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diff --git a/old/8pbd210.txt b/old/8pbd210.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..da2bb59 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/8pbd210.txt @@ -0,0 +1,6894 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Public Orations of Demosthenes, volume 2 +by Demosthenes + +Copyright laws are changing all over the world. Be sure to check the +copyright laws for your country before downloading or redistributing +this or any other Project Gutenberg eBook. + +This header should be the first thing seen when viewing this Project +Gutenberg file. Please do not remove it. Do not change or edit the +header without written permission. + +Please read the "legal small print," and other information about the +eBook and Project Gutenberg at the bottom of this file. Included is +important information about your specific rights and restrictions in +how the file may be used. You can also find out about how to make a +donation to Project Gutenberg, and how to get involved. + + +**Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts** + +**eBooks Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971** + +*****These eBooks Were Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers!***** + + +Title: The Public Orations of Demosthenes, volume 2 + +Author: Demosthenes + +Release Date: October, 2005 [EBook #9061] +[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule] +[This file was first posted on September 2, 2003] + +Edition: 10 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO Latin-1 + +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PUBLIC ORATIONS OF *** + + + + +Anne Soulard, Jon Ingram and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team. + + + + +THE PUBLIC ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES +IN TWO VOLUMES +VOL I + +TRANSLATED BY +ARTHUR WALLACE PICKARD + + + + +ON THE CHERSONESE (OR. VIII) + + +[_Introduction_. Late in the year 343 (some time after the acquittal of +Aeschines) Philip invaded Epirus, made Alexander, brother of his wife +Olympias, king of the Molossi instead of Arybbas, and so secured, his own +influence in that region. Arybbas was honourably received at Athens. +Philip next threatened Ambracia and Leucas, which were colonies of +Corinth, and promised to restore Naupactus, which was in the hands of the +Achaeans, to the Aetolians. But Athens sent Demosthenes, Hegesippus, +Polyeuctus and others to rouse the Corinthians to resistance, and also +dispatched a force of citizens to Acarnania to help in the defence against +Philip. Philip thereupon returned, captured Echinus and Nicaea on the +Malian Gulf, and established a tetrarch in each division of Thessaly (343 +B.C., or early in 342). In 342 Philistides was established, by Philip's +influence, as tyrant at Oreus in Euboea (as Cleitarchus had been at +Eretria in the preceding year), and the democratic leader Euphraeus +committed suicide in prison.[1] The town of Chalcis, however, under +Callias and Taurosthenes, remained friendly to Athens, and made a treaty +of alliance with her. + +About the same time a controversy, begun in the previous year, in regard +to Halonnesus, was renewed. This island had belonged to Athens, but had +been occupied by pirates. At some time not recorded (but probably since +the Peace of 346) Philip had expelled the pirates and taken possession of +the island. He now sent a letter, offering to give Halonnesus to Athens, +but not to _give it back_ (since this would concede their right to it); or +else to submit the dispute to arbitration. He also offered to discuss a +treaty for the settlement of private disputes between Athenians and +Macedonians, and to concert measures with Athens for clearing the Aegean +of pirates. He was willing to extend the advantages of the Peace to other +Greek States, but not to agree that he and Athens should respectively +possess 'what was their own', instead of 'what they held'; though he was +ready to submit to arbitration in regard to Cardia and other disputed +places. He again denied having made the promises attributed to him, and +asked for the punishment of those who slandered him. Hegesippus replied in +an extant speech ('On Halonnesus'), while Demosthenes insisted that no +impartial arbitrator could possibly be found. Philip's terms in regard to +Halonnesus were refused, but the Athenian claim to the island was not +withdrawn. + +Philip spent the greater part of 342 and 341 in Thrace, mainly in the +valley of the Hebrus, where he endured very great hardships through the +winter, and founded colonies of Macedonian soldiers, the chief of these +being Philippopolis and Cabyle. He also entered into relations with the +Getae, beyond the Haemus, and garrisoned Apollonia on the Euxine. These +operations were all preparatory to his projected attack upon Byzantium. +(Byzantium and Athens were at this time on unfriendly terms, owing to the +part taken by the latter in the Social War.) + +But the immediate subject of the present Speech was the state of affairs +in the Chersonese in 342. The Chersonese (with the exception of Cardia) +had been secured for Athens in 357, but had been threatened by Philip in +352,[2] when he made alliance with Cardia, and forced the neighbouring +Thracian Prince Cersobleptes to submit. Soon after the Peace of +Philocrates, Athens sent settlers to the Chersonese under Diopeithes. +Cardia alone refused to receive them, and Diopeithes, with a mercenary +force, prepared to compel the Cardians to admit them; while Philip sent +troops to hold the town, and complained to Athens in threatening terms of +the actions of Diopeithes, and more particularly of an inroad which +Diopeithes had made upon Philip's territory in Thrace. Diopeithes had been +ill-supported with money and men by Athens, and had had recourse to +piratical actions, in order to obtain supplies, thus arousing some +indignation at Athens; but the prospect of the heavy expenditure which +would be necessary, if an expedition were sent to his aid, was also +unattractive. Demosthenes, however, proposed that Diopeithes should be +vigorously supported, on the ground that Philip was really at war with +Athens, and that this was not the time to interfere with the general who +alone was pushing the Athenian cause. The speech was delivered early in +the spring of 341. It is a masterpiece of oratory, at once statesmanlike +and impassioned, and shows a complete command of every variety of tone. +The latter part of it contains a strong denunciation of the Macedonian +party in Athens, a defence of the orator's own career, and an urgent +demand for the punishment of disloyalty. At the same time Demosthenes does +not embody the policy which he advises in any formal motion. For this we +have to wait for the Third Philippic.] + + +{1} It was the duty, men of Athens, of every speaker not to allow either +malice or favour to influence any speech which he might make, but simply +to declare the policy which he considered to be the best, particularly +when your deliberations were concerned with public affairs of great +importance. But since there are some who are led on to address you, partly +out of contentiousness, partly from causes which I need not discuss, it is +for you, men of Athens--you, the People--to dismiss all other +considerations, and both in the votes that you give and in the measures +that you take to attend solely to what you believe to be for the good of +the city. {2} Now our present anxiety arises out of affairs in the +Chersonese, and the campaign, now in its eleventh month, which Philip is +conducting in Thrace. But most of the speeches which we have heard have +been about the acts and intentions of Diopeithes. For my part, I conceive +that all charges made against any one who is amenable to the laws and can +be punished by you when you will are matters which you are free to +investigate, either immediately or after an interval, as you think fit; +and there is no occasion for me or any one else to use strong language +about them. {3} But all those advantages which an actual enemy of the +city, with a large force in the Hellespont, is trying to snatch from you, +and which, if we once fall behind-hand, we shall no longer be able to +recover--these, surely, are matters upon which our interest demands that +our plans be formed and our preparations made with the utmost dispatch; +and that no clamour, no accusations about other matters, be allowed to +drive us from this point. + +{4} Often as I am surprised at the assertions which are habitually made in +your presence, nothing, men of Athens, has surprised me more than the +remark which I heard only lately in the Council--that one who advises you +ought, forsooth, to advise you plainly either to go to war or to keep the +peace. {5} Very good.[3] If Philip is remaining inactive, if he is keeping +nothing that is ours, in violation of the Peace, if he is not organizing +all mankind against us, there is nothing more to be said--we have simply +to observe the Peace; and I see that, for your part, you are quite ready +to do so. But what if the oath that we swore, and the terms upon which we +made the Peace, stand inscribed for our eyes to see? {6} What if it is +proved that from the outset, before Diopeithes sailed from Athens with the +settlers who are now accused of having brought about the war, Philip +wrongfully seized many of our possessions--and here, unrepealed, are your +resolutions charging him with this--and that all along he has been +uninterruptedly seizing the possessions of the other Hellenic and foreign +peoples, and uniting their resources against us? What is _then_ the +meaning of the statement that we ought either to go to war or to keep the +Peace? {7} For we have no choice in the matter: nothing remains open to us +but the most righteous and most necessary of all acts--the act that they +deliberately refuse to consider--I mean the act of retaliation against the +aggressor: unless indeed, they intend to argue that, so long as Philip +keeps away from Attica and the Peiraeus, he does the city no wrong and is +not committing acts of war. {8} But if _this_ is their criterion of right +and wrong, if _this_ is their definition of peace, then, although what +they say is iniquitous, intolerable, and inconsistent with your security, +as all must see, at the same time these very statements are actually +contradictory of the charges which they are making against Diopeithes. {9} +Why, I beg to ask,[n] are we to give Philip full leave to act in whatever +way he chooses, so long as he does not touch Attica, when Diopeithes is +not to be allowed even to assist the Thracians, without being accused of +initiating war? But even if this inconsistency is brought home to them, +still, we are told, the conduct of the mercenaries in ravaging the +Hellespontine country is outrageous, and Diopeithes has no right to drive +the vessels to shore,[n] and ought to be stopped. {10} I grant it: let it +be done: I have nothing to say against it. Yet nevertheless, if their +advice is genuinely based on considerations of right, and right alone, I +consider that they are bound to prove that, as surely as they are seeking +to break up the force on which _Athens_ at present relies, by slandering +its commander to you when he tries to provide funds to support it, so +surely _Philip's_ force will be disbanded if you accept their advice. If +they fail to prove this, you must consider that they are simply setting +the city once more upon the same course which has already resulted in the +utter ruin of her fortunes. {11} For surely you know that nothing in the +world has contributed so much to Philip's successes, as his being always +first on the scene of action. With a standing force always about him, and +knowing beforehand what he intends to do, he suddenly falls upon +whomsoever he pleases: while we wait until we learn that something is +happening, and only then, in a turmoil, make our preparations. {12} It +follows, of course, that every position which he has attacked, he holds in +undisturbed possession; while we are all behindhand; all our expenditure +proves to have been so much useless waste; we have displayed our hostility +and our desire to check him; but we are too late for action, and so we add +disgrace to failure. + +{13} You must therefore not fail to recognize, men of Athens, that now, as +before, all else that you hear consists of mere words and pretexts; and +that the real aim of all that is being done is to secure that you may +remain at home, that Athens may have no force outside the city, and that +thus Philip may give effect to all his desires without let or hindrance. +Consider, in the first place, what is actually occurring at the present +moment. {14} He is at present passing the time[n] in Thrace, with a great +army under him; and, as we are told by those who are on the spot,[n] he is +sending for a large addition to it from Macedonia and Thessaly. Now if he +waits for the Etesian winds,[n] and then goes to Byzantium and besieges +it, tell me first whether you think that the Byzantines will persist in +their present infatuation,[n] and will not call upon you and entreat you +to go to their aid? {15} I do not think so. Why, I believe that they would +open their gates to men whom they distrust even more than they distrust +you (if such exist), rather than surrender the city to Philip--supposing, +that is, that he does not capture them first. And then, if we are unable +to set sail from Athens, and if there are no forces there on the spot to +help them, nothing can prevent their destruction. {16} 'Of course,' you +say, 'for the men are possessed, and their infatuation passes all bounds.' +Very true; and yet they must be preserved; for the interests of Athens +require it. And besides, we cannot by any means be certain that he will +not invade the Chersonese. Indeed, if we are to judge by the letter which +he has sent to you, he there says that he _will_ punish the settlers[n] in +the Chersonese. {17} If then the army that is now formed there is in +existence, it will be able to help the Chersonese, and to injure some part +of Philip's country. But when once it is dissolved, what shall we do if he +marches against the Chersonese? 'We shall of course put Diopeithes on his +trial.' And how will that improve our position? 'Well, we should go to the +rescue from Athens ourselves.' What if the winds make it impossible? {18} +'But, of course, he will not really get there.' And who can guarantee +that? Do you realize, men of Athens, or take into account, what the coming +season of the year is, the season against which some think you ought to +evacuate the Hellespont and hand it over to Philip? What if, when he +leaves Thrace, he does not go near the Chersonese or Byzantium at all--for +this, too, is a possibility which you must consider--but comes to +Chalcis[n] or Megara, just as he lately came to Oreus? Is it better to +resist him here, and to allow the war to come into Attica, or to provide +something to keep him busy there? The latter course is surely the better. + +{19} Realizing these things, therefore, as you all must, and taking due +account of them, you must not, Heaven knows, look askance at the force +which Diopeithes is trying to provide for Athens, or attempt to disband +it. You must yourselves prepare another force to support it: you must help +him freely with money, and give him in all other respects your loyal +co-operation. {20} If Philip were asked to say whether he would wish these +soldiers who are now with Diopeithes--describe them as you will, for I in +no way dispute your description--to be prosperous and in high favour with +the Athenians, and to be augmented in numbers by the co-operation of the +city; or whether he would rather see them broken up and destroyed in +consequence of calumnious charges against them; he would prefer, I +imagine, the latter alternative. Can it then be, that there are men among +us here who are trying to bring about the very thing that Philip would +pray Heaven for? And if so, do you need to seek any further for the cause +of the total ruin of the city's fortunes? + +{21} I wish, therefore, to examine without reserve the present crisis of +our affairs, to inquire what we ourselves are now doing, and how we are +dealing with it. We do not wish to contribute funds, nor to serve with the +forces in person; we cannot keep our hands from the public revenues;[n] we +do not give the contributions of the allies[n] to Diopeithes, nor do we +approve of such supplies as he raises for himself; {22} but we look +malignantly at him, we ask whence he gets them, what he intends to do, and +every possible question of that kind: and yet we are still not willing to +confine ourselves to our own affairs, in consequence of the attitude which +we have adopted; we still praise with our lips those who uphold the +dignity of the city, though in our acts we are fighting on the side of +their opponents. {23} Now whenever any one rises to speak, you always put +to him the question 'What are we to do?' I wish to put to _you_ the +question, 'What are we to _say_?' For if you will neither contribute, nor +serve in person, nor leave the public funds alone, nor grant him the +contributions, nor let him get what he can for himself, nor yet confine +yourselves to your own affairs, I do not know what I can say. For when you +give such licence to those who desire to make charges and accusations, +that you listen to them even when they denounce him by anticipation for +his alleged intentions--well, what _can_ one say? + +{24} The possible effect of this is a matter which some of you require to +understand, and I will speak without reserve; for indeed I could not speak +otherwise. All the commanders who have ever yet sailed from Athens--if I +am wrong, I consent to any penalty that you please[n]--take money from the +Chians, from the Erythraeans,[n] from any people from whom they can +severally get it--I mean, any of the Asiatic settlers who are now in +question. {25} Those who have one or two ships take less, those who have a +larger force take more. And those who give to them do not give either +little or much for nothing; they are not so insane: in fact, with these +sums they buy immunity from injury for the merchants who sail from their +ports, freedom from piracy, the convoying of their vessels, and so on. +They call the gifts 'benevolences',[n] and that is the name given to the +sums thus obtained. {26} And in the present case, when Diopeithes is there +with his army, it is obvious that all these peoples will give him money. +From what other source do you imagine that a general can maintain his +troops, when he has received nothing from you, and has no resources from +which he can pay his men? Will money drop from the sky? Of course not. He +subsists upon what he can collect or beg or borrow. {27} The real effect, +therefore, of the accusations made against him here, is simply to warn +every one that they should refuse to give him anything, since he is to pay +the penalty for his very intentions, not to speak of any action that he +may have taken or any success that he may have achieved. That is the only +meaning of the cry that 'he is preparing a blockade', or 'he is +surrendering[n] the Hellenes'. Do any of his critics care about the +Hellenes who live in Asia? {28} Were it so, they would be more thoughtful +for the rest of mankind than for their own country. And the proposal to +send another general to the Hellespont amounts to no more than this. For +if Diopeithes is acting outrageously and is driving the vessels to shore, +then, gentlemen, one little wax-tablet[n] is enough to put an end to it +all: and what the laws command is that for these offences we should +impeach the wrong-doers--not that we should keep a watch upon our own +forces at such expense and with so many ships.[n] {29} Such insanity +really passes all bounds. No! Against the enemy whom we cannot arrest and +render amenable to the laws, it is both right and necessary to maintain a +force, to send war-ships, and to contribute war-funds: but against one of +ourselves, a decree, an impeachment, a dispatch-boat[n] will answer our +purpose. These are the means which sensible men would use: the policy of +the other side is the policy of men whose spitefulness[n] is ruining your +fortunes. {30} And that there should be some such men, bad though it is, +is not the worst. No! for you who sit there are already in such a frame of +mind, that if any one comes forward and says that Diopeithes is the cause +of all the mischief, or Chares,[n] or Aristophon,[n] or any Athenian +citizen that he happens to name, you at once agree, and clamorously +declare that he is right; {31} but if any one comes forward and tells you +the truth, and says, 'Men of Athens, this is nonsense. It is Philip that +is the cause of all this mischief and trouble; for if he were quiet, the +city would have nothing to disturb her,' you cannot, indeed, deny the +truth of his words, but you seem, I think, to be annoyed, as though you +were losing something.[n] {32} And the cause of these things is this--and +I beseech you, in Heaven's name, to let me speak unreservedly, when I am +speaking for your true good--that some of your politicians have contrived +that you should be terrifying and severe in your assemblies, but easy- +going and contemptible in your preparations for war. And accordingly, if +any one names as the culprit some one whom you know you can arrest in your +own midst, you agree and you wish to act; but if one is named whom you +must first master by force of arms, if you are to punish him at all, you +are at a loss, I fancy, what to do, and you are vexed when this is brought +home to you. {33} For your politicians, men of Athens, should have treated +you in exactly the opposite way to this; they should train you to be kind +and sympathetic in your assemblies; for there it is with the members of +your own body and your own allies that your case is argued: but your +terrors and your severity should be displayed in your preparations for +war, where the struggle is with your enemies and your rivals. {34} As it +is, by their popular speeches, and by courting your favour to excess, they +have brought you into such a condition that, while in your assemblies you +give yourselves airs and enjoy their flattery, listening to nothing but +what is meant to please you, in the world of facts and events you are in +the last extremity of peril. Imagine, in God's name, what would happen, if +the Hellenes were to call you to account for the opportunities which, in +your indolence, you have now let pass, and were to put to you the +question, {35} 'Is it true, men of Athens, that you send envoys to us on +every possible occasion, to tell us of Philip's designs against ourselves +and all the Hellenes, and of the duty of keeping guard against the man, +and to warn us in every way?' We should have to confess that it was true. +We do act thus. 'Then,' they would proceed, 'is it true, you most +contemptible of all men, that though the man has been away for ten months, +{36} and has been cut off from every possibility of returning home, by +illness and by winter and by wars, you have neither liberated Euboea nor +recovered any of your own possessions? Is it true that you have remained +at home, unoccupied and healthy--if such a word can be used of men who +behave thus--and have seen him set up two tyrants in Euboea, one to serve +as a fortress directly menacing Attica, the other to watch Sciathus; {37} +and that you have not even rid yourselves of these dangers--granted that +you did not want to do anything more--but have let them be? Obviously you +have retired in his favour, and have made it evident that if he dies ten +times over, you will not make any move the more. Why trouble us then with +your embassies and your accusations?' If they speak thus to us, what will +be our answer? What shall we say, Athenians? I do not see what we can say. + +{38} Now there are some who imagine that they confute a speaker, as soon +as they have asked him the question, 'What then are we to do?' I will +first give them this answer--the most just and true of all--'Do not do +what you are doing now.' {39} But at the same time I will give them a +minute and detailed reply; and then let them show that their willingness +to act upon it is not less than their eagerness to interrogate. First, men +of Athens, you must thoroughly make up your minds to the fact that Philip +is at war with Athens, and has broken the Peace--you must cease to lay the +blame at one another's doors--and that he is evilly-disposed and hostile +to the whole city, down to the very ground on which it is built; {40} nay, +I will go further--hostile to every single man in the city, even to those +who are most sure that they are winning his favour. (If you think +otherwise, consider the case of Euthycrates[n] and Lasthenes of Olynthus, +who fancied that they were on the most friendly terms with him, but, after +they had betrayed their city, suffered the most utter ruin of all.) But +his hostilities and intrigues are aimed at nothing so much as at our +constitution, whose overthrow is the very first object in the world to +him. {41} And in a sense it is natural that he should aim at this. For he +knows very well that even if he becomes master of all the rest of the +world, he can retain nothing securely, so long as you are a democracy; and +that if he chances to stumble anywhere, as may often happen to a man, all +the elements which are now forced into union with him will come and take +refuge with you. {42} For though you are not yourselves naturally adapted +for aggrandizement or the usurpation of empire, you have the art of +preventing any other from seizing power and of taking it from him when he +has it; and in every respect you are ready to give trouble to those who +are ambitious of dominion, and to lead all men forth into liberty. And so +he would not have Freedom, from her home in Athens, watching for every +opportunity he may offer--far from it--and there is nothing unsound or +careless in his reasoning. {43} The first essential point, therefore, is +this--that you conceive him to be the irreconcilable foe of your +constitution and of democracy: for unless you are inwardly convinced of +this, you will not be willing to take an active interest in the situation. +Secondly, you must realize clearly that all the plans which he is now so +busily contriving are in the nature of preparations against this country; +and wherever any one resists him, he there resists him on our behalf. {44} +For surely no one is so simple as to imagine that when Philip is covetous +of the wretched hamlets[n] of Thrace--one can give no other name to +Drongilum, Cabyle, Masteira, and the places which he is now seizing--and +when to get these places he is enduring heavy labours, hard winters, and +the extremity of danger;--{45} no one can imagine, I say, that the +harbours and the dockyards, and the ships of the Athenians, the produce of +your silver-mines, and your huge revenue, have no attraction for him, or +that he will leave you in possession of these, while he winters in the +very pit of destruction[n] for the sake of the millet and the spelt in the +silos[n] of Thrace. No, indeed! It is to get these into his power that he +pursues both his operations in Thrace and all his other designs. {46} What +then, as sensible men, must you do? Knowing and realizing your position, +as you do, you must lay aside this excessive, this irremediable[n] +indolence: you must contribute funds, and require them from your allies; +you must so provide and act, that this force which is now assembled may be +held together; in order that, as Philip has the force in readiness that is +to injure and enslave all the Hellenes, you may have in readiness that +which shall preserve and succour them. {47} You cannot effect by isolated +expeditions any of the things which must be effected. You must organize a +force, and provide maintenance for it, and paymasters, and a staff of +servants; and when you have taken such steps as will ensure the strictest +possible watch being kept over the funds, you must hold these officials +accountable for the money, and the general for the actual operations. If +you act thus, and honestly make up your minds to take this course, you +will either compel Philip to observe a righteous peace and remain in his +own land--and no greater blessing could you obtain than that--or you will +fight him on equal terms. + +{48} It may be thought that this policy demands heavy expenditure, and +great exertions and trouble. That is true indeed; but let the objector +take into account what the consequences to the city must be, if he is +unwilling to assent to this policy, and he will find that the ready +performance of duty brings its reward. {49} If indeed some god is offering +us his guarantee--for no human guarantee would be sufficient in so great a +matter--that if you remain at peace and let everything slide, Philip will +not in the end come and attack yourselves; then, although, before God and +every Heavenly Power, it would be unworthy of you and of the position that +the city holds, and of the deeds of our forefathers, to abandon all the +rest of the Hellenes to slavery for the sake of our own ease--although, +for my part, I would rather have died than have suggested such a thing-- +yet, if another proposes it and convinces you, let it be so: do not defend +yourselves: let everything go. {50} But if no one entertains such a +belief, if we all know that the very opposite is true, and that the wider +the mastery we allow him to gain, the more difficult and powerful a foe we +shall have to deal with, what further subterfuge is open to us? Why do we +delay? {51} When shall we ever be willing, men of Athens, to do our duty? +'When we are compelled,' you say. But the hour of compulsion, as the word +is applied to free men, is not only here already, but has long passed; and +we must surely pray that the compulsion which is put upon slaves may not +come upon us. And what is the difference? It is this--that for a free man +the greatest compelling force is his shame at the course which events are +taking--I do not know what greater we can imagine; but the slave is +compelled by blows and bodily tortures, which I pray may never fall to our +lot; it is not fit to speak of them. + +{52} I would gladly tell you the whole story, and show how certain persons +are working for your ruin by their policy. I pass over, however, every +point but this. Whenever any question of our relations with Philip arises, +at once some one stands up and talks of the blessings of peace, of the +difficulty of maintaining a large force, and of designs on the part of +certain persons to plunder our funds; with other tales of the same kind, +which enable them to delay your action, and give Philip time to do what he +wishes unopposed. {53} What is the result? For you the result is your +leisure, and a respite from immediate action--advantages which I fear you +will some day feel to have cost you dear; and for them it is the favour +they win, and the wages for these services. But I am sure that there is no +need to persuade you to keep the Peace--you sit here fully persuaded. It +is the man who is committing acts of war that we need to persuade; for if +he is persuaded, you are ready enough. {54} Nor is it the expenditure +which is to ensure our preservation that ought to distress us, but the +fate which is in prospect for us, if we are not willing to take this +action: while the threatened 'plunder of our funds' is to be prevented by +the proposal of some safeguard which will render them secure, not by the +abandonment of our interests. {55} And even so, men of Athens, I feel +indignant at the very fact that some of you are so much pained at the +prospect of the plunder of our funds, when you have it in your power both +to protect them and to punish the culprits, and yet feel no pain when +Philip is seizing all Hellas piecemeal for his plunder, and seizing it to +strengthen himself against you. {56} What then is the reason, men of +Athens, that though Philip's campaigns, his aggressions, his seizure of +cities, are so unconcealed, none of my opponents has ever said that _he_ +was bringing about war? Why is it those who advise you not to allow it, +not to make these sacrifices, that they accuse, and say that _they_ will +be the cause of the war? I will inform you. {57} It is because[n] they +wish to divert the anger which you are likely to show, if you suffer at +all from the war, on to the heads of those who are giving you the best +advice in your own interests. They want you to sit and try such persons, +instead of resisting Philip; and they themselves are to be the +prosecutors, instead of paying the penalty for their present actions. That +is the meaning of their assertion that there are some here, forsooth, who +want to bring about war. {58} That is the real point of these allegations +of responsibility. But this I know beyond all doubt--that without waiting +for any one in Athens to propose the declaration of war, Philip has not +only taken many other possessions of ours, but has just now sent an +expedition to Cardia. If, in spite of this, we wish to pretend that he is +not making war on us, he would be the most senseless man living, were he +to attempt to convince us of our error. {59} But what shall we say, when +his attack is made directly upon ourselves? He of course will say that he +is not at war with us--just as he was not at war with Oreus,[n] when his +soldiers were in the land; nor with the Pheraeans,[n] before that, when he +was assaulting their walls; nor with the Olynthians, first of all, until +he and his army were actually within their territory. Or shall we still +say that those who urge resistance are bringing about war? If so, all that +is left to us is slavery. If we may neither offer resistance, nor yet be +suffered to remain at peace, no other compromise[n] is possible. {60} And +further, the issues at stake are not for you merely what they are for +other states. What Philip desires is not your subjection, but your utter +annihilation. For he knows full well that you will never consent to be his +slaves, and that even if you were willing, you would not know the way, +accustomed as you are to govern; and he knows that you will be able to +give him more trouble, if you get the opportunity, than all the rest of +the world. {61} The struggle, then, is a struggle for existence; and as +such you ought to think of it: and you should show your abhorrence of +those who have sold themselves to Philip by beating them to death. For it +is impossible, utterly impossible, to master your enemies outside the +city, before you punish your enemies in the city itself. {62} Whence comes +it, think you, that he is insulting us now (for his conduct seems to me to +be nothing less than this), and that while he at least deceives all other +peoples by doing them favours, he is using threats against you without +more ado? For instance, he enticed the Thessalians by large gifts into +their present servitude; and words cannot describe how greatly he deceived +the Olynthians at first by the gift of Poteidaea and much beside. {63} At +this moment he is alluring the Thebans, by delivering up Boeotia to them, +and ridding them of a long and arduous campaign. Each of these peoples has +first reaped some advantage, before falling into those calamities which +some of them have already suffered, as all the world knows, and some are +destined to suffer whenever their time comes. But as for yourselves, to +pass over all that you have been robbed of at an earlier period,[n] what +deception, what robbery have been practised upon you in the very act of +making the Peace! {64} Have not the Phocians, and Thermopylae, and the +Thracian seaboard--Doriscus, Serrhium, Cersobleptes himself--been taken +from you? Does not Philip at this moment occupy the city of the Cardians, +and avow it openly? Why is it then, that he behaves as he does to all +others, and so differently to you? Because yours is the one city in the +world where men are permitted to speak on behalf of the enemy without +fear; because here a man may take bribes, and still address you with +impunity, even when you have been robbed of your own. In Olynthus it was +only safe to take Philip's side when the people of Olynthus as a whole had +shared Philip's favours, and was enjoying the possession of Poteidaea. +{65} In Thessaly it was only safe to take Philip's side when the +Thessalian commons had shared Philip's favours; for he had expelled the +tyrants for them, and restored to them their Amphictyonic position. In +Thebes it was not safe, until he had restored Boeotia to Thebes and +annihilated the Phocians. {66} But at Athens--though Philip has not only +robbed you of Amphipolis and the territory of the Cardians, but has turned +Euboea into a fortress overlooking your country, and is now on his way to +attack Byzantium--at Athens it _is_ safe to speak in Philip's interest. +Aye, and you know that, of such speakers, some who were poor are rapidly +growing rich; and some who were without name or fame are becoming famous +and distinguished, while you, on the other hand, are becoming inglorious +instead of famous, bankrupt instead of wealthy. For a city's wealth +consists, I imagine, in allies, confidence, loyalty--and of all these you +are bankrupt. {67} And because you are indifferent to these advantages, +and let them drift away from you, he has become prosperous and powerful, +and formidable to all, Hellenes and foreigners alike; while you are +deserted and humbled, with a splendid profusion of commodities in your +market, and a contemptible lack of all those things with which you should +have been provided. But I observe that certain speakers do not follow the +same principles in the advice which they give you, as they follow for +themselves. _You_, they tell you, ought to remain quiet, even when you are +wronged; but _they_ cannot remain quiet in your presence, even when no one +is wronging them. + +{68} But now some one or other comes forward and says, 'Ah, but you will +not move a motion or take any risk. You are a poor-spirited coward.' Bold, +offensive, shameless, I am not, and I trust I may never be; and yet I +think I have more courage than very many of your dashing statesmen. {69} +For one, men of Athens, who overlooks all that the city's interest +demands--who prosecutes, confiscates, gives, accuses--does so not from any +bravery, but because in the popular character of his speeches and public +actions he has a guarantee of his personal safety, and therefore is bold +without risk. But one who in acting for the best sets himself in many ways +against your wishes--who never speaks to please, but always to advise what +is best; one who chooses a policy in which more issues must be decided by +chance than by calculation, and yet makes himself responsible to you for +both--that is the courageous man, {70} and such is the citizen who is of +value to his country, rather than those who, to gain an ephemeral +popularity, have ruined the supreme interests of the city. So far am I +from envying these men, or thinking them worthy citizens of their country, +that if any one were to ask me to say, what good _I_ had really done to +the city, although, men of Athens, I could tell how often I had been +trierarch and choregus,[n] how I had contributed funds, ransomed +prisoners, and done other like acts of generosity, I would mention none of +these things; {71} I would say only that my policy is not one of measures +like theirs--that although, like others, I could make accusations and +shower favours and confiscate property and do all that my opponents do, I +have never to this day set myself to do any of these things; I have been +influenced neither by gain nor by ambition; but I continue to give the +advice which sets me below many others in your estimation, but which must +make you greater, if you will listen to it; for so much, perhaps, I may +say without offence. {72} Nor, I think, should I be acting fairly as a +citizen, if I devised such political measures as would at once make me the +first man in Athens, and you the last of all peoples. As the measures of a +loyal politician develop, the greatness of his country should develop with +them; and it is the thing which is best, not the thing which is easiest, +that every speaker should advocate. Nature will find the way to the +easiest course unaided. To the best, the words and the guidance of the +loyal citizen must show the way. + +{73} I have heard it remarked before now, that though what I _say_ is +always what is best, still I never contribute anything but words; whereas +the city needs work of some practical kind. I will tell you without any +concealment my own sentiments on this matter. There _is_ no work that can +be demanded of any of your public advisers, except that he should advise +what is best; and I think I can easily show you that this is so. {74} No +doubt you know how the great Timotheus[n] delivered a speech to the effect +that you ought to go to the rescue and save the Euboeans, when the Thebans +were trying to reduce them to servitude; and how, in the course of his +speech, he spoke somewhat in this strain:--'What?' said he, 'when you +actually have the Thebans in the island, do you debate what you are to do +with them, and how you are to act? Will you not cover the sea with +warships, men of Athens? Will you not rise from your seats and go +instantly to the Peiraeus and launch your vessels?' {75} So Timotheus +spoke, and you acted as he bade you; and through his speech and your +action the work was done. But if he had given you the best possible advice +(as in fact he did), and you had lapsed into indolence and paid no +attention to it, would the city have achieved any of the results which +followed on that occasion? Impossible! And so it is with all that I say +to-day, and with all that this or that speaker may say. For the actions +you must look to yourselves; from the speaker you must require that he +give you the best counsel that he can.[n] + +{76} I desire now to sum up my advice and to leave the platform. I say +that we must contribute funds, and must keep together the force now in +existence, correcting anything that may seem amiss in it, but not +disbanding the whole force because of the possible criticisms against it. +We must send envoys everywhere to instruct, to warn, and to act. Above +all, we must punish those who take bribes in connexion with public +affairs, and must everywhere display our abhorrence of them; in order that +reasonable men, who offer their honest services, may find their policy +justified in their own eyes and in those of others. {77} If you treat the +situation thus, and cease to ignore it altogether, there is a chance--a +chance I say, even now--that it may improve. If, however, you sit idle, +with an interest that stops short at applause and acclamation, and retires +into the background when any action is required, I can imagine no oratory, +which, without action on your part, will be able to save your country. + + +FOOTNOTES + +[1] See Third Philippic §§ 59 sqq. + +[2] See Introduction to First Philippic. + +[3] [Greek: est_o d_e.] + + + + +THE THIRD PHILIPPIC (Or. IX) + +[_Introduction_. The Third Philippic seems to have been delivered in the +late spring or early summer of 341 B. C., about two months after the +Speech on the Chersonese, which apparently had little positive result, +though it probably prevented the recall and prosecution of Diopeithes. The +immediate occasion of the Third Philippic was a request from the forces in +the Chersonese for supplies. The general situation is the same as at the +date of the last speech, but the danger to Byzantium is more pressing. +Demosthenes now takes the broad ground of Panhellenic policy, and formally +proposes to send envoys throughout Greece, to unite all the Greek states +against Philip, as well as to send immediate reinforcements and supplies +to the Chersonese. + +Many critics, ancient and modern, have regarded this as the greatest of +all Demosthenes' political orations. The lessons of history (from the +speaker's point of view) are repeated and enforced by the citation of +instance after instance. The tone of the speech, while less varied than +that of the last, is grave and intense. The passage (§§ 36 ff.) in which +the orator contrasts the spirit of Athenian political life in the past +with that of his own day is one of the most impressive in all his works, +and the nobility of his appeal to the traditional ideals of Athenian +policy has been universally recognized even by his most severe critics. + +The speech is found in the MSS. in two forms, of which the shorter omits a +number of passages[1] which the longer includes, though there are signs of +an imperfect blending of the two versions in certain places. It seems +probable that both versions are due to Demosthenes, and the speech may +have been more than once revised by him before publication or +republication. In which form it was delivered there is not sufficient +evidence to show.] + + +{1} Many speeches are made, men of Athens, at almost every meeting of the +Assembly, with reference to the aggressions which Philip has been +committing, ever since he concluded the Peace, not only against yourselves +but against all other peoples; and I am sure that all would agree, however +little they may act on their belief, that our aim, both in speech and in +action, should be to cause him to cease from his insolence and to pay the +penalty for it. And yet I see that in fact the treacherous sacrifice of +our interests has gone on, until what seems an ill-omened saying may, I +fear, be really true--that if all who came forward desired to propose, and +you desired to carry, the measures which would make your position as +pitiful as it could possibly be, it could not (so I believe), be made +worse than it is now. {2} It may be that there are many reasons for this, +and that our affairs did not reach their present condition from any one or +two causes. But if you examine the matter aright, you will find that the +chief responsibility rests with those whose aim is to win your favour, not +to propose what is best. Some of them, men of Athens, so long as they can +maintain the conditions which bring them reputation and influence, take no +thought for the future [and therefore think that you also should take +none]; while others, by accusing and slandering those who are actively at +work,[n] are simply trying to make the city spend its energies in +punishing the members of its own body, and so leave Philip free to say and +do what he likes. {3} Such political methods as these, familiar to you as +they are, are the real causes of the evil. And I beg you, men of Athens, +if I tell you certain truths outspokenly, to let no resentment on your +part fall upon me on this account. Consider the matter in this light. In +every other sphere of life, you believe that the right of free speech +ought to be so universally shared by all who are in the city, that you +have extended it both to foreigners and to slaves; and one may see many a +servant in Athens speaking his mind with greater liberty than is granted +to citizens in some other states: but from the sphere of political counsel +you have utterly banished this liberty. {4} The result[n] is that in your +meetings you give yourselves airs and enjoy their flattery, listening to +nothing but what is meant to please you, while in the world of facts and +events, you are in the last extremity of peril. If then you are still in +this mood to-day, I do not know what I can say; but if you are willing to +listen while I tell you, without flattery, what your interest requires, I +am prepared to speak. For though our position is very bad indeed, and much +has been sacrificed, it is still possible, even now, if you will do your +duty, to set all right once more. {5} It is a strange thing, perhaps, that +I am about to say, but it is true. The worst feature in the past is that +in which lies our best hope for the future. And what is this? It is that +you are in your present plight because you do not do any part of your +duty, small or great; for of course, if you were doing all that you should +do, and were still in this evil case, you could not even hope for any +improvement. As it is, Philip has conquered your indolence and your +indifference; but he has not conquered Athens. You have not been +vanquished--you have never even stirred. {6} [Now if it was admitted by us +all that Philip was at war with Athens, and was transgressing the Peace, a +speaker would have to do nothing but to advise you as to the safest and +easiest method of resistance to him. But since there are some who are in +so extraordinary a frame of mind that, though he is capturing cities, +though many of your possessions are in his hands, and though he is +committing aggressions against all men, they still tolerate certain +speakers, who constantly assert at your meetings that it is some of _us_ +who are provoking the war, it is necessary to be on our guard and come to +a right understanding on the matter. {7} For there is a danger lest any +one who proposes or advises resistance should find himself accused of +having brought about the war.] + +[Well, I say this first of all, and lay it down as a principle, that if it +is open to us to deliberate whether we should remain at peace or should go +to war ...] + +{8} Now if it is possible for the city to remain at peace--if the decision +rests with us (that I may make this my starting-point)--then, I say that +we ought to do so, and I call upon any one who says that it is so to move +his motion, and to act and not to defraud us.[n] But if another with +weapons in his hands and a large force about him holds out to you the +_name_ of peace, while his own acts are acts of war, what course remains +open to us but that of resistance? though if you wish to profess peace in +the same manner as he, I have no quarrel with you. {9} But if any man's +conception of peace is that it is a state in which Philip can master all +that intervenes till at last he comes to attack ourselves, such a +conception, in the first place, is madness; and, in the second place, this +peace that he speaks of is a peace which you are to observe towards +Philip, while he does not observe it towards you: and this it is--this +power to carry on war against you, without being met by any hostilities on +your part--that Philip is purchasing with all the money that he is +spending. + +{10} Indeed, if we intend to wait till the time comes when he admits that +he is at war with us, we are surely the most innocent persons in the +world. Why, even if he comes to Attica itself, to the very Peiraeus, he +will never make such an admission, if we are to judge by his dealings with +others. {11} For, to take one instance, he told the Olynthians, when he +was five miles from the city, that there were only two alternatives-- +either they must cease to live in Olynthus, or he to live in Macedonia: +but during the whole time before that, whenever any one accused him of any +such sentiments, he was indignant and sent envoys to answer the charge. +Again, he marched into the Phocians' country, as though visiting his +allies:[n] it was by Phocian envoys that he was escorted on the march; and +most people in Athens contended strongly that his crossing the Pass would +bring no good to Thebes. {12} Worse still, he has lately seized Pherae[n] +and still holds it, though he went to Thessaly as a friend and an ally. +And, latest of all, he told those unhappy citizens of Oreus[n] that he had +sent his soldiers to visit them and to make kind inquiries; he had heard +that they were sick, and suffering from faction, and it was right for an +ally and a true friend to be present at such a time. {13} Now if, instead +of giving them warning and using open force, he deliberately chose to +deceive these men, who could have done him no harm, though they might have +taken precautions against suffering any themselves, do you imagine that he +will make a formal declaration of war upon you before he commences +hostilities, and that, so long as you are content to be deceived? {14} +Impossible! For so long as you, though you are the injured party, make no +complaint against him, but accuse some of your own body, he would be the +most fatuous man on earth if _he_ were to interrupt your strife and +contentions with one another--to bid you turn upon himself, and so to cut +away the ground from the arguments by which his hirelings put you off, +when they tell you that _he_ is not at war with Athens. + +{15} In God's name, is there a man in his senses who would judge by words, +and not by facts, whether another was at peace or at war with him? Of +course there is not. Why, from the very first, when the Peace had only +just been made, before those who are now in the Chersonese had been sent +out, Philip was taking Serrhium[n] and Doriscus, and expelling the +soldiers who were in the castle of Serrhium and the Sacred Mountain, where +they had been placed by your general. {16} But what was he doing, in +acting thus? For he had sworn to a Peace.[n] And let no one ask, 'What do +these things amount to? What do they matter to Athens?' For whether these +acts were trifles which could have no interest for you is another matter; +but the principles of religion[n] and justice, whether a man transgress +them in small things or great, have always the same force. What? When he +is sending mercenaries into the Chersonese, which the king and all the +Hellenes have acknowledged to be yours; when he openly avows that he is +going to the rescue, and states it in his letter, what is it that he is +doing? {17} He tells you, indeed, that he is not making war upon you. But +so far am I from admitting that one who acts in this manner is observing +the Peace which he made with you, that I hold that in grasping at Megara, +in setting up tyrants in Euboea, in advancing against Thrace at the +present moment, in pursuing his machinations in the Peloponnese, and in +carrying out his entire policy with the help of his army, he is violating +the Peace and is making war against you;--unless you mean to say that even +to bring up engines to besiege you is no breach of the Peace, until they +are actually planted against your walls. But you will not say this; for +the man who is taking the steps and contriving the means which will lead +to my capture is at war with me, even though he has not yet thrown a +missile or shot an arrow. {18} Now what are the things which would imperil +your safety, if anything should happen?[n] The alienation of the +Hellespont, the placing of Megara and Euboea in the power of the enemy, +and the attraction of Peloponnesian sympathy to his cause. Can I then say +that one who is erecting such engines of war as these against the city is +at peace with you? {19} Far from it! For from the very day when he +annihilated the Phocians--from that very day, I say, I date the beginning +of his hostilities against you. And for your part, I think that you will +be wise if you resist him at once; but that if you let him be, you will +find that, when you wish to resist, resistance itself is impossible. +Indeed, so widely do I differ, men of Athens, from all your other +advisers, that I do not think there is any room for discussion to-day in +regard to the Chersonese or Byzantium. {20} We _must_ go to their defence, +and take every care that they do not suffer [and we must send all that +they need to the soldiers who are at present there]. But we _have_ to take +counsel for the good of all the Hellenes, in view of the grave peril in +which they stand. And I wish to tell you on what grounds I am so alarmed +at the situation, in order that if my reasoning is correct, you may share +my conclusions, and exercise some forethought for yourselves at least, if +you are actually unwilling to do so for the Hellenes as a whole; but that +if you think that I am talking nonsense, and am out of my senses, you may +both now and hereafter decline to attend to me as though I were a sane +man. + +{21} The rise of Philip to greatness from such small and humble +beginnings; the mistrustful and quarrelsome attitude of the Hellenes +towards one another; the fact that his growth out of what he was into what +he is was a far more extraordinary thing than would be his subjugation of +all that remains, when he has already secured so much;--all this and all +similar themes, upon which I might speak at length, I will pass over. {22} +But I see that all men, beginning with yourselves, have conceded to him +the very thing which has been at issue in every Hellenic war during the +whole of the past. And what is this? It is the right to act as he pleases +--to mutilate and to strip the Hellenic peoples, one by one, to attack and +to enslave their cities. {23} For seventy-three years[n] you were the +leading people of Hellas, and the Spartans for thirty years save one;[n] +and in these last times, after the battle of Leuctra,[n] the Thebans too +acquired some power: yet neither to you nor to Thebes nor to Sparta was +such a right ever conceded by the Hellenes, as the right to do whatever +you pleased. Far from it! {24} First of all it was your own behaviour--or +rather that of the Athenians of that day--which some thought immoderate; +and all, even those who had no grievance against Athens, felt bound to +join the injured parties, and to make war upon you. Then, in their turn, +the Spartans, when they had acquired an empire and succeeded to a +supremacy like your own, attempted to go beyond all bounds and to disturb +the established order[n] to an unjustifiable extent; and once more, all, +even those who had no grievance against them, had recourse to war. {25} +Why mention the others? For we ourselves and the Spartans, though we could +originally allege no injury done by the one people to the other, +nevertheless felt bound to go to war on account of the wrongs which we saw +the rest suffering. And yet all the offences of the Spartans in those +thirty years of power, and of your ancestors in their seventy years, were +less, men of Athens, than the wrongs inflicted upon the Greeks by Philip, +in the thirteen years, not yet completed, during which he has been to the +fore. Less do I say? {26} They are not a fraction of them. [A few words +will easily prove this.] I say nothing of Olynthus, and Methone, and +Apollonia, and thirty-two cities in the Thracian region,[n] all +annihilated by him with such savagery, that a visitor to the spot would +find it difficult to tell that they had ever been inhabited. I remain +silent in regard to the extirpation of the great Phocian race. But what is +the condition of Thessaly? Has he not robbed their very cities of their +governments,[n] and set up tetrarchies, that they may be enslaved, not +merely by whole cities, but by whole tribes at a time? {27} Are not the +cities of Euboea even now ruled by tyrants, and that in an island that is +neighbour to Thebes and Athens? Does he not write expressly in his +letters, 'I am at peace with those who choose to obey me'? And what he +thus writes he does not fail to act upon; for he is gone to invade the +Hellespont; he previously went to attack Ambracia;[n] the great city of +Elis[n] in the Peloponnese is his; he has recently intrigued against +Megara;[n] and neither Hellas nor the world beyond it is large enough to +contain the man's ambition. {28} But though all of us, the Hellenes, see +and hear these things, we send no representatives to one another to +discuss the matter; we show no indignation; we are in so evil a mood, so +deep have the lines been dug which sever city from city, that up to this +very day we are unable to act as either our interest or our duty require. +{29} We cannot unite; we can form no combination for mutual support or +friendship; but we look on while the man grows greater, because every one +has made up his mind (as it seems to me) to profit by the time during +which his neighbour is being ruined, and no one cares or acts for the +safety of the Hellenes. For we all know that Philip is like the recurrence +or the attack of a fever or other illness, in his descent upon those who +fancy themselves for the present well out of his reach. {30} And further, +you must surely realize that all the wrongs that the Hellenes suffered +from the Spartans or ourselves they at least suffered at the hands of +true-born sons of Hellas; and (one might conceive) it was as though a +lawful son, born to a great estate, managed his affairs in some wrong or +improper way;--his conduct would in itself deserve blame and denunciation, +but at least it could not be said that he was not one of the family, or +was not the heir to the property. {31} But had it been a slave or a +supposititious son that was thus ruining and spoiling an inheritance to +which he had no title, why, good Heavens! how infinitely more scandalous +and reprehensible all would have declared it to be. And yet they show no +such feeling in regard to Philip, although not only is he no Hellene, not +only has he no kinship with Hellenes, but he is not even a barbarian from +a country that one could acknowledge with credit;--he is a pestilent +Macedonian, from whose country it used not to be possible to buy even a +slave of any value. + +{32} And in spite of this, is there any degree of insolence to which he +does not proceed? Not content with annihilating cities, does he not manage +the Pythian games,[n] the common meeting of the Hellenes, and send his +slaves to preside over the competition in his absence? [Is he not master +of Thermopylae, and of the passes which lead into Hellenic territory? Does +he not hold that district with garrisons and mercenaries? Has he not taken +the precedence in consulting the oracle, and thrust aside ourselves and +the Thessalians and Dorians and the rest of the Amphictyons, though the +right is not one which is given even to all of the Hellenes?] {33} Does he +not write to the Thessalians to prescribe the constitution under which +they are to live? Does he not send one body of mercenaries to Porthmus, to +expel the popular party of Eretria, and another to Oreus, to set up +Philistides as tyrant? And yet the Hellenes see these things and endure +them, gazing (it seems to me) as they would gaze at a hailstorm--each +people praying that it may not come their way, but no one trying to +prevent it. Nor is it only his outrages upon Hellas that go unresisted. +{34} No one resists even the aggressions which are committed against +himself. Ambracia and Leucas belong to the Corinthians--he has attacked +them: Naupactus to the Achaeans--he has sworn to hand it over to the +Aetolians: Echinus[n] to the Thebans--he has taken it from them, and is +now marching against their allies the Byzantines--is it not so? {35} And +of our own possessions, to pass by all the rest, is not Cardia, the +greatest city in the Chersonese, in his hands? Thus are we treated; and we +are all hesitating and torpid, with our eyes upon our neighbours, +distrusting one another, rather than the man whose victims we all are. But +if he treats us collectively in this outrageous fashion, what do you think +he will do, when he has become master of each of us separately? + +{36} What then is the cause of these things? For as it was not without +reason and just cause that the Hellenes in old days were so prompt for +freedom, so it is not without reason or cause that they are now so prompt +to be slaves. There was a spirit, men of Athens, a spirit in the minds of +the people in those days, which is absent to-day--the spirit which +vanquished the wealth of Persia, which led Hellas in the path of freedom, +and never gave way in face of battle by sea or by land; a spirit whose +extinction to-day has brought universal ruin and turned Hellas upside +down. What was this spirit? [It was nothing subtle nor clever.] {37} It +meant that men who took money from those who aimed at dominion or at the +ruin of Hellas were execrated by all; that it was then a very grave thing +to be convicted of bribery; that the punishment for the guilty man was the +heaviest that could be inflicted; that for him there could be no plea for +mercy, nor hope of pardon. {38} No orator, no general, would then sell the +critical opportunity whenever it arose--the opportunity so often offered +to men by fortune, even when they are careless and their foes are on their +guard. They did not barter away the harmony between people and people, nor +their own mistrust of the tyrant and the foreigner, nor any of these high +sentiments. {39} Where are such sentiments now? They have been sold in the +market and are gone; and those have been imported in their stead, through +which the nation lies ruined and plague-stricken--the envy of the man who +has received his hire; the amusement which accompanies his avowal; [the +pardon granted to those whose guilt is proved;] the hatred of one who +censures the crime; and all the appurtenances of corruption. {40} For as +to ships, numerical strength, unstinting abundance of funds and all other +material of war, and all the things by which the strength of cities is +estimated, every people can command these in greater plenty and on a +larger scale by far than in old days. But all these resources are rendered +unserviceable, ineffectual, unprofitable, by those who traffic in them. + +{41} That these things are so to-day, you doubtless see, and need no +testimony of mine: and that in times gone by the opposite was true, I will +prove to you, not by any words of my own, but by the record inscribed by +your ancestors on a pillar of bronze, and placed on the Acropolis [not to +be a lesson to themselves--they needed no such record to put them in a +right mind--but to be a reminder and an example to you of the zeal that +you ought to display in such a cause]. {42} What then is the record? +'Arthmius,[n] son of Pythonax, of Zeleia, is an outlaw, and is the enemy +of the Athenian people and their allies, he and his house.' Then follows +the reason for which this step was taken--'because he brought the gold +from the Medes into the Peloponnese.' {43} Such is the record. Consider, +in Heaven's name, what must have been the mind of the Athenians of that +day, when they did this, and their conception of their position. They set +up a record, that because a man of Zeleia, Arthmius by name, a slave of +the King of Persia (for Zeleia is in Asia), as part of his service to the +king, had brought gold, not to Athens, but to the Peloponnese, he should +be an enemy of Athens and her allies, he and his house, and that they +should be outlaws. {44} And this outlawry is no such disfranchisement as +we ordinarily mean by the word. For what would it matter to a man of +Zeleia, that he might have no share in the public life of Athens? But +there is a clause in the Law of Murder, dealing with those in connexion +with whose death the law does not allow a prosecution for murder [but the +slaying of them is to be a holy act]: 'And let him die an outlaw,' it +runs. The meaning, accordingly, is this--that the slayer of such a man is +to be pure from all guilt. {45} They thought, therefore, that the safety +of all the Hellenes was a matter which concerned themselves--apart from +this belief, it could not have mattered to them whether any one bought or +corrupted men in the Peloponnese; and whenever they detected such +offenders, they carried their punishment and their vengeance so far as to +pillory their names for ever. As the natural consequence, the Hellenes +were a terror to the foreigner, not the foreigner to the Hellenes. It is +not so now. Such is not your attitude in these or in other matters. {46} +But what is it? [You know it yourselves; for why should I accuse you +explicitly on every point? And that of the rest of the Hellenes is like +your own, and no better; and so I say that the present situation demands +our utmost earnestness and good counsel.[n]] And what counsel? Do you bid +me tell you, and will you not be angry if I do so? + +[_He reads from the document_.] + +{47} Now there is an ingenuous argument, which is used by those who would +reassure the city, to the effect that, after all, Philip is not yet in the +position once held by the Spartans, who ruled everywhere over sea and +land, with the king for their ally, and nothing to withstand them; and +that, none the less, Athens defended herself even against them, and was +not swept away. Since that time the progress in every direction, one may +say, has been great, and has made the world to-day very different from +what it was then; but I believe that in no respect has there been greater +progress or development than in the art of war. {48} In the first place, I +am told that in those days the Spartans and all our other enemies would +invade us for four or five months--during, that is, the actual summer--and +would damage Attica with infantry and citizen-troops, and then return home +again. And so old-fashioned were the men of that day--nay rather, such +true citizens--that no one ever purchased any object from another for +money, but their warfare was of a legitimate and open kind. {49} But now, +as I am sure you see, most of our losses are the result of treachery, and +no issue is decided by open conflict or battle; while you are told that it +is not because he leads a column of heavy infantry[n] that Philip can +march wherever he chooses, but because he has attached to himself a force +of light infantry, cavalry, archers, mercenaries, and similar troops. {50} +And whenever, with such advantages,[n] he falls upon a State which is +disordered within, and in their distrust of one another no one goes out in +defence of its territory, he brings up his engines and besieges them. I +pass over the fact that summer and winter are alike to him--that there is +no close season during which he suspends operations. {51} But if you all +know these things and take due account of them, you surely must not let +the war pass into Attica, nor be dashed from your seat through looking +back to the simplicity of those old hostilities with Sparta. You must +guard against him, at the greatest possible distance, both by political +measures and by preparations; you must prevent his stirring from home, +instead of grappling with him at close quarters in a struggle to the +death. {52} For, men of Athens, we have many natural advantages for a +war,[n] if we are willing to do our duty. There is the character of his +country, much of which we can harry and damage, and a thousand other +things. But for a pitched battle he is in better training than we. + +{53} Nor have you only to recognize these facts, and to resist him by +actual operations of war. You must also by reasoned judgement and of set +purpose come to execrate those who address you in his interest, +remembering that it is impossible to master the enemies of the city, until +you punish those who are serving them in the city itself. {54} And this, +before God and every Heavenly Power--this you will not be able to do; for +you have reached such a pitch of folly or distraction or--I know not what +to call it; for often has the fear actually entered my mind, that some +more than mortal power may be driving our fortunes to ruin--that to enjoy +their abuse, or their malice, or their jests, or whatever your motive may +chance to be, you call upon men to speak who are hirelings, and some of +whom would not even deny it; and you laugh to hear their abuse of others. +{55} And terrible as this is, there is yet worse to be told. For you have +actually made political life safer for these men, than for those who +uphold your own cause. And yet observe what calamities the willingness to +listen to such men lays up in store. I will mention facts known to you +all. + +{56} In Olynthus, among those who were engaged in public affairs, there +was one party who were on the side of Philip, and served his interests in +everything; and another whose aim was their city's real good, and the +preservation of their fellow citizens from bondage. Which were the +destroyers of their country? which betrayed the cavalry, through whose +betrayal Olynthus perished? Those whose sympathies were with Philip's +cause; those who, while the city still existed brought such dishonest and +slanderous charges against the speakers whose advice was for the best, +that, in the case of Apollonides at least, the people of Olynthus was even +induced to banish the accused. + +{57} Nor is this instance of the unmixed evil wrought by these practices +in the case of the Olynthians an exceptional one, or without parallel +elsewhere. For in Eretria,[n] when Plutarchus and the mercenaries had been +got rid of, and the people had control of the city and of Porthmus, one +party wished to entrust the State to you, the other to entrust it to +Philip. And through listening mainly, or rather entirely, to the latter, +these poor luckless Eretrians were at last persuaded to banish the +advocates of their own interests. {58} For, as you know, Philip, their +ally, sent Hipponicus with a thousand mercenaries, stripped Porthmus of +its walls, and set up three tyrants--Hipparchus, Automedon, and +Cleitarchus; and since then he has already twice expelled them from the +country when they wished to recover their position [sending on the first +occasion the mercenaries commanded by Eurylochus, on the second, those +under Parmenio]. + +{59} And why go through the mass of the instances? Enough to mention how +in Oreus Philip had, as his agents, Philistides, Menippus, Socrates, +Thoas, and Agapaeus--the very men who are now in possession of the city-- +and every one knew the fact; while a certain Euphraeus,[n] who once lived +here in Athens, acted in the interests of freedom, to save his country +from bondage. {60} To describe the insults and the contumely with which he +met would require a long story; but a year before the capture of the town +he laid an information of treason against Philistides and his party, +having perceived the nature of their plans. A number of men joined forces, +with Philip for their paymaster and director, and haled Euphraeus off to +prison as a disturber of the peace. {61} Seeing this, the democratic party +in Oreus, instead of coming to the rescue of Euphraeus, and beating the +other party to death, displayed no anger at all against them, and agreed +with a malicious pleasure that Euphraeus deserved his fate. After this the +conspirators worked with all the freedom they desired for the capture of +the city, and made arrangements for the execution of the scheme; while any +of the democratic party, who perceived what was going on, maintained a +panic-stricken silence, remembering the fate of Euphraeus. So wretched was +their condition, that though this dreadful calamity was confronting them, +no one dared open his lips, until all was ready and the enemy was +advancing up to the walls. Then the one party set about the defence, the +other about the betrayal of the city. {62} And when the city had been +captured in this base and shameful manner, the successful party governed +despotically: and of those who had been their own protectors, and had been +ready to treat Euphraeus with all possible harshness, they expelled some +and murdered others; while the good Euphraeus killed himself, thus +testifying to the righteousness and purity of his motives in opposing +Philip on behalf of his countrymen. + +{63} Now for what reason, you may be wondering, were the peoples of +Olynthus and Eretria and Oreus more agreeably disposed towards Philip's +advocates than towards their own? The reason was the same as it is with +you--that those who speak for your true good can never, even if they +would, speak to win popularity with you; they are constrained to inquire +how the State may be saved: while their opponents, in the very act of +seeking popularity, are co-operating with Philip. {64} The one party said, +'You must pay taxes;' the other, 'There is no need to do so.' The one +said, 'Go to war, and do not trust him;' the other, 'Remain at peace,'-- +until they were in the toils. And--not to mention each separately--I +believe that the same thing was true of all. The one side said what would +enable them to win favour; the other, what would secure the safety of +their State. And at last the main body of the people accepted much that +they proposed--not now from any such desire for gratification, nor from +ignorance, but as a concession to circumstances, thinking that their cause +was now wholly lost. {65} It is this fate, I solemnly assure you, that I +dread for you, when the time comes that you make your reckoning, and +realize that there is no longer anything that can be done. May you never +find yourselves, men of Athens, in such a position! Yet in any case, it +were better to die ten thousand deaths, than to do anything out of +servility towards Philip [or to sacrifice any of those who speak for your +good]. A noble recompense did the people in Oreus receive, for entrusting +themselves to Philip's friends, and thrusting Euphraeus aside! {66} and a +noble recompense the democracy of Eretria, for driving away your envoys, +and surrendering to Cleitarchus! They are slaves, scourged and butchered! +A noble clemency did he show to the Olynthians, who elected Lasthenes to +command the cavalry, and banished Apollonides! {67} It is folly, and it is +cowardice, to cherish hopes like these, to give way to evil counsels, to +refuse to do anything that you should do, to listen to the advocates of +the enemy's cause, and to fancy that you dwell in so great a city that, +whatever happens, you will not suffer any harm. {68} Aye, and it is +shameful to exclaim after the event, 'Why, who would have expected this? +Of course, we ought to have done, or not to have done, such and such +things!' The Olynthians could tell you of many things, to have foreseen +which in time would have saved them from destruction. So too could the +people of Oreus, and the Phocians, and every other people that has been +destroyed. {69} But how does that help them now? So long as the vessel is +safe, be it great or small, so long must the sailor and the pilot and +every man in his place exert himself and take care that no one may capsize +it by design or by accident: but when the seas have overwhelmed it, all +their efforts are in vain. {70} So it is, men of Athens, with us. While we +are still safe, with our great city, our vast resources, our noble name, +what are we to do? Perhaps some one sitting here has long been wishing to +ask this question. Aye, and I will answer it, and will move my motion; and +you shall carry it, if you wish. We ourselves, in the first place, must +conduct the resistance and make preparation for it--with ships, that is, +and money, and soldiers. For though all but ourselves give way and become +slaves, we at least must contend for freedom. {71} And when we have made +all these preparations ourselves, and let them be seen, then let us call +upon the other states for aid, and send envoys to carry our message [in +all directions--to the Peloponnese, to Rhodes, to Chios, to the king; for +it is not unimportant for his interests either that Philip should be +prevented from subjugating the world]; that so, if you persuade them, you +may have partners to share the danger and the expense, in case of need; +and if you do not, you may at least delay the march of events. {72} For +since the war is with a single man, and not against the strength of a +united state, even delay is not without its value, any more than were +those embassies[n] of protest which last year went round the Peloponnese, +when I and Polyeuctus, that best of men, and Hegesippus and the other +envoys went on our tour, and forced him to halt, so that he neither went +to attack Acarnania, nor set out for the Peloponnese. {73} But I do not +mean that we should call upon the other states, if we are not willing to +take any of the necessary steps ourselves. It is folly to sacrifice what +is our own, and then pretend to be anxious for the interests of others--to +neglect the present, and alarm others in regard to the future. I do not +propose this. I say that we must send money to the forces in the +Chersonese, and do all that they ask of us; that we must make preparation +ourselves, while we summon, convene, instruct, and warn the rest of the +Hellenes. That is the policy for a city with a reputation such as yours. +{74} But if you fancy that the people of Chalcis or of Megara will save +Hellas, while you run away from the task, you are mistaken. They may well +be content if they can each save themselves. The task is yours. It is the +prerogative that your forefathers won, and through many a great peril +bequeathed to you. {75} But if each of you is to sit and consult his +inclinations, looking for some way by which he may escape any personal +action, the first consequence will be that you will never find any one who +will act; and the second, I fear, that the day will come when we shall be +forced to do, at one and the same time, all the things we wish to avoid. + +{76} This then is my proposal, and this I move. If the proposal is carried +out, I think that even now the state of our affairs may be remedied. But +if any one has a better proposal to make, let him make it, and give us his +advice. And I pray to all the gods that whatever be the decision that you +are about to make, it may be for your good. + + +FOOTNOTES + +[1] These are printed in square brackets in the translation. + + + + +ON THE CROWN (Or. XVIII) + +[_Introduction_. The advice given by Demosthenes in the Third Philippic +(spoken before the middle of 341) was in the main followed. He himself was +sent almost immediately to Byzantium, where he renewed the alliance +between that city and Athens, and at the same time entered into relations +with Abydos and the Thracian princes. Rhodes, and probably Chios and Cos, +were also conciliated, and an embassy was sent to the King of Persia to +ask for aid against Philip. The king appears to have sent assistance to +Diopeithes, and it is also stated (not on the best authority) that he sent +large sums of money to Demosthenes and Hypereides. Demosthenes further +succeeded, in conjunction with Callias of Chalcis, in organizing a league +against Philip, which included Corinth, Megara, Corcyra, and the +Acarnanians, and which at least supplied a considerable number of men and +some funds. The cities of Euboea, most of which had been in the hands of +Philip's party, were also formed into a confederacy, in alliance with +Athens, under the leadership of Chalcis; Philistides was expelled from +Oreus, about July 341, by the allied forces under Cephisophon; and later +in the summer, Phocion drove Cleitarchus from Eretria. On the motion of +Aristonicus, the Athenians voted Demosthenes a golden crown, which was +conferred on him in the theatre at the Great Dionysia in March 340. The +arrest of Anaxinus of Oreus, and his condemnation as a spy, acting in +Philip's interest, must have occurred about the same time. Not long +afterwards Demosthenes succeeded in carrying out a complete reorganization +of the trierarchic system, by which he made the burden of the expense vary +strictly according to property, and secured a regular and efficient supply +of ships, money, and men. + +In the meantime (in 341 or 340) the island of Peparethus was attacked by +Philip's ships, in revenge for the seizure of the Macedonian garrison in +Halonnesus by the Peparethians: and the Athenian admirals were ordered to +retaliate. Philip himself had been pursuing his course in Thrace; and on +the rejection of his request to Byzantium for an alliance, he laid siege +(late in 340) to Perinthus (which lay on his way to Byzantium), sending +part of his forces through the Chersonese. Aided by Byzantine and Persian +soldiers, Perinthus held out, till at last Philip took off most of his +forces and besieged Byzantium itself. He had shortly before this sent to +Athens an express declaration of war, and received a similar declaration +from her, the formal excuse for which was found in the recent seizure by +his ships of some Athenian merchant-vessels. But with help from Athens, +Chios, Rhodes, and Cos, the Byzantines maintained the defence. Philip's +position became serious; but he managed by a ruse to get his ships away +into the open sea, and even to do some damage to the Athenian settlers in +the Chersonese. In the winter he withdrew from Byzantium, and in 339 made +an incursion into Scythia; but, returning through the country of the +Triballi, he sustained some loss, and was severely wounded. Later in the +year a new Sacred War which had arisen gave him a convenient opportunity +for the invasion of Greece. + +At the meeting of the Amphictyonic Council in the autumn of 340,[1] +Aeschines was one of the representatives of Athens. The Athenians had +recently offended Thebes by re-gilding and dedicating in the restored +temple at Delphi fifty shields, with an inscription stating that they were +spoil 'taken from the Medes and the Thebans, when they fought against the +Hellenes' (probably at Plataeae in 479). The Locrians of Amphissa intended +(according to Aeschines' account) to propose that the Council should fine +Athens fifty talents. Aeschines rose to state the case for Athens; but a +delegate from Amphissa forbade all mention of the Athenians, and demanded +their exclusion from the temple, on the ground of their alliance with the +accursed Phocians. Aeschines retorted by charging the Amphisseans with +cultivating and building upon the sacred plain of Cirrha--acts forbidden +for all time in 586 B.C.--and roused the Council to such indignation that +they gathered a body of men and destroyed the harbour and the unlawful +buildings of Cirrha; but they were severely handled by the Amphisseans, +and the Council now voted that the Amphictyonic states should send +representatives, to discuss the question of war against Amphissa, to a +meeting to be held at Thermopylae before the spring meeting of the +Council. To this preliminary meeting, the Athenians (though inclined to +view Aeschines' performance with favour), on the advice of Demosthenes, +sent no representatives; nor did the Thebans (the allies of Amphissa). War +was declared by the Amphictyons against Amphissa; but Cottyphus, the +Thessalian, who had been appointed general, made little headway, and (at +the spring or the autumn meeting of the Council) declared that the +Amphictyonic states must either send men and money, or else make Philip +their general. Philip was, of course, at once appointed; but instead of +proceeding against Amphissa, marched to Elateia and fortified it. This +caused the greatest alarm at Athens. Demosthenes was immediately +dispatched to Thebes, where he succeeded, by what appear to have been +liberal and judicious proposals, in making an alliance between Thebes and +Athens, in spite of the attempts of Philip's envoys to counteract his +influence. Euboea, Megara, Corinth, and other members of the league also +sent help. Philip himself called upon his own friends in the Peloponnese +for aid, and at last moved towards Amphissa. Demosthenes seems now to have +succeeded in applying the festival-money to purposes of war, and with the +aid of Lycurgus, who became Controller of the Festival Fund, to have +amassed a large sum for the use of the State. At the Dionysia of 338 he +was again crowned, on the proposal of Demomeles and Hypereides. The allies +at first won some successes and refortified some of the Phocian towns, but +afterwards unfortunately divided their forces, and so enabled Philip to +defeat the two divisions separately, and to destroy Amphissa. Philip's +proposals of peace found supporters both in Thebes and in Athens, but were +counteracted by Demosthenes. Late in the summer of 338, the decisive +battle was fought at Chaeroneia, and resulted in the total rout of the +allies. Demosthenes himself was one of the fugitives. Philip placed a +Macedonian garrison in Thebes, restored his exiled friends to power there, +established a Council of Three Hundred, and (through them) put to death or +banished his enemies. He also gave Orchomenus, Thespiae, and Plataeae +their independence. After a moment of panic, the Athenians, led by +Demosthenes, Lycurgus, and Hypereides, proceeded to take all possible +measures for the defence of the city, while private munificence supplied +the treasury. Demosthenes himself superintended the repair of the +fortifications, and went on a mission to secure a supply of corn. But +Philip, instead of marching upon Athens, sent a message by Demades, whom +he had taken prisoner at Chaeroneia; and the Assembly, in reply, +instructed Demades, Aeschines, and Phocion to ask Philip to release his +Athenian prisoners. Philip released them without ransom, and sent +Antipater and Alexander (with the ashes of the Athenian dead) to offer +terms of peace. By the 'Peace of Demades', concluded while Demosthenes was +still absent, the alliance between Athens and Philip was renewed; the +independence of Athens was guaranteed; Oropus was taken from Thebes and +restored to Athens; and she was permitted to retain Salamis, Samos, Delos, +and probably Lemnos and Imbros. On the other hand, she lost all her +possessions on the Hellespont and in the Chersonese, and promised to join +the league which Philip intended to form for the invasion of Persia. +Demosthenes was selected by the Assembly to deliver the funeral oration +upon those who fell at Chaeroneia; and although the Macedonian party +attacked him repeatedly in the law-courts, he was always acquitted. Philip +paid a long visit to the Peloponnese, in the course of which he placed a +Macedonian garrison in Corinth, ravaged Laconia, giving parts of it to his +allies, the Argives and Arcadians, and announced his plans for the +invasion of Persia at the head of the Greeks; he then returned to +Macedonia. + +In 337 Demosthenes was again Commissioner of Fortifications, as well as +Controller of the Festival Fund--the most important office in the State. +He not only performed his work most efficiently, but gave considerable +sums for public purposes out of his private fortune; and early in 336 +Ctesiphon proposed, and the Council resolved, that he should once more be +crowned at the Dionysia. But before the proposal could be brought before +the Assembly, Aeschines indicted Ctesiphon for its alleged illegality. The +trial did not take place until late in the summer of 330. We do not know +the reason for so long a delay, but probably the events of the intervening +time were such as to render the state of public feeling unfavourable to +Aeschines. In 336 Philip was assassinated, and was succeeded by Alexander. +In 335 Alexander destroyed Thebes, which had revolted, and sold its +inhabitants into slavery. He also demanded from Athens the surrender of +Demosthenes and other anti-Macedonian politicians and generals, but was +persuaded to be content with the banishment of Charidemus and Ephialtes, +and the promise of the prosecution of Demosthenes for using subsidies from +Persia to help Thebes--a prosecution which was allowed to drop. From 334 +onwards Alexander was pursuing his conquests in the East, and we know +practically nothing of the history of Athens until the trial of Ctesiphon +came on in 330. + +Aeschines alleged against Ctesiphon (1) that it was illegal to propose to +crown any one who had not passed his examination before the Board of +Auditors at the end of his term of office; and that Demosthenes, who had +been Commissioner of Fortifications and Controller of the Festival Fund, +was still in this position: (2) that it was illegal to proclaim the grant +of a crown at the Dionysia, except in the case of crowns conferred by +foreign states: (3) that it was illegal to insert untrue statements in the +public records, and that the language in which Ctesiphon's decree +described the political career of Demosthenes was untrue. On the first +point Aeschines was almost certainly right: Demosthenes' defence is +sophistical, and all that could really be said was that the rule had often +been broken before. On the second point, certainty is impossible: the most +probable view (though it also has its difficulties) is that there were two +inconsistent laws, and that one of them permitted the proclamation in the +theatre, if expressly voted by the people; but the alleged illegality had +certainly been often committed. The third point, which raised the question +of the value to Athens of Demosthenes' whole political life, was that upon +which the case really turned; and it is to this that Demosthenes devotes +the greater part of his speech, breaking up his reply into convenient +stages by discussions (of a far less happy description) of the other +counts of the indictment, and of the character and career of Aeschines. As +in the Speech on the Embassy, certain facts are misrepresented, and there +are passages which are in bad taste; but Demosthenes proves beyond doubt +his unswerving loyalty to the high ideal of policy which he had formed for +his country, and it is with good reason that parts of this speech have +always been felt to reach a height of eloquence which has never been +surpassed. + +The jury acquitted Ctesiphon: and Aeschines, failing to obtain a fifth +part of the votes, and thus incurring a heavy fine and the loss of some of +the rights of a citizen, left Athens, and lived most of the remainder of +his life at Rhodes. + +The following is an analysis of the speech in outline:-- + + + I. Introduction (§§ 1-8). + II. Defence against charges irrelevant to the indictment (§§ 9-52). + (1) Introduction (§ 9). + (2) Postponement of reply to charges against his private life + (§§ 10, 11). + (3) Reply to charges against his public life (§§ 12-52). + (a) Criticism of Aeschines' method of attack (§§ 12-16). + (b) Reply in reference to the Peace of Philocrates (§§ 17-52). + III. Defence against the indictment itself (§§ 53-125). + (1) Introduction (§§ 53-9). + (2) Defence of his policy B.C. 346-340 (§§ 60-109). + (3) The alleged illegality of crowning him before he had passed + his audit (§§ 110-19). + (4) The alleged illegality of the proclamation in the theatre + (§§ 120, 121). + (5) Conclusion, including criticism of Aeschines' method of attack + (§§ 122-5). + + IV. Aeschines' life and character (§§ 126-59). + (1) Introduction (§§ 126-8). + (2) Parentage and early life of Aeschines (§§ 129-31). + (3) Aeschines' connexion with Antiphon, Python, Anaxinus, and + others (§§ 132-8). + (4) Aeschines' part in stirring up the war against Amphissa in + 339 (§§ 139-59). + + V. Demosthenes' own policy in 339 and 338 (§§ 160-226). + (1) Narrative and defence of the alliance with Thebes (§§ 160-95). + (2) Why did not Aeschines protest at the time? (§§ 196-8). + (3) Defence of his policy as true to the spirit of Athenian history + (§§ 199-210). + (4) Narrative and defence, continued (§§ 211-22). + (5) Further criticism of Aeschines' method of attack (§§ 223-6). + + VI. Replies to various arguments of Aeschines (§§ 227-96). + (1) Aeschines' comparison of the inquiry to the examination of + a balance-sheet (§§ 227-31). + (2) A proper inquiry would show that Demosthenes had increased + the resources of Athens (§§ 232-7). + (3) Reply to the charge of saddling Athens with an undue share + of the expense of the war (§§ 238-43). + (4) Reply to the charge of responsibility for the defeat of Chaeroneia + (§§ 244-7). + (5) Vindication of his policy after the battle of Chaeroneia + (§§ 248-51). + (6) Reply to Aeschines' remarks about the harm done to Athens + by Demosthenes' bad fortune (§§ 252-75). + (a) General remarks (§§ 252-5). + (b) The fortune of Demosthenes (§§ 257, 258). + (c) The fortune of Aeschines (§§ 259-64). + (d) Comparison of the two (§§ 265, 266). + (e) Demosthenes' use of his fortune for purposes of public and + private munificence (§§ 267-9). + (f) Demosthenes not responsible for the misfortunes of Athens + (§§ 270-5). + (7) Reply to Aeschines' warning against Demosthenes' cleverness + (§§ 276-90). + (a) Comparison of the use made of their talents by the two + orators (§§ 276-84). + (b) The choice of Demosthenes, not Aeschines, to deliver the + Funeral Oration (§§ 285-90). + (8) Aeschines' feelings about the defeat of Chaeroneia (§§ 291-3). + (9) The part played by traitors in recent history (§§ 294-6). + + VII. Epilogue (§§ 297-324). + (1) Demosthenes' incorruptibility (§§ 297, 298). + (2) Demosthenes' measures for the protection of Athens (§§ 299-305). + (3) Comparison of the services of the two orators to Athens + (§§ 306-13). + (4) Reply to the comparison of Demosthenes with the men of old, + by a final comparison of the two orators (§§ 314-23). + (5) Peroration (§ 324).] + + +{1} I pray first, men of Athens, to every god and goddess, that the +goodwill, which I ever feel towards this city and towards all of you, may +in equal measure be vouchsafed to me by you at this present trial: and +secondly--a prayer which especially touches yourselves, your consciences, +and your reputation--that the gods may put it into your minds not to take +counsel of my adversary[n] in regard to the spirit in which you ought to +hear me (for that would surely be a cruel thing), {2} but of the laws and +of your oath; wherein besides all other precepts of justice, this also is +written--that you shall listen to both sides with a like mind. And this +means, not only that you should have formed no prejudice, and should +accord equal goodwill to each, but also that you should give leave to +every man who pleads before you to adopt that order, and make that +defence, upon which he has resolved and fixed his choice. + +{3} I am in many respects at a disadvantage in the present controversy, as +compared with Aeschines; and particularly, men of Athens, in two points of +importance. The first is that I am not contending for the same stake as +he. It is not the same thing for me to lose your goodwill now, as it is +for him to fail to win his case; since for me--but I would say nothing +unpleasant [n]* at the opening of my address--I say only that Aeschines +can well afford to risk this attack upon me. The second disadvantage lies +in the natural and universal tendency of mankind to hear invective and +denunciation with pleasure, and to be offended with those who praise +themselves. {4} And of the two courses in question, that which contributes +to men's pleasure has been given to Aeschines, and that which annoys (I +may say) every one is left for me. If, to avoid giving such annoyance, I +say nothing of all that I myself have done, it will be thought that I am +unable to clear myself of the charges against me, or to show the grounds +upon which I claim to deserve distinction. If, on the other hand, I +proceed to speak of my past acts and my political life, I shall often be +compelled to speak of myself. I will endeavour, then, to do this as +modestly as possible; and for all that the necessities of the case compel +me to say, the blame must in fairness be borne by the prosecutor, who +initiated a trial of such a kind as this. + +{5} I think, men of Athens, that you would all admit that this present +trial equally concerns myself and Ctesiphon, and demands no less earnest +attention from me than from him. For while it is a painful and a grievous +thing for a man to be robbed of anything, particularly if it is at the +hands of an enemy that this befalls him, it is especially so, when he is +robbed of your goodwill and kindness, just in proportion as to win these +is the greatest possible gain. {6} And because such is the issue at stake +in the present trial, I request and entreat you all alike to give me, +while I make my defence upon the charges that have been brought against +me, a fair hearing, as you are commanded to do by the laws--those laws to +which their original maker, your well-wisher and the People's friend, +Solon, thought fit to give the sanction not of enactment only, but also of +an oath on the part of those who act as judges: {7} not because he +distrusted you (so at least it seems to me), but because he saw that a +defendant cannot escape from the imputations and the slanders which fall +with special force from the prosecutor, because he is the first to speak, +unless each of you who sit in judgement, keeping his conscience pure in +the sight of God, will receive the pleadings of the later speaker also +with the same favour, and will thus, because his attention has been given +equally and impartially to both sides, form his decision upon the case in +its entirety. + +{8} And now, when I am about, as it seems, to render an account of my +whole private life and public career, I would once more invoke the aid of +the gods; and in the presence of you all I pray, first, that the goodwill +which I ever feel towards this city and towards all of you, may in equal +measure be vouchsafed to me by you at this trial; and secondly, that +whatsoever judgement upon this present suit will conduce to your public +reputation, and the purity of each man's conscience, that judgement they +may put it into all your minds to give. + +{9} Now if Aeschines had confined his charges to the subject of the +indictment, I too, in making my defence, would have dealt at once with the +actual resolution of the Council. But since he has devoted no less a +portion of his speech to the relation of other matters, and for the most +part has spoken against me falsely, I think it is necessary, and at the +same time just, that I should deal briefly, men of Athens, with these, in +order that none of you may be led by irrelevant arguments to listen less +favourably to my pleas in answer to the indictment itself. + +{10} As for his slanderous vituperation of my private life, mark how +straightforward and how just is the reply that I make. If you know me as +the man that he charged me with being (for my life has been spent nowhere +but in your own midst), do not even suffer me to speak--no, not though my +whole public career has been one of transcendent merit--but rise and +condemn me without delay. But if, in your judgement and belief, I am a +better man than Aeschines, and come of better men; if I and mine are no +worse than any other respectable persons (to use no offensive expression); +then do not trust him even in regard to other points, for it is plain that +all that he said was equally fictitious; but once more accord to me to-day +the goodwill which throughout the past you have so often displayed towards +me in previous trials. {11} Knave as you are,[n] Aeschines, you were +assuredly more fool than knave, when you thought that I should dismiss all +that I had to say with regard to my past acts and political life, and +should turn to meet the abuse that fell from you. I shall not do so; I am +not so brain-sick; but I will review the falsehoods and the calumnies +which you uttered against my political career; and then, if the court +desires it, I will afterwards refer to the ribald language that has been +so incontinently used. + +{12} The offences charged against me are many; and for some of them the +laws assign heavy and even the most extreme penalties. But I will tell you +what is the motive which animates the present suit. It gives play to the +malice of a personal enemy, to his insolence, his abuse, his contumelies, +and every expression of his hostility: and yet, assuming that the charges +and the imputations which have been made are true, it does not enable the +State[n] to exact a penalty that is adequate, or nearly adequate, to the +offences. {13} For it is not right to seek to debar another from coming +before the people[n] and receiving a hearing, nor to do so in a spirit of +malice and envy. Heaven knows, it is neither straightforward, nor citizen- +like, nor just, men of Athens! If the crimes by which he saw me injuring +the city were of such a magnitude as he just now so theatrically set +forth, he should have had recourse to the punishments enjoined by the laws +at the time of the crimes themselves. If he saw me so acting as to deserve +impeachment, he should have impeached me, and so brought me to trial +before you; if he saw me proposing illegal measures, he should have +indicted me for their illegality. For surely, if he can prosecute +Ctesiphon on my account, he would not have failed to indict me in person, +had he thought that he could convict me. {14} And further, if he saw me +committing any of those other crimes against you, which he just now +slanderously enumerated, or any other crimes whatsoever, there are laws +which deal with each, and punishments, and lawsuits and judgements +involving penalties that are harsh and severe: to all of these he could +have had recourse; and from the moment when it was seen that he had acted +so, and had conducted his hostilities against me on that plan, his present +accusation of me would have been in line with his past conduct. {15} But +as it is, he has forsaken the straight path of justice; he has shrunk from +all attempts to convict me at the time; and after all these years, with +the imputations, the jests, the invectives, that he has accumulated, he +appears to play his part. So it is, that though his accusations are +against me, it is Ctesiphon that he prosecutes; and though he sets his +quarrel with me in the forefront of the whole suit, he has never faced me +in person to settle the quarrel, and it is another whom we see him trying +to deprive of his civil rights. {16} Yet surely, besides everything else +that may be pleaded on behalf of Ctesiphon, this, I think, may surely be +most reasonably urged--that we ought in justice to have brought our own +quarrel to the test by ourselves, instead of avoiding all conflict with +one another, and looking for a third party to whom we could do harm. Such +iniquity really passes all bounds. + +{17} From this one may see the nature of all his charges alike, uttered, +as they have been, without justice or regard for truth. Yet I desire also +to examine them severally, and more particularly the false statements +which he made against me in regard to the Peace and the Embassy, when he +ascribed to me[n] the things which he himself had done in conjunction with +Philocrates. And here it is necessary, men of Athens, and perhaps +appropriate,[n] that I should remind you of the state of affairs +subsisting during that period, so that you may view each group of actions +in the light of the circumstances of the time. + +{18} When the Phocian war had broken out[n] (not through any action of +mine, for I had not yet entered public life), your own attitude, in the +first place, was such, that you wished for the preservation of the +Phocians, although you saw that their actions were unjustifiable; while +you would have been delighted at anything that might happen to the +Thebans, against whom you felt an indignation that was neither +unreasonable nor unfair; for they had not used their good fortune at +Leuctra with moderation. And, in the second place, the Peloponnese was all +disunited: those who detested the Spartans [n] were not strong enough to +annihilate them, and those who had previously governed with the support of +Sparta [n] were no longer able to maintain their control over their +cities; but both these and all the other states were in a condition of +indeterminate strife and confusion. {19} When Philip saw this (for it was +not hard to see), he tried, by dispensing money to the traitors whom each +state contained, to throw them all into collision and stir up one against +another; and thus, amid the blunders and perversity of others, he was +making his own preparations, and growing great to the danger of all. And +when it became clear to all that the then overbearing (but now unhappy) +Thebans, distressed by the length of the war, would be forced to fly to +you for aid,[n] Philip, to prevent this--to prevent the formation of any +union between the cities--made offers of peace to you, and of assistance +to them. {20} Now what was it that helped him, and enabled him to find in +you his almost willing dupes? It was the baseness (if that is the right +name to use), or the ignorance, or both, of the rest of the Hellenes, who, +though you were engaged in a long and continuous war, and that on behalf +of the interests of all, as has been proved by the event, never assisted +you either with money or with men, or in any other way whatsoever. And in +your just and proper indignation with them, you listened readily to +Philip. It was for these reasons, therefore, and not through any action of +mine, that the Peace which we then conceded was negotiated; and any one +who investigates the matter honestly will find that it is the crimes and +the corrupt practices of these men, in the course of the negotiations, +that are responsible for our position to-day. {21} It is in the interests +of truth that I enter into all these events with this exactitude and +thoroughness; for however strong the appearance of criminality in these +proceedings may be, it has, I imagine, nothing to do with me. The first +man to suggest or mention the Peace was Aristodemus[n] the actor; and the +person who took the matter up and moved the motion, and sold his services +for the purpose, along with Aeschines, was Philocrates of Hagnus--your +partner, Aeschines, not mine, even if you split your sides with lying; +while those who supported him, from whatever motive (for of that I say +nothing at present), were Eubulus and Cephisophon. I had no part in the +matter anywhere. {22} And yet, although the facts are such as with +absolute truth I am representing them to be, he carried his effrontery so +far as to dare to assert that I was not only responsible for the Peace, +but had also prevented the city from acting in conjunction with a general +assembly of the Hellenes in making it. What? and you--oh! how can one find +a name that can be applied to you?--when you saw me (for you were there) +preventing the city from taking this great step and forming so grand an +alliance as you just now described, did you once raise a protest or come +forward to give information and to set forth the crimes with which you now +charge me? {23} If I had covenanted with Philip for money that I would +prevent the coalition of the Hellenes, your only course was to refuse to +keep silence--to cry aloud, to protest, to reveal the fact to your fellow +countrymen. On no occasion did you do this: no such utterance of yours was +ever heard by any one. In fact there was no embassy away at the time on a +mission to any Hellenic state; the Hellenes had all long ago been tried +and found wanting;[n] and in all that he has said upon this matter there +is not a single sound word. {24} And, apart from that, his falsehoods +involve the greatest calumnies upon this city. For if you were at one and +the same time convoking the Hellenes with a view to war, and sending +ambassadors yourselves to Philip to discuss peace, it was a deed for a +Eurybatus,[n] not a task for a state or for honest men, that you were +carrying out. But that is not the case; indeed it is not. For what could +possibly have been your object in summoning them at that moment? Was it +with a view to peace? But they all had peace already. Or with a view to +war? But you were yourselves discussing peace. It is therefore evident +that neither was it I that introduced or was responsible for the Peace in +its original shape, nor is one of all the other falsehoods which he told +of me shown to be true. + +{25} Again, consider the course of action which, when the city had +concluded the Peace, each of us now chose to adopt. For from this you will +know who it was that co-operated with Philip throughout, and who it was +that acted in your interest and sought the good of the city. As for me, I +proposed, as a member of the Council, that the ambassadors should sail as +quickly as possible to any district in which they should ascertain Philip +to be, and receive his oath from him. {26} But even when I had carried +this resolution, they would not act upon it. What did this mean, men of +Athens? I will inform you. Philip's interest required that the interval +before he took the oath should be as long as possible; yours, that it +should be as short as possible. And why? Because you broke off all your +preparations for the war, not merely from the day when he took the oath, +but from the day when you first hoped that Peace would be made; and for +his part, this was what he was all along working for; for he thought (and +with truth) that whatever places he could snatch from Athens before he +took the oath, would remain securely his, since no one would break the +Peace for their sake. {27} Foreseeing and calculating upon this, men of +Athens, I proposed this decree--that we should sail to any district in +which Philip might be, and receive his oath as soon as possible, in order +that the oaths might be taken while the Thracians, your allies, were still +in possession of those strongholds[n] of which Aeschines just now spoke +with contempt--Serrhium, Myrtenum, and Ergiske; and that Philip might not +snatch from us the keys of the country and make himself master of Thrace, +nor obtain an abundant supply of money and of soldiers, and so proceed +without difficulty to the prosecution of his further designs. {28} And +now, instead of citing or reading this decree he slanders me on the ground +that I thought fit, as a member of the Council, to introduce the envoys. +But what should I have done? Was I to propose _not_ to introduce those who +had come for the express purpose of speaking with you? or to order the +lessee of the theatre not to assign them seats? But they would have +watched the play from the threepenny seats,[n] if this decree had not been +proposed. Should I have guarded the interests of the city in petty +details, and sold them wholesale, as my opponents did? Surely not. (_To +the clerk_.) Now take this decree, which the prosecutor passed over, +though he knew it well, and read it. + +{29} [_The decree of Demosthenes is read_.] + +{30} Though I had carried this decree, and was seeking the good not of +Philip, but of the city, these worthy ambassadors paid little heed to it, +but sat idle in Macedonia for three whole months,[n] until Philip arrived +from Thrace, after subduing the whole country; when they might, within ten +days, or equally well[n] within three or four, have reached the +Hellespont, and saved the strongholds, by receiving his oath before he +could seize them. For he would not have touched them when we were present; +or else, if he had done so, we should have refused to administer the oath +to him; and in that case he would have failed to obtain the Peace: he +would not have had both the Peace and the strongholds as well. + +{31} Such was Philip's first act of fraud, during the time of the Embassy, +and the first instance of venality on the part of these wicked men; and +over this I confess that then and now and always I have been and am at war +and at variance with them. Now observe, immediately after this, a second +and even greater piece of villainy. {32} As soon as Philip had sworn to +the Peace, after first gaining possession of Thrace because these men did +not obey my decree, he obtained from them--again by purchase--the +postponement of our departure from Macedonia, until all should be in +readiness for his campaign against the Phocians; in order that, instead of +our bringing home a report of his intentions and his preparations for the +march, which would make you set out and sail round to Thermopylae with +your war-ships as you did before,[n] you might only hear our report of the +facts when he was already on this side of Thermopylae, and you could do +nothing. {33} And Philip was beset with such fear and such a weight of +anxiety, lest in spite of his occupation of these places, his object +should slip from his grasp, if, before the Phocians were destroyed, you +resolved to assist them, that he hired this despicable creature, not now +in company with his colleagues, but by himself alone, to make to you a +statement and a report of such a character that owing to them all was +lost. {34} But I request and entreat you, men of Athens, to remember +throughout this whole trial, that, had Aeschines made no accusation that +was not included in the indictment, I too would not have said a word that +did not bear upon it; but since he has had recourse to all kinds of +imputation and slander at once, I am compelled also to give a brief answer +to each group of charges. {35} What then were the statements uttered by +him that day, in consequence of which all was lost? 'You must not be +perturbed,' he said, 'at Philip's having crossed to this side of +Thermopylae; for you will get everything that you desire, if you remain +quiet; and within two or three days you will hear that he has become the +friend of those whose enemy he was, and the enemy of those whose friend he +was, when he first came. For,' said he, 'it is not phrases that confirm +friendships' (a finely sententious expression!) 'but identity of interest; +and it is to the interest of Philip and of the Phocians and of yourselves +alike, to be rid of the heartless and overbearing demeanour of the +Thebans.' {36} To these statements some gave a ready ear, in consequence +of the tacit ill-feeling towards the Thebans at the time. What then +followed--and not after a long interval, but immediately? The Phocians +were overthrown; their cities were razed to the ground; you, who had +believed Aeschines and remained inactive, were soon afterwards bringing in +your effects from the country; while Aeschines received his gold; and +besides all this, the city reaped the ill-will of the Thebans and +Thessalians, while their gratitude for what had been done went to Philip. +{37} To prove that this is so, (_to the clerk_) read me both the decree of +Callisthenes,[n] and Philip's letter. (_To the jury_.) These two documents +together will make all the facts plain. (_To the clerk_.) Read. + +{38} [_The decree of Callisthenes is read_.] + +Were these the hopes, on the strength of which you made the Peace? Was +this what this hireling promised you? {39} (_To the clerk_.) Now read the +letter which Philip sent after this. + +[_Philip's letter is read_.] + +{40} You hear how obviously, in this letter sent to you, Philip is +addressing definite information to his own allies. 'I have done these +things,' he tells them, 'against the will of the Athenians, and to their +annoyance; and so, men of Thebes and Thessaly, if you are wise, you will +regard them as enemies, and will trust me.' He does not write in those +actual terms, but that is what he intends to indicate. By these means he +so carried them away, that they did not foresee or realize any of the +consequences, but allowed him to get everything into his own power: and +that is why, poor men, they have experienced their present calamities. +{41} But the man who helped him to create this confidence, who co-operated +with him, who brought home that false report and deluded you, he it is who +now bewails the sufferings of the Thebans and enlarges upon their +piteousness--he, who is himself the cause both of these and of the misery +in Phocis, and of all the other evils which the Hellenes have endured. +Yes, it is evident that you are pained at what has come to pass, +Aeschines, and that you are sorry for the Thebans, when you have property +in Boeotia[n] and are farming the land that was theirs; and that I rejoice +at it--I, whose surrender was immediately demanded by the author of the +disaster! {42} But I have digressed into subjects of which it will perhaps +be more convenient to speak presently. I will return to the proofs which +show that it is the crimes of these men that are the cause of our +condition to-day. + +For when you had been deceived by Philip, through the agency of these men, +who while serving as ambassadors had sold themselves and made a report in +which there was not a word of truth--when the unhappy Phocians had been +deceived and their cities annihilated--what followed? {43} The despicable +Thessalians and the slow-witted Thebans regarded Philip as their friend, +their benefactor, their saviour. Philip was their all-in-all. They would +not even listen to the voice of any one who wished to express a different +opinion. You yourselves, though you viewed what had been done with +suspicion and vexation, nevertheless kept the Peace; for there was nothing +else that you could have done. And the other Hellenes, who, like +yourselves, had been deluded and disappointed of their hopes,[n] also kept +the Peace, and gladly;[n] since in a sense they also were remotely aimed +at by the war. {44} For when Philip was going about and subduing the +Illyrians and Triballi and some of the Hellenes as well, and bringing many +large forces into his own power, and when some of the members of the +several States were taking advantage of the Peace to travel to Macedonia, +and were being corrupted--Aeschines among them--at such a time all of +those whom Philip had in view in thus making his preparations were really +being attacked by him. {45} Whether they failed to realize it is another +question, which does not concern me. For I was continually uttering +warnings and protests, both in your midst and wherever I was sent. But the +cities were stricken with disease: those who were engaged in political and +practical affairs were taking bribes and being corrupted by the hope of +money; while the mass of private citizens either showed no foresight, or +else were caught by the bait of ease and leisure from day to day; and all +alike had fallen victims to some such delusive fancy, as that the danger +would come upon every one but themselves, and that through the perils of +others they would be able to secure their own position as they pleased. +{46} And so, I suppose, it has come to pass that the masses have atoned +for their great and ill-timed indifference by the loss of their freedom, +while the leaders in affairs, who fancied that they were selling +everything except themselves, have realized that they had sold themselves +first of all. For instead of being called friends and guest-friends, as +they were called at the time when they were taking their bribes, they now +hear themselves called flatterers, and god-forsaken, and all the other +names that they deserve. {47} For no one, men of Athens, spends his money +out of a desire to benefit the traitor; nor, when once he has secured the +object for which he bargains, does he employ the traitor to advise him +with regard to other objects: if it were so, nothing could be happier than +a traitor. But it is not so, of course. Far from it! When the aspirant +after dominion has gained his object, he is also the master of those who +have sold it to him: and because then he knows their villainy, he then +hates and mistrusts them, and covers them with insults. {48} For observe-- +for even if the time of the events is past, the time for realizing truths +like these is ever present to wise men. Lasthenes[n] was called his +'friend'; but only until he had betrayed Olynthus. And Timolaus;[n] but +only until he had destroyed Thebes. And Eudicus and Simus[n] of Larissa; +but only until they had put Thessaly in Philip's power. And now, +persecuted as they are, and insulted, and subjected to every kind of +misery, the whole inhabited world has become filled with such men. And +what of Aristratus[n] at Sicyon? what of Perillus[n] at Megara? Are they +not outcasts? {49} From these instances one can see very clearly, that it +is he who best protects his own country and speaks most constantly against +such men, that secures for traitors and hirelings like yourselves, +Aeschines, the continuance of your opportunities for taking bribes. It is +the majority of those who are here, those who resist your will, that you +must thank for the fact that you live and draw your pay; for, left to +yourselves, you would long ago have perished. + +{50} There is still much that I might say about the transactions of that +time, but I think that even what I have said is more than enough. The +blame rests with Aeschines, who has drenched me with the stale dregs[n] of +his own villainy and crime, from which I was compelled to clear myself in +the eyes of those who are too young to remember the events; though perhaps +you who knew, even before I said a single word, of Aeschines' service as a +hireling, may have felt some annoyance as you listened. {51} He calls it, +forsooth, 'friendship' and 'guest-friendship'; and somewhere in his speech +just now he used the expression, 'the man who casts in my teeth my guest- +friendship with Alexander.' _I_ cast in your teeth your guest-friendship +with Alexander? How did you acquire it? How came you to be thought worthy +of it? Never would I call you the guest-friend of Philip or the friend of +Alexander--I am not so insane--unless you are to call harvesters and other +hired servants the friends and guest-friends of those who have hired them. +[But that is not the case, of course. Far from it!] {52} Nay, I call you +the hireling, formerly of Philip, and now of Alexander, and so do all who +are present. If you disbelieve me, ask them--or rather I will ask them for +you. Men of Athens, do you think of Aeschines as the hireling or as the +guest-friend of Alexander? You hear what they say. + +{53} I now wish, without more delay, to make my defence upon the +indictment itself, and to go through my past acts, in order that Aeschines +may hear (though he knows them well) the grounds on which I claim to have +a right both to the gifts which the Council have proposed, and even to far +greater than these. (_To the clerk_.) Now take the indictment and read it. + +{54, 55} [The indictment is read.] + +{56} These, men of Athens, are the points in the resolution which the +prosecutor assails; and these very points will, I think, afford me my +first means of proving to you that the defence which I am about to offer +is an absolutely fair one. For I will take the points of the indictment in +the very same order as the prosecutor: I will speak of each in succession, +and will knowingly pass over nothing. {57} Any decision upon the statement +that I 'consistently do and say what is best for the People, and am eager +to do whatever good I can', and upon the proposal to vote me thanks for +this, depends, I consider, upon my past political career: for it is by an +investigation of my career that either the truth and the propriety, or +else the falsehood, of these statements which Ctesiphon has made about me +will be discovered. {58} Again, the proposal to crown me, without the +addition of the clause 'when he has submitted to his examination', and the +order to proclaim the award of the crown in the theatre, must, I imagine, +stand or fall with my political career; for the question is whether I +deserve the crown and the proclamation before my fellow countrymen or not. +At the same time I consider myself further bound to point out to you the +laws under which the defendant's proposal could be made. In this honest +and straightforward manner, men of Athens, I have determined to make my +defence; and now I will proceed to speak of my past actions themselves. +{59} And let no one imagine that I am detaching my argument from its +connexion with the indictment, if I break into a discussion of +international transactions. For it is the prosecutor who, by assailing the +clause of the decree which states that I do and say what is best, and by +indicting it as false, has rendered the discussion of my whole political +career essentially germane to the indictment; and further, out of the many +careers which public life offers, it was the department of international +affairs that I chose; so that I have a right to derive my proofs also from +that department. + +{60} I will pass over all that Philip snatched from us and secured, in the +days before I took part in public life as an orator. None of these losses, +I imagine, has anything to do with me. But I will recall to you, and will +render you an account of all that, from the day when I entered upon this +career, he was _prevented_ from taking, when I have made one remark. {61} +Philip, men of Athens, had a great advantage in his favour. For in the +midst of the Hellenic peoples--and not of some only, but of all alike-- +there had sprung up a crop of traitors--corrupt, god-forsaken men--more +numerous than they have ever been within the memory of man. These he took +to help and co-operate with him; and great as the mutual ill-will and +dissensions of the Hellenes already were, he rendered them even worse, by +deceiving some, making presents to others, and corrupting others in every +way; and at a time when all had in reality but one interest--to prevent +his becoming powerful--he divided them into a number of factions. {62} All +the Hellenes then being in this condition, still ignorant of the growing +and accumulating evil, you have to ask yourselves, men of Athens, what +policy and action it was fitting for the city to choose, and to hold me +responsible for this; for the person who assumed that responsibility in +the State was myself. {63} Should she, Aeschines, have sacrificed her +pride and her own dignity? Should she have joined the ranks of the +Thessalians and Dolopes,[n] and helped Philip to acquire the empire of +Hellas, cancelling thereby the noble and righteous deeds of our +forefathers? Or, if she should not have done this (for it would have been +in very truth an atrocious thing), should she have looked on, while all +that she saw would happen, if no one prevented it--all that she realized, +it seems, at a distance--was actually taking place? {64} Nay, I should be +glad to ask to-day the severest critic of my actions, which party he would +have desired the city to join--the party which shares the responsibility +for the misery and disgrace which has fallen upon the Hellenes (the party +of the Thessalians and their supporters, one may call it), or the party +which looked on while these calamities were taking place, in the hope of +gaining some advantage for themselves--in which we should place the +Arcadians and Messenians and Argives. {65} But even of these, many--nay, +all--have in the end fared worse than we. For if Philip had departed +immediately after his victory, and gone his way; if afterwards he had +remained at peace, and had given no trouble whatever to any of his own +allies or of the other Hellenes; then there would have been some ground +for blaming and accusing those who had opposed his plans. But if he has +stripped them all alike of their dignity, their paramountcy, and their +independence--nay, even of their free constitutions,[n] wherever he could +do so--can it be denied that the policy which you adopted on my advice was +the most glorious policy possible? + +{66} But I return to my former point. What was it fitting for the city to +do, Aeschines, when she saw Philip establishing for himself a despotic +sway over the Hellenes? What language should have been used, what measures +proposed, by the adviser of the people at Athens (for that it was at +Athens makes the utmost difference), when I knew that from the very first, +up to the day when I myself ascended the platform, my country had always +contended for pre-eminence, honour, and glory, and in the cause of honour, +and for the interests of all, had sacrificed more money and lives than any +other Hellenic people had spent for their private ends: {67} when I saw +that Philip himself, with whom our conflict lay, for the sake of empire +and absolute power, had had his eye knocked out, his collar-bone broken, +his hand and his leg maimed, and was ready to resign any part of his body +that Fortune chose to take from him, provided that with what remained he +might live in honour and glory? {68} And surely no one would dare to say +that it was fitting that in one bred at Pella, a place then inglorious and +insignificant, there should have grown up so lofty a spirit that he +aspired after the empire of Hellas, and conceived such a project in his +mind; but that in you, who are Athenians, and who day by day in all that +you hear and see behold the memorials of the gallantry of your +forefathers, such baseness should be found, that you would yield up your +liberty to Philip by your own deliberate offer and deed. {69} No man would +say this. One alternative remained, and that, one which you were bound to +take--that of a righteous resistance to the whole course of action by +which he was doing you injury. You acted thus from the first, quite +rightly and properly; while I helped by my proposals and advice during the +time of my political activity, and I do not deny it. But what ought I to +have done? For the time has come to ask you this, Aeschines, and to +dismiss everything else. {70} Amphipolis, Pydna, Poteidaea, Halonnesus-- +all are blotted from my memory. As for Serrhium, Doriscus, the sack of +Peparethus, and all the other injuries inflicted upon the city, I renounce +all knowledge of their ever having happened--though you actually said that +_I_ involved my countrymen in hostility by talking of these things, when +the decrees which deal with them were the work of Eubulus and +Aristophon[n] and Diopeithes,[n] and not mine at all--so glibly do you +assert anything that suits your purpose! {71} But of this too I say +nothing at present. I only ask you whether Philip, who was appropriating +Euboea,[n] and establishing it as a stronghold to command Attica; who was +making an attempt upon Megara, seizing Oreus, razing the walls of +Porthmus, setting up Philistides as tyrant at Oreus and Cleitarchus at +Eretria, bringing the Hellespont into his own power, besieging Byzantium, +destroying some of the cities of Hellas, and restoring his exiled friends +to others--whether he, I say, in acting thus, was guilty of wrong, +violating the truce and breaking the Peace, or not? Was it fit that one of +the Hellenes should arise to prevent it, or not? {72} If it was not fit-- +if it was fit that Hellas should become like the Mysian booty[n] in the +proverb before men's eyes, while the Athenians had life and being, then I +have lost my labour in speaking upon this theme, and the city has lost its +labour in obeying me: then let everything that has been done be counted +for a crime and a blunder, and those my own! But if it was right that one +should arise to prevent it, for whom could the task be more fitting than +for the people of Athens? That then, was the aim of _my_ policy; and when +I saw Philip reducing all mankind to servitude, I opposed him, and without +ceasing warned and exhorted you to make no surrender. + +{73} But the Peace, Aeschines, was in reality broken by Philip, when he +seized the corn-ships, not by Athens. (_To the clerk_.) Bring the decrees +themselves, and the letter of Philip, and read them in order. (_To the +jury_.) For they will make it clear who is responsible, and for what. + +{74} [_A decree is read_.] + +{75} This decree then was proposed by Eubulus, not by me; and the next by +Aristophon; he is followed first by Hegesippus, and he by Aristophon +again, and then by Philocrates, then by Cephisophon, and then by all of +them. But I proposed no decree upon this subject. (_To the clerk_.) Read. + +[_Decrees are read_.] + +{76} As then I point to these decrees, so, Aeschines, do you point to a +decree of any kind, proposed by me, which makes me responsible for the +war. You cannot do so: for had you been able, there is nothing which you +would sooner have produced. Indeed, even Philip himself makes no charge +against me as regards the war, though he complains of others. (_To the +clerk_.) Read Philip's letter itself. + +{77, 78} [_Philip's letter is read_.] + +{79} In this letter he has nowhere mentioned the name of Demosthenes, nor +made any charge against me. Why is it then that, though he complains of +others, he has not mentioned my own actions? Because, if he had written +anything about me, he must have mentioned his own acts of wrong; for it +was these acts upon which I kept my grip, and these which I opposed. First +of all, when he was trying to steal into the Peloponnese, I proposed the +embassy to the Peloponnese;[n] then, when he was grasping at Euboea, the +embassy to Euboea;[n] then the expedition--not an embassy any more--to +Oreus,[n] and that to Eretria, when he had established tyrants in those +cities. {80} After that I dispatched all the naval expeditions, in the +course of which the Chersonese and Byzantium and all our allies were +saved. In consequence of this, the noblest rewards at the hands of those +who had benefited by your action became yours--votes of thanks, glory, +honours, crowns, gratitude; while of the victims of his aggression, those +who followed your advice at the time secured their own deliverance, and +those who neglected it had the memory of your warnings constantly in their +minds, and regarded you not merely as their well-wishers, but as men of +wisdom and prophetic insight; for all that you foretold has come to pass. +{81} And further, that Philistides would have given a large sum to retain +Oreus, and Cleitarchus to retain Eretria, and Philip himself, to be able +to count upon the use of these places against you, and to escape all +exposure of his other proceedings and all investigation, by any one in any +place, of his wrongful acts--all this is not unknown to any one, least of +all to you, Aeschines. {82} For the envoys sent at that time by +Cleitarchus and Philistides lodged at your house, when they came here, and +you acted as their patron.[n] Though the city rejected them, as enemies +whose proposals were neither just nor expedient, to you they were friends. +None of their attempts succeeded, slander me though you may, when you +assert that I say nothing when I receive money, but cry out when I spend +it. That, certainly, is not _your_ way: for you cry out with money in your +hands, and will never cease, unless those present cause you to do so by +taking away your civil rights[n] to-day. {83} Now on that occasion, +gentlemen, you crowned me for my conduct. Aristonicus proposed a decree +whose very syllables were identical with those of Ctesiphon's present +proposal; the crown was proclaimed in the theatre; and this was already +the second proclamation[n] in my honour: and yet Aeschines, though he was +there, neither opposed the decree, nor indicted the mover. (_To the +clerk_.) Take this decree also and read it. + +{84} [_The decree of Aristonicus is read_.] + +{85} Now is any of you aware of any discredit that attached itself to the +city owing to this decree? Did any mockery or ridicule ensue, such as +Aeschines said must follow on the present occasion, if I were crowned? But +surely when proceedings are recent and well known to all, then it is that, +if they are satisfactory, they meet with gratitude, and if they are +otherwise, with punishment. It appears, then, that on that occasion I met +with gratitude, not with blame or punishment. + +{86} Thus the fact that, up to the time when these events took place, I +acted throughout as was best for the city, has been acknowledged by the +victory of my advice and my proposals in your deliberations, by the +successful execution of the measures which I proposed, and the award of +crowns in consequence of them to the city and to myself and to all, and by +your celebration of sacrifices to the gods, and processions, in +thankfulness for these blessings. + +{87} When Philip had been expelled from Euboea--and while the arms which +expelled him were yours, the statesmanship and the decrees (even though +some of my opponents may split their sides) were mine--he proceeded to +look for some other stronghold from which he could threaten the city. And +seeing that we were more dependent than any other people upon imported +corn, and wishing to get our corn-trade into his power, he advanced to +Thrace. First, he requested the Byzantines, his own allies, to join him in +the war against you; and when they refused and said (with truth) that they +had not made their alliance with him for such a purpose, he erected a +stockade against the city, brought up his engines, and proceeded to +besiege it. {88} I will not ask again what you ought to have done when +this was happening; it is manifest to all. But who was it that went to the +rescue of the Byzantines, and saved them? Who was it that prevented the +Hellespont from falling into other hands at that time? It was you, men of +Athens--and when I say 'you', I mean this city. And who was it that spoke +and moved resolutions and acted for the city, and gave himself up +unsparingly to the business of the State? It was I. {89} But of the +immense benefit thus conferred upon all, you no longer need words of mine +to tell you, since you have had actual experience of it. For the war which +then ensued, apart from the glorious reputation that it brought you, kept +you supplied with the necessaries of life in greater plenty and at lower +prices than the present Peace, which these worthy men are guarding to +their country's detriment, in their hopes of something yet to be realized. +May those hopes be disappointed! May they share the fortune which you, who +wish for the best, ask of the gods, rather than cause you to share that +upon which their own choice is fixed! (_To the clerk_.) Read out to the +jury the crowns awarded to the city in consequence of her action by the +Byzantines and by the Perinthians. + +{90, 91} [_The decree of the Byzantines is read_.] + +{92} Read out also the crowns awarded by the peoples of the Chersonese. + +[_The decree of the peoples of the Chersonese is read_.] + +{93} Thus the policy which I had adopted was not only successful in saving +the Chersonese and Byzantium, in preventing the Hellespont from falling at +that time into the power of Philip, and in bringing honours to the city in +consequence, but it revealed to the whole world the noble gallantry of +Athens and the baseness of Philip. For all saw that he, the ally of the +Byzantines, was besieging them--what could be more shameful or revolting? +{94} and on the other hand, it was seen that you, who might fairly have +urged many well-founded complaints against them for their inconsiderate +conduct[n] towards you at an earlier period, not only refused to remember +your grudge and to abandon the victims of aggression, but actually +delivered them; and in consequence of this, you won glory and goodwill on +all hands. And further, though every one knows that you have crowned many +public men before now, no one can name any but myself--that is to say, any +public counsellor and orator--for whose merits the city has received a +crown. + +{95} In order to prove to you, also, that the slanders which he uttered +against the Euboeans and Byzantines, as he recalled to you any ill-natured +action that they had taken towards you in the past, are disingenuous +calumnies, not only because they are false (for this, I think, you may all +be assumed to know), but also because, however true they might be, it was +still to your advantage to deal with the political situation as I have +done, I desire to describe, and that briefly, one or two of the noble +deeds which this city has done in your own time. For an individual and a +State should strive always, in their respective spheres, to fashion their +future conduct after the highest examples that their past affords. {96} +Thus, men of Athens, at a time when the Spartans were masters of land and +sea,[n] and were retaining their hold, by means of governors and +garrisons, upon the country all round Attica--Euboea, Tanagra, all +Boeotia, Megara, Aegina, Ceos, and the other islands--and when Athens +possessed neither ships nor walls, you marched forth to Haliartus, and +again, not many days later, to Corinth, though the Athenians of that day +might have borne a heavy grudge against both the Corinthians and the +Thebans for the part they had played in reference to the Deceleian War.[n] +{97} But they bore no such grudge. Far from it! And neither of these +actions, Aeschines, was taken by them to help benefactors; nor was the +prospect before them free from danger. Yet they did not on that account +sacrifice those who fled to them for help. For the sake of glory and +honour they were willing to expose themselves to the danger; and it was a +right and a noble spirit that inspired their counsels. For the life of all +men must end in death, though a man shut himself in a chamber and keep +watch; but brave men must ever set themselves to do that which is noble, +with their joyful hope for their buckler, and whatsoever God gives, must +bear it gallantly. {98} Thus did your forefathers, and thus did the elder +among yourselves: for, although the Spartans were no friends or +benefactors of yours, but had done much grievous wrong to the city, yet, +when the Thebans, after their victory at Leuctra, attempted to annihilate +them, you prevented it, not terrified by the strength or the reputation +which the Thebans then enjoyed, nor reckoning up what the men had done to +you, for whom you were to face this peril. {99} And thus, as you know, you +revealed to all the Hellenes, that whatever offences may be committed +against you, though under all other circumstances you show your resentment +of them, yet if any danger to life or freedom overtakes the transgressors, +you will bear no grudge and make no reckoning. Nor was it in these +instances only that you were thus disposed. For once more, when the +Thebans were appropriating Euboea,[n] you did not look on while it was +done; you did not call to mind the wrong which had been done to you in the +matter of Oropus[n] by Themison and Theodorus: you helped even these; and +it was then that the city for the first time had voluntary trierarchs, of +whom I was one.[n] But I will not speak of this yet. {100} And although to +save the island was itself a noble thing to do, it was a yet nobler thing +by far, that when their lives and their cities were absolutely in your +power, you gave them back, as it was right to do, to the very men who had +offended against you, and made no reckoning, when such trust had been +placed in you, of the wrongs which you had suffered. I pass by the +innumerable instances which I might still give--battles at sea, +expeditions [by land, campaigns] both long ago and now in our day; in all +of which the object of the city has been to defend the freedom and safety +of the other Hellenic peoples. {101} And so, when in all these striking +examples I had beheld the city ever ready to strive in defence of the +interests of others, what was I likely to bid her do, what action was I +likely to recommend to her, when the debate to some extent concerned her +own interests? 'Why,' you would say, 'to remember her grudge against those +who wanted deliverance, and to look for excuses for sacrificing +everything!' And who would not have been justified in putting me to death, +if I had attempted to bring shame upon the city's high traditions, though +it were only by word? The deed itself you would never have done, I know +full well; for had you desired to do it, what was there to hinder you? +Were you not free so to act? Had you not these men here to propose it? + +{102} I wish now to return to the next in succession of my political acts; +and here again you must ask yourselves, what was the best thing for the +city? For, men of Athens, when I saw that your navy was breaking up, and +that, while the rich were obtaining exemption on the strength of small +payments,[n] citizens of moderate or small means were losing all that they +had; and further, that in consequence of these things the city was always +missing her opportunities; I enacted a law in accordance with which I +compelled the former--the rich--to do their duty fairly; I put an end to +the injustice done to the poor, and (what was the greatest service of all +to the State) I caused our preparations to be made in time. {103} When I +was indicted for this, I appeared before you at the ensuing trial, and was +acquitted; the prosecutor failed to obtain the necessary fraction of the +votes. But what sums do you think the leaders of the Taxation-Boards, or +those who stood second or third, offered me, to induce me, if possible, +not to enact the law, or at least to let it drop and lie under sworn +notice of prosecution?[n] They offered sums so large, men of Athens, that +I should hesitate to mention them to you. It was a natural course for them +to take. {104} For under the former laws it was possible for them to +divide their obligation between sixteen persons, paying little or nothing +themselves, and grinding down their poorer fellow citizens: while by my +law each must pay down a sum calculated in proportion to his property; and +a man came to be charged with two warships, who had previously been one of +sixteen subscribers to a single one (for they used now to call themselves +no longer captains of their ships, but subscribers). Thus there was +nothing that they were not willing to give, if only the new plan could be +brought to nothing, and they could escape being compelled to do their duty +fairly. (_To the clerk_.) {105} Now read me, first, the decree[n] in +accordance with which I had to meet the indictment; and then the lists of +those liable under the former law, and under my own, respectively. Read. + +[_The decree is read_.] + +{106} Now produce that noble list. + +[_A list is read_.] + +Now produce, for comparison with this, the list under my own law. + +[_A list is read_.] + +Was this, think you, but a trifling assistance which I rendered to the +poor among you? {107} Would the wealthy have spent but a trifling sum to +avoid doing their duty fairly? I am proud not only of having refused all +compromise upon the measure, not only of having been acquitted when I was +indicted, but also of having enacted a law which was beneficial, and of +having given proof of it in practice. For throughout the war the armaments +were equipped under my law, and no trierarch ever laid the suppliants' +branch[n] before you in token of grievance, nor took sanctuary at +Munychia; none was imprisoned by the Admiralty Board; no warship was +abandoned at sea and lost to the State, or left behind here as +unseaworthy. Under the former laws all these things used to happen; {108} +and the reason was that the obligation rested upon the poor, and in +consequence there were many cases of inability to discharge it. I +transferred the duties of the trierarchy from the poor to the rich; and +therefore every duty was properly fulfilled. Aye, and for this very reason +I deserve to receive praise--that I always adopted such political measures +as brought with them accessions of glory and honour and power to the city. +No measure of mine is malicious, harsh, or unprincipled; none is degrading +or unworthy of the city. The same spirit will be seen both in my domestic +and my international policy. {109} For just as in home affairs I did not +set the favour of the rich above the rights of the many, so in +international affairs I did not embrace the gifts and the friendship of +Philip, in preference to the common interests of all the Hellenes. + +It still remains for me, I suppose, to speak about the proclamation, and +about my examination. {110} The statement that I acted for the best, and +that I am loyal to you throughout and eager to do you good service, I have +proved, I think, sufficiently, by what I have said. At the same time I am +passing over the most important parts of my political life and actions; +for I conceive that I ought first to render to you in their proper order +my arguments in regard to the alleged illegality itself: which done, even +if I say nothing about the rest of my political acts, I can still rely +upon that personal knowledge of them which each of you possesses. + +{111} Of the arguments which the prosecutor jumbled together in utter +confusion with reference to the laws accompanying his indictment,[n] I am +quite certain that you could not follow the greater part, nor could I +understand them myself; but I will simply address you straightforwardly +upon the question of right. So far am I from claiming (as he just now +slanderously declared) to be free from the liability to render an account, +that I admit a life-long liability to account for every part of my +administration and policy. {112} But I do not admit that I am liable for +one single day--you hear me, Aeschines?--to account for what I have given +to the People as a free-will offering out of my private estate; nor is any +one else so liable, not even if he is one of the nine archons. What law is +so replete with injustice and churlishness, that when a man has made a +present out of his private property and done an act of generosity and +munificence, it deprives him of the gratitude due to him, hales him before +a court of disingenuous critics, and sets them to audit accounts of sums +which he himself has given? There is no such law. If the prosecutor +asserts that there is, let him produce it, and I will resign myself and +say no more. {113} But the law does not exist, men of Athens; this is +nothing but an informer's trick on the part of Aeschines, who, because I +was Controller of the Festival Fund when I made this donation, says, +'Ctesiphon proposed a vote of thanks to him when he was still liable to +account.' The vote of thanks was not for any of the things for which I was +liable to account; it was for my voluntary gift, and your charge is a +misrepresentation. 'Yes,' you say, 'but you were also a Commissioner of +Fortifications.' I was, and thanks were rightly accorded me on the very +ground that, instead of charging the sums which I spent, I made a present +of them. A statement of account, it is true, calls for an audit and +scrutineers; but a free gift deserves gratitude and thanks; and that is +why the defendant proposed this motion in my favour. {114} That this +principle is not merely laid down in the laws, but rooted in your national +character, I shall have no difficulty in proving by many instances. +Nausicles,[n] to begin with, has often been crowned by you, while general, +for sacrifices which he had made from his private funds. Again, when +Diotimus[n] gave the shields, and Charidemus[n] afterwards, they were +crowned. And again, Neoptolemus here, while still director of many public +works, has received honours for his voluntary gifts. It would really be too +bad, if any one who held any office must either be debarred thereby from +making a present to the State, or else, instead of receiving due gratitude, +must submit accounts of the sums given. {115} To prove the truth of my +statements, (_to the clerk_) take and read the actual decrees which were +passed in honour of these persons. Read. + +{116} [_Two decrees are read_.] + +{117} Each of these persons, Aeschines, was accountable as regards the +office which he held, but not as regards the services for which he was +crowned. Nor am I, therefore; for I presume that I have the same rights as +others with reference to the same matters. I made a voluntary gift. For +this I receive thanks; for I am not liable to account for what I gave. I +was holding office. True, and I have rendered an account of my official +expenditure, but not of what I gave voluntarily. Ah! but I exercised my +office iniquitously! What? and you were there, when the auditors brought +me before them, and did not accuse me? + +{118} Now that the court may see that the prosecutor himself bears me +witness that I was crowned for services of which I was not liable to +render an account, (_to the clerk_) take and read the decree which was +proposed in my honour, in its entirety. (_To the jury_.) The points which +he has omitted to indict in the Council's resolution will show that the +charges which he does make are deliberate misrepresentations. (_To the +clerk_.) Read. + +[_The decree is read_.] + +{119} My donations then, were these, of which you have not made one the +subject of indictment. It is the reward for these, which the Council +states to be my due, that you attack. You admit that it was legal to +accept the gifts offered, and you indict as illegal the return of +gratitude for them. In Heaven's name, what must the perfect scoundrel, the +really heaven-detested, malignant being be like? Must he not be a man like +this? + +{120} But as regards the proclamation in the theatre, I pass by the fact +that ten thousand persons have been thus proclaimed on ten thousand +different occasions, and that my own name has often been so proclaimed +before. But, in Heaven's name, Aeschines, are you so perverse and stupid, +that you cannot grasp the fact that the recipient of the crown feels the +same pride wherever the crown is proclaimed, and that it is for the +benefit of those who confer it that the proclamation is made in the +theatre? For those who hear are stimulated to do good service to the +State, and commend those who return gratitude for such service even more +than they commend the recipient of the crown. That is why the city has +enacted this law. (_To the clerk_.) Take the law itself and read it. + +[_The law is read_.] + +{121} Do you hear, Aeschines, the plain words of the law? 'Except such as +the People or the Council shall resolve so to proclaim. But let these be +proclaimed.' Why, wretched man, do you lay this dishonest charge? Why do +you invent false arguments? Why do you not take hellebore[n] to cure you? +What? Are you not ashamed to bring a case founded upon envy, not upon any +crime--to alter some of the laws, and to leave out parts of others, when +they ought surely, in justice, to be read entire to those who have sworn +to give their votes in accordance with the laws? {122} And then, while you +act in this way, you enumerate the qualities which should be found in a +friend of the People, as if you had contracted for a statue, and +discovered on receiving it that it had not the features required by the +contract; or as if a friend of the People was known by a definition, and +not by his works and his political measures! And you shout out +expressions, proper and improper, like a reveller on a cart[n]-- +expressions which apply to you and your house, not to me. I will add this +also, men of Athens. {123} The difference between abuse and accusation is, +I imagine, that an accusation is founded upon crimes, for which the +penalties are assigned by law; abuse, upon such slanders as their own +character leads enemies to utter about one another. And I conceive that +our forefathers built these courts of law, not that we might assemble you +here and revile one another with improper expressions suggested by our +adversary's private life, but that we might convict any one who happens to +have committed some crime against the State. {124} Aeschines knew this as +well as I; and yet he chose to make a ribald attack instead of an +accusation. At the same time, it is not fair that he should go off without +getting as much as he gives, even in this respect; and when I have asked +him one question, I will at once proceed to the attack. Are we to call +you, Aeschines, the enemy of the State, or of myself? Of myself, of +course. What? And when you might have exacted the penalty from me, on +behalf of your fellow countrymen, according to the laws--at public +examinations, by indictment, by all other forms of trial--did you always +omit to do so? {125} And yet to-day, when I am unassailable upon every +ground--on the ground of law, of lapse of time, of the statutable +limit,[n] of the many previous trials which I have undergone upon every +charge, without having once been convicted of any crime against you to +this day--and when the city must necessarily share to a greater or smaller +degree in the glory of acts which were really acts of the people, have you +confronted me upon such an issue as this? Take care lest, while you +profess to be _my_ enemy, you prove to be the enemy of your fellow +countrymen! + +{126} Since then I have shown you all what is the vote which religion and +justice demand of you, I am now obliged, it would seem, by the slanders +which he has uttered (though I am no lover of abuse) to reply to his many +falsehoods by saying just what is absolutely necessary about himself, and +showing who he is, and whence he is sprung, that he so lightly begins to +use bad language, pulling to pieces certain expressions of mine, when he +has himself used expressions which any respectable man would have shrunk +from uttering; {127} for if the accuser were Aeacus or Rhadamanthus or +Minos,[n] instead of a scandal-monger,[n] an old hand in the +marketplace,[n] a pestilent clerk, I do not believe that he would have +spoken thus, or produced such a stock of ponderous phrases, crying aloud, +as if he were acting a tragedy, 'O Earth and Sun and Virtue,'[n] and the +like; or again, invoking 'Wit and Culture, by which things noble and base +are discerned apart'--for, of course, you heard him speaking in this way. +{128} Scum of the earth! What have you or yours to do with virtue? How +should _you_ discern what is noble and what is not? Where and how did you +get your qualification to do so? What right have _you_ to mention culture +anywhere? A man of genuine culture would not only never have asserted such +a thing of himself, but would have blushed to hear another do so: and +those who, like you, fall far short of it, but are tactless enough to +claim it, succeed only in causing distress to their hearers, when they +speak--not in seeming to be what they profess. + +{129} But though I am not at a loss to know what to say about you and +yours, I am at a loss to know what to mention first. Shall I tell first[n] +how your father Tromes was a slave in the house of Elpias, who kept an +elementary school near the temple of Theseus, and how he wore shackles and +a wooden halter? Or how your mother, by celebrating her daylight nuptials +in her hut near the shrine of the Hero of the Lancet,[n] was enabled to +rear you, her beautiful statue, the prince of third-rate actors? But these +things are known to all without my telling them. Shall I tell how Phormio, +the ship's piper, the slave of Dion of Phrearrii, raised her up out of +this noble profession? But, before God and every Heavenly Power, I shudder +lest in using expressions which are fitly applied to you, I may be thought +to have chosen a subject upon which it ill befits myself to speak. {130} +So I will pass this by, and will begin with the acts of his own life; for +they were not like any chance actions,[n] but such as the people curses. +For only lately--lately, do I say? only yesterday or the day before--did +he become at once an Athenian and an orator, and by the addition of two +syllables converted his father from Tromes into Atrometus, and gave his +mother the imposing name of Glaucothea,[n] when every one knows that she +used to be called Empusa[n]--a name which was obviously given her because +there was nothing that she would not do or have done to her; for how else +should she have acquired it? {131} Yet, in spite of this, you are of so +ungrateful and villainous a nature, that though, thanks to your +countrymen, you have risen from slavery to freedom, and from poverty to +wealth, far from feeling gratitude to them, you devote your political +activity to working against them as a hireling. I will pass over every +case in which there is any room for the contention that he has spoken in +the interests of the city, and will remind you of the acts which he was +manifestly proved to have done for the good of her enemies. + +{132} Which of you has not heard of Antiphon,[n] who was struck off the +list of citizens,[n] and came into the city in pursuance of a promise to +Philip that he would burn the dockyards? I found him concealed in the +Peiraeus, and brought him before the Assembly; but the malignant Aeschines +shouted at the top of his voice, that it was atrocious of me, in a +democratic country, to insult a citizen who had met with misfortune, and +to go to men's houses without a decree;[n] and he obtained his release. +{133} And unless the Council of Areopagus had taken notice of the matter, +and, seeing the inopportuneness of the ignorance which you had shown, had +made a further search for the man, and arrested him, and brought him +before you again, a man of that character would have been snatched out of +your hands, and would have evaded punishment, and been sent out of the +country by this pompous orator. As it was, you tortured and executed him-- +and so ought you also to have treated Aeschines. {134} The Council of +Areopagus knew the part which he had played in this affair; and for this +reason, when, owing to the same ignorance which so often leads you to +sacrifice the public interests, you elected him[n] to advocate your claims +in regard to the Temple of Delos, the Council (since you had appointed it +to assist you and entrusted it with full authority to act in the matter) +immediately rejected Aeschines as a traitor, and committed the case to +Hypereides. When the Council took this step, the members took their votes +from the altar,[n] and not one vote was given for this abominable man. +{135} To prove that what I say is true, (_to the clerk_) call the +witnesses who testify to it. + +[_The witnesses are called_.] + +{136} Thus when the Council rejected him from the office of advocate, and +committed the case to another, it declared at the same time that he was a +traitor, who wished you ill. + +Such was one of the public appearances of this fine fellow, and such its +character--so like the acts with which he charges me, is it not? Now +recall a second. For when Philip sent Python of Byzantium,[n] and with him +envoys from all his allies, in the hope of putting the city to shame and +showing her to be in the wrong, I would not give way before the torrent of +insolent rhetoric which Python poured out upon you, but rose and +contradicted him, and would not betray the city's rights, but proved the +iniquity of Philip's actions so manifestly, that even his own allies rose +up and admitted it. But Aeschines supported Python; he gave testimony in +opposition to his country, and that testimony false. + +{137} Nor was this sufficient for him; for again after this he was +detected going to meet Anaxinus[n] the spy in the house of Thrason. But +surely one who met the emissary of the enemy alone and conferred with him, +must himself have been already a born spy and an enemy of his country. To +prove the truth of what I say, (_to the clerk_) call the witnesses to +these facts. + +[_The witnesses are called_.] + +{138} There are still an infinite number of things which I might relate of +him; but I pass them over. For the truth is something like this. I could +still point to many instances in which he was found to be serving our +enemies during that period, and showing his spite against me. But you do +not store such things up in careful remembrance, to visit them with the +indignation which they deserve; but, following a bad custom, you have +given great freedom to any one who wishes to trip up the proposer of any +advantageous measure by dishonest charges--bartering, as you do, the +advantage of the State for the pleasure and gratification which you derive +from invective; and so it is always easier and safer to be a hireling in +the service of the enemy, than a statesman who has chosen to defend your +cause. + +{139} To co-operate with Philip before we were openly at war with him was +--I call Earth and Heaven to witness--atrocious enough. How could it be +otherwise--against his own country? Nevertheless, concede him this, if you +will, concede him this. But when the corn-ships had been openly plundered, +and the Chersonese was being ravaged, and the man was on the march against +Attica; when the position of affairs was no longer in doubt, and war had +begun; what action did this malignant mouther of verses ever do for your +good? He can point to none. There is not a single decree, small or great, +with reference to the interests of the city, standing in the name of +Aeschines. If he asserts that there is, let him produce it in the time +allotted to me. But no such decree exists. In that case, however, only two +alternatives are possible: either he had no fault to find at the time with +my policy, and therefore made no proposal contrary to it; or else he was +seeking the advantage of the enemy, and therefore refrained from bringing +forward any better policy than mine. + +{140} Did he then abstain from speaking, as he abstained from proposing +any motion, when any mischief was to be done? On the contrary, no one else +had a chance of speaking. But though, apparently, the city could endure +everything else, and he could do everything else unobserved, there was one +final deed which was the culmination of all that he had done before. Upon +this he expended all that multitude of words, as he went through the +decrees relating to the Amphisseans, in the hope of distorting the truth. +But the truth cannot be distorted. It is impossible. Never will you wash +away the stain of your actions there! You will not say enough for that! + +{141} I call upon all the gods and goddesses who protect this land of +Attica, in the presence of you all, men of Athens; and upon Apollo of +Pytho, the paternal deity[n] of this city, and I pray to them all, that if +I should speak the truth to you--if I spoke it at that very time without +delay, in the presence of the people, when first I saw this abominable man +setting his hand to this business (for I knew it, I knew it at once),-- +that then they may give me good fortune and life: but if, to gratify my +hatred or any private quarrel, I am now bringing a false accusation +against this man, then they may take from me the fruition of every +blessing. + +{142} Why have I uttered this imprecation with such vehemence and +earnestness? Because, although I have documents, lying in the public +archives, by which I will prove the facts clearly; although I know that +you remember what was done; I have still the fear that he may be thought +too insignificant a man to have done all the evil which he has wrought--as +indeed happened before, when he caused the ruin of the unhappy Phocians by +the false report which he brought home. {143} For the war at Amphissa, +which was the cause of Philip's coming to Elateia, and of one being +chosen[n] commander of the Amphictyons, who overthrew the fortunes of the +Hellenes--_he_ it is who helped to get it up; he, in his sole person, is +to blame for disasters to which no equal can be found. I protested at the +time, and cried out, before the Assembly, 'You are bringing war into +Attica, Aeschines--an Amphictyonic War.' But a packed group of his +supporters refused to let me speak, while the rest were amazed, and +imagined that I was bringing a baseless charge against him, out of +personal animosity. {144} But what the true nature of these proceedings +was, men of Athens--why this plan was contrived, and how it was executed-- +you must hear from me to-day, since you were prevented from doing so at +the time. You will behold a business cunningly organized; you will advance +greatly in your knowledge of public affairs; and you will see what +cleverness there was in Philip. + +{145} Philip had no prospect of seeing the end of the war with you, or +ridding himself of it, unless he could make the Thebans and Thessalians +enemies of Athens. For although the war was being wretchedly and +inefficiently conducted by your generals, he was nevertheless suffering +infinite damage from the war itself and from the freebooters. The +exportation of the produce of his country and the importation of what he +needed were both impossible. {146} Moreover, he was not at that time +superior to you at sea, nor could he reach Attica, if the Thessalians +would not follow him, or the Thebans give him a passage through their +country; and although he was overcoming in the field the generals whom you +sent out, such as they were (for of this I say nothing), he found himself +suffering from the geographical conditions themselves, and from the nature +of the resources[n] which either side possessed. {147} Now if he tried to +encourage either the Thessalians or the Thebans to march against you in +order to further his own quarrel, no one, he thought, would pay any +attention to him; but if he adopted their own common grounds of action and +were chosen commander, he hoped to find it easier to deceive or to +persuade them, as the case might be. What then does he do? He attempts +(and observe with what skill) to stir up an Amphictyonic War, and a +disturbance in connexion with the meeting of the Council. {148} For he +thought that they would at once find that they needed his help, to deal +with these. Now if one of his own or his allies' representatives on the +Council[n] brought the matter forward, he thought that both the Thebans +and the Thessalians would regard the proceeding with suspicion, and that +all would be on their guard: but if it was an Athenian, sent by you, his +adversaries, that did so, he would easily escape detection--as, in fact, +happened. {149}* How then did he manage this? He hired Aeschines. No one, +I suppose, either realized beforehand what was going on or guarded against +it--that is how such affairs are usually conducted here; Aeschines was +nominated a delegate to the Council; three or four people held up their +hands for him, and he was declared elected. But when, bearing with him the +prestige of this city, he reached the Amphictyons, he dismissed and closed +his eyes to all other considerations, and proceeded to perform the task +for which he had been hired. He composed and recited a story, in +attractive language, of the way in which the Cirrhaean territory had come +to be dedicated; {150} and with this he persuaded the members of the +Council, who were unused to rhetoric and did not foresee what was about to +happen, that they should resolve to make the circuit of the territory,[n] +which the Amphisseans said they were cultivating because it was their own, +while he alleged that it was part of the consecrated land. The Locrians +were not bringing any suit against us, or taking any such action as (in +order to justify himself) he now falsely alleges. You may know this from +the following consideration. It was clearly impossible[n] for the Locrians +to bring a suit against Athens to an actual issue, without summoning us. +Who then served the summons upon us? Before what authority was it served? +Tell us who knows: point to him. You cannot do so. It was a hollow and a +false pretext of which you thus made a wrongful use. {151} While the +Amphictyons were making the circuit of the territory in accordance with +Aeschines' suggestion, the Locrians fell upon them and came near to +shooting them all down with their spears; some of the members of the +Council they even carried off with them. And now that complaints and +hostilities had been stirred up against the Amphisseans, in consequence of +these proceedings, the command was first held by Cottyphus, and his force +was drawn from the Amphictyonic Powers alone. But since some did not come, +and those who came did nothing, the men who had been suborned for the +purpose--villains of long standing, chosen from the Thessalians and from +the traitors in other States--took steps with a view to entrusting the +affair to Philip, as commander, at the next meeting of the Council. {152} +They had adopted arguments of a persuasive kind. Either, they said, the +Amphictyons must themselves contribute funds, maintain mercenaries, and +fine those who refused to do so; or they must elect Philip. To make a long +story short, the result was that Philip was appointed. And immediately +afterwards, having collected a force and crossed the Pass, ostensibly on +his way to the territory of Cirrha, he bids a long farewell to the +Cirrhaeans and Locrians, and seizes Elateia. {153} Now if the Thebans had +not changed their policy at once, upon seeing this, and joined us, the +trouble would have descended upon the city in full force, like a torrent +in winter. As it was, the Thebans checked him for the moment; chiefly, men +of Athens, through the goodwill of some Heavenly Power towards us; but +secondarily, so far as it lay in one man's power, through me also. (_To +the clerk_.) Now give me the decrees in question, and the dates of each +proceeding; (_to the jury_) that you may know what trouble this abominable +creature stirred up, unpunished. (_To the clerk_.) Read me the decrees. + +{154} [_The decrees of the Amphictyons are read_.] + +{155} (_To the clerk_.) Now read the dates of these proceedings. (_To the +jury_.) They are the dates at which Aeschines was delegate to the Council. +(_To the clerk_.) Read. + +[_The dates are read_.] + +{156} Now give me the letter which Philip sent to his allies in the +Peloponnese, when the Thebans failed to obey his summons. For from this, +too, you may clearly see that he concealed the real reason for his +action--the fact that he was taking measures against Hellas and the +Thebans and yourselves--and pretended to represent the common cause and +the will of the Amphictyons. And the man who provided him with all these +occasions and pretexts was Aeschines. (_To the clerk_.) Read. + +{157} [_Philip's letter is read_.] + +{158} You see that he avoids the mention of his own reasons for action, +and takes refuge in those provided by the Amphictyons. Who was it that +helped him to prepare such a case? Who put such pretexts at his disposal? +Who is most to blame for the disasters that have taken place? Is it not +Aeschines? And so, men of Athens, you must not go about saying that Hellas +has suffered such things as these at the hands of one man.[n] I call Earth +and Heaven to witness, that it was at the hands, not of one man, but of +many villains in each State. {159} And of these Aeschines is one; and, had +I to speak the truth without any reserve, I should not hesitate to +describe him as the incarnate curse of all alike--men, regions or cities-- +that have been ruined since then. For he who supplied the seed is +responsible for the crop. I wonder that you did not turn away your eyes at +the very sight of him: but a cloud of darkness seems to hang between you +and the truth. + +{160} I find that in dealing with the measures taken by Aeschines for the +injury of his country, I have reached the time when I must speak of my own +statesmanship in opposition to these measures; and it is fair that you +should listen to this, for many reasons, but above all because it will be +a shameful thing, if, when I have faced the actual realities of hard work +for you, you will not even suffer the story of them to be told. {161} For +when I saw the Thebans, and (I may almost say) yourselves as well, being +led by the corrupt partisans of Philip in either State to overlook, +without taking a single precaution against it, the thing which was really +dangerous to both peoples and needed their utmost watchfulness--the +unhindered growth of Philip's power; while, on the contrary, you were +quite ready to entertain ill-feeling and to quarrel with one another; I +kept unceasing watch to prevent this. Nor did I rely only on my own +judgement in thinking that this was what your interest required. {162} I +knew that Aristophon, and afterwards Eubulus, always wished to bring about +this friendly union, and that, often as they opposed one another in other +matters, they always agreed in this. Cunning fox! While they lived, you +hung about them and flattered them; yet now that they are dead, you do not +see that you are attacking them. For your censure of my policy in regard +to Thebes is far more a denunciation of them than of me, since they were +before me in approving of that alliance. {163} But I return to my previous +point--that it was when Aeschines had brought about the war at Amphissa, +and the others, his accomplices, had effectually helped him to create the +ill-feeling against the Thebans, that Philip marched against us. For it +was to render this possible that their attempt to throw the two cities +into collision was made; and had we not roused ourselves a little before +it was too late, we should never have been able to regain the lost ground; +to such a length had these men carried matters. What the relations between +the two peoples already were, you will know when you have heard these +decrees and replies. (_To the clerk_.) Take these and read them. + +{164, 165} [_The decrees are read_.] + +{166} (_To the clerk_.) Now read the replies. + +{167} [_The replies are read_.] + +{168} Having established such relations between the cities, through the +agency of these men, and being elated by these decrees and replies, Philip +came with his army and seized Elateia, thinking that under no +circumstances whatever should we and the Thebans join in unison after +this. And though the commotion which followed in the city is known to you +all, let me relate to you briefly just the bare facts. + +{169} It was evening, and one had come to the Prytanes[n] with the news +that Elateia had been taken. Upon this they rose up from supper without +delay; some of them drove the occupants out of the booths in the market- +place and set fire to the wicker-work;[n] others sent for the generals and +summoned the trumpeter; and the city was full of commotion. On the morrow, +at break of day, the Prytanes summoned the Council to the Council-Chamber, +while you made your way to the Assembly; and before the Council had +transacted its business and passed its draft-resolution,[n] the whole +people was seated on the hill-side.[n] {170} And now, when the Council had +arrived, and the Prytanes had reported the intelligence which they had +received, and had brought forward the messenger, and he had made his +statement, the herald proceeded to ask, 'Who wishes to speak?' But no one +came forward; and though the herald repeated the question many times, +still no one rose, though all the generals were present, and all the +orators, and the voice of their country was calling for some one to speak +for her deliverance. For the voice of the herald, uttered in accordance +with the laws, is rightly to be regarded as the common voice of our +country. {171} And yet, if it was for those to come forward who wished for +the deliverance of the city, all of you and all the other Athenians would +have risen, and proceeded to the platform, for I am certain that you all +wished for her deliverance. If it was for the wealthiest, the Three +Hundred[n] would have risen; and if it was for those who had both these +qualifications--loyalty to the city and wealth--then those would have +risen, who subsequently made those large donations; for it was loyalty and +wealth that led them so to do. {172} But that crisis and that day called, +it seems, not merely for a man of loyalty and wealth, but for one who had +also followed the course of events closely from the first, and had come to +a true conclusion as to the motive and the aim with which Philip was +acting as he was. For no one who was unacquainted with these, and had not +scrutinized them from an early period, was any the more likely, for all +his loyalty and wealth, to know what should be done, or to be able to +advise you. {173} The man who was needed was found that day in me. I came +forward and addressed you in words which I ask you to listen to with +attention, for two reasons--first, because I would have you realize that I +was the only orator or politician who did not desert his post as a loyal +citizen in the hour of danger, but was found there, speaking and proposing +what your need required, in the midst of the terror; and secondly, because +by the expenditure of a small amount of time, you will be far better +qualified for the future in the whole art of political administration. +{174} My words then were these: 'Those who are unduly disturbed by the +idea that Philip can count upon the support of Thebes do not, I think, +understand the present situation. For I am quite sure that, if this were +so, we should have heard of his being, not at Elateia, but on our own +borders. At the same time, I understand quite well, that he has come to +prepare the way for himself at Thebes. {175} Listen,' I said, 'while I +tell you the true state of affairs. Philip already has at his disposal all +the Thebans whom he could win over either by bribery or by deception; and +those who have resisted him from the first and are opposing him now, he +has no chance of winning. What then is his design and object in seizing +Elateia? He wishes, by making a display of force in their neighbourhood +and bringing up his army, to encourage and embolden his own friends, and +to strike terror into his enemies, that so they may either concede out of +terror what they now refuse, or may be compelled. {176} Now,' I said, 'if +we make up our minds at the present moment to remember any ill-natured +action which the Thebans may have done us, and to distrust them on the +assumption that they are on the side of our enemies, we shall be doing, in +the first place, just what Philip would pray for: and further, I am afraid +that his present opponents may then welcome him, that all may +philippize[n] with one consent, and that he and they may march to Attica +together. If, however, you follow my advice, and give your minds to the +problem before us, instead of to contentious criticism of anything that I +may say, I believe that I shall be able to win your approval for my +proposals, and to dispel the danger which threatens the city. {177} What +then must you do? You must first moderate your present alarm, and then +change your attitude, and be alarmed, all of you, for the Thebans. They +are far more within the reach of disaster than we: it is they whom the +danger threatens first. Secondly, those who are of military age, with the +cavalry, must march to Eleusis,[n] and let every one see that you +yourselves are in arms; in order that those who sympathize with you in +Thebes may be enabled to speak in defence of the right, with the same +freedom that their opponents enjoy, when they see that, just as those who +are trying to sell their country to Philip have a force ready to help them +at Elateia, so those who would struggle for freedom have you ready at hand +to help them, and to go to their aid, if any one attacks them. {178} Next +I bid you elect ten envoys, and give them full authority, with the +generals, to decide the time of their own journey to Thebes, and to order +the march of the troops. But when the envoys arrive in Thebes, how do I +advise that they should handle the matter? I ask your special attention to +this. They must require nothing of the Thebans--to do so at such a moment +would be shameful; but they must undertake that we will go to their aid, +if they bid us do so, on the ground that they are in extreme peril, and +that we foresee the future better than they; in order that, if they accept +our offer and take our advice, we may have secured our object, and our +action may wear an aspect worthy of this city; or, if after all we are +unsuccessful, the Thebans may have themselves to blame for any mistakes +which they now make, while we shall have done nothing disgraceful or +ignoble.' {179} When I had spoken these words, and others in the same +strain, I left the platform. All joined in commending these proposals; no +one said a word in opposition; and I did not speak thus, and then fail to +move a motion; nor move a motion, and then fail to serve as envoy; nor +serve as envoy, and then fail to persuade the Thebans. I carried the +matter through in person from beginning to end, and gave myself up +unreservedly to meet the dangers which encompassed the city. (_To the +clerk_.) Bring me the resolution which was then passed. + +{180} But now, Aeschines, how would you have me describe your part, and +how mine, that day? Shall I call myself, as you would call me by way of +abuse and disparagement, _Battalus_?[n] and you, no ordinary hero even, +but a real stage-hero, _Cresphontes_ or _Creon_,[n] or--the character +which you cruelly murdered at Collytus[n]--_Oenomaus_? Then I, Battalus of +Paeania, proved myself of more value to my country in that crisis than +Oenomaus of Cothocidae. In fact you were of no service on any occasion, +while I played the part which became a good citizen throughout. (_To the +clerk_.) Read this decree. + +{181-7} [_The decree of Demosthenes is read_.] + +{188} This was the first step towards our new relations with Thebes, and +the beginning of a settlement. Up to this time the cities had been +inveigled into mutual hostility, hatred, and mistrust by these men. But +this decree caused the peril that encompassed the city to pass away like a +cloud. It was for an honest citizen, if he had any better plan than mine, +to make it public at the time, instead of attacking me now. {189} The true +counsellor and the dishonest accuser, unlike as they are in everything, +differ most of all in this: the one declares his opinion before the event, +and freely surrenders himself as responsible, to those who follow his +advice, to Fortune, to circumstances, to any one.[n] The other is silent +when he ought to speak, and then carps at anything untoward that may +happen. {190} That crisis, as I have said, was the opportunity for a man +who cared for his country, the opportunity for honest speaking. But so +much further than I need will I go, that if any one can _now_ point to any +better course--or any course at all except that which I chose--I admit my +guilt. If any one has discovered any course to-day, which would have been +for our advantage, had we followed it at the time, I admit that it ought +not to have escaped me. But if there neither is nor was such a +possibility; if even now, even to-day, no one can mention any such course, +what was the counsellor of the people to do? Had he not to choose the best +of the plans which suggested themselves and were feasible? {191} This I +did. For the herald asked the question, Aeschines, 'Who wishes to speak?' +not 'Who wishes to bring accusations about the past?' nor 'Who wishes to +guarantee the future?' And while you sat speechless in the Assembly +throughout that period, I came forward and spoke. Since, however, you did +not do so then, at least inform us now, and tell us what words, which +should have been upon my lips, were left unspoken, what precious +opportunity, offered to the city, was left unused, by me? What alliance +was there, what course of action, to which I ought, by preference, to have +guided my countrymen? + +{192} But with all mankind the past is always dismissed from +consideration, and no one under any circumstances proposes to deliberate +about it. It is the future or the present that make their call upon a +statesman's duty. Now at that time the danger was partly in the future, +and partly already present; and instead of cavilling disingenuously at the +results, consider the principle of my policy under such circumstances. For +in everything the final issue falls out as Heaven wills; but the principle +which he follows itself reveals the mind of the statesman. {193} Do not, +therefore, count it a crime on my part, that Philip proved victorious in +the battle. The issue of that event lay with God, not with me. But show me +that I did not adopt every expedient that was possible, so far as human +reason could calculate; that I did not carry out my plan honestly and +diligently, with exertions greater than my strength could bear; or that +the policy which I initiated was not honourable, and worthy of Athens, and +indeed necessary: and then denounce me, but not before. {194} But if the +thunderbolt [or the storm] which fell has proved too mighty, not only for +us, but for all the other Hellenes, what are we to do? It is as though a +ship-owner, who had done all that he could to ensure safety, and had +equipped the ship with all that he thought would enable her to escape +destruction, and had then met with a tempest in which the tackling had +been strained or even broken to pieces, were to be held responsible for +the wreck of the vessel. 'Why,' he would say, 'I was not steering the +ship'--just as I was not the general[n]--'I had no power over Fortune: she +had power over everything.' But consider and observe this point. {195} If +it was fated that we should fare as we did, even when we had the Thebans +to help us in the struggle, what must we have expected, if we had not had +even them for our allies, but they had joined Philip?--and this was the +object for which Philip employed[n] every tone that he could command. And +if, when the battle took place, as it did, three days' march from Attica, +the city was encompassed by such peril and terror, what should we have had +to expect, if this same disaster had occurred anywhere within the borders +of our own country? Do you realize that, as it was, a single day, and a +second, and a third gave us the power to rally, to collect our forces, to +take breath, to do much that made for the deliverance of the city: but +that had it been otherwise--it is not well, however, to speak of things +which we have not had to experience, thanks to the goodwill of one of the +gods, and to the protection which the city obtained for herself in this +alliance, which you denounce. + +{196} The whole of this long argument, gentlemen of the jury, is addressed +to yourselves and to the circle of listeners outside the bar; for to this +despicable man it would have been enough to address a short, plain +sentence. If to you alone, Aeschines, the future was clear, before it +came, you should have given warning, when the city was deliberating upon +the subject; but if you had no such foreknowledge, you have the same +ignorance to answer for as others. Why then should you make these charges +against me, any more than I against you? {197} For I have been a better +citizen than you with regard to this very matter of which I am speaking--I +am not as yet talking of anything else--just in so far as I gave myself up +to the policy which all thought expedient, neither shrinking from nor +regarding any personal risk; while you neither offered any better +proposals than mine (for then they would not have followed mine), nor yet +made yourself useful in advancing mine in any way. What the most worthless +of men, the bitterest enemy of the city, would do, you are found to have +done, when all was over; and at the same time as the irreconcilable +enemies of the city, Aristratus in Naxos, and Aristoleos in Thasos, are +bringing the friends of Athens to trial, Aeschines, in Athens itself, is +accusing Demosthenes. {198} But surely one who treasured up[n] the +misfortunes of the Hellenes, that he might win glory from them for +himself, deserved to perish rather than to stand as the accuser of +another; and one who has profited by the very same crisis as the enemies +of the city cannot possibly be loyal to his country. You prove it, +moreover, by the life you live, the actions you do, the measures you take +--and the measures, too, that you do not take. Is anything being done +which seems advantageous to the city? Aeschines is speechless. Has any +obstruction, any untoward event occurred? There you find Aeschines, like a +rupture or a sprain, which wakes into life, so soon as any trouble +overtakes the body. + +{199} But since he bears so hardly upon the results, I desire to say what +may even be a paradox; and let no one, in the name of Heaven, be amazed at +the length to which I go, but give a kindly consideration to what I say. +Even if what was to come was plain to all beforehand; even if all foreknew +it; even if you, Aeschines, had been crying with a loud voice in warning +and protestation--you who uttered not so much as a sound; even then, I +say, it was not right for the city to abandon her course, if she had any +regard for her fame, or for our forefathers, or for the ages to come. +{200} As it is, she is thought, no doubt, to have failed to secure her +object--as happens to all alike, whenever God wills it: but then, by +abandoning in favour of Philip her claim to take the lead of others, she +must have incurred the blame of having betrayed them all. Had she +surrendered without a struggle those claims in defence of which our +forefathers faced every imaginable peril, who would not have cast scorn +upon you, Aeschines--upon you, I say; not, I trust, upon Athens nor upon +me? {201} In God's name, with what faces should we have looked upon those +who came to visit the city, if events had come round to the same +conclusion as they now have--if Philip had been chosen as commander and +lord of all, and we had stood apart, while others carried on the struggle +to prevent these things; and that, although the city had never yet in time +past preferred an inglorious security to the hazardous vindication of a +noble cause? {202} What Hellene, what foreigner, does not know, that the +Thebans, and the Spartans, who were powerful still earlier, and the +Persian king would all gratefully and gladly have allowed Athens to take +what she liked and keep all that was her own, if she would do the bidding +of another, and let another take the first place in Hellas? {203} But this +was not, it appears, the tradition of the Athenians; it was not tolerable; +it was not in their nature. From the beginning of time no one had ever yet +succeeded in persuading the city to throw in her lot with those who were +strong, but unrighteous in their dealings, and to enjoy the security of +servitude. Throughout all time she has maintained her perilous struggle +for pre-eminence, honour, and glory. {204} And this policy you look upon +as so lofty, so proper to your own national character, that, of your +forefathers also, it is those who have acted thus that you praise most +highly. And naturally. For who would not admire the courage of those men, +who did not fear to leave their land[n] and their city, and to embark upon +their ships, that they might not do the bidding of another; who chose for +their general Themistocles (who had counselled them thus), and stoned +Cyrsilus to death, when he gave his voice for submission to a master's +orders--and not him alone, for your wives stoned his wife also to death. +{205} For the Athenians of that day did not look for an orator or a +general who would enable them to live in happy servitude; they cared not +to live at all, unless they might live in freedom. For every one of them +felt that he had come into being, not for his father and his mother alone, +but also for his country. And wherein lies the difference? He who thinks +he was born for his parents alone awaits the death which destiny assigns +him in the course of nature: but he who thinks he was born for his country +also will be willing to die, that he may not see her in bondage, and will +look upon the outrages and the indignities that he must needs bear in a +city that is in bondage as more to be dreaded than death. + +{206} Now were I attempting to argue that _I_ had induced you to show a +spirit worthy of your forefathers, there is not a man who might not rebuke +me with good reason. But in fact, I am declaring that such principles as +these are your own; I am showing that _before_ my time the city displayed +this spirit, though I claim that I, too, have had some share, as your +servant, in carrying out your policy in detail. {207} But in denouncing +the policy as a whole, in bidding you be harsh with me, as one who has +brought terrors and dangers upon the city, the prosecutor, in his +eagerness to deprive me of my distinction at the present moment, is trying +to rob you of praises that will last throughout all time. For if you +condemn the defendant on the ground that my policy was not for the best, +men will think that your own judgement has been wrong, and that it was not +through the unkindness of fortune that you suffered what befell you. {208} +But it cannot,[n] it cannot be that you were wrong, men of Athens, when +you took upon you the struggle for freedom and deliverance. No! by those +who at Marathon bore the brunt of the peril--our forefathers. No! by those +who at Plataeae drew up their battle-line, by those who at Salamis, by +those who off Artemisium fought the fight at sea, by the many who lie in +the sepulchres where the People laid them, brave men, all alike deemed +worthy by their country, Aeschines, of the same honour and the same +obsequies--not the successful or the victorious alone! And she acted +justly. For all these have done that which it was the duty of brave men to +do; but their fortune has been that which Heaven assigned to each. {209} +Accursed, poring pedant![n] if you, in your anxiety to deprive me of the +honour and the kindness shown to me by my countrymen, recounted trophies +and battles and deeds of long ago--and of which of them did this present +trial demand the mention?--what spirit was I to take upon me, when I +mounted the platform, I who came forward to advise the city how she should +maintain her pre-eminence? Tell me, third-rate actor! The spirit of one +who would propose things unworthy of this people? {210} I should indeed +have deserved to die! For you too, men of Athens, ought not to judge +private suits and public in the same spirit. The business transactions of +everyday life must be viewed in the light of the special law and practice +associated with each; but the public policy of statesmen must be judged by +the principles that your forefathers set before them. And if you believe +that you should act worthily of them, then, whenever you come into court +to try a public suit, each of you must imagine that with his staff[n] and +his ticket there is entrusted to him also the spirit of his country. + +{211} But I have entered upon the subject of your forefathers' +achievements, and have passed over certain decrees and transactions. I +desire, therefore, to return to the point from which I digressed. + +When we came to Thebes, we found envoys there from Philip, and from the +Thessalians and his other allies--our friends in terror, his full of +confidence. And to show you that I am not saying this now to suit my own +purpose, read the letter which we, your envoys, dispatched without delay. +{212} The prosecutor, however, has exercised the art of misrepresentation +to so extravagant a degree, that he attributes to circumstances, not to +me, any satisfactory result that was achieved; but for everything that +fell out otherwise, he lays the blame upon me and the fortune that attends +me. In his eyes, apparently, I, the counsellor and orator, have no share +in the credit for what was accomplished as the result of oratory and +debate; while I must bear the blame alone for the misfortunes which we +suffered in arms, and as a result of generalship. What more brutal, more +damnable misrepresentation can be conceived? (_To the clerk_.) Read the +letter. + +[_The letter is read_.] + +{213} When they had convened the Assembly, they gave audience to the other +side first, on the ground that they occupied the position of allies; and +these came forward and delivered harangues full of the praises of Philip +and of accusations against yourselves, recalling everything that you had +ever done in opposition to the Thebans. The sum of it all was that they +required the Thebans to show their gratitude for the benefits which they +had received from Philip, and to exact the penalty for the injuries they +had received from you, in whichever way they preferred--either by letting +them march through their country against you, or by joining them in the +invasion of Attica; and they showed (as they thought) that the result of +the course which they advised would be that the herds and slaves and other +valuables of Attica would find their way into Boeotia; while the result of +what (as they alleged) you were about to propose would be that those of +Boeotia would be plundered in consequence of the war. {214} They said much +more, but all tending to the same effect. As for our reply, I would give +my whole life to tell it you in detail; but I fear lest, now that those +times have gone by, you may feel as if a very deluge[n] had overwhelmed +all, and may regard anything that is said on the subject as vanity and +vexation. But hear at least what we persuaded them to do, and their answer +to us. (_To the clerk_.) Take this and read it. + +[_The answer of the Thebans is read_.] + +{215} After this they invited and summoned you; you marched; you went to +their aid; and (to pass over the events which intervened) they received +you in so friendly a spirit that while their infantry and cavalry were +encamped outside the walls,[n] they welcomed your troops into their +houses, within the city, among their children and wives, and all that was +most precious to them. Three eulogies did the Thebans pronounce upon you +before the world that day, and those of the most honourable kind--the +first upon your courage, the second upon your righteousness, the third +upon your self-control. For when they chose to side with you in the +struggle, rather than against you, they judged that your courage was +greater, and your requests more righteous, than Philip's; and when they +placed in your power what they and all men guard most jealously, their +children and wives, they showed their confidence in your self-control. +{216} In all these points, men of Athens, your conduct proved that their +judgement had been correct. For the force came into the city; but no one +made a single complaint--not even an unfounded complaint--against you; so +virtuously did you conduct yourselves. And twice you fought by their side, +in the earliest battles-the battle by the river[n] and the winter- +battle[n]--and showed yourselves, not only irreproachable, but even +admirable, in your discipline, your equipment, and your enthusiasm. These +things called forth expressions of thanks to you from other states, and +sacrifices and processions to the gods from yourselves. {217} And I should +like to ask Aeschines whether, when all this was happening, and the city +was full of pride and joy and thanksgiving, he joined in the sacrifices +and the rejoicing of the multitude, or whether he sat at home grieving and +groaning and angry at the good fortune of his country. If he was present, +and was seen in his place with the rest, surely his present action is +atrocious--nay, even impious--when he asks you, who have taken an oath by +the gods, to vote to-day that those very things were not excellent, of +whose excellence he himself on that day made the gods his witnesses. If he +was not present, then surely he deserves to die many times, for grieving +at the sight of the things which brought rejoicing to others. (_To the +clerk_.) Now read these decrees also. + +[_The decrees ordering sacrifices are read_.] + +{218} Thus we were occupied at that time with sacrifices, while the +Thebans were reflecting how they had been saved by our help; and those +who, in consequence of my opponents' proceedings, had expected that they +would themselves stand in need of help, found themselves, after all, +helping others, in consequence of the action they took upon my advice. But +what the tone of Philip's utterance was, and how greatly he was confounded +by what had happened, you can learn from his letter, which he sent to the +Peloponnese. (_To the clerk_.) Take these and read them: (_to the jury_) +that you may know what was effected by my perseverance, by my travels, by +the hardships I endured, by all those decrees of which Aeschines spoke so +disparagingly just now. + +{219} You have had, as you know, many great and famous orators, men of +Athens, before my time--Callistratus himself, Aristophon, Cephalus, +Thrasybulus, and a vast number of others. Yet not one of these ever gave +himself up entirely to the State for any purpose: the mover of a decree +would not serve as ambassador, the ambassador would not move the decree. +Each left himself, at one and the same time, some respite from work, and +somewhere to lay the blame,[n] in case of accidents. {220} 'Well,' some +one may say, 'did _you_ so excel them in force and boldness, as to do +everything yourself?' I do not say that. But so strong was my conviction +of the seriousness of the danger that had overtaken the city, that I felt +that I ought not to give my personal safety any place whatever in my +thoughts; it was enough for a man to do his duty and to leave nothing +undone. {221} And I was convinced with regard to myself--foolishly +perhaps, but still convinced--that no mover would make a better proposal, +no agent would execute it better, no ambassador would be more eager or +more honest in his mission, than I. For these reasons, I assigned every +one of these offices to myself. (_To the clerk_.) Read Philip's letters. + +[_Philip's letters are read_.] + +{222} To this condition, Aeschines, was Philip reduced by my +statesmanship. This was the tone of his utterances, though before this he +used to threaten the city with many a bold word. For this I was deservedly +crowned by those here assembled, and though you were present, you offered +no opposition; while Diondas, who indicted the proposer, did not obtain +the necessary fraction of the votes. (_To the clerk_.) Read me these +decrees, (_to the jury)_ which escaped condemnation, and which Aeschines +did not even indict. + +[_The decrees are read_.] + +{223} These decrees, men of Athens, contain the very same syllables, the +very same words, as those which Aristonicus previously employed in his +proposal, and which Ctesiphon, the defendant, has employed now; and +Aeschines neither prosecuted the proposer of them himself, nor supported +the person who indicted him. Yet surely, if the charges which he is +bringing against me to-day are true, he would have had better reason then +for prosecuting Demomeles (the proposer of the decree) and Hypereides, +than he has for prosecuting Ctesiphon. And why? {224} Because Ctesiphon +can refer you to them--to the decision of the courts, to the fact that +Aeschines himself did not accuse them, though they had moved exactly what +he has moved now, to the prohibition by law of further prosecution in such +cases, and to many other facts: whereas then the case would have been +tried on its merits, before the defendant had got the advantage of any +such precedent. {225} But of course it was impossible then for Aeschines +to act as he has acted now--to select out of many periods of time long +past, and many decrees, matters which no one either knew or thought would +be mentioned to-day; to misrepresent them, to change the dates, to put +false reasons for the actions taken in place of the true, and so appear to +have a case. {226} At the time this was impossible. Every word spoken then +must have been spoken with the truth in view, at no distance of time from +the events, while you still remembered all the facts and had them +practically at your fingers' ends. For that reason he evaded all +investigation at the time; and he has come before you now, in the belief +(I fancy) that you will make this a contest of oratory, instead of an +inquiry into our political careers, and that it is upon our eloquence, not +upon the interests of the city, that you will decide. + +{227} Yes, and he ingeniously suggests that you ought to disregard the +opinion which you had of each of us when you left your homes and came into +court; and that just as, when you draw up an account in the belief that +some one has a balance, you nevertheless give way when you find that the +counters all disappear[n] and leave nothing over, so now you should give +your adhesion to the conclusion which emerges from the argument. Now +observe how inherently rotten everything that springs from dishonesty +seems to be. {228} By his very use of this ingenious illustration he has +confessed that to-day, at all events, our respective characters are well +established--that I am known to speak for my country's good, and he to +speak for Philip. For unless that were your present conception of each of +us, he would not have sought to change your view. {229} And further, I +shall easily show you that it is not fair of him to ask you to alter this +opinion--not by the use of counters--that is not how a political reckoning +is made--but by briefly recalling each point to you, and treating you who +hear me both as auditors of my account and witnesses to the facts. For +that policy of mine which he denounces caused the Thebans, instead of +joining Philip, as all expected them to do, in the invasion of our +country, to range themselves by our side and stay his progress. {230} It +caused the war to take place not in Attica, but on the confines of +Boeotia, eighty miles from the city. Instead of our being harried and +plundered by freebooters from Euboea, it gave peace to Attica from the +side of the sea throughout the war. Instead of Philip's taking Byzantium +and becoming master of the Hellespont, it caused the Byzantines to join us +in the war against him. {231} Can such achievements, think you, be +reckoned up like counters? Are we to cancel them out,[n] rather than +provide that they shall be remembered for all time? I need not now add +that it fell to others to taste the barbarity which is to be seen in every +case in which Philip got any one finally into his power; while you reaped +(and quite rightly) the fruits of the generosity which he feigned while he +was bringing within his grasp all that remained. But I pass this over. + +{232} Nay, I will not even hesitate to say, that one who wished to review +an orator's career straightforwardly and without misrepresentation, would +not have included in his charges such matters as you just now spoke of-- +making up illustrations, and mimicking words and gestures. Of course the +fortune which befell the Hellenes--surely you see this?--was entirely due +to my using this word instead of that, or waving my hand in one direction +rather than the other! {233} He would have inquired, by reference to the +actual facts, what resources and what forces the city had at her command +when I entered political life; what I subsequently collected for her when +I took control; and what was the condition of our adversaries. Then if I +had diminished our forces, he would have proved that the fault lay at my +door; but if I had greatly increased them, he would have abstained from +deliberate misrepresentation. But since you have avoided such an inquiry, +I will undertake it; and do you, gentlemen, observe whether my argument is +just. + +{234} The military resources of the city included the islanders--and not +all, but only the weakest. For neither Chios nor Rhodes nor Corcyra was +with us. Their contribution in money came to 45 talents, and these had +been collected in advance.[n] Infantry and cavalry, besides our own, we +had none. But the circumstance which was most alarming to us and most +favourable to our enemies was that these men had contrived that all our +neighbours should be more inclined to enmity than to friendship--the +Megareans, the Thebans, and the Euboeans. {235} Such was the position of +the city at the time; and what I say admits of no contradiction. Now +consider the position of Philip, with whom our conflict lay. In the first +place, he held absolute sway over his followers--and this for purposes of +war is the greatest of all advantages. Next, his followers had their +weapons in their hands always. Then he was well off for money, and did +whatever he resolved to do, without giving warning of it by decrees, or +debating about it in public, or being put on trial by dishonest accusers, +or defending himself against indictments for illegality, or being bound to +render an account to any one. He was himself absolute master, commander, +and lord of all. {236} But I who was set to oppose him--for this inquiry +too it is just to make--what had I under my control? Nothing! For, to +begin with, the very right to address you--the only right I had--you +extended to Philip's hirelings in the same measure as to me; and as often +as they defeated me--and this frequently happened, whatever the reason on +each occasion--so often you went away leaving a resolution recorded in +favour of the enemy. {237} But in spite of all these disadvantages, I won +for you the alliance of the Euboeans, Achaeans, Corinthians, Thebans, +Megareans, Leucadians, and Corcyreans, from whom were collected--apart +from their citizen-troops--15,000 mercenaries and 2,000 cavalry. {238} And +I instituted a money-contribution, on as large a scale as I could. But if +you refer,[n] Aeschines, to what was fair as between ourselves and the +Thebans or the Byzantines or the Euboeans--if at this time you talk to us +of equal shares--you must be ignorant, in the first place, of the fact +that in former days also, out of those ships of war, three hundred [n] in +all, which fought for the Hellenes, Athens provided two hundred, and did +not think herself unfairly used, or let herself be seen arraigning those +who had counselled her action, or taking offence at the arrangement. It +would have been shameful. No! men saw her rendering thanks to Heaven, +because when a common peril beset the Hellenes, she had provided double as +much as all the rest to secure the deliverance of all. {239} Moreover, it +is but a hollow benefit that you are conferring upon your countrymen by +your dishonest charges against me. Why do you tell them _now_, what course +they ought to have taken? Why did you not propose such a course at the +time (for you were in Athens, and were present) if it was possible in the +midst of those critical times, when we had to accept, not what we chose, +but what circumstances allowed; since there was one at hand, bidding +against us, and ready to welcome those whom we rejected, and to pay them +into the bargain. + +{240} But if I am accused to-day, for what I have actually done, what if +at the time I had haggled over these details, and the other states had +gone off and joined Philip, and he had become master at once of Euboea and +Thebes and Byzantium? What do you think these impious men would then have +done? {241} What would they have said? Would they not have declared that +the states had been surrendered? that they had been driven away, when they +wished to be on your side? 'See,' they would have said (would they not?), +'he has obtained through the Byzantines the command of the Hellespont and +the control of the corn trade of Hellas; and through the Thebans a trying +border war has been brought into Attica; and owing to the pirates who sail +from Euboea, the sea has become unnavigable,' and much more in addition. +{242} A villainous thing, men of Athens, is the dishonest accuser always-- +villainous, and in every way malignant and fault-finding! Aye, and this +miserable creature is a fox by nature, that has never done anything honest +or gentlemanly--a very tragical ape, a clodhopping Oenomaus, a counterfeit +orator! {243} Where is the profit to your country from your cleverness? Do +you instruct us now about things that are past? It is as though a doctor, +when he was paying his visits to the sick, were to give them no advice or +instructions to enable them to become free from their illness, but, when +one of his patients died and the customary offerings[n] were being paid +him, were to explain, as he followed to the tomb, 'if this man had done +such and such things, he would not have died.' Crazy fool! Do you tell us +this _now_? + +{244} Nor again will you find that the defeat--if you exult at it, when +you ought to groan, accursed man!--was determined by anything that was +within my control. Consider the question thus. In no place to which I was +sent by you as ambassador, did I ever come away defeated by the +ambassadors of Philip--not from Thessaly nor from Ambracia, not from the +Illyrians nor from the Thracian princes, not from Byzantium nor from any +other place, nor yet, on the last occasion, from Thebes. But every place +in which his ambassadors were defeated in argument, he proceeded to attack +and subdue by force of arms. {245} Do you then require those places at +_my_ hands? Are you not ashamed to jeer at a man as a coward, and in the +same breath to require him to prove superior, by his own unaided efforts, +to the army of Philip--and that with no weapons to use but words? For what +else was at my disposal? I could not control the spirit of each soldier, +or the fortune of the combatants, or the generalship displayed, of which, +in your perversity, you demand an account from me. {246} No; but every +investigation that can be made as regards those duties for which an orator +should be held responsible, I bid you make. I crave no mercy. And what are +those duties? To discern events in their beginnings, to foresee what is +coming, and to forewarn others. These things I have done. Again, it is his +duty to reduce to the smallest possible compass, wherever he finds them, +the slowness, the hesitation, the ignorance, the contentiousness, which +are the errors inseparably connected with the constitution of all city- +states; while, on the other hand, he must stimulate men to unity, +friendship, and eagerness to perform their duty. All these things I have +done, and no one can discover any dereliction of duty on my part at any +time. {247} If one were to ask any person whatever, by what means Philip +had accomplished the majority of his successes, every one would reply that +it was by means of his army, and by giving presents and corrupting those +in charge of affairs. Now I had no control or command of the forces: +neither, then, does the responsibility for anything that was done in that +sphere concern me. And further, in the matter of being or not being +corrupted by bribes, I have defeated Philip. For just as the bidder has +conquered one who accepts his money, if he effects his purchase, so one +who refuses to accept it [and is not corrupted] has conquered the bidder. +In all, therefore, in which I am concerned, the city has suffered no +defeat. + +{248} The justification, then, with which I furnished the defendant for +such a motion as he proposed with regard to me, consisted (along with many +other points) of the facts which I have described, and others like them. I +will now proceed to that justification which all of you supplied. For +immediately after the battle, the People, who knew and had seen all that I +did, and now stood in the very midst of the peril and terror, at a moment +when it would not have been surprising if the majority had shown some +harshness towards me--the People, I say, in the first place carried my +proposals for ensuring the safety of the city; and all the measures +undertaken for its protection--the disposition of the garrisons, the +entrenchments, the funds for the fortifications--were all provided for by +decrees which I proposed. And, in the second place, when the People chose +a corn-commissioner, out of all Athens they elected me. {249} Subsequently +all those who were interested in injuring me combined, and assailed me +with indictments, prosecutions after audit, impeachments, and all such +proceedings--not in their own names at first, but through the agency of +men behind whom, they thought, they would best be screened against +recognition. For you doubtless know and remember that during the early +part of that period I was brought to trial every day; and neither the +desperation of Sosicles, nor the dishonest misrepresentations of +Philocrates,[n] nor the frenzy of Diondas and Melantus, nor any other +expedient, was left untried by them against me. And in all these trials, +thanks to the gods above all, but secondarily to you and the rest of the +Athenians, I was acquitted--and justly; for such a decision is in +accordance both with truth and with the credit of jurors who have taken +their oath, and given a verdict in conformity with it. {250} So whenever I +was impeached, and you absolved me and did not give the prosecutor the +necessary fraction of the votes, you were voting that my policy was the +best. Whenever I was acquitted upon an indictment, it was a proof that my +motion and proposals were according to law. Whenever you set your seal to +my accounts at an audit, you confessed in addition that I had acted +throughout with uprightness and integrity. And this being so, what epithet +was it fitting or just that Ctesiphon should apply to my actions? Was it +not that which he saw applied by the People, and by juries on their oath, +and ratified by Truth in the judgement of all men? + +{251} 'Yes,' he replies, 'but Cephalus'[n] boast was a noble one--that he +had never been indicted at all.' True, and a happy thing also it was for +him. But why should one who has often been tried, but has never been +convicted of crime, deserve to incur criticism any the more on that +account? Yet in truth, men of Athens, so far as Aeschines is concerned, I +too can make this noble boast that Cephalus made. For he has never yet +preferred or prosecuted any indictment against me; so that by you at +least, Aeschines, I am admitted to be no worse a citizen than Cephalus. + +{252} His want of feeling and his malignity may be seen in many ways, and +not least in the remarks which he made about fortune. For my part, I think +that, as a rule, when one human being reproaches another with his fortune, +he is a fool. For when he who thinks himself most prosperous and fancies +his fortune most excellent, does not know whether it will remain so until +the evening, how can it be right to speak of one's fortune, or to taunt +another with his? But since Aeschines adopts a tone of lofty superiority +upon this as upon many other subjects, observe, men of Athens, how much +more truthful and more becoming in a human being my own remarks upon +Aeschines' fortune will be. {253} I believe that the fortune of this city +is good; and I see that the God of Dodona also declares this to you +through his oracle. But I think that the prevailing fortune of mankind as +a whole to-day is grievous and terrible. For what man, Hellene or +foreigner, has not tasted abundance of evil at this present time? {254} +Now the fact that we chose the noblest course, and that we are actually +better off than those Hellenes who expected to live in prosperity if they +sacrificed us, I ascribe to the good fortune of the city. But in so far as +we failed, in so far as everything did not fall out in accordance with our +wishes, I consider that the city has received the share which was due to +us of the fortune of mankind in general. {255} But my personal fortune, +and that of every individual among us, ought, I think, in fairness to be +examined with reference to our personal circumstances. That is my +judgement with regard to fortune, and I believe (as I think you also do) +that my judgement is correct and just. But Aeschines asserts that my +personal fortune has more influence than the fortune of the city as a +community--the insignificant and evil more than the good and important! +How can this be? + +{256} If, however, you determine at all costs to scrutinize my fortune, +Aeschines, then compare it with your own; and if you find that mine is +better than yours, then cease to revile it. Examine it, then, from the +very beginning. And, in Heaven's name, let no one condemn me for any want +of good taste. For I neither regard one who speaks insultingly of poverty, +nor one who prides himself on having been brought up in affluence, as a +man of sense. But the slanders and misrepresentations of this unfeeling +man oblige me to enter upon a discussion of this sort; and I will conduct +it with as much moderation as the facts allow. + +{257} I then, Aeschines, had the advantage as a boy of attending the +schools which became my position, and of possessing as much as one who is +to do nothing ignoble owing to poverty must possess. When I passed out of +boyhood, my life corresponded with my upbringing--I provided choruses and +equipped warships; I paid the war-tax; I neglected none of the paths to +distinction in public or private life, but gave my services both to my +country and my friends; and when I thought fit to enter public life, the +measures which I decided to adopt were of such a character that I have +been crowned many times both by my country and by many other Hellenic +peoples, while not even you, my enemies, attempt to say that my choice was +not at least an honourable one. {258} Such is the fortune which has +accompanied my life, and though I might say much more about it, I refrain +from doing so, in my anxiety not to annoy any one by the expression of my +pride. And you--the lofty personage, the despiser of others--what has been +your fortune when compared with this?--the fortune, thanks to which you +were brought up as a boy in the depths of indigence, in close attendance +upon the school along with your father, pounding up the ink, sponging down +the forms, sweeping the attendants' room,[n] occupying the position of a +menial, not of a free-born boy! {259} Then, when you became a man, you +used to read out the books[n] to your mother at her initiations, and help +her in the rest of the hocus-pocus, by night dressing the initiated[n] in +fawnskins, drenching them from the bowl, purifying them and wiping them +down with the clay and the bran, and (when they were purified) bidding +them stand up and say, 'The ill is done, the good begun,' priding yourself +upon raising the shout of joy more loudly than any one had ever done +before--and I can believe it, for, when his voice is so loud, you dare not +imagine that his shout is anything but superlatively fine. {260} But by +day you used to lead those noble companies through the streets, men +crowned with fennel and white poplar,[n] throttling the puff-adders and +waving them over your head, crying out 'Euoe, Saboe,'[n] and dancing to +the tune of 'Hyes Attes, Attes Hyes'--addressed by the old hags as leader, +captain, ivy-bearer, fan-bearer, and so on; and as the reward of your +services getting sops and twists and barley-bannocks! Who would not +congratulate himself with good reason on such things, and bless his own +fortune? {261} But when you were enrolled among your fellow +parishioners,[n] by whatever means (for of that I say nothing)--when, I +say, you _were_ enrolled, you at once selected the noblest of occupations, +that of a clerk and servant to petty magistrates. {262} And when at length +you escaped from this condition also, after yourself doing all that you +impute to others, you in no way--Heaven knows!--disgraced your previous +record by the life which you subsequently lived; for you hired yourself +out to the actors Simylus and Socrates--the Roarers, they were nicknamed +--and played as a third-rate actor, collecting figs[n] and bunches of +grapes and olives, like a fruiterer gathering from other peoples' farms, +and getting more out of this than out of the dramatic competitions in +which you were competing for your lives; for there was war without truce +or herald between yourselves and the spectators; and the many wounds you +received from them make it natural for you to jeer at the cowardice of +those who have had no such experiences. {263} But I will pass over all +that might be accounted for by your poverty, and proceed to my charges +against your character itself. For you chose a line of political action +(when at length it occurred to you to take up politics too), in pursuance +of which, when your country's fortune was good, you lived the life of a +hare, in fear and trembling, always expecting a thrashing for the crimes +which lay on your conscience; whereas all have seen your boldness amid the +misfortunes of others. {264} But when a man plucks up courage at the death +of a thousand of his fellow citizens, what does he deserve to suffer at +the hands of the living? I have much more to say about him, but I will +leave it unsaid. It is not for me, I think, to mention lightly all the +infamy and disgrace which I could prove to be connected with him, but only +so much as it is not discreditable to myself to speak of. + +{265} And now review the history of your life and of mine, side by side-- +good temperedly, Aeschines, not unkindly: and then ask these gentlemen +which fortune, of the two, each of them would choose. You taught letters; +I attended school. You conducted initiations; I was initiated. You were a +clerk; I a member of the Assembly: you, a third-rate actor, I a spectator +of the play. You used to be driven from the stage, while I hissed. Your +political life has all been lived for the good of our enemies, mine for +the good of my country. {266} To pass over all besides, even on this very +day, I am being examined with regard to my qualification for a crown--it +is already admitted that I am clear of all crimes; while you have already +the reputation of a dishonest informer, and for you the issue at stake is +whether you are to continue such practices, or to be stopped once for all, +through failing to obtain a fifth part of the votes. A good fortune +indeed--can you not see?--is that which has accompanied your life, that +you should denounce mine! + +{267} And now let me read to you the evidence of the public burdens which +I have undertaken; and side by side with them, do you, Aeschines, read the +speeches which you used to murder-- + + 'I leave the abysm of death and gates of gloom,'[n] + +and + + 'Know that I am not fain ill-news to bring'; + +and 'evil in evil wise',[n] may you be brought to perdition, by the gods +above all, and then by all those here present, villainous citizen, +villainous third-rate actor that you are. (_To the clerk_.) Read the +evidence. + +[_The evidence is read_.] + +{268} Such was I in my relation to the State. And as to my private life, +unless you all know that I was open-hearted and generous and at the +disposal of all who had need of me, I am silent; I prefer to tell you +nothing, and to produce no evidence whatever, to show whether I ransomed +some from the enemy, or helped others to give their daughters in marriage, +or rendered any such services. {269} For my principle may perhaps be +expressed thus. I think that one who has received a kindness ought to +remember it all his life; but that the doer of the kindness should forget +it once for all; if the former is to behave like a good man, the latter +like one free from all meanness. To be always recalling and speaking of +one's own benefactions is almost like upbraiding the recipients of them. I +will do nothing of the kind, and will not be led into doing so. Whatever +be the opinion that has been formed of me in these respects, with that I +am content. + +{270} But I desire to be rid of personal topics, and to say a little more +to you about public affairs. For if, Aeschines, you can mention one of all +those who dwell beneath the sun above us, Hellene or foreigner, who has +not suffered under the absolute sway, first of Philip, and now of +Alexander, so be it! I concede that it is my fortune or misfortune, +whichever you are pleased to call it, that has been to blame for +everything. {271} But if many of those who have never once even seen me or +heard my voice have suffered much and terribly--and not individuals alone, +but whole cities and nations--how much more just and truthful it is to +regard the common fortune (as it seems to be) of all mankind, and a +certain stubborn drift of events in the wrong direction, as the cause of +these sufferings. {272} Such considerations, however, you discard. You +impute the blame to me, whose political life has been lived among my own +fellow countrymen--and that, though you know that your slander falls in +part (if not entirely) upon all of them, and above all upon yourself. For +if, when I took part in the discussion of public affairs, I had had +absolute power, it would have been possible for all of you, the other +orators, to lay the blame on me. {273} But if you were present at every +meeting of the Assembly; if the city always brought forward questions of +policy for public consideration; if at the time my policy appeared the +best to every one, and above all to you (for it was certainly from no +goodwill that you relinquished to me the hopes, the admiration, the +honours, which all attached themselves to my policy at that time, but +obviously because the truth was too strong for you, and you had nothing +better to propose); then surely you are guilty of monstrous iniquity, in +finding fault to-day with a policy, than which, at the time, you could +propose nothing better. {274} Among all the rest of mankind, I observe +that some such principles as the following have been, as it were, +determined and ordained. If a man commits a deliberate crime, indignation +and punishment are ordained against him. If he commits an involuntary +mistake, instead of punishment, he is to receive pardon. If, without crime +or mistake, one who has given himself up wholly to that which seems to be +for the advantage of all has, in company with all, failed to achieve +success, then it is just, not to reproach or revile such a man, but to +sympathize with him. {275} Moreover, it will be seen that all these +principles are not so ordained in the laws alone. Nature herself has laid +them down in her unwritten law, and in the moral consciousness of mankind. +Aeschines, then, has so far surpassed all mankind in brutality and in the +art of misrepresentation, that he actually denounces me for things which +he himself mentioned under the name of misfortunes. + +{276} In addition to everything else, as though he had himself always +spoken straightforwardly and in loyalty, he bade you keep your eyes on me +carefully, and make sure that I did not mislead or deceive you. He called +me 'a clever speaker', 'a wizard', 'a sophist', and so on: just as if it +followed that when a man had the first word and attributed his own +qualities to another, the truth was really as he stated, and his hearers +would not inquire further who he himself was, that said such things. But I +am sure that you all know this man, and are aware that these qualities +belong to him far more than to me. And again, {277} I am quite sure that +my cleverness--yes, let the word pass; though I observe that the influence +of a speaker depends for the most part on his audience; for in proportion +to the welcome and the goodwill which you accord to each speaker is the +credit which he obtains for wisdom;--I am sure, I say, that if I too +possess any such skill, you will all find it constantly fighting on your +behalf in affairs of State, never in opposition to you, never for private +ends; while the skill of Aeschines, on the contrary, is employed, not only +in upholding the cause of the enemy, but in attacking any one who has +annoyed him or come into collision with him anywhere. He neither employs +it uprightly, nor to promote the interests of the city. {278} For a good +and honourable citizen ought not to require from a jury, who have come +into court to represent the interests of the community, that they shall +give their sanction to his anger, or his enmity, or any other such +passion; nor ought he to come before you to gratify such feelings. It were +best that he had no such passions in his nature at all; but if they are +really inevitable, then he should keep them tame and subdued. Under what +circumstances, then, should a politician and an orator show passion? {279} +When any of the vital interests of his country are at stake; when it is +with its enemies that the People has to deal: those are the circumstances. +For then is the opportunity of a loyal and gallant citizen. But that when +he has never to this day demanded my punishment, either in the name of the +city or in his own, for any public--nor, I will add, for any private-- +crime, he should have come here with a trumped-up charge against the grant +of a crown and a vote of thanks, and should have spent so many words upon +it--that is a sign of personal enmity and jealousy and meanness, not of +any good quality. {280} And that he should further have discarded every +form of lawsuit against myself, and should have come here to-day to attack +the defendant, is the very extremity of baseness. It shows, I think, +Aeschines, that your motive in undertaking this suit was your desire, not +to exact vengeance for any crime, but to give a display of rhetoric and +elocution. Yet it is not his language, Aeschines, that deserves our esteem +in an orator, nor the pitch of his voice, but his choice of the aims which +the people chooses, his hatred or love of those whom his country loves or +hates. {281} He whose heart is so disposed will always speak with loyal +intent; but he who serves those from whom the city foresees danger to +herself, does not ride at the same anchor as the People, and therefore +does not look for safety to the same quarter. But I do, mark you! For I +have made the interests of my countrymen my own, and have counted nothing +as reserved for my own private advantage. What? {282} You have not done so +either? How can that be, when immediately after the battle you went your +way as an ambassador to Philip, the author of the calamities which befell +your country at that time; and that, despite the fact that until then you +always denied this intimacy[n] with him, as every one knows? But what is +meant by a deceiver of the city? Is it not one who does not say what he +thinks? Upon whom does the herald justly pronounce the curse? Is it not +upon such a man as this? With what greater crime can one charge a man who +is an orator, than that of saying one thing and thinking another? Such a +man you have been found to be. {283} And after this do you open your +mouth, or dare to look this audience in the face? Do you imagine that they +do not know who you are? or that the slumber of forgetfulness has taken +such hold upon them all, that they do not remember the speeches which you +used to deliver during the war, when you declared with imprecations and +oaths that you had nothing to do with Philip, and that I was bringing this +accusation against you, when it was not true, to satisfy my personal +enmity? {284} But so soon as the news of the battle had come, you thought +no more of all this, but at once avowed and professed that you stood on a +footing of friendship and guest-friendship with him; though these were +nothing but your hireling-service under other names; for upon what honest +or equal basis could Aeschines, the son of Glaucothea the tambourine-- +player,[n] enjoy the guest-friendship, or the friendship, or the +acquaintance of Philip? I cannot see. In fact, you had been hired by him +to ruin the interests of these your countrymen. And yet, though your own +treason has been so plainly detected--though you have been an informer +against yourself after the event--you still revile me, and reproach me +with crimes of which, you will find, any one is more guilty than I. + +{285} Many a great and noble enterprise, Aeschines, did this city +undertake and succeed in, inspired by me; and she did not forget them. It +is a proof of this, that when, immediately after the event, the People had +to elect one who should pronounce the oration over the dead, and you were +nominated, they did not elect you, for all your fine voice, nor Demades, +who had just negotiated the Peace, nor Hegemon,[n] nor any other member of +your party: they elected me. And when you and Pythocles[n] came forward in +a brutal and shameless fashion, God knows! and made the same charges +against me as you are making again to-day, and abused me, the People +elected me even more decidedly. {286} And the reason you know well; but I +will tell it you nevertheless. They knew for themselves both the loyalty +and zeal which inspired my conduct of affairs, and the iniquity of +yourself and your friends. For what you denied with oaths when our cause +was prosperous, you admitted in the hour of the city's failure; and those, +accordingly, who were only enabled by the misfortunes of their country to +express their views without fear, they decided to have been enemies of +their own for a long while, though only then did they stand revealed.{287} +And further, they thought that one who was to pronounce an oration over +the dead, and to adorn their valour, should not have come beneath the same +roof, nor shared the same libation,[n] as those who were arrayed against +them; that he should not there join with those who with their own hands +had slain them, in the revel[n] and the triumph-song over the calamities +of the Hellenes, and then come home and receive honour--that he should not +play the mourner over their fate with his voice, but should grieve for +them in his heart. What they required they saw in themselves and in me, +but not in you; and this was why they appointed me, and not any of you. +{288} Nor, when the people acted thus, did the fathers and brothers of the +slain, who were then publicly appointed to conduct the funeral, act +otherwise. For since (in accordance with the ordinary custom) they had to +hold the funeral-feast in the house of the nearest of kin, as it were, to +the slain, they held it at my house, and with reason; for though by birth +each was more nearly akin to his dead than I, yet none stood nearer to +them all in common. For he who had their life and their success most at +heart, had also, when they had suffered what I would they had not, the +greatest share of sorrow for them all. + +(_To the clerk _) {289} Read him the epitaph which the city resolved to +inscribe above them at the public cost; (_to Aeschines_) that even by +these very lines, Aeschines, you may know that you are a man destitute of +feeling, a dishonest accuser, an abominable wretch! + + + _The Inscription_.[n] + + These for their country, fighting side by side, + By deeds of arms dispelled the foemen's pride. + heir lives they saved not, bidding Death make clear-- + Impartial Judge!--their courage or their fear. + For Greece they fought, lest, 'neath the yoke brought low, + In thraldom she th' oppressor's scorn should know. + Now in the bosom of their fatherland + After their toil they rest--'tis God's command. + 'Tis God's alone from failure free to live;[n] + Escape from Fate to no man doth He give. + +{290} Do you hear, Aeschines [in these very lines], 'Tis God's alone from +failure free to live'? Not to the statesman has he ascribed the power to +secure success for those who strive, but to the gods. Why then, accursed +man, do you revile _me_, for our failure, in words which I pray the gods +to turn upon the heads of you and yours? + +{291} But, even after all the other lying accusations which he has brought +against me, the thing which amazed me most of all, men of Athens, was that +when he mentioned what had befallen the city, he did not think of it as a +loyal and upright citizen would have thought. He shed no tears; he felt no +emotion of sorrow in his heart: he lifted up his voice, he exulted, he +strained his throat, evidently in the belief that he was accusing me, +though in truth he was giving us an illustration, to his own discredit, of +the utter difference between his feelings and those of others, at the +painful events which had taken place. {292} But surely one who professes, +as Aeschines professes now, to care for the laws and the constitution, +ought to show, if nothing else, at least that he feels the same griefs and +the same joys as the People, and has not, by his political profession, +ranged himself on the side of their opponents. That you have done the +latter is manifest today, when you pretend that the blame for everything +is mine, and that it is through me that the city was plunged in trouble: +though it was not through my statesmanship or my policy, gentlemen, {293} +that you began to help the Hellenes: for were you to grant me this--that +it was through me that you had resisted the dominion which was being +established over the Hellenes--you would have granted me a testimonial +which all those that you have given to others together could not equal. +But neither would I make such an assertion; for it would be unjust to you; +nor, I am sure, would you concede its truth: and if Aeschines were acting +honestly, he would not have been trying to deface and misrepresent the +greatest of your glories, in order to satisfy his hatred towards me. + +{294} But why do I rebuke him for this, when he has made other lying +charges against me, which are more outrageous by far? For when a man +charges me--I call Heaven and Earth to witness!--with philippizing, what +will he not say? By Heracles and all the gods, if one had to inquire +truthfully, setting aside all calumny and all expression of animosity, who +are in reality the men upon whose heads all would naturally and justly lay +the blame for what has taken place, you would find that it was those in +each city who resemble Aeschines, not those who resemble me. {295} For +they, when Philip's power was weak and quite insignificant--when we +repeatedly warned and exhorted you and showed you what was best--they, to +satisfy their own avarice, sacrificed the interests of the community, each +group deceiving and corrupting their own fellow citizens, until they +brought them into bondage. Thus the Thessalians were treated by Daochus, +Cineas, and Thrasydaeus; the Arcadians by Cercidas, Hieronymus and +Eucampidas; the Argives by Myrtis, Teledamus, and Mnaseas; the Eleans by +Euxitheus, Cleotimus and Aristaechmus; the Messenians by the sons of the +godforsaken Philiadas--Neon and Thrasylochus; the Sicymians by Aristratus +and Epichares; the Corinthians by Deinarchus and Demaretus; the Megareans +by Ptoeodorus, Helixus and Perillus; the Thebans by Timolaus, Theogeiton, +and Anemoetas; the Euboeans by Hipparchus and Sosistratus. {296} Daylight +will fail me before the list of the traitors is complete. All these, men +of Athens, are men who pursue the same designs in their own cities, as my +opponents pursue among you--abominable men, flatterers, evil spirits, who +have hacked the limbs each of his own fatherland, and like boon companions +have pledged away their freedom, first to Philip and now to Alexander; men +whose measure of happiness is their belly, and their lowest instincts; +while as for freedom, and the refusal to acknowledge any man as lord--the +standard and rule of good to the Hellenes of old--they have flung it to +the ground. + +{297} Of this shameful and notorious conspiracy and wickedness--or rather +(to speak with all earnestness, men of Athens), of this treason against +the freedom of the Hellenes--Athens has been guiltless in the eyes of all +men, in consequence of my statesmanship, as I have been guiltless in your +eyes. And do you then ask me for what merits I count myself worthy to +receive honour? I tell you that at a time when every politician in Hellas +had been corrupted--beginning with yourself--[firstly by Philip, and now +by Alexander], {298} no opportunity that offered, no generous language, no +grand promises, no hopes, no fears, nor any other motive, tempted or +induced me to betray one jot of what I believed to be the rights and +interests of the city; nor, of all the counsel that I have given to my +fellow countrymen, up to this day, has any ever been given (as it has by +you) with the scales of the mind inclining to the side of gain, but all +out of an upright, honest, uncorrupted soul. I have taken the lead in +greater affairs than any man of my own time, and my administration has +been sound and honest throughout all. {299} That is why I count myself +worthy of honour. But as for the fortifications and entrenchments, for +which you ridiculed me, I judge them to be deserving, indeed, of gratitude +and commendation--assuredly they are so--but I set them far below my own +political services. Not with stones, nor with bricks, did I fortify this +city. Not such are the works upon which I pride myself most. But would you +inquire honestly wherein my fortifications consist? You will find them in +munitions of war, in cities, in countries, in harbours, in ships, in +horses, and in men ready to defend my fellow countrymen. {300} These are +the defences I have set to protect Attica, so far as by human calculation +it could be done; and with these I have fortified our whole territory--not +the circuit of the Peiraeus or of the city alone. Nor in fact, did _I +_prove inferior to Philip in calculations--far from it!--or in +preparations for war; but the generals of the confederacy,[n] and their +forces, proved inferior to him in fortune. Where are the proofs of these +things? They are clear and manifest. I bid you consider them. + +{301} What was the duty of a loyal citizen--one who was acting with all +forethought and zeal and uprightness for his country's good? Was it not to +make Euboea the bulwark of Attica on the side of the sea, and Boeotia on +that of the mainland, and on that of the regions towards the Peloponnese, +our neighbours[n] in that direction? Was it not to provide for the corn- +trade, and to ensure that it should pass along a continuously friendly +coast all the way to the Peiraeus? {302} Was it not to preserve the places +which were ours--Proconnesus, the Chersonese, Tenedos--by dispatching +expeditions to aid them, and proposing and moving resolutions accordingly; +and to secure the friendship and alliance of the rest--Byzantium, +Tenedos, Euboea? Was it not to take away the greatest of the resources +which the enemy possessed, and to add what was lacking to those of the +city? {303} All this has been accomplished by my decrees and by the +measures which I have taken; and all these measures, men of Athens, will +be found by any one who will examine them without jealousy, to have been +correctly planned, and executed with entire honesty: the opportunity for +each step was not, you will find, neglected or left unrecognized or thrown +away by me, and nothing was left undone, which it was within the power and +the reasoning capacity of a single man to effect. But if the might of some +Divine Power, or the inferiority of our generals, or the wickedness of +those who were betraying your cities, or all these things together, +continuously injured our whole cause, until they effected its overthrow, +how is Demosthenes at fault? {304} Had there been in each of the cities of +Hellas one man, such as I was, as I stood at my own post in your midst-- +nay, if all Thessaly and all Arcadia had each had but one man animated by +the same spirit as myself--not one Hellenic people, either beyond or on +this side of Thermopylae, would have experienced the evils which they now +suffer. {305} All would have been dwelling in liberty and independence, +free from all fears, secure and prosperous, each in their own land, +rendering thanks for all these great blessings to you and the rest of the +Athenian people, through me. But that you may know that in my anxiety to +avoid jealousy, I am using language which is far from adequate to the +actual facts, (_to the clerk_) read me this; and take and recite the list +of the expeditions sent out in accordance with my decrees. + +[_The list of expeditions is read]_ + +{306} These measures, and others like them, Aeschines, were the measures +which it was the duty of a loyal and gallant citizen to take. If they were +successful, it was certain that we should be indisputably the strongest +power, and that with justice as well as in fact: and now that they have +resulted otherwise, we are left with at least an honourable name. No man +casts reproach either upon the city, or upon the choice which she made: +they do but upbraid Fortune, who decided the issue thus. {307} It was not, +God knows, a citizen's duty to abandon his country's interests, to sell +his services to her opponents, and cherish the opportunities of the enemy +instead of those of his country. Nor was it, on the one hand, to show his +malice against the man who had faced the task of proposing and moving +measures worthy of the city, and persisting in that intention; while, on +the other hand, he remembered and kept his eyes fixed upon any private +annoyance which another had caused him: nor was it to maintain a wicked +and festering inactivity, as you so often do. {308} Assuredly there is an +inactivity that is honest and brings good to the State--the inactivity +which you,[n] the majority of the citizens, observe in all sincerity. But +that is not the inactivity of Aeschines. Far from it! He, on the contrary, +retires just when he chooses, from public life (and he often chooses to do +so), that he may watch for the moment when you will be sated with the +continual speeches of the same adviser, or when fortune has thrown some +obstacle in your path, or some other disagreeable event has happened (for +in the life of man many things are possible); and then, when such an +opportunity comes, suddenly, like a gale of wind, out of his retirement he +comes forth an orator, with his voice in training, and his phrases and his +sentences collected; and these he strings together lucidly, without +pausing for breath, though they bring with them no profit, no accession of +anything good, but only calamity to one or another of his fellow citizens, +and shame to all alike. {309} Surely, Aeschines, if all this practice and +study sprang from an honest heart, resolved to pursue the interests of +your country, the fruits of it should have been noble and honourable and +profitable to all--alliances of cities, supplies of funds, opening of +ports,[n] enactment of beneficial laws, acts of opposition to our proved +enemies. {310} It was for all such services that men looked in bygone +days; and the past has offered, to any loyal and gallant citizen, abundant +opportunities of displaying them: but nowhere in the ranks of such men +will you ever be found to have stood--not first, nor second, nor third, +nor fourth, nor fifth, nor sixth, nor in any position whatsoever; at +least, not in any matters whereby your country stood to gain. {311} For +what alliance has the city gained by negotiations of yours? What +assistance, what fresh access of goodwill or fame? What diplomatic or +administrative action of yours has brought new dignity to the city? What +department of our home affairs, or our relations with Hellenic and foreign +states, over which you have presided, has shown any improvement? Where are +your ships? Where are your munitions of war? Where are your dockyards? +Where are the walls that you have repaired? Where are your cavalry? Where +in the world _is_ your sphere of usefulness? What pecuniary assistance +have you ever given, as a good and generous fellow citizen,[n] either to +rich or poor? {312} 'But, my good sir, 'you say, 'if I have done none of +these things, I have at least given my loyalty and goodwill.' Where? When? +Why, even at a time when all who ever opened their lips upon the platform +contributed voluntarily to save the city, till, last of all, Aristonicus +gave what he had collected to enable him to regain his civil rights--even +then, most iniquitous of men! you never came forward or made any +contribution whatever: and assuredly it was not from poverty, when you had +inherited more than five talents out of the estate of your father-in-law +Philo, and had received two talents subscribed by the leaders of the Naval +Boards,[n] for your damaging attack upon my Naval Law.[n] {313} But I will +say no more about this, lest by passing from subject to subject I should +break away from the matter in hand. It is at least plain that your failure +to contribute was not due to your poverty, but to your anxiety to do +nothing in opposition to those whose interest is the guide of your whole +public life. On what occasions, then, do your spirit and your brilliancy +show themselves? When something must be done to injure your fellow +countrymen--then your voice is most glorious, your memory most perfect; +then you are a prince of actors, a Theocrines[n] on the tragic stage! + +{314} Again, you have recalled the gallant men of old, and you do well to +do so. Yet it is not just, men of Athens, to take advantage of the good +feeling which you may be relied upon to entertain towards the dead, in +order to examine me before you by their standard, and compare me, who am +still living amongst you, with them. {315} Who in all the world does not +know that against the living there is always more or less of secret +jealousy, while none, not even their enemies, hate the dead any more? And +am I, in spite of this law of nature, to be judged and examined to-day by +the standard of those who were before me? By no means! It would be neither +just nor fair, Aeschines. But let me be compared with yourself, or with +any of those who have adopted the same policy as yourself, and are still +alive. {316} And consider this also. Which of these alternatives is the +more honourable? Which is better for the city?--that the good services +done by men of former times--tremendous, nay even beyond all description +though they may be--should be made an excuse for exposing to ingratitude +and contumely those that are rendered to the present generation? or that +all who act in loyalty should have a share in the honours and the kindness +which our fellow citizens dispense? {317} Aye, and (if I must say this +after all) the policy and the principles which I have adopted will be +found, if rightly viewed, to resemble and to have the same aims as those +of the men who in that age received praise; while yours resemble those of +the dishonest assailants of such persons in those days. For in their time +also there were obviously persons who disparaged the living and praised +the men of old, acting in the same malicious way as yourself. {318} Do you +say then, that I am in no way like them? But are you like them, Aeschines? +or your brother? or any other orator of the present day? For my part, I +should say, 'None.' Nay, my good sir--to use no other epithet--compare the +living with the living, their contemporaries, as men do in every other +matter, whether they are comparing poets or choruses or competitors in the +games. {319} Because Philammon was not so powerful as Glaucus of +Carystus[n] and some other athletes of former times, he did not leave +Olympia uncrowned: but because he fought better than all who entered +against him, he was crowned and proclaimed victor. Do you likewise examine +me beside the orators of the day--beside yourself, beside any one in the +world that you choose. {320} I fear no man's rivalry. For, while the city +was still free to choose the best course, and all alike could compete with +one another in loyalty to their country, I was found the best adviser of +them all. It was by my laws, by my decrees, by my diplomacy, that all was +effected. Not one of your party appeared anywhere, unless some insult was +to be offered to your fellow countrymen. But when there happened, what I +would had never happened--when it was not statesmen that were called to +the front, but those who would do the bidding of a master, those who were +anxious to earn wages by injuring their country, and to flatter a +stranger--then, along with every member of your party, you were found at +your post, the grand and resplendent owner of a stud;[n] while I was weak, +I confess, yet more loyal to my fellow countrymen than you. {321} Two +characteristics, men of Athens, a citizen of a respectable character (for +this is perhaps the least invidious phrase that I can apply to myself) +must be able to show: when he enjoys authority, he must maintain to the +end the policy whose aims are noble action and the pre-eminence of his +country: and at all times and in every phase of fortune he must remain +loyal. For this depends upon his own nature; while his power and his +influence are determined by external causes. And in me, you will find, +this loyalty has persisted unalloyed. For mark this. {322} Not when my +surrender was demanded, not when I was called to account before the +Amphictyons, not in face either of threats or of promises, not when these +accursed men were hounded on against me like wild beasts, have I ever been +false to my loyalty towards you. For from the very first, I chose the +straight and honest path in public life: I chose to foster the honour, the +supremacy, the good name of my country, to seek to enhance them, and to +stand or fall with them. {323} I do not walk through the market, cheerful +and exultant over the success of strangers, holding out my hand and giving +the good tidings to any whom I expect to report my conduct yonder, but +shuddering, groaning, bowing myself to the earth, when I hear of the +city's good fortune, as do these impious men, who make a mock of the city +--not remembering that in so doing they are mocking themselves--while they +direct their gaze abroad, and, whenever another has gained success through +the failure of the Hellenes, belaud that state of things, and declare that +we must see that it endures for all time. + +{324} Never, O all ye gods, may any of you consent to their desire! If it +can be, may you implant even in these men a better mind and heart. But if +they are verily beyond all cure, then bring them and them alone to utter +and early destruction, by land and sea. And to us who remain, grant the +speediest release from the fears that hang over us, and safety that naught +can shake! + + +FOOTNOTES + +[1] Some writers suppose that it was at the meeting in the spring of 339. +The evidence is not conclusive, but appears to point to the date given +here. + + + + +NOTES + + +ON THE NAVAL BOARDS + +§ 1. _who praise your forefathers_. The advocates of war with Persia had +doubtless appealed to the memory of Marathon and Salamis, and the old +position of Athens as the champion of Greece against Persia. + +§ 10, 11. The argument is this: 'If a war with Persia needed a special +kind of force, we could not prepare for it without being detected: but as +all wars need the same kind of force, our preparations need rouse no +suspicion in Persia particularly.' + +_acknowledged foes_: i.e. probably Thebes, or the revolted allies of +Athens, with whom a disadvantageous peace had, perhaps, just been made. It +is not, however, impossible that Philip also is in the orator's mind; for +though at the time he was probably engaged in war with the Illyrians and +Paeonians, his quarrel with Athens in regard to Amphipolis had not been +settled. The Olynthians may also be thought of. (See Introd. to Phil. I +and Olynthiacs.) + +§ 12. _rhapsodies_. The rhapsodes who went about Greece reciting Homer and +other poets had lost the distinction they once enjoyed, and 'rhapsody' +became a synonym for idle declamation. + +§ 14. _a bold speech_: i.e. a demand for instant war, helped out by +rhetorical praises of the men of old. + +§ 16. _unmarried heiresses and orphans_. These would be incapable of +discharging the duties of the trierarchy, though their estates were liable +for the war-tax. Partners were probably exempted, when none of them +possessed so large a share in the common property as would render him +liable for trierarchy. + +_property outside Attica_. According to the terms made by Athens with her +allies when the 'Second Delian League' was formed in 378, Athens undertook +that no Athenian should hold property in an allied State. But this +condition had been broken, and the multiplication of Athenian estates +[Greek: _kl_erhouchiai_] in allied territories had been one of the causes +of the war with the allies. + +_unable to contribute_: e. g. owing to no longer possessing the estate +which he had when the assessment was made. + +§ 17. _to associate, &c_. The sections which contained a very rich man +were to have poor men included in it, so that the total wealth of every +section might be the same, and the distribution of the burden between the +sections fair. + +§ 18. _the first hundred, &c_. Demosthenes thinks of the fleet as +composed, according to need, of 100, 200, or 300 vessels, and treats each +hundred as a separate squadron, to be separately divided among the Boards. + +_by lot_. In this and other clauses of his proposal, Demosthenes +stipulates for the use of the lot ([Greek: _sunkl_er_osai_], [Greek: +epikl_erosai]) to avoid all unfair selection. It is only in the +distribution of duties among the smaller sections within each Board that +assignment by arrangement ([Greek: _apodounai_], a word suggesting +distribution according to fitness or convenience) is to be allowed. + +§ 19. _taxable capital_ ([Greek: _tim_ema_]). The war-tax and the +trierarchic burdens were assessed on a valuation of the contributor's +property. Upon this valuation of his taxable capital he paid the +percentage required. (The old view that he was taxed not upon his capital, +as valued, but upon a fraction of it varying with his wealth, rests upon +an interpretation of passages in the Speeches against Aphobus, which is +open to grave question.) The total amount of the single valuations was the +'estimated taxable capital of the country' ([Greek: _tim_ema t_es +ch_oras_]). This, in the case of the trierarchy, would be the aggregate +amount of the valuations of the 1,200 wealthiest men, viz. 6,000 talents. +(Of course the capital taxable for the war-tax would be considerably +larger. Even at a time when the prosperity of Attica was much lower, in +378-377 B.C., it was nearly 6,000 talents, according to Polybius, ii. 62. +6.) + +§ 20. A tabular statement will make this plain:-- + + _Persons _Total capital taxable + _Ships_. responsible_. for each ship_. + + 100 12 60 tal. + 200 6 30 " + 300 4 20 " + +The percentage payable on the taxable capital was of course higher, the +larger the number of ships required. Each ship appears to have cost on the +average a talent to equip. The percentages in the three cases contained in +the table would therefore be 1-2/3, 3-1/3, and 5, respectively. (Compare § +27.) + +§ 21. _fittings ... in arrear_. Apparently former trierarchs had not +always given back the fittings of their vessels, which had either been +provided at the expense of the State, or lent to the trierarchs by the +State. + +§ 23. _wards_ ([Greek: _trittyes_]). The trittys or ward was one-third of +a tribe. + +§ 25. _you see ... city_. The Assembly met on the Pnyx, whence there was a +view of the Acropolis and of the greater part of the ancient city. + +_prophets_. The Athenian populace seems always to have been liable to the +influence of soothsayers, who professed to utter oracles from the gods, +particularly when war was threatening. This was so (e. g.) at the time of +the Peloponnesian War (Thucyd. ii. 8, v. 26), and the soothsayer is +delightfully caricatured by Aristophanes in the _Birds_ and elsewhere. + +§ 29. _two hundred ships ... one hundred were Athenian_. In the Speech on +the Crown, § 238, Demosthenes gives the numbers as 300 and 200. Perhaps a +transcriber at an early stage in the history of the text accidentally +wrote HH (the symbol for 200) instead of HHH, in the case of the first +number, and a later scribe then 'corrected' the second number into H +instead of HH. The numbers given by Herodotus are 378 and 180, and, for +the Persian ships, 1,207. + +§ 31. _against Egypt_, which was now in rebellion against Artaxerxes. +Orontas, Satrap of Mysia, was more or less constantly in revolt during +this period. + +§ 32. _even more certainly_ [Greek: _palai_]: lit. 'long ago'. The +transition from temporal to logical priority is paralleled in certain uses +of other temporal adverbs, e.g. [Greek: _euthys_] (Aristotle, _Poet_. v), +and [Greek: _schol_e_] (of which, as Weil notes, [Greek: _palai_] is the +exact opposite). + +§ 34. _sins against Hellas_. This refers to the support given to the +Persian invaders by Thebes in the Persian Wars (Herod. viii. 34). + + +FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS + +§ 4. _Plataeae_ (which had been overthrown by the enemies of Athens in the +course of the Peloponnesian War, but rebuilt, with the aid of Sparta, in +378) was destroyed by Thebes in 373-372. About the same time Thebes +destroyed Thespiae, which, like Plataeae, was well-disposed towards +Athens; and in 370 the Thebans massacred the male population of +Orchomenus, and sold the women and children into slavery. + +§ 11. _Oropus_ had sometimes belonged to Thebes and sometimes to Athens. +In 366 it was taken from Athens by Themison, tyrant of Eretria (exactly +opposite Oropus, on the coast of Euboea), and placed in the hands of +Thebes until the ownership should be decided. Thebes retained it until it +was restored to Athens by Philip in 338. + +§ 12. _when all the Peloponnesians, &c_. The reference seems to be to the +year 370, shortly after the battle of Leuctra, when the Peloponnesian +States sought the protection of Athens against Sparta, and, being refused, +became allies of Thebes (Diodorus xv. 62). In 369 Athens made an alliance +with Sparta. + +§ 14. _saved the Spartans_. See last note. Athens also assisted the +Spartans at Mantineia in 362. + +_the Thebans_. In 378 and the following years Athens assisted Thebes +against the Spartans under Agesilaus and Cleombrotus. + +_the Euboeans_. In 358 or 357 Euboea succeeded in obtaining freedom from +the domination of Thebes by the aid of Athenian troops under Timotheus. + +§ 16. _Triphylia_, a district between Elis and Messenia, was the subject +of a long-standing dispute between the Eleans and the Arcadians, and seems +to have been in the hands of the latter since (about) 368. + +_Tricaranum_, a fortress in the territory of Phlius, had been seized by +the Argives in 369, and used as a centre from which incursions were made +into Phliasian territory. + +§ 20. _allies of Thebes_: in order to preserve the balance of power +between Thebes and Sparta. + +§ 21. _the Theban confederacy_. The reference is particularly to the +Arcadian allies of Thebes, but the wider expression perhaps suggests a +general policy of a more ambitious kind. + +§ 22. _you, I think, know_. He refers to the older members of the +Assembly, who would remember the tyrannical conduct of Sparta during the +period of her supremacy (the first quarter of the fourth century B.C.). + +§ 27. _pillars_. The terms of an alliance were usually recorded upon +pillars erected by each State on some site fixed by agreement or custom. + +§ 28. _in the war_: i.e. the 'Sacred War', against the Phocians. + + +FOR THE FREEDOM OF THE RHODIANS + +§ 3. _now it will be seen_: i.e. if you come to a right decision, and help +the Rhodians. + +§ 5. _the Egyptians_. See Speech on Naval Boards, § 31 n. + +§ 6. _to advise you_: i.e. in the Speech on the Naval Boards (see +especially §§ 10, 11 of that Speech). + +§ 9. _Ariobarzanes_, Satrap of the Hellespont, joined in the general +revolt of the princes of Asia Minor against Persia in 362, at first +secretly (as though making war against other satraps) but afterwards +openly. Timotheus was sent to help him, on the understanding that he must +not break the Peace of Antalcidas (378 B.C.), according to which the Greek +cities in Asia were to belong to the king, but the rest were to be +independent (except that Athens was to retain Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros). +When Ariobarzanes broke out in open revolt, Timotheus could not help him +without breaking the first provision; but the Persian occupation tion of +Samos was itself a violation of the second, and he was therefore justified +in relieving the town. + +§ 11. _while he is in her neighbourhood_. Artaxerxes almost certainly went +in person to Egypt about this time. (That he went before 346 is proved by +Isocrates, _Philippus_, § 101; and he was no doubt expected to go, even +before he went.) The alternative rendering, 'since he is still to be a +neighbouring power to herself,' is less good, since he would be this, +whether he conquered Egypt or not. + +§ 14. _Rhodians who are now in possession_: i.e. the oligarchs, who held +the town with the help of Caria. + +_some of their fellow-citizens_: i.e. some of the democratic party. + +§ 15. _official patron_ ([Greek: _proxenos_]). The 'official patron' of +another State in Athens was necessarily an Athenian, and so differed from +the modern consul, whom he otherwise resembled in many ways (cf. +Phillipson, _International Law and Custom of Ancient Greece and Rome_, +vol. i, pp. 147-56). + +§ 17. _publicly provided_: i.e. in treaties between the States. + +§ 22. _when our democracy_, &c.: i.e. in 404, when, at the conclusion of +the Peloponnesian War, the tyranny of the Thirty was established, and a +very large number of democratic citizens were driven into exile. The +Argives refused the Spartan demand for the surrender of some of these to +the Thirty (Diodorus xiv. 6). + +§ 23. _one who is a barbarian-aye, and a woman_ ([Greek: _barbaron +anthr_opon kai tauta gynaika_]). This has been taken to refer (1) to +Artaxerxes and Artemisia. But [Greek: _kai tauta_] cannot be simply +[Greek: _pros tont_o_], and [Greek: _kai tauta gynaika_] must refer to the +same person as [Greek: _barbaron anthr_opon_]; (2) to Artaxerxes alone, +the words [Greek: _kai tauta gynaika_] being a gratuitous insult such as +it was customary for Athenians to level at any Persian; (3) to Artemisia +alone, [Greek: anthr_opos] being feminine here as often. It is not +possible to decide certainly between (2) and (3). Artemisia is more +prominent in the speech than the king, but it is the king who is referred +to in the next sentence. + +§ 24. _rendered Athens weak_. The success of Sparta in the Peloponnesian +War was rendered possible, to a great extent, by the supply of funds from +Persia. In 401 Cyrus made his famous expedition against Artaxerxes II, and +Clearchus (with other generals) commanded the Greek troops which assisted +him. The death of Cyrus in the battle of Cunaxa in 401 put an end to his +rebellion. + +§ 25. _rights of the rest of the world_. Weil suggests that it may have +been argued that to intervene in Rhodian affairs would be to break the +treaty made with the allies in 355 (about), at the end of the Social War, +whereby their independence was guaranteed. + +§ 26. _Chalcedon_ was on the Asiatic shore of the Bosporus, and therefore +by the Peace of Antalcidas belonged to the king (see n. on § 9). By the +same treaty, Selymbria, on the north coast of the Propontis, ought to have +been independent. The Byzantines, who had obtained their independence of +Athens in the Social War, were extending their influence greatly at this +time. + +§ 27. _the treaty_: again the Peace of Antalcidas. + +_even if there actually are such advisers_: or, 'even if any one actually +asserts the existence of such persons.' + +§ 29. _two treaties_. The first must be the Peace of Callias (444 B.C.), +the terms of which are given in the Speech on the Embassy, § 273. The +second was the Peace of Antalcidas. + +§ 30. _the knowledge of what is right_. The parallel passage in § 1 seems +to confirm this rendering, rather than the alternative, 'the intention to +do what is right.' + +§ 33. _oligarchical_. This expression is partly directed at those who, in +opposing the exiled democrats, supported the oligarchs of Rhodes; and it +may be partly explained by the fact that the policy of Eubulus, who wished +to avoid all interferences which might lead to war, was particularly +satisfactory to the wealthier classes in Athens. But it was a common +practice to accuse an opponent of anti-democratic sentiments, and of +trying to get the better of the people by illegitimate means (cf. Speech +on Embassy, § 314, &c.). + +§ 35. Cf. Speech on Naval Boards, § 41. + + +THE FIRST PHILIPPIC + +§ 3. _the war with Sparta_. Probably the Boeotian War (378-371 B.C.), when +Athens supported Thebes against Sparta. + +_in defence of the right_. The attempt of the Spartans to conquer Boeotia +was a violation of the Peace of Antalcidas (see n. on Speech for Rhodians, +§ 6). But Demosthenes' expression may be quite general in its meaning. + +§ 4. _tribes_. Probably refers especially to the Thracians (see Introd. to +the Speech). The Paeonian and Illyrian chieftains also made alliance with +Athens in 356. + +§ 17. _to Euboea_. See Speech for Megalopolitans, § 14 n. + +_to Haliartus_: in 395, when Athens sent a force to aid the Thebans +against the Spartans under Lysander. (For other allusions see Introd. to +the Speech.) + +§ 19. _paper-armies_ ([Greek: epistolimaious ... dynameis]): lit. 'armies +existing in dispatches.' + +§ 24. _Athens once maintained_, &c. The reference is to the Corinthian war +of 394-387 B.C. The Athenian general Iphicrates organized a mercenary +force of peltasts in support of Corinth, and did great damage to Sparta; +he was succeeded in the command by Chabrias. Nothing more is certainly +known of Polystratus than is told us here, though he may be referred to in +the Speech against Leptines, § 84, as receiving honours from Athens. + +_to Artabazus_. In 356 Chares was sent to oppose the revolted allies of +Athens, but being short of funds, assisted Artabazus in his rebellion +against Persia, and was richly rewarded. (See Introd. to Speech on Naval +Boards.) + +§ 25. _spectators of these mysteries of generalship_ ([Greek: epoptai t_on +] [Greek: *_strat_egoumen_on_]). The word [Greek: _epopt_es_] is chiefly +used of spectators of the mysteries, and is here applied sarcastically to +the citizens whom Demosthenes desires to see what has hitherto been a +hidden thing from them--the conduct of their generals. + +§ 26. _ten captains and generals, &c_. There was one general ([Greek: +_strat_egos_]) and one captain ([Greek: _taxiarchos_]) of infantry, and +one general of cavalry ([Greek: _phylarchos_]), for each of the ten +tribes. There were two regular masters of the horse ([Greek: +_hipparchoi_]), and a third appointed for the special command of the +Athenian troops in Lemnos. The generals ([Greek: _strat_egoi_]) had +various civil duties, among them the organization of the military +processions at the Panathenaea and other great festivals. + +§ 27. _Menelaus_. Either a Macedonian chieftain, who had assisted the +Athenian commander Timotheus against Poteidaea in 364, and probably +received Athenian citizenship; or else Philip's half-brother Menelaus. But +there is no evidence that the latter ever served in the Athenian forces, +and probably the former is meant. + +§ 31. _Etesian winds_. These blow strongly from the north over the Aegean +from July to September. + +§ 33. _the whole force in its entirety_. So with Butcher's punctuation. +But it is perhaps better to place a comma after [Greek: _dynamin_], and +translate, 'after making ready ... soldiers, ships, cavalry--the entire +force complete--you bind them,' &c. + +§ 34. See Introd. to the Speech. Geraestus was the southernmost most point +of Euboea. The 'sacred trireme', the Paralus, when conveying the Athenian +deputation to the Festival of Delos, put in on its way at Marathon, where +there was an altar of the Delian Apollo, to offer sacrifice. + +§ 35. The festival of the Panathenaea was managed by the Athlothetae, who +were appointed by lot, and consequently could not be specially qualified; +whereas the stewards ([Greek: _epimel_etai_]) who assisted the Archon in +the management of the Dionysia, were at this time elected, presumably on +the ground of their fitness. + +_an amount of trouble_ ([Greek: _ochlon_]). Possibly 'a larger crowd'. But +there is no point in mentioning the crowd; the point lies in the pains +taken; and Thucyd. vi. 24 ([Greek: _upo tou ochl_odous t_es +parhaskeu_es_]) confirms the rendering given. + +§ 36. The choregus paid the expenses of a chorus at the Dionysiac (and +certain other) festivals. The gymnasiarchs, or stewards of the games, +managed the games and torch-races which formed part of the Panathenaea and +many other festivals. The offices were imposed by law upon men who +possessed a certain estate, but any one who felt that another could bear +the burden better might challenge him either to perform the duty or to +exchange property with him. (See Appendix to Goodwin's edition of +Demosthenes' Speech against Meidias.) + +_independent freedmen_: lit. 'dwellers apart,' i.e. freedmen who no longer +lived with the master whose slaves they had been. + +§ 43. _empty ships_. If these are the ships referred to in Olynth. III, +Section 4, the date of the First Philippic must be later than October 351 +B.C. + +§ 46. _promises_. The 'promises of Chares' became almost proverbial. + +§ 47. _examination_, or 'audit'. A general, like every other responsible +official, had to report his proceedings, at the end of his term of office, +to a Board of Auditors, and might be prosecuted before a jury by any one +who was dissatisfied with his report. + +§ 48. _negotiating with Sparta, &c_. As a matter of fact, Philip had +evidently come to an understanding with Thebes by this time; but he may +have caused some such rumours to be spread, in order to get rid of any +possible opposition from Sparta. The 'breaking-up of the free states' +probably refers to the desire of Sparta to destroy Megalopolis, which was +in alliance with Thebes. + +_sent ambassadors to the king_. Arrian, ii. 14, mentions a letter of +Darius to Alexander, recalling how Philip had been in friendship and +alliance with Artaxerxes Ochus. It is possible, therefore, that the rumour +to which Demosthenes alludes had some foundation. + + +THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC + +(_Note_.--Most of the allusions in the Olynthiacs are explained by the +Introduction to the First Philippic.) + +§ 4. _power over everything, open or secret_. The translation generally +approved, 'power to publish or conceal his designs,' is hardly possible. +The [Greek: kai] in the phrase [Greek: rh_eta kai aporr_eta] (or [Greek: +arr_eta]) cannot be taken disjunctively here, when it is always +conjunctive in this phrase elsewhere, the whole phrase being virtually +equivalent to 'everything whatever'. + +§ 5. _how he treated_, &c. The scholiast says that Philip killed the +traitors at Amphipolis first, saying that if they had not been faithful to +their own countrymen, they were not likely to be faithful to himself; and +that the traitors at Pydna, finding that they were not likely to be +spared, took sanctuary, and having been persuaded to surrender themselves +on promise of their lives, were executed nevertheless. Neither story is +confirmed by other evidence. + +§ 8. _in aid of the Euboeans_: in 358 or 357. See Speech for +Megalopolitans, § 14 n. + +§ 13. _Magnesia_. There seems to have been a town of the same name as the +district. + +_attacked the Olynthians_. This refers to the short invasion of 351 (see +vol. i, p. 70), not to that which is the subject of the Olynthiacs. + +_Arybbas_ was King of the Molossi, and uncle of Philip's wife, Olympias. +Nothing is known of this expedition against him. He was deposed by Philip +in 343. (See vol. ii, p. 3.) + +§ 17. _these towns_: the towns of the Chalcidic peninsula, over which +Olynthus had acquired influence. This sentence shows that Olynthus itself +had not yet been attacked. + +§ 26. _But, my good Sir_, &c. This must be the objection of an imaginary +opponent. It can hardly be taken (as seems to be intended by Butcher) as +Demosthenes' reply to the question, 'Or some other power?' ('But, my good +Sir, the other power will not want to help him.') There is, however, much +to be said for Sandys's punctuation, [Greek: _ean m_e bo_eth_es_eth umeis +_e allos tis_], 'unless you or some other power go to their aid.' After +the death of Onomarchus in 352, the Phocians were incapable of +withstanding invasion without help. + + +THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC + +§ 14. _Timotheus, &c_. In 364 an Athenian force under Timotheus invaded +the territory of the Olynthian League, and took Torone, Poteidaea, and +other towns, with the help of Perdiccas, King of Macedonia. + +_ruling dynasty_: i.e. the dynasty of Lycophron and Peitholaus at Pherae. +(See Introd. to First Philippic.) + +§ 28. _this war_: i.e. the war with Philip generally. The reference is +supposed to be to the conduct of Chares in 356 (cf. Phil. I, Section 24 +ii.), though in fact it was against the revolted allies, not against +Philip, that he had been sent. Sigeum was a favourite resort of Chares, +and it is conjectured that he may have obtained possession of Lampsacus +and Sigeum (both on the Asiatic shore of the Hellespont) in 356. The +explanation of the conduct of the generals is to be found in the fact that +in Asia Minor they could freely appropriate prizes of war and plunder, +since under the terms of the Peace of Antalcidas, Athens could claim +nothing in Asia for her own. + +§ 29. _taxes by Boards_. Each of the Boards constituted in 378-377 for the +collection of the war-tax (see vol. i, p. 31) had a leader or chairman +([Greek: __hegem_on_]), one of the 300 richest men in Athens, whose duty it +was to advance the sums required by the State, recovering them afterwards +from the other members of the Boards. Probably the Three Hundred were +divided equally among the 100 Boards, a leader, a 'second', and a 'third' +(Speech on Crown, § 103) being assigned to each. The 'general' here +perhaps corresponds to the 'second'. + + +THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC + +§ 4. _two or three years ago_ (lit. 'this is the third or fourth year +since). It was in November 352 B.C. If the present Speech was delivered +before November 349, not quite three years would have elapsed. (The Greek +words, [Greek: triton _he tetarton etos touti], must, on the analogy of +the Speech against Meidias, § 13, against Stephanus, II. § 13, and against +Aphobus, I. § 24, &c., mean 'two or three', not 'three or four years +ago'). The vagueness of the expression is more likely to be due to the +date of the Third Olynthiac being not far short of three years from that +of the siege of Heraeon Teichos, than to the double-dating (on the one +hand by actual lapse of time, and on the other by archon-years--from July +to July--or by military campaigning seasons) which most commentators +assume to be intended here, but which seems to me over-subtle and unlike +Demosthenes. + +_that year_: i.e. the archonship of Aristodemus, which ran from July 352 +B.C. to July 351. + +§ 5. _the mysteries_. These were celebrated from the 14th to the 27th of +Boedromion (late in September). + +_Charidemus_, of Oreus in Euboea, was a mercenary leader who had served +many masters at different times--Athens, Olynthus, Cotys, and +Cersobleptes--and had played most of them false at some time or other. But +he was given the citizenship in 357 for the part which he had taken in +effecting the cession of the Chersonese to Athens, and was a favourite +with the people. He was sent on the occasion here referred to with ten +ships, for which he was to find mercenary soldiers. + +§ 6. _with might ... power_. A quotation, probably from the text of the +treaty of alliance between Athens and Olynthus. + +§ 8. _funds of the Phocians are exhausted_. The Phocian leader Phalaecus +had been using the temple-treasures of Delphi, but they were now +exhausted. + +§ 10. _a Legislative Commission_: i.e. a Special Commission on the model +of the regular Commission which was appointed annually from the jurors for +the year (if the Assembly so decreed), and before which those who wished +to make or to oppose changes in the laws appeared, the proceedings taking +the form of a prosecution and defence of the laws in question. The +Assembly itself did not legislate, though it passed decrees, which had to +be consistent with the existing laws. As regards legislation, it merely +decided whether in any given year alterations in the laws should or should +not be allowed. + +§ 11. _malingerers_. The scholiast says that the choregi were persuaded to +choose persons as members of their choruses, in order to enable them to +escape military service, choreutae being legally exempted. Other +exemptions also existed. + +§ 12. _persons who proposed them_. This can only refer to Eubulus and his +party. + +§ 20. _Corinthians and Megareans_. From the pseudo-Demosthenic Speech on +the Constitution ([Greek: _pe_ri suntaxe_os_]) and from Philochorus +(quoted in the Scholia of Didymus upon that Speech) it appears that the +Athenians had in 350 invaded Megara, under the general Ephialtes, and +forced the Megareans to agree to a delimitation of certain land sacred to +the two goddesses of Eleusis, which the Megareans had violated, perhaps +for some years past (see Speech against Aristocrates, § 212). A scholiast +also refers to the omission by Corinth to invite the Athenians to the +Isthmian games, in consequence of which the Athenians sent an armed force +to attend the games. Probably this was also a recent occurrence, and due +to an understanding between Corinth and Megara. + +§ 21. _my own namesake_: i.e. Demosthenes, who was a distinguished general +during the Peloponnesian War, and perished in the Sicilian expedition. + +§ 24. _for forty-five years_: i.e. between the Persian and Peloponnesian +Wars, 476-431 B.C. + +_the king_: i.e. Perdiccas II, who, however, took the side of Sparta +shortly after the beginning of the Peloponnesian War. He died in 413. (The +date of the beginning of his reign is unknown, but he did not become sole +king of the whole of Macedonia until 436.) + +§ 27. _Spartans had been ruined_: sc. by the battles of Leuctra (in 371) +and Mantineia (in 362). + +_Thebans had their hands full_, owing to the war with the Phocians, from +356 onwards. + +§ 28. _in the war_, when Athens joined Thebes against Sparta (in 378). +'The allies' are those members of the Second Delian League (formed in 378) +who had been lost in the Social War which ended in or about 355, when +Athens was at peace with Thebes and Sparta. (See Introduction, vol. i, p. +9.) + +§ 31. _procession at the Boedromia_. The Boedromia was a festival held in +September in honour of Apollo and Artemis Agrotera, Probably a procession +was not a regular part of the festival at this time. The importance which +the populace attached to such processions is illustrated by the Speech +against Timocrates, § 161. + +§ 34. _is it then paid service, &c_.: almost, 'do you then suggest that we +should _earn_ our money?' + +§ 35. _adding or subtracting_: sc. from the sums dispensed by the State to +the citizens. + +_somebody's mercenaries_. The reference is probably to the successes of +Charidemus when first sent (see Introd. to Olynthiacs). + + +ON THE PEACE + +§ 5. _disturbances in Euboea_. Plutarchus of Eretria applied for Athenian +aid against Callias of Chalcis, who was attacking him with the aid of +Macedonian troops. Demosthenes was strongly opposed to granting the +request, but it was supported by Eubulus and Meidias, and a force was sent +under Phocion, probably early in 348 (though the chronology has been much +debated, and some place the expedition in 350 or 349). Owing to the +premature action or the treachery of Plutarchus at Tamynae (where the +Athenian army was attacked), Phocion had some difficulty in winning a +victory. Plutarchus afterwards seized a number of Athenian soldiers, and +Athens had actually to ransom them. Phocion's successor, Molossus, was +unsuccessful. When peace was made in the summer of 348, the Euboeans +became for the most part independent of Athens, and were regarded with +ill-feeling by Athens for some years. There is no proof that the proposers +of the expedition were bribed, as Demosthenes alleges. + +§ 6. _Neoptolemus_. See Speech on Embassy, §§ 12, 315. + +§ 8. _public service_: i.e. as trierarch or choregus or gymnasiarch, &c. +See n. on Phil. I. § 36. + +§ 10. _there were some_ : i.e. Aeschines and his colleagues. (See Introd.) + +_Thespiae and Plataeae_. See Speech for Megalopolitans, Section 4 n. + +§ 14. _self-styled Amphictyons_. The Amphictyonic Council represented the +ancient Amphictyonic League of Hellenic tribes (now differing widely in +importance, but equally represented on the Council), and was supreme in +all matters affecting the Temple of Apollo at Delphi. (See n. on Speech on +Crown, § 148.) The Council summoned by Philip was open to criticism (1) +because only certain members of it were present, of whom the Thebans and +Thessalians were the chief, (2) because Philip had been given the vote of +the dispossessed Phocians. + +§ 15. _however stupid, &c_. It had been conventional for over a century to +apply this adjective to the Boeotians, and therefore to the Thebans. For a +more favourable view, see W. Rhys Roberts, _Ancient Boeotians_, chap. i. + +§ 16. _Oropus_. See Speech for Megalopolitans, § ii n. + +§ 18. _Argives, &c_. See Speech for Megalopolitans throughout (with +Introd.). + +_those whom they have exiled_: especially the refugees from Orchomenus and +Coroneia. See vol. i, p. 124. + +_Phocian fugitives_. The Amphictyonic Council had recently declared that +these had been guilty of sacrilege, and might be seized wherever they +might be. + +§ 20. _all that they themselves had toiled for_: i.e. the conquest of the +Phocians in the Sacred War. + +§ 22. _some persons_: i.e. Aeschines and others who tried to excuse +Philip's treatment of the Phocians to the Athenian people. + +§ 23. _admission ... Delphi_. The Phocians had formerly contrived their +exclusion from the Amphictyonic meeting and from the temple and oracle of +Delphi. The Council now restored them, and excluded the Phocians. + +§ 24. _refuse to submit_: reading [Greek: (_oud) otioun upomeinai_.] The +insertion of [Greek: _oude_] (after Cobet) seems necessary, [Greek: +_otioun upomeinai_] alone would mean 'face any risk', but this would be +contradicted by the next clause. To translate, 'who think that we should +face any risk, but do not see that the risk would be one of war,' is to +narrow the meaning of [Greek: _otioun_] unduly. + +§ 25. _Treaty of Peace_: i.e. the Peace of Philocrates. + +_Cardians_. The Athenians claimed Cardia (the key of the Chersonese on the +Thracian side) as an ally, though in fact it was expressly excluded from +the towns ceded to Athens by Cersobleptes in 357, and had made alliance +with Philip in 352. + +_prince of Caria_. See Speech for Rhodians (with Introd.). + +_drive our vessels to shore_: a regular form of ancient piracy (see Speech +on Chersonese, § 28). The Byzantines drove the Athenian corn-ships into +their own harbour. The victims were relieved of their money or their corn. + +_shadow at Delphi_: i.e. the empty privilege (as Demosthenes here chooses +to represent it) of membership of the Amphictyonic League and Council, now +claimed by Philip. + + +THE SECOND PHILIPPIC + +§ 1. _sympathetic_: i.e. towards other Greek states, desirous of securing +independence. + +§ 2. _Alexander_, &c. Alexander of Macedon was sent by Mardonius, the +Persian commander, to offer Athens alliance with Persia on favourable +terms. Demosthenes has confused the order of events, and speaks as if this +message was brought before the battle of Salamis. The Athenians left the +city twice, before the battle of Salamis and before that of Plataeae; it +was after Salamis that Alexander was sent (Herod. viii. 140, &c.). + +§ 14. _fortify Elateia_. This would be a menace to Thebes (cf. Speech on +the Crown, §§ 174, 175). Elateia commands the road from Thermopylae to +Thebes. + +§ 19. _well-balanced_ ([Greek: _s_ophronousi_]), or 'free from passion', +i.e. not liable to be carried away by ambition or cupidity as the Thebans +were. This is different from mere 'good sense' ([Greek: _syphronein, noun +echea_]). For Theban 'stupidity', see Speech on Peace, § 15 (and n.). + +§ 22. _Council of Ten_ ([Greek: _dekadarchian_]). It is clear that some +sort of oligarchical government, nominated by Philip, is referred to; but +the relation of this to the tetrarchies mentioned in the Speech on the +Chersonese, § 26, as established by Philip, is uncertain. These +corresponded to the four tribes or divisions of Thessaly (Thessaliotis, +Phthiotis, Pelasgiotis, Histiaeotis); and this is confirmed by a statement +in Theopompus' forty-fourth book, to which Harpocration (s.v. [Greek: +_dekadarchia_]) refers. Harpocration states that Philip did not establish +a decadarchy in Thessaly; and if he is right, then either (a) Demosthenes +purposely used an inaccurate word, in order to suggest to the Messenians +the idea of a government like that of the Councils of Ten established some +sixty years before by Sparta in the towns subject to her; or (b) the text +is wrong, and [Greek: _dekadarchian_] is a misreading of [Greek: +DARCHIAN], in which [Greek: D] was the numeral (= 4), and the whole stood +for [Greek: _tetrarchian_]. As to (a), it is difficult to suppose that the +Messenians would not know what had happened in Thessaly so well that the +innuendo would fall flat. There is no evidence that 'decadarchy' could be +used simply as a synonym for 'oligarchy'. As to (b), the supposed +corruption is possible; but then we are left with [Greek: _tetrarchian_] +where we should expect [Greek: _tetrarchias_]: for there is no parallel to +[Greek: _tetrarchia_] (sing.) in the sense of 'a system of tetrarchies'. +It is, however, quite possible that Demosthenes was thinking especially of +the Thessalians of Pherae, and of the particular tetrarchy established +over them: and this seems on the whole the best solution. If, on the other +hand, Harpocration is wrong, the reference here may be to a Council of +Ten, either established previously to the tetrarchies, and superseded by +them, or else coexistent with and superior to them; in either case, since +the singular is used, this decadarchy must have been a single government +over the whole of Thessaly (or perhaps of the district about Pherae only), +not a number of Councils, one in each city or division of Thessaly. +(Theopompus' forty-fourth book probably dealt with 342 B.C., two years +after the present speech, though before the Speech on the Chersonese; but +we are not told that he assigned the establishment of the tetrarchies to +that year.) + +§ 25. _find yourselves slaves_: lit. 'find your master.' + +§ 28. _by yourselves_: i.e. in the absence of the ambassadors from Philip +and other States. + +_who conveyed the promises_: i.e. Ctesiphon, Aristodemus, and Neoptolemus +(see Speech on Embassy, §§ 12, 94, 315, &c.): but Demosthenes has probably +Aeschines also in view. + +§ 30. _water-drinker_. See Speech on Embassy, § 46. + +§ 32. _secure myself as good a hearing_. Most editions accept this +rendering of [Greek: _emaut_o logon poi_es-o_]. But though [Greek: _logon +didonai_] = 'grant a hearing,' and [Greek: _logon tychein_] = 'get a +hearing,' [Greek: _logon eaut_o poiein_] is strange for 'secure oneself a +hearing', and the passage regularly quoted from the Speech against +Aristocrates, § 81, is not parallel, since [Greek: _tout_o_] in that +passage is not a reflexive pronoun, and [Greek: _logon pepoi_eke_] almost += [Greek: _logon ded_oki_]. Possibly the text is corrupt, and we should +either read [Greek: _psogon_] (with H. Richards) or [Greek: _emautou_] +('make you take as much account of me as of my opponents'). + +_further claim_: since an attack on the part of Demosthenes would incite +them to make out a plausible case for Philip once more, and so earn his +gratitude. + + +ON THE EMBASSY + +[The literal translation of the title is 'On the misconduct as +ambassador'.] + +§ 1. _drawing your lots_. The jurors who were to serve in each trial were +selected by lot out of the total number of jurors for the year. + +§ 2. _one of those_: i.e. Timarchus (see Introd.). + +_supremacy_. The sovereignty of the people was exercised to a great extent +through the law-courts, the jury being always large enough to be fairly +representative of popular opinion, though probably there was generally a +rather disproportionate preponderance of poorer men among the jurors, the +payment being insufficient to attract others. (See Introduction, vol. i, +pp. 18, 19, 23.) + +§ 11. _the Ten Thousand_: the General Assembly of the Arcadians at +Megalopolis. + +§ 13. _he came to me_, &c. Aeschines denies this, saying that it would +have been absurd, when he knew that Demosthenes and Philocrates had acted +together throughout (see Introd.). + +§ 16. _in the very presence_, &c.: contrast Speech on the Crown, + +§ 23 (and see n. there). Aeschines states that he was in fact replying to +inflammatory speeches made by orators who pointed to the Propylaea, and +appealed to the memory of ancestral exploits; and that he simply urged +that it was possible for the Athenians to copy the wisdom of their +forefathers without giving way to an unseasonable passion for strife. + +§ 17. _had again acted_: i.e. as on the First Embassy, if the reading is +correct (or perhaps, 'had committed a fresh series of wrongful acts'). But +possibly [Greek: _peprhakot_on_] is right, 'had sold fresh concessions' to +Philip. + +§ 20. Aeschines replies that every one expected Philip to turn against +Thebes; and that for the rest, he was only reporting the gossip of the +Macedonian camp, where the representatives of many states were gathered +together, and not making promises at all. It is noteworthy, however, that +in the Speech on the Peace, § 10, shortly after the events in question, +when the speeches made would be fresh in every one's memory, Demosthenes +gives the same account of his opponent's assertions; and Aeschines +probably said something very like what is attributed to him. + +§ 21. _debt due to the god_: i.e. the value of the Temple-treasure of +Delphi, which the Phocians had plundered. + +§ 30. _for however contemptible_, &c. The argument seems to be this. 'You +must not say that a man like Aeschines could not have brought about such +vast results. Athens may employ inferior men, but any one who represents +Athens has to deal with great affairs, and so his acts may have great +consequences. And again, although it may have been Philip who actually +ruined the Phocians, and although Aeschines could never have done it +alone, still he did his best to help.' + +§ 31. _the Town Hall_, or Prytaneum, where the Prytanes (the acting +Committee of the Council) met, and other magistrates had their offices. + +_Timagoras_ was accused (according to Xenophon) by his colleague Leon of +having conspired with Pelopidas of Thebes against the interests of Athens, +when on a mission to the court of Artaxerxes in 357. In § 137 Demosthenes +also states that he received large sums of money from Artaxerxes. + +§ 36. Aeschines denies that he wrote the letter for Philip, and his denial +is fairly convincing. + +§ 40. _a talent_. According to Aristotle (_Eth. Nic_. v. 7) the +conventional amount payable as ransom was one mina per head. But from § +169 it appears that the Macedonians sometimes asked for more than this. + +_laudable ambition_: i.e. to get credit for having thought of the ransom +of the prisoners. + +§ 47. _handed in_: either to the Clerk or to the Proedroi (the committee +of Chairmen of the Assembly). + +§ 51. Aeschines states that Philip's invitation was declined because it +was suggested that Philip would keep the soldiers sent as hostages. + +§ 65. _on our way to Delphi_. Demosthenes had been one of the Athenian +representatives at the meeting of the Amphictyonic Council at Delphi this +year. + +_gave its vote_, &c. After the battle of Aegospotami at the end of the +Peloponnesian War, the representative of Thebes proposed to the Spartans +and their allies that Athens should be destroyed and its inhabitants sold +into slavery. + +§ 70. _read this law over_: i.e. that the herald might proclaim it after +him. + +§ 72. For the Spartans see § 76. The Phocians had treated the Athenians +badly when Proxenus was sent to Thermopylae (see Introd. to Speech on +Peace). Hegesippus may have opposed the acceptance of Philip's invitation +to the Athenians to join him. Aeschines (on the Embassy, §§ 137, 138) +mentions no names in connexion with the refusal, but represents it as the +sacrifice of a unique opportunity of saving the Phocians (cf. § 51 n.). + +§ 76. _deceit and cunning, and of nothing else_ ([Greek: _pasa apat_e_]). +The argument is, 'Aeschines will try to allege wrongful acts on the part +of the Phocians; but there was no time for such acts in the five days; and +this proves that there were no such acts to justify their ruin, and that +their overthrow was due to nothing but trickery.' This is better than to +translate '_every kind of_ deceit and trickery was concocted for the ruin +of the Phocians'; for this is not the point, nor is it what would be +inferred from the fact that there was only a five-days' interval between +the speech of Aeschines and the capitulation of the Phocians. There is no +need to emend to [Greek: _h_e pasa apat_e_]. + +_on account of the Peace_: i.e. of the negotiations for the Peace, before +it was finally arranged. + +_all that they wished_: viz. the restoration of the Temple of Delphi to +their kinsmen, the Dorians of Mount Parnassus. + +§ 78. _four whole months_: in reality, three months and a few days. + +§ 81. _Phocian people_: i.e. those who were left in Phocis, as distinct +from the exiles just referred to. + +§ 86. _of Diophantus_. In 352, when Philip had been repulsed by +Onomarchus, Diophantus proposed that public thanksgivings should be held +(see Introd. to First Philippic). + +_of Callisthenes_: in 346, after the Phocians had surrendered to Philip. + +_the sacrifice to Heracles_: perhaps one of the two festivals which were +respectively held at Marathon and at Cynosarges. + +§ 99. _constitutional_: lit. 'an excuse for a citizen,' under a +constitution by which no one was compelled to enter public life, and any +one who did so without the requisite capacity had to take the +responsibility for his errors. + +§ 103. _impeached_. An impeachment was brought before the Council (or, +more rarely, the Assembly). The procedure was only applied to cases of +extraordinary gravity, and particularly to what would now be called cases +of treason. + +§ 114. _by torture_. The evidence of slaves might be given under torture, +in response to a challenge from one or other of the parties to a suit. The +most diverse opinions as to the value of such evidence are expressed by +the orators, according to the requirements of their case. The consent of +both sides was necessary; and in a very large number of cases, one side or +the other appears to have refused to allow evidence to be taken in this +way. + +_was going_: i.e. to Philip. + +§ 118. _accept his discharge_. There seems to be a play on two senses of +the verb [Greek: aphienai], viz. 'to discharge from the obligations of a +contract', and 'to acquit'. + +§ 120. _Why, this is the finest_, &c. The expression ([Greek: touto gar +esti to lamprhon]) recurs in § 279, a closely parallel passage, and need +not be regarded as an interpolation in either case. The interpretation +given seems slightly preferable, and is approved by Weil. It is almost +equally possible to translate the Greek by 'such is the brilliant defence +which he offers'; but perhaps this does not suit § 279 so well. + +_stand up_. Apparently Aeschines declined the invitation, which was quite +within the custom of the Athenian courts. Either of the principal parties +could ask the other questions, and have the answers taken down as +evidence. + +_cases that have all_, &c. The reference is to the prosecution of +Timarchus, when advanced in age, for offences committed in early youth. +There may also be an allusion to Aeschines' early career as an actor. + +§ 122. _declined on oath_. An elected official could refuse to serve, if +he took an oath that there was some good reason (such as illness) for +excusing him. + +§ 126. _though not elected_. Aeschines (on the Embassy, § 94) replies that +in fact the commission was renewed at a second meeting of the Assembly, +and that he was then well enough to go and was elected. (That there was a +second election of ambassadors is confirmed by Demosthenes' own statement +in § 172 of the present speech, that he himself was twice elected and +twice refused to serve.) + +§ 128. _Thesmothetae_: the six archons who did not hold the special +offices of archon eponymus, polemarch, or king archon. + +_Aeschines went_, &c. To have refused to be present would really have been +to make a political demonstration against Thebes, which would have had +perilous results. Aeschines defends himself on the ground that in his view +the Peace was no disadvantage to Athens, so that he might well join in the +honours paid to the Gods. + +§ 129. _Metroon_. The temple of the Great Mother (Cybele), which was the +Athenian record-office. + +_the name of Aeschines_: i.e. its removal from the list of ambassadors. + +§ 131. _in their interest_. If the words are not corrupt, the meaning is +probably 'in the interest of Philip and the Thebans'; or possibly, 'in +reference to these matters.' + +§ 136. _as his informant_. The text is possibly corrupt, though as it +stands it might perhaps bear the meaning given, if [Greek: hyparchei] were +understood with [Greek: autos]. Others (with or without emendation) take +the sense to be 'to manage his business ... just as he would manage it in +person '. + +§ 137. For Timagoras see § 31 n. + +§ 144. _summon Philip's envoys_: i.e. in order to report the decision of +the Assembly, and so close the matter. + +§ 147. _ask him whether_, &c. The argument seems to be this 'if Aeschines +was the ambassador of a city which had been victorious against Philip, the +latter would naturally wish to buy easy terms of peace; and Aeschines +might undertake to procure such terms, without committing a particularly +heinous offence, since he would only be getting some advantage for himself +out of the general good fortune of his country. But to secure advantages +for himself at his country's expense, when his country was already +suffering disaster, would be far worse. And as Aeschines complains that +the generals had incurred disaster, he convicts himself of the worse +offence.' + +§ 148. The _Tilphossaeum_ was apparently a mountain near Lake Copais in +Boeotia. The town which Strabo calls Tilphusium may have been on the +mountain. Neones, or Neon, was a Phocian village; Hedyleion, a mountain in +Boeotia. + +§ 149. _Ah! he will say_, &c. Either the words are interpolated, or there +is a lacuna. The objection is nowhere refuted. + +§ 156. Doriscus, &c. The places mentioned did not really belong to Athens, +but to Cersobleptes, who was being assisted by Athenian troops, so that, +strictly speaking, Philip was within his rights; and in fact (according to +Aeschines), Cersobleptes and the Sacred Mountain were taken by Philip the +day before the Athenians and their allies swore to the Peace at Athens. + +§ 162. _Eucleides_ had been sent to protest against Philip's attack upon +Cersobleptes in 346 (see vol. i, p. 122). Philip replied that he had not +yet been officially informed by the Athenian ambassadors of the conclusion +of the Peace, and was therefore not yet bound by it. + +§ 166. _procure their ransom_: i.e. from the various Macedonians who had +captured them, or to whom they had been given or sold. + +§ 176. _committed to writing_, &c. Formal evidence (as distinct from the +mere assertions of a speaker) was written down, and the witness was asked +to swear to it. A witness who was called upon might swear that he had no +knowledge of the matter in question ([Greek: _exomnysthai_]). By writing +down his evidence and swearing to it, Demosthenes took the risk of +prosecution for perjury. + +§ 180. _might be proved in countless ways_: or 'would need a speech of +infinite length '. But as [Greek: _kai_] and not [Greek: _de_] follows, I +slightly prefer the former rendering. (The latter is supported by the +Third Philippic, § 60, but there the next clause is connected by [Greek: +_de_].) + +_Ergophilus_ was heavily fined in 362 (see Speech against Aristocrates, § +104); Cephisodotus in 358 (ibid. § 167, and Aeschines against Ctesiphon, § +52); Timomachus went into exile in 360 to escape condemnation (against +Aristocrates, § 115, &c.). Ergocles was perhaps the friend of Thrasybulas +(see Lysias, Orations xxviii, xxix), and may have been condemned for his +conduct in Thrace, as well as for malversation at Halicarnassus. Dionysius +is unknown. + +§ 187. _has got beyond_, &c.: an ironical way of saying that he has so +much overdone his application to himself of the title of (prospective) +'benefactor' of Athens, that another word (e.g. 'deceiver') would be more +appropriate. The word [Greek: _psychrhon_] is (at least by Greek literary +critics) applied to strong expressions out of place, and here also, +probably, of an exaggerated phrase which falls flat. This is perhaps the +best interpretation of a very difficult passage. + +§ 191. For Timagoras, see § 31 n. Tharrex and Smicythus are unknown. +Adeimantus was one of the generals at Aegospotami, the only Athenian +prisoner spared by Lysander, and on that account suspected of treason by +the Athenians, and prosecuted by Conon (called 'the elder', to distinguish +him from his grandson, who was a contemporary of Demosthenes). + +§ 194. guest-friend. The term ([Greek: xenos]) was applied to the +relationship (more formal than that of simple friendship) between citizens +of different states, who were bound together by ties of hospitality and +mutual goodwill. + +§ 196. _the Thirty_: i.e. the 'Thirty Tyrants' who ruled Athens (with the +support of Sparta) for a few months in 403. See n. on § 277. + +§ 198. Aeschines warmly denies this story. He says that Demosthenes tried +to bribe Aristophanes of Olynthus to swear that it was true, and that the +woman was his own wife. He adds that the jury, on an appeal from Eubulus, +refused to let Demosthenes complete the story. + +§ 199. _initiations_: see Speech on Crown, §§ 259 ff., with notes. + +§ 200. _played the rogue_. The scholiast says that clerks were sometimes +bribed to alter the laws and decrees which they read to the Court; and a +magistrates' clerk had doubtless plenty of opportunities for conniving at +petty frauds. + +§ 204. _should not have been sworn to_. This is out of chronological order +as it stands, and emendations have been proposed, but unnecessarily. + +§ 209. _would not have him for your representative_: in the question about +Athenian rights at Delos. See Introduction to the Speech. + +§ 213. _I have no further time, &c_.: lit. 'no one will pour water for me' +into the water-clock, by which all trials were regulated. + +§ 221. _consider_, &c. There is an anacoluthon in the Greek, which may be +literally translated, 'Consider, if, where I who am absolutely guiltless +was afraid of being ruined by them--what ought these men themselves, the +actual criminals, to suffer?' + +§ 222. _get money out of you_: i.e. to be bought off. + +§ 230. _choregus and trierarch_: see Introd. to Speech on Naval Boards, +and n. on Philippic I. § 36. + +§ 231. _all was well_ ([Greek: eupenespai]). The reading is almost +certainly wrong. Weil rightly demands some word contrasting with [Greek: +agnoein] ('did not understand his country') in the corresponding clause. + +§ 237. _vase-cases_: i.e. boxes to contain bottles of oil or perfume for +toilet use. + +§ 245. _the cock-pit_. That this is the meaning seems to be proved by the +words of Aeschines (against Timarchus, § 53); otherwise the natural +translation would be 'to the bird-market'. Cocks were no doubt sold in the +bird-market; but Aeschines refers directly to cock-fighting, not to the +purchase of the birds. + +§ 246. _hack-writers_: lit. 'speech-writers,' who composed speeches for +litigants, and no doubt padded them out with quotations from poets, as +well as with rhetorical commonplaces. Demosthenes taunts Aeschines +particularly with ransacking unfamiliar plays, instead of those he knew +well. + +§ 249. _reared up... greatness_: or possibly, 'reared up all these sons of +hers.' + +_Hero-Physician_. See Speech on the Crown, § 129 n. + +_Round Chamber_, in the Prytaneum or Town Hall (see § 31 n.). + +§ 252. _at the risk of his own life_. He tried to avoid the risk by +feigning madness. Salamis was in the hands of the Megareans, and the +Athenians had become so weary of their unsuccessful attempts to recover +it, that they decreed the penalty of death upon any one who proposed to +make a fresh attempt. The verses, however, which are quoted in the text, +are probably derived not from the poem which Solon composed for this +purpose, but from another of his political poems. + +§ 255. _with a cap on your head_. Plutarch (Solon 82 c) says that 'Solon +burst into the market-place suddenly, with a cap on his head'. The cap was +intended to suggest that he had just returned from Salamis, since it was +the custom to wear a cap only when on a journey, or in case of illness +(of. Plato, _Republic_, iii. 406_d_). There may possibly be an allusion +also to Aeschines' own alleged sickness (§ 136 above), but this is very +doubtful. The words more probably mean, 'however closely you copy Solon' +(as you copied his attitude in speaking), 'when you run about declaiming +against me.' + +§ 257. _accepted the challenge_. At the examination before the Board of +Auditors (Logistae) the question was almost certainly put, whether any one +present wished to challenge the report of the ambassador under +examination. + +§ 259. _claim_ ([Greek: axioumenoi]): or, 'are thought worthy'; but the +first sense is much better in the parallel passage in § 295, and this +'middle' use seems to be sufficiently attested, though the active voice is +used in the same sense in § 338. + +§ 260. _paramount position_: i.e. among the tribes of North Greece +(Magnetes, Perrhaebi, &c.). + +§ 264. _concluded the war, &c_. In 383 B.C. In fact, however, they only +obtained peace by joining the Spartan alliance. + +§ 271. _Arthmius_: see Philippic III. § 42 (and note). + +§ 273. _Callias_, in 444 B.C. Cf. Speech for the Rhodians, § 29. The +Chelidonian Islands lay off the south coast of Lycia, the Cyanean rocks at +the northern mouth of the Bosporus. + +§ 277. _Epicrates_ was sent as ambassador to Persia early in the fourth +century, and received large presents. According to Plutarch he escaped +condemnation; but he may have been tried more than once. The comic poets +make fun of his long beard. + +_who brought the people back from the Peiraeus_. Thrasybulus occupied the +Peiraeus in 403, secured the expulsion of the Thirty Tyrants from Athens, +and restored the democracy. + +§ 278. _the decree_: i.e. the decree by which Epicrates and his colleagues +were condemned. + +§ 279. _for this is the splendid thing_: cf. § 120 n. + +§ 280. _exiled_ and _punished_. We should perhaps (with Weil) read [Greek: +_e] ('or') for [Greek: kai] ('and'). + +_descendant of Harmodius_: i.e. Proxenus, who had been only recently +condemned, and is therefore not named. + +§ 281. _another priestess_. According to the scholiast, the reference is +to Ninus, a priestess of Sabazios, who was prosecuted by Menecles for +making love-potions for young men. The connexion of this offence with the +meetings of the initiated is left to be understood. + +§ 282. _the burden undertaken_. Such burdens as the duties of choregus, +trierarch, &c., might be voluntarily undertaken, as they were by +Demosthenes (see n. on Philippic I. § 36). + +§ 287. _Cyrebion_, or 'Light-as-Chaff', was the nickname of Epicrates, +Aeschines' brother-in-law (not the Epicrates of § 277). _as a reveller_, +no doubt in some Dionysiac revel, in which it was not considered decent to +take part without a mask. (The original purpose of masks, however, was not +to conceal one's identity from motives of shame, though Demosthenes +suggests it as a motive here.) + +_were water flowing upstream_. A half-proverbial expression implying that +the world was being turned upside-down, when such a person could prosecute +for such offences. + +§ 290. _Hegesilaus_ was one of the generals sent to Euboea to help +Plutarchus; cf. Speech on the Peace, § 5 n. He was accused of abetting +Plutarchus in the deception which he practised upon Athens. For +Thrasybulus, cf. § 277. + +_the primary question_: i.e. of the guilt or innocence of the defendant. +If he was pronounced guilty, the question of sentence (or damages) had to +be argued and decided separately. + +§ 295. _claim to be_: cf. n. on § 259. + +_churning the butter_ ([Greek: etyrheue]): i.e. concocting the plot. (For +the metaphor cf. Aristophanes, _Knights_ 479.) + +§ 299. _Zeus and Dione_. These names show that the oracles referred to +were probably given at Dodona. + +§ 303. _oath of the young soldiers_. When the young Athenian came of age, +he received a shield and spear in the temple of Aglaurus, and swore to +defend his country and to uphold its constitution (cf. Lycurgus, _Against +Leocrates_, § 76). + +§ 314. _keeping step with Pythocles_, who was a tall man, while Aeschines +was short. + +§ 326. _Drymus and Panactum_ were on the border between Boeotia and +Attica. Nothing else is known of the expedition. + +§ 332. _Chares_. See nn. on Philippic I. §§ 24, 46; Olynthiac II. § 28, +and Introductions. + +§ 333. _of one of whom_, &c.: i.e. of Philip (see § 111 ff., and Introd. +to Speech on the Peace). + +§ 342. _Euthycrates_. See Introd. to Olynthiacs. + + +ON THE CHERSONESE + +§ 9. The argument is, 'if Philip is not committing hostilities so long as +he keeps away from Attica, Diopeithes is not doing so, so long as he keeps +away from Macedonia, and only operates in Thrace.' + +_drive the vessels_, &c. See Speech on the Peace, § 25 n. + +§ 14. _passing the time_: i.e. until a convenient season for an attack +arrives. + +_those who are on the spot_: i.e. in Thrace, and who had doubtless sent +messages to Athens. Others think that the words mean 'those who are here +from Thrace'. + +_Etesian winds_. See First Philippic, § 31 n. + +_infatuation_: i.e. hostility to Athens. + +§ 16. _punish the settlers_: i.e. those who were sent with Diopeithes and +demanded admission to Cardia. + +§ 18. _Chalcis_, in Euboea (see Introd.). + +§ 21. _keep our hands ... revenues_: a reference to the distributions of +Festival-Money (see Third Olynthiac, with Introduction and notes). + +_contributions of the allies_. This interpretation seems on the whole +better warranted than 'contributions promised to Diopeithes'. + +§ 24. _I consent to any penalty_: lit. *'I assess my own penalty at +anything'--a metaphor from the practice of the law-courts, which allowed a +convicted prisoner to propose an alternative penalty to that suggested by +the prosecutor. + +_Erythraeans_: Erythrae was on the coast of Asia Minor, opposite Chios. + +§ 25. _benevolences_: the same word as was used of the forced +contributions levied by English kings. + +§ 27. _surrendering_: i.e. to his soldiers, to be plundered (if the phrase +is meant to convey anything but a vague accusation). + +§ 28. _wax-tablet_: i.e. a summons. + +_so many ships_. The critics of Diopeithes must have proposed the sending +of a definite force to control him. + +§ 29. _a dispatch-boat_: lit. 'the _Paralus_'. This ship, and the +_Salaminia_, were the two vessels regularly employed on public errands. + +_spitefulness_: i.e. towards Diopeithes. + +§ 30. _Chares_: see references in n. on Speech on Embassy, § 332. + +_Aristophon_. The reference may be to his conduct as general in the early +days of the war with Philip about Amphipolis. His activity as a statesman +began as far back as 403, and he was one of the most influential +politicians in Athens from about 361 to 354. + +§ 31. _losing something_: _sc_. a scapegoat whom you could punish. + +§ 40. _Euthycrates_, &c. See Introd. to Olynthiacs. + +§ 44. _wretched hamlets_ ([Greek: kak_on]): lit. 'evils' or 'miseries'; +but the word is possibly corrupt. (The original reading may possibly have +been [Greek: kalyb_on].) According to the scholiast, Drongilum and Cabyle +are near Amphipolis and the Strymon; but others assign different +localities to them. Masteira is quite unknown. + +§ 45. _pit of destruction_ ([Greek: barhathrh_o]). This was literally the +pit into which the bodies of condemned criminals were thrown at Athens. + +_silos_: underground store-houses for grain, such as were found in Ceos +not many years ago, and may still be in use. + +§ 46. _irremediable_ ([Greek: an_ekeston]). The reading of two good +manuscripts [Greek: aneikaston] (otherwise only known as a late Greek +word) may be correct. If so, it may mean 'unparalleled', or +'inexplicable'. + +§ 57. The meaning is, that by denouncing those who propose active measures +now, they are preparing the way in order to prosecute them so soon as you +find the war burdensome; whereas they should themselves be prosecuted for +letting things go as far as they have gone. + +§ 59. _Oreus_. See Introd. + +_Pheraeans_, in 344. See Introd. to Second Philippic; and cf. Third +Philippic, § 12. + +_compromise_. Slavery seems to be ironically regarded as a compromise +between activity and quiescence. + +§ 63. _robbed of at an earlier period_. The sense must either be this, or +else 'all that you have lost in open war '. In either case emendation is +required. + +§ 70. _trierarch and choregus_. Demosthenes was choregus in 348, and +trierarch in 363, 359, and 357. + +§ 74. _Timotheus_: in 358, when Athens liberated Euboea from the Thebans. +Cf. First Philippic, § 17, First Olynthiac, § 8. The effect of Timotheus' +speech was such that the expedition started within three days. (Speech +against Androtion, § 14.) + +§ 75. _best counsel that he can_. The text is probably corrupt; but this +was probably the sense of the original. + + +THE THIRD PHILIPPIC + +§ 2. _actively at work_: the reference is to Diopeithes (see Speech on +Chersonese, § 57). + +§§ 4, 5. Passages are repeated from the Speech on the Chersonese, § 4, and +First Philippic, § 2. + +§ 8. _not to defraud us_: i.e. by making statements which he is not +prepared to act upon. + +§ 11. _as though visiting his allies_. This is not true, though envoys +from the Phocians, as from most other Greek states of importance, were in +Philip's camp. With the whole passage, cf. Speech on Embassy, §§ 20 ff. + +§ 12. _Pherae_. See Speech on Chersonese, § 59 n. For Oreus see Introd. to +Speech on Chersonese, and § 33 and 59 ff. of this Speech. + +§ 15. _Serrhium, &c_. See Introd. to Speech on Peace. + +_he had sworn to a Peace_. This is untrue; see Speech on Embassy, § 156, +where it is part of the charge against Aeschines' party, that they had +enabled Philip to take these places _before_ he had sworn to the Peace. + +§16. _religion_: with special reference here to the sanctity of the oath. + +_into the Chersonese_: i.e. to help Cardia. The claim of Athens to Cardia +was not good, and it appears from the Speech of Hegesippus against +Halonnesus, § 2, that the Athenians had recognized the independence of the +town. + +§ 18. _if anything should happen_: e.g. the outbreak of open war, or (more +probably) a defeat. + +§ 23. _seventy-three years_: i.e. 476-404 B. c. + +_thirty years save one_: i.e. 404-376 B.C. (in the latter year Chabrias +defeated the Spartans off Naxos). + +_battle of Leucira_: in 371 B.C. + +§ 24. _disturb the established order_: i.e. by establishing oligarchical +governments in place of democracy. + +§ 26. _in the Thracian region_: strictly, in Chalcidice and the +neighbourhood. See Introd. to Olynthiacs. + +_robbed their very cities of their governments_. This is preferable to the +(grammatically) equally possible rendering, 'robbed them of their +constitutions and their cities,' as it suits the facts better. Philip +seems to have substituted tetrarchies for separate city-states. (See +Speech on Chersonese, §26, and Second Philippic, § 22 n.) + +§ 27. _Ambracia_. See Introd. to Speech on Chersonese. _Elis_: Introd. to +Speech on Embassy. _Megara_: Speech on Embassy, §§ 294, 295. + +§ 32. _Pythian games_. See Introd. to Speech on Peace. In 342 Philip sent +a deputy to preside in his name. + +§§ 33, 34. See Introd. to Speech on Chersonese. Echinus was a Theban +colony in Thessaly, on the north coast of the Malian Gulf. + +§ 42. _Arthmius_, &c. (cf. Speech on Embassy, §271). Zeleia was in the +Troad, near Cyzicus. Arthmius was apparently proxenus of Athens at Zeleia, +and as such had probably certain rights at Athens, of which the decree +deprived him; so that Demosthenes' remarks at the beginning of §44 are +slightly misleading. + +§ 46. At the end of this section two versions are imperfectly blended, and +it does not appear what were the contents of the document. Some suppose +that the insertion 'He reads from the document' is an early conjectural +interpolation. + +§ 49. _because be leads_, &c. Philip did, in fact, bring the Macedonian +heavy infantry to great perfection for the purposes of a pitched battle, +though the decisive action was generally that of the cavalry. But the +other troops which Demosthenes names would enable him to execute rapid +movements with success. The use of light-armed troops had already been +developed by the Athenian general, Iphicrates. + +§ 50. _with such advantages_: lit. 'under these conditions' (_not_ 'to +crown all', nor 'at the head of these troops'). + +§ 52. Contrast Speech on Naval Boards, Section 9. + +§§ 57 ff. See Introd. to Speech on Embassy. + +§ 59. Euphraeus had been a disciple of Plato, and an adviser of Perdiccas, +Philip's elder brother. It was he who recommended Perdiccas to entrust the +government of part of Macedonia to Philip, whom he afterwards so strongly +opposed. + +§ 72. _embassies_. See Introd. to Speech on Chersonese. + + +ON THE CROWN + +§ 1. _to take counsel_, &c. Aeschines had asked the jury to refuse +Demosthenes a hearing, or at least to require him to follow the same order +of treatment as himself. + +§ 3. _unpleasant_. Many render [Greek: duocheres] 'inauspicious', 'ill- +omened'; but as we do not know exactly what was in Demosthenes' mind, it +is better not to give the word a meaning which it does not bear elsewhere. +It may, however, mean 'vexatious'. + +§ 11. _knave as you are_, &c. The assonance of the original might perhaps +be partly reproduced by rendering 'evil-minded as you are, it was yet a +very simple-minded idea that your mind conceived', &c. + +§ 12. _it does not enable the State_: lit. 'it is not possible for the +State.' The point is that the prosecution of Ctesiphon, while expressing +the malice of Aeschines towards Demosthenes, does not enable the State to +punish Demosthenes himself for his alleged offences, since any penalty +inflicted would fall on Ctesiphon. + +§ 13. _to debar another_, &c. This probably refers to the attempt to +deprive Demosthenes of a hearing, not (as some have thought) to the +attempt to get so heavy a fine inflicted upon Ctesiphon that he would be +unable to pay it, and would therefore lose his rights as a citizen. + +§ 17. _ascribed to me_, &c. Aeschines was anxious, in view of the existing +state of feeling at Athens, to disown his part in connexion with the Peace +of Philocrates; while Demosthenes undoubtedly assisted Philocrates in the +earlier of the negotiations and discussions which led to the Peace. + +_appropriate_. 'The recapitulation of the history is not a mere +argumentative necessity, but has a moral fitness also; in fact, the whole +defence of Demosthenes resolves itself into a proof that he only acted in +the spirit of Athenian history' (Simcox). + +§ 18. _When the Phocian war bad broken out_: i.e. in 356-5. Demosthenes +made his first speech in the Assembly in 354. + +_those who detested the Spartans_: i.e. the Messenians and Arcadians. + +_those who had previously governed_, &c.: e.g. the oligarchies which had +governed with the help of Sparta in Phlius and Mantinea, and were +overthrown after the battle of Leuctra. + +§ 19. _would be forced_, &c. This is a misrepresentation, since Philip and +the Thebans had been in alliance for some time, and Thebes had no such +grounds for apprehending evil from Philip, as would make her apply to +Athens. + +§ 21. _Aristodemus_, &c. See Introd. to Speech on the Peace. As a matter +of fact, Demosthenes acted with Philocrates at least down to the return of +the First Embassy, and himself proposed to crown Aristodemus for his +services (Aeschines, On the Embassy, §§ 15-17). + +§ 23. _the Hellenes bad all_, &c. It is not easy to reconcile this passage +with § 16 of the Speech on the Embassy, from which it appears that +representatives of other states were present in Athens; but these so- +called envoys may have been private visitors, and in any case there was no +real hope of uniting Greece against Philip. + +§ 24. _Eurybatus_ is said to have been sent as an envoy by Croesus to +Cyrus, and to have turned traitor. The name came to be proverbial. + +§ 27. _those strongholds_. See Introd. to Speech on the Peace. + +§ 28. _But they would have watched_, &c. The passage has been taken in +several ways: (1) 'They would have had to watch,' &c., and this would have +been discreditable to Athens; (2) 'They would have watched,' &c., i.e. +they would not have been excluded, as you desired, in any case; (3) 'But, +you say, they would have paid two obols apiece,' and the city would have +gained this. The sentence which follows favours (3), but perhaps (2) is +best. The petty interests of the city would include (from the point of +view assumed by Aeschines) the abstention from showing civility to the +enemy's envoys. The two-obol (threepenny) seats were the cheapest. + +§ 30. _three whole months_. In fact the ambassadors were only absent from +Athens about ten weeks altogether. + +_equally well_. The reading ([Greek: homoios]) is probably wrong; but if +it is right, this must be the meaning. + +§ 32. _as you did before_, in 352. See Introd. to First Philippic. + +§ 36. _decree of Callisthenes_. This ordered the bringing in of effects +from the country. See Speech on Embassy, §§ 86, 125. + +§ 41. _property in Boeotia_. See Speech on Embassy, § 145. + +§ 43. _their hopes_: sc. of the humiliation of Thebes. + +_and gladly_: i.e. they were glad to be free from a danger which (though +remotely) threatened themselves, as the next sentence explains. I can see +no good reason for taking the participle [Greek: polemoumenoi] as +concessive ('_although_ they also,' &c.). + +§ 48. For Lasthenes see Introd. to Olynthiacs. Timolaus probably contrived +the surrender of Thebes after the battle of Chaeroneia. Eudicus is +unknown. Simus invoked Philip's aid against the tyrants at Pherae in 352 +(see Introd, to First Philippic). Aristratus was tyrant of Sicyon, and +made alliance with Philip in 338. For Perillus, see Speech on Embassy, +Section 295. + +§ 50. _stale dregs_: strictly the remains, and especially the wine left in +the cups, from the previous night's feast; here the long-admitted +responsibility of Aeschines for the Peace of 346. + +§ 63. _Dolopes_: a small tribe living to the south-west of Thessaly. + +§ 65. _free constitutions_. This refers especially to the Thessalians, who +had been placed under tetrarchies (see Philippic III. § 26). + +§ 70. _Aristophon_. See Speech on Chersonese, § 30 n. Diopeithes is +perhaps Diopeithes of Sphettus (mentioned by Hypereides, Speech against +Euxenippus, § 39), not the general sent by Athens to the Chersonese. + +§ 71. For the events mentioned in this section, see Introd. to Speech on +the Embassy. + +§ 72. _Mysian booty_. A proverbial expression derived from the helpless +condition of Mysia (according to legend) in the absence of its king, +Telephus. + +§ 79. _to the Peloponnese_, in 344 (see Introd. to Second Philippic): _to +Euboea_ in 343-2 (see Introd. to Speech on Embassy); _to Oreus_, &c., in +341 (see Introd. to this Speech). + +§ 82. _as their patron_, i.e. as consul (or official patron) of Oreus in +Athens. See n. on Speech for Rhodians, § 15. civil rights. See vol. i, p. +52. + +§ 83. _this was already the second proclamation_: i.e. the proclamation in +accordance with the decree of Aristonicus. It is indeed just possible that +the reference is to the proposal of Ctesiphon, 'for this is now the second +proclamation,' &c. If so, we should have to assume that the proclamation +under the decree of Demomeles in 338 was prevented by the disaster of +Chaeroneia. But the first sentence of § 120 is against this (see Goodwin's +edition _ad loc_.). + +§ 94. _inconsiderate conduct_: i.e. in joining the revolt of the Athenian +allies in 356. + +§ 96. _when the Spartans_, &c. The section refers to the events of 395. + +_Deceleian War_: i.e. the last part of the Peloponnesian War (413-404 +B.C.), when Deceleia (in Attica) was occupied by the Spartans. + +§ 99. _Thebans... Euboea_: in 358 or 357. See Speech for Megalopolitans, § +14 n. + +§ 100. _Oropus_. See Speech for Megalopolitans, Section 11 n. + +_I was one_. Demosthenes was, in fact, co-trierarch with Philinus (Speech +against Meidias, § 161). + +§ 102. See Speech on Naval Boards (with Introd. and notes), and n. on +Olynthiac II, § 29. + +_obtaining exemption_. The undertaking of the trierarchy conferred +exemption from other burdens for the year, and (conversely) no one +responsible for another public burden need be trierarch. The leaders of +the Taxation Boards referred to in § 103 are probably not (as generally +supposed) the richest men in the _Naval_ Boards [Footnote: They may indeed +have been so, but it was in virtue of their function as leading members of +the Hundred Boards (for collecting the war tax) that they were grouped +together as the Three Hundred.] (responsible for trierarchy), but those in +the Hundred Boards responsible for the war tax. In each of these Boards +there was a leader, a 'second', and a 'third', and these, all together, +are almost certainly identical with the 'Three Hundred' responsible for +advancing the sum due. When these were already advancing the war tax, they +became exempt from trierarchy, and their poorer colleagues in the Naval +Boards (to which of course they also belonged) had to bear the burden +without them. But under Demosthenes' law the trierarchic payment was +required from all alike, in strict proportion to their valuation as +entered for the purposes of the war tax; and the Three Hundred (the +leaders, seconds, and thirds) were no longer exempted. (This explains +their anxiety to get the law shelved.) Even in years when they were not +exempt, before Demosthenes' law was passed, they only paid a very small +share in proportion to their wealth, since all the members of each Naval +Board paid the same sum. It appears, however, that (though the Three +Hundred as such cannot be shown to have had any office in connexion with +the trierarchy) the richer men in the Naval Boards arranged the contracts +for the work of equipment, and that when they had contracted that the work +should be done (e.g.) for a talent, they sometimes recovered the whole +talent from their poorer colleagues. (Speech against Meidias, § 155.) + +§ 103. _lie under sworn notice_, &c. ([Greek: en hupomosia]). One who +intended to indict the proposer of a law for illegality had probably to +give sworn notice of his intention, and the suggestion made to Demosthenes +was that when such notice had been given, he should let the law drop. + +§ 105. _the decree_, &c.: i.e. either a decree suspending the law until +the indictment should be heard, or one ordering the trial on the +indictment to be held. + +§ 107. _no trierarch_, &c. A trierarch who thought the burden too heavy +for him could appeal against it by laying a branch on the altar in the +Pnyx, or by taking sanctuary in the Temple of Artemis at Munychia. A +dilatory or recalcitrant trierarch could be arrested by order of the ten +commissioners ([Greek: apostuleis]) who constituted a sort of Admiralty +Board. + +§ 111. _the laws_, &c. The laws alleged to have been violated were copied +out, and accompanied the indictment. With regard to the laws in the +present case, see Goodwin's edition, pp. 313-6. + +§ 114. _Nausides_ was sent to oppose Philip at Thermopylae in 352 (see +Introd. to First Philippic). Diotimus had a command at sea in 338, and his +surrender was demanded by Alexander in 335, as was also that of +Charidernus (see n. on Olynthiac III, § 5), who had now been a regular +Athenian general for many years, and had been sent to assist Byzantium in +340 (see Speech against Aristocrates, _passim_). + +§ 121. _hellebore_: supposed in antiquity to cure madness. + +§ 122. _reveller on a cart_, e.g. on the second day of the Anthesteria, +when masked revellers rode in wagons and assailed the bystanders with +abusive language. Such ceremonial abuse was perhaps originally supposed to +have power to avert evil, and occurs in primitive ritual all over the +world. + +§ 125. _the statutable limit_. There was a limit of time (differing +according to the alleged offence) after which no action could be brought. +Demosthenes could not now be prosecuted for any of the offences with which +Aeschines charged him. + +§ 127. _Aeacus_, &c.: the judges of the dead in Hades, according to +popular legend. + +_scandal-monger_. The Greek word ([Greek: spermologos]) is used primarily +of a small bird that pecks up seeds, and hence of a person who picks up +petty gossip. (In Acts xvii. 18 it is the word which is applied to St. +Paul, and translated 'this babbler'.) + +_an old band in the market-place_: i.e. a rogue. A clerk would perhaps +often be found in the offices about the market-place; or the reference may +be to the market-place as a centre of gossip. + +_O Earth_, &c. Demosthenes quotes from the peroration of Aeschines' +speech. + +§ 129. The stories which Demosthenes retails in these sections deal with a +time which must have been forty or fifty years before the date of this +speech, and probably contain little truth, beyond the facts that +Aeschines' father was a schoolmaster (not a slave), and was assisted by +Aeschines himself; and that his mother was priestess of a 'thiasos' or +voluntary association of worshippers of Dionysus-Sabazios, among whose +ceremonies was doubtless one symbolizing a marriage or mystical union +between the god and his worshippers. (Whether the form of 'sacred +marriage' which was originally intended to promote the fertility of the +ground by 'sympathetic magic' entered into the ritual of Sabazios is +doubtful.) Such a rite, though probably in fact quite innocent, gave rise +to suspicions, of which Demosthenes takes full advantage; and the fact +that well-known courtesans (such as Phryne and perhaps Ninus) sometimes +organized such 'mysteries' would lend colour to the suspicions. + +_Hero of the Lancet_ ([Greek: to kalamit_e aer_oi]). The interpretation is +very uncertain (see Goodwin, pp. 339 ff.); and, according as [Greek: +kalamos] is taken in the sense of 'lancet', 'splints', or 'bow', editors +render the phrase 'hero of the lancet', 'hero of the splints', 'archer- +hero' (identified by some with Toxaris, the Scythian physician, whose +arrival in Athens in Solon's time is described in Lucian's [Greek: +Skuth_es ae Proxenos]). That the Hero was a physician is shown by the +Speech on the Embassy, § 249. + +§ 130. _for they were not like_, &c. ([Greek: ouge gar h_onetuchen _en, +all ois hu daemos kataratai]). The meaning is quite uncertain. The most +likely interpretations are: (1) that given in the text, [Greek: a +bebioken] being understood as the subject of [Greek: _en], and [Greek: _on +etuchen] as = [Greek: tout_on a etuchen], i.e. 'not belonging to the class +of acts which were such as chance made them,' but acts of a quite definite +kind, viz. the kind which the People curses (through the mouth of the +herald at each meeting of the Assembly); (2) 'for he was not of ordinary +parents, but of such as the People curses'; the subject of [Greek: _en] +being Aeschines. But there is the difficulty that, with this subject for +[Greek: _en, _on etuchen] can only represent [Greek: tout_on _on etuchen +_on], whereas the sense required is [Greek: tout_on oi etuchon], or (the +regular idiom) [Greek: t_on tuchunt_on]; and the sense is not so good, for +the context [Greek: opse gar]) shows that the clause ought to refer to the +_acts_ of Aeschines about which he is going to speak, not to his +parentage, which the orator has done with. + +_Glaucothea_. Her real name is said to have been Glaucis. Glaucothea was +the name of a sea-nymph. The change of the father's name Tromes +('Trembler') to Atrometus ('Dauntless') would also betoken a rise in the +world. + +_Empusa_, or 'The Foul Phantom': a female demon capable of assuming any +shape. Obscene ideas were sometimes associated with her. + +§ 132. For Antiphon, see Introd. to Speech on the Embassy. + +_struck off the list_: at the revision of the lists in 346. (Each deme +revised the list of its own members, subject to an appeal to the courts.) + +_without a decree_: i.e. a decree authorizing a domiciliary visit. + +§ 134. _when ... you elected him_. See Introd. to Speech on the Embassy. + +_from the altar_: a peculiarly solemn form of voting; it is mentioned in +the Speech against Macartatus, § 14. + +§ 136. _when Philip sent_, &c. See Introd. to Speech on the Embassy. + +§ 137. The ostensible purpose of Anaxinus' visit was to make purchases for +Olympias, Philip's wife. Aeschines states that Anaxinus had once been +Demosthenes' own host at Oreus. + +§ 141. _paternal deity_: as father of Ion, the legendary ancestor of the +Ionians, and so of the Athenians. + +§ 143. _and of one_, &c. I have followed the general consensus of recent +editors; but I do not feel at all sure that the antecedent of [Greek: us] +is not [Greek: polemos]. In that case we should translate, 'which led to +Philip's coming to Elateia and being chosen commander of the Amphictyons, +and which overthrew,' &c. + +§ 146. _nature of the resources_, &c.: i.e. especially the possession by +Athens of a strong fleet. + +§ 148. _representatives on the Council_. The Amphictyonic Council was +composed of two representatives (Hieromnemones) from each of twelve +primitive tribes, of which the Thessalians, the Boeotians, the Ionians +(one of whose members was appointed by Athens), and the Dorians (one +member appointed by Sparta) were the chief, while some of the tribes were +now very obscure. There were also present delegates (Pylagori) from +various towns. These were not members of the Council, and had no vote, but +might speak. Athens sent three such delegates to each meeting. (See +Goodwin, pp. 338, 339.) + +§ 150. _make the circuit_, or 'beat the bounds'. The actual proceedings +(according to Aeschines' account, summarized in the Introd. to this +Speech) were much more violent. + +_It was clearly impossible_, &c. The argument is unconvincing. Aeschines +may have known of the intention of the Locrians without their having +served a formal summons. + +§ 158. _one man_: i.e. Philip. + +§ 169. _the Prytanes_: the acting Committee of the Council. + +_set fire to the wicker-work_: i.e. probably the hurdles, &c., of which +the booths were partly composed. Probably a bonfire was a well-understood +form of summons to an Assembly called in an emergency. + +_the draft-resolution_. See Introd., vol. i, p. 18. + +_on the hill-side_: i.e. on the Pnyx, the meeting-place of the Assembly. + +§ 171. _the Three Hundred_. See n. on § 102. + +§ 176. _philippize_. The word was coined during the wars with Philip, on +the analogy of 'medize'--the term used of the action of the traitors who +supported the invading Persians (Medes) early in the fifth century. + +§ 177. _to Eleusis_, which was on the most convenient (though not the +shortest) route for an army marching to Thebes. + +§ 180. _Battalus_: a nickname given to Demosthenes by his nurse on account +of the impediment in his speech from which he suffered in early days, or +of his general delicacy. Aeschines had tried to fix an obscene +interpretation upon it. + +_Creon_. See Speech on the Embassy, § 247. + +_at Collytus_: i.e. at the Rural Dionysia held in that deme. + +§ 189. _any one_: lit. 'any one who chooses,' i.e. to call him to account. +The expression ([Greek: ho boulomenos]) is apparently half technical, as +applied to a self-appointed prosecutor. (Cf. Aristophanes, _Plutus_ 908 +and 918.) + +§ 194. _the general_: i.e. at Chaeroneia. + +§ 195. _Philip employed_. Most editors say '_Aeschines_ employed'. But +this would require [Greek: outos] not [Greek: ekeinos], and § 218 also +supports the interpretation here given. + +§ 198. _treasured up_, &c. The suggestion seems to be that Aeschines +foresaw the disasters, but concealed his knowledge, 'storing them up' in +order to make a reputation out of them later. + +§ 204. _to leave their land_, &c.: i.e. at the time of Xerxes' invasion in +480, when the Athenians abandoned the city and trusted to the 'wooden +walls' of their ships. + +§ 208. On this magnificent passage, see the treatise _On the Sublime_, +chaps, xvi, xvii. + +§ 209. _poring pedant_: lit. 'one who stoops over writings'. Here used +perhaps with reference to Aeschines' having 'worked up' allusions to the +past for the purpose of his Speech, while he remained blind to the great +issues of the present. Many editors think that the reference is to his +earlier occupation as a schoolmaster or a clerk; but this is perhaps less +suitable to the context. + +§ 210. _staff...ticket_. The colour of the staff indicated the court in +which the juror was to sit; the ticket was exchanged for his pay at the +end of the day. + +§ 214. _a very deluge_. He is thinking, no doubt, of the disaster at +Chaeroneia and the destruction of Thebes. + +§ 215. _while their infantry_, &c. The Theban forces when prepared for +action would naturally camp outside the walls (see Olynth. I, § 27, where +Demosthenes similarly thinks of the Athenian army encamping outside +Athens). But although they were thus encamped outside, and had left their +wives and children unguarded within, they allowed the Athenian soldiers to +enter the city freely. + +§ 216. _the river_: probably the Cephisus. Both battles are otherwise +unknown. If one of them was in winter, it must have taken place not long +after the capture of Elateia, and several months before the battle of +Chaeroneia. + +§ 219. _somewhere to lay the blame_: or possibly, 'some opportunity of +recovering himself,' or 'some place of retreat'. But the interpretation +given (which is that of Harpocration) is supported by the use of [Greek: +anenenkein] in § 224. + +§ 227. _counters all disappear_. The calculation was made by taking away, +for each item of debt or expenditure, so many counters from the total +representing the sum originally possessed. When the frame (or _abacus_) +containing the counters was left clear, it meant that there was no +surplus. (The right reading, however, may be [Greek: an kathair_osin], 'if +the counters are decisive,' or [Greek: han kathair_osin], 'whatever the +counters prove, you concede.') + +§ 231. _cancel them out_ ([Greek: antanelein]): strictly, to strike each +out of the account in view of something on the opposite side (i.e. in view +of the alternative which you would have proposed). + +§ 234. _collected in advance_: i.e. Athens had been anticipating her +income. + +§ 238. _if you refer_, &c. Aeschines had accused Demosthenes of saddling +Athens with two-thirds of the expense of the war, and Thebes with only +one-third. + +_three hundred_, &c. See Speech on Naval Boards, § 29 n. + +§ 243. _customary offerings_, made at the tomb on the third and ninth days +after the death. + +§ 249. _Philocrates_: not Philocrates of Hagnus, the proposer of the Peace +of 346, but an Eleusinian. For Diondas, see § 222. The others are unknown. + +§ 251. _Cephalus_. Cf. § 219. He was an orator and statesman of the early +part of the fourth century. (The best account of him is in Beloch, +_Attische Politik_, p. 117.) + +§ 258. _the attendants' room_. The 'attendants' are those who escorted the +boys to and from school--generally slaves. + +§ 259. _the books_, &c. Cf. § 129 and notes. The books probably contained +the formulae of initiation, or the hymns which were chanted by some +Dionysiac societies. The service described here is probably that of the +combined worship of Dionysus-Sabazios and the Great Mother (Cybele). + +_dressing_, &c. The candidate for initiation was clothed in a fawn-skin, +and was 'purified' by being smeared with clay (while sitting down, with +head covered) and rubbed clean with bran, and after the initiation was +supposed to enter upon a new and higher life. It is possible that the +veiling and disguising with clay originally signified a death to the old +life, such as is the ruling idea in many initiations of a primitive type. +(Cf. Aristophanes, travesty of an initiation-ceremony in the _Clouds_ +256.) + +§ 260. _fennel and white poplar_. These were credited with magical and +protective properties. + +_Euoe, Saboe_: the cry to Sabazios. One is tempted to render it by 'Glory! +Hallelujah!' In fact, the Dionysiac 'thiasoi', or some of them, had many +features, good as well as bad, in common with the Salvation Army. The cry +'Euoe, Saboe' is of Thracian origin; 'Hyes Attes' is Phrygian. The +serpents, the ivy, and the winnowing-fan figured in more than one variety +of Dionysiac service. It is not certain that for 'ivy-bearer' ([Greek: +kittophorhos]) we should not read 'chest-bearer' ([Greek: kistophoros]) +used with reference to the receptacle containing sacred objects, of which +we hear elsewhere in connexion with similar rites. + +§ 261. _fellow-parishioners_; lit. 'members of your deme'. Each deme kept +the register of citizens belonging to it. Enrolment was possible at the +age of 18 years, and had to be confirmed by the Council. (See Aristotle, +_Constitution of Athens_, chap. xiii.) + +§ 262. _collecting figs_, &c. Two interpretations are possible: (1) that +the spectators in derision threw fruit--probably not of the best--at +Aeschines on the stage, and he gathered it up, as a fruiterer collects +fruit from various growers, and lived on it; or (2) that while he was a +strolling player, Aeschines used to rob orchards. Of these (1) seems by +far the better in the context. + +§ 267. _I leave the abysm_, &c. The opening of Euripides' _Hecuba_. The +line next quoted is unknown. 'Evil in evil wise' ([Greek: kakon kak_os]) +is found in a line of Lynceus, a fourth-century tragedian. + +§ 282. _denied this intimacy with him_: or possibly (with the scholiast), +'declined this office.' + +§ 284. _the tambourine-player_. Such instruments were used in orgiastic +rites. + +§ 285. Hegemon and Pythocles were members of the Macedonian party, who +were put to death in 317 by order of the Assembly. (See Speech on Embassy, +§§ 215, 314.) + +§ 287. _same libation_: i.e. the same banquet. The libation preceded the +drinking. To 'go beneath the same roof' with a polluted person was +supposed to involve contamination. + +_in the revel_. Cf. Speech on the Embassy, § 128. The reference, however, +is here more particularly to Philip's revels after the battle of +Chaeroneia, in which, Demosthenes suggests, the Athenian envoys took part. + +§ 289. The genuineness of the epitaph is doubtful. Line 2 is singularly +untrue. The text is almost certainly corrupt in places (e.g. ll. 3 and +10). + +_their lives_, &c. As the text stands, [Greek: aret_es] and [Greek: +deimatos] must be governed by [Greek: brab_e,], 'made Hades the judge of +their valour or their cowardice.' But this leaves [Greek: ouk esa_osan +psuchas] as a quasiparenthesis, very difficult to accept in so simple and +at the same time so finished a form of composition as the epigram. There +are many emendations. + +_'Tis God's_, &c. The line, [Greek: m_eden hamartein esti the_on kai panta +katorhthoun], is taken from Simonides' epitaph on the heroes of Marathon. +The sense of the couplet is plain from § 290; but [Greek: en biot_e] in l. +10 is possibly corrupt. + +§ 300. _the confederacy_, i.e. Athens, Thebes, and their allies at +Chaeroneia. + +§ 301. _our neighbours_, especially Megara and Corinth. + +§ 308. _the inactivity which you_, &c.: i.e. abstention from taking a +prominent part in public life. + +§ 309. _opening of ports_: i.e. to Athenian commerce. + +§ 311. _What pecuniary assistance_, &c. Demosthenes is thinking of his own +services in ransoming prisoners, &c. Some editors translate, 'What public +financial aid have you ever given to rich or poor?' i.e. 'When have you +ever dispensed State funds in such a way as to benefit any one?' It is +impossible to decide with certainty between the two alternatives; but the +meanings of [Greek: politik_e] ('citizen-like', 'such as one would expect +from a good fellow-citizen') and [Greek: koin_e], which I assume, seem to +be supported by §§ 13 and 268 respectively. + +§ 312. _leaders of the Naval Boards_. See Introd. to Speech on Naval +Boards. + +_damaging attack_, &c. This probably refers to modifications introduced on +Aeschines' proposal into Demosthenes' Trierarchic Law of 340, not at the +time of its enactment, but after some experience of its working. (See +Aeschines, 'Against Ctesiphon,' § 222.) + +§ 313. Theocrines was a tragic actor, who was attacked in the pseudo- +Demosthenic Speech 'Against Theocrines'. Harpocration's description of him +as a 'sycophant', or dishonest informer, may be merely an inference from +the Speech. + +§ 318. _your brother_. See Speech on the Embassy, §§ 237, 249. It is not +known which brother is here referred to. + +§ 319. Philammon was a recent Olympic victor in the boxing match; Glaucus, +a celebrated boxer early in the fifth century. + +§ 320. _owner of a stud_. To keep horses was a sign of great wealth in +Athens. + + + + +INDEX + +Abdera, i. +Abydos, ii. +Acarnania, Acarnanians, ii. +Achaeans, ii. +Acropolis, i.; ii. +Adeimantus, i. +Admiralty Board ([Greek: apostoleis]), ii. +Aeacus, ii. +Aegina, ii. +Aeschines, i.; ii. +Aetolia, Aetolians, ii. +Agapaeus, ii. +Aglaurus, temple of, i.; ii. +Agyrrhius, i. +Alcidamas, i. +Alenadae, i. +Alexander (480 B.C.), i.; ii. +Alexander the Great, ii. +Amadocus, i. +Ambassadors, duties of, i. +Ambracia, ii. +Amphictyonic Council, + its constitution and functions, i.; ii. + from 346-343 B.C., i.; ii. + and the Amphissean War, ii. + Demosthenes at the, ii. +Amphipolis, i.; ii. +Amphissa, Amphissean War: + _see_ Amphictyonic Council. +Anaximenes, i. +Anaxinus, ii. +Androtion, i. +Anemoetas, ii. +Antalcidas: _see_ Peace. +Anthemus, i. +Antipater, i. +Antiphon, i.; ii. +Aphobetus, i. +Apollodorus, i. +Apollonia, ii. +Apollonides, + of Cardia, i. + of Olynthus, ii. +Apollophanes, i. +Arcadia, Arcadians, i.; ii. + (_See_ also Megalopolis.) +Areopagus, + Council of, i.; ii. +Argaeus, i. +Argives, Argos, i.; ii. +Ariobarzanes, i.; ii. +Aristaechmus, ii. +Aristides, i. +Aristocrates, i. +Aristodemus, i.; ii. +Aristoleos, ii. +Aristonicus, ii. +Aristophanes, ii. +Aristophon, i.; ii. +Aristotle, i. +Aristratus, + of Naxos, ii. + of Sicyon, ii. +Arrhidaeus, i. +Artabazus, i.; ii. +Artaxerxes, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Persia.) +Artemisia, i.; ii. +Artemisium, ii. +Arthmius, i.; ii. +Arybbas, i.; ii. +Asiatic Greeks, i.; ii. +Assembly, the Athenian, + its functions, character, and defects, i.; ii. + debates in, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Athenian People.) +Athenian People, + their indifference and procrastination, i.; ii. + their incalculability, i. + their traditions and traditional policy, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Assembly, Democracy.) +Atrestidas, i. +Atrometus, i.; ii. +Auditors, Board of (Logistae), i.; ii. +Automedon, ii. + +Balance of Power, principle of, i. +Battalus, ii. +Boedromia, i.; ii. +Boeotia, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Thebes.) +Boeotian War, ii. +Brougham, Lord; Preface; i. +Byzantium, i; ii. + +Cabyle, ii. +Callias + (Author of Peace), i. + (_See also _Peace.) + (of Chalcis), ii. + (public slave), i. +Callisthenes, i.; ii. +Callistratus, i.; ii. +Cardia, Cardians, i.; ii. +Caria, Prince of, i. + (_See also_ Artemisia, Mausolus.) +Ceos, ii. +Cephalus, ii. +Cephisodotus, i.; ii. +Cephisophon, ii. +Cercidas, ii. +Cersobleptes, i.; ii. +Chabrias, i.; ii. +Chaeroneia, battle of, ii. +Chalcedon, i.; ii. +Chalcidic League, i.; ii. +Chalcis, ii. +Chares, i.; ii. +Charidemus, i.; ii. +Chelidonian Islands, ii. +Chersonese, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Cardia.) +Chios, i.; ii. +Cineas, ii. +Cirrha, Cirrhaean plain, ii. +Clearchus, i.; ii. +Cleitarchus, i.; ii. +Cleophon, i. +Cleotimus, ii. +Collytus, ii. +Conon, i. +Corcyra, i.; ii. +Corinth, Corinthians, i.; ii. +Corn-supply, &c. (Athenian), i.; ii. +Coroneia, i.; ii. +Corsia, i. +Cos, i.; ii. +Cottyphus, ii. +Council, + of Areopagus. + (_See_ Areopagus.) + of Five Hundred, i.; ii. +Crenides, i. +Creon, i.; ii. +Cresphontes, ii. +Ctesiphon + (negotiator of Peace), i.; ii. + (indicted by Eubulus), i. + (proposer of Crown), ii. +Curse, public, i.; ii. +Cyanean Rocks, ii. +Cyprothemis, i. +Cyrebion, i.; ii. +Cyrsilus, ii. +Cyrus, i.; ii. + +Daochus, ii. +Dardani, i. +Deceleian War, ii. +Deinarchus, ii. +Delos, i.; ii. +Delphi, temple at, i.; ii. +Demades, i.; ii. +Demaretus, ii. +Democracy, + and Oligarchy, i. + and Tyranny, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Athenian People.) +Demomeles, ii. +Demosthenes (General), i.; ii. +Dercylus, i. +Diodorus, i. +Dion, ii. +Diondas, ii. +Dionysia, i.; ii. +Dionysius (General), i.; ii. +Dionysius of Halicarnassus, i. +Dionysus, ii. +Diopeithes + (General), ii. + (of Sphettus?), ii. +Diophantus, i.; ii. +Diotimus, ii. +Disunion of the Hellenes, i.; ii. +Dium, i. +Dodona, oracle of, ii. +Dolopes, ii. +Dorians of Parnassus, ii. +Doriscus, i.; ii. +Drongilum, ii. +Drymus, i. + +Echinus, ii. +Egypt, i; ii. +Elateia, i.; ii. +Election by lot, i. +Eleusis, ii. +Elis, i.; ii. +Elpias, ii. +Embassies to Peloponnesian States, ii. +Embassy, + the First, i. + the Second, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Peace of Philocrates.) + the Third, i.; ii. +Empusa, ii. +Ephialtes, ii. +Epichares, ii. +Epicrates, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Cyrebion). +Epirus, ii. +Eretria, i.; ii. +Ergiske, ii. +Ergocles, i.; ii. +Ergophilus, i.; ii. +Erythraeans, ii. +Etesian Winds, i.; ii. +Euboea, Euboeans, i.; ii. +Eubulus, i.; ii. +Eucleides, i.; ii. +Eudicus, ii. +Euphraeus, ii. +Eurybatus, ii. +Eurylochus, i. +Euripides, i. +Euthycles, i. +Euthycrates, i.; ii. +Execcstus, i. + +Festival Fund, i.; ii. +Financial System (Athenian), i.; ii. + (_See also_ Military System, Naval System.) +Fortifications, + Commissioner of, ii. + of Athens, ii. +Fortune, i.; ii. +Funeral Oration, after Chaeroneia, ii. + +Geraestus, i.; ii. +Getae, ii. +Glaucothea, i.; ii. +Glaucus, ii. +Gods, + and crime, i. + and perjury, i. + command issues of events, ii. + protect Athens, i.; ii. +Guest-friendship, ii. + +Haliartus, i.; ii. +Halonnesus, ii. +Halus, i. +Harmodius, i. +Hedyleum, i.; ii. +Hegemon, ii. +Hegesilaus, i.; ii. +Hegesippus, i.; ii. +Hellespont, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Chersonese, Thrace.) +Heracles, sacrifice to, i.; ii. +Heraeon Teichos, i.; ii. +Hero of the Lancet (Hero-Physician), i.; ii. +Hierax, i. +Hieronymus, i. +Hipparchus, ii. +Hipponicus, ii. +Hypereides, i.; ii. + +Iatrocles, i. +Illyria, Illyrians, i.; ii. +Imbros, i.; ii. +Iphicrates, i.; ii. +Isaeus, i. +Ischander, i. +Isocrates, i.; ii. + +Lacedaemon, Lacedaemonians. + (_See_ Sparta, Spartans.) +Lampsacus, i.; ii. +Lasthenes, i.; ii. +Larissa, i.; ii. +Law-Courts, supremacy of, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Trials.) +Legislative Commission, i.; ii. +Lemnos, i.; ii. +Leon, i.; ii. +Leptines, i. +Leucas, ii. +Leuctra, battle of, i.; ii. +Locrians, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Amphissa.) +Logistae. + (_See_ Auditors.) +Longinus, i. +Lycophron, i. +Lycurgus, ii. + +Macedonian Empire, i. +Magnesia, i.; ii. +Mantineia, + battle of, i.; ii. + oligarchy in, ii. +Marathon, i.; ii. + battle of, i.; ii. +Mardonius, ii. +Maroneia, i. +Masteira, ii. +Mausolus, i. +Mecyberna, i. +Megalopolis, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Arcadia.) +Megara, Megareans, i.; ii. +Meidias, ii. +Melantus, ii. +Menecles, ii. +Menelaus, i.; ii. +Menippus, ii. +Mercenaries, i.; ii. +Messene, Messenians, i.; ii. +Methone, i.; ii. +Metroon, i.; ii. +Military System (Athenian), i.; ii. + (_See also_ Mercenaries, Naval System.) +Miltiades, i. +Mnaseas, ii. +Moerocles, i. +Molon, i. +Molossi, ii. +Molossus, ii. +Minos, ii. +Mother, the Great, ii. +Mountain, Sacred, i.; ii. +Munychia, ii. +Murder, Law of, ii. +Myrtenum, ii. +Myrtis, ii. +'Mysian booty,' ii. +Mysteries, the, ii. +Mytilene, i. + +Naval Boards, i.; ii. +Naval System (Athenian), i.; ii. + (_See also_ Financial System, Military System.) +Naupactus, ii. +Nausicles, ii. +Neapolis, i. +Neoptolemus, i.; ii. + (another?), ii. +Neon, ii. +Neones, i.; ii. +Nicaea, i.; ii. +Nicias + (General), i. + (another), i. +Ninus, ii. + +Oenomaus, ii. +Oligarchy, i.; ii. +Olympian games, i. +Olympias, ii. +Olynthus, Olynthians, i.; ii. +Onomarchus, i. +Orators, + corrupt and disloyal, i.; ii. + and Speech on the Crown, _passim_. + (_See also_ Traitors.) + difficulties and risks of, i.; ii. + duties of, i.; ii. + past and present Athenian, i.; ii. + position of, in Athens, i.; ii. + recriminations of, i.; ii. + seeking popularity, i.; ii. +Orchomenus, i.; ii. +Oreus, i.; ii. +Orontas, i.; ii. +Oropus, i.; ii. +Paeonians, i.; ii. +Pagasae, i. +Pammenes, i. +Panactum, i.; ii. +Panathenaea, i.; ii. +Pangaeus, Mount, i. +Parmenio, i. +Peace + of Antalcidas, i.; ii. + of Callias, i.; ii. + of Demades, ii. + of Philocrates, i.; ii. +Peitholaus, i. +Peiraeus, i.; ii. +Pella, i.; ii. +Pelopidas, ii. +Peparethus, ii. +Periander, Law of, i. +Perdiccas, ii. +Pericles, i. +Perillus, i.; ii. +Perinthus, i.; ii. +Persia, Persian King, i.; ii. +Phalaecus, i.; ii. +Pharsalus, i. +Pherae, Pheraeans, i.; ii. +Philammon, ii. +Philiadas, ii. +Philinus, ii. +Philip, + his advantages over Athens, i.; ii. + his army, ii. + his character, i.; ii. + his policy, i.; ii. +Philippi, i. +Philippopolis, ii. +Philo, i.; ii. +Philochares, i. +Philocrates + (author of Peace), i.; ii. + (another), ii. +Philonicus, i. +Philistides, ii. +Phlius, Phliasians, i.; ii. +Phocians, Phocis, i.; ii. +Phocion, i.; ii. +Phormio, ii. +Phryne, ii. +Phrynon, i. +Phyle, i. +Pirates, &c., ii. +Pittalacus, i. +Plataeae, i.; ii. + (battle of), ii. +Plutarchus, i.; ii. +Pnyx, ii. +Polyeuctus, ii. +Polystratus, i.; ii. +Porthmus, i.; ii. +Poteidaea, i.; ii. +Prisoners, ransom of, i.; ii. +Proconnesus, ii. +Proedroi, ii. +Prophets, i.; ii. +Proxenus, i.; ii. +Prytanes, i.; ii. +Ptoeodorus, i.; ii. +Pydna, i.; ii. +Pythian Games, i.; ii. +Pythocles, i.; ii. +Python, i.; ii. + +Rhadamanthus, ii. +Rhodes, Rhodians, i.; ii. +River, battle by the, ii. +Round Chamber, i.; ii. + +Sabazios. + (_See_ Dionysus.) +Sacred War, i. + (_See also_ Amphissean War.) +Salamis, Salaminians, i.; ii. + battle of, i.; ii. +Samos, i.; ii. +Satyrus, i. +Schools (Athenian), i.; ii. +Sciathus, i.; ii. +Scyros, i. +Scythia, ii. +Selymbria, i.; ii. +Serrhium, i.; ii. +Sicyon, ii. +Sigeum, i.; ii. +Simonides, ii. +Simus, ii. +Simylus, ii. +Smicythus, i.; ii. +Socrates + (of Oreus), ii. + (actor), ii. +Solon, i.; ii. +Sophocles, i. +Sosicles, ii. +Sosistratus, ii. +Sparta, Spartans, i.; ii. +Stageira, i. +Symmories. + (_See_ Naval Boards.) + +Tamynae, ii. +Tanagra, ii. +Taurosthenes, ii. +Taxation. + (_See_ Financial System.) +Teledamus, ii. +Tenedos, ii. +Tetrarchies, ii. +Tharrex, i.; ii. +Thasos, i. +Thebans, Thebes, i.; ii. +Themison, ii. +Themistocles, i.; ii. +Theocrines, ii. +Theodoras + (actor), i. + (of Oropus), ii. +Theogeiton, ii. +Theopompus, ii. +Theoric Fund. + (_See_ Festival Fund.) +Thermopylae, i.; ii. +Theseus, temple of, ii. +Thesmothetae, i.; ii. +Thessalians, Thessaly, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Magnesia, Pagasae, Pharsalus, Pherae.) +Thirty Tyrants, the, i.; ii. +Thoas, ii. +Thrace, Thracians, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Cersobleptes, Chersonese, Hellespont.) +Thrason, ii. +Thrasybulus, i.; ii. +Thrasydaeus, ii. +Thrasylochus, ii. +Thucydides, i. +Tigranes, i. +Tilphossaeum, i; ii. + 173. +Timagoras, i.; ii. +Timarchus, i.; ii. +Timocrates, i. +Timolaus, ii. +Timomachus, i. +Timotheus, i.; ii. +Torone, i.; ii. +Torture, i.; ii. +Traitors, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Orators, corruption of.) +Trials, Athenian (character and + procedure), i. + (_See also_ Law-Courts.) +Triballi, i.; ii. +Tricaranum, i.; ii. +Trierarchy. + (_See_ Naval Boards Naval System.) +Triphylia, i.; ii. +Tromes, ii. + +Walls, the, i. +Winter-battle, the, ii. + +Xenocleides, i. +Xenophron, i. + +Zeleia, i.; ii. + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Public Orations of Demosthenes, +volume 2, by Demosthenes + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PUBLIC ORATIONS OF *** + +This file should be named 8pbd210.txt or 8pbd210.zip +Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks get a new NUMBER, 8pbd211.txt +VERSIONS based on separate sources get new LETTER, 8pbd210a.txt + +Anne Soulard, Jon Ingram and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team. + +Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the US +unless a copyright notice is included. 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