumpkin. + +[154] Cf. Earth. + +[155] _Nu_, thou. + +[156] Hand's hollow. + +[157] _ Ni_, you. + +[158] Side's tongue. + +[159] Introduced (Motu, _Kimai_). + +[160] _omen_, his. + +[161] Also handcuffs. + +[162] _Nu_, thou. + +[163] To give the breast. + +[164] _aumen_, his?. + +[165] _Cf._ Finger. + +[166] Breast, its nose. + +[167] Nose, its hole. + +[168] Introduced (Kabadi, Motu, _bara_). + +[169] Kabadi, &c., _nau_. + +[170] Sagopalm's important part. + +[171] _Na_, I. + +[172] Sit and Stay. + +[173] _Cf._ M. ememe, _pierce._ + +[174] _Cf._ Night, Darkness, Black. + +[175] _Cf._ M. _tsibe_, a reed. + +[176] _Cf._ M. _usi(le_), tusk. + +[177] _Omen_, he, his. + +[178] _Cf_. Mother. + +[179] Hand's neck. + +[180] _Yango(ne_) a plant of which the roots give a yellow stain + +[181] _British New Guinea Vocabularies_. London: The Society for +Promoting Christian Knowledge. + +[182] _A Comparative Vocabulary of the Dialects of British New +Guinea_. Compiled by Sidney H. Ray. London, 1895. + +[183] _Annual Report on British New Guinea_. 1896-7, p. 13. + +[184] _Annual Report on British New Guinea_. 1897-8, p. 35. + +[185] _British New Guinea. Annual Report for the Year ending 30th +June_, 1906. p. 93. + +[186] _Anthropos II, Heft_ 6. pp. 1016-1021. + +[187] In comparing I have omitted the non-essential syllable. + +[188] _Anthropos_, II. _Heft_ 6, pp. 1009-1021. + +[189] _Op. cit._, p. 1009. + +[190] _Op. cit._, pp. 1016-1021. + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Mafulu, by Robert W. 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