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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Public Orations of Demosthenes, volume 2
+by Demosthenes
+
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+Title: The Public Orations of Demosthenes, volume 2
+
+Author: Demosthenes
+
+Release Date: October, 2005 [EBook #9061]
+[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule]
+[This file was first posted on September 2, 2003]
+
+Edition: 10
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO Latin-1
+
+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PUBLIC ORATIONS OF ***
+
+
+
+
+Anne Soulard, Jon Ingram and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team.
+
+
+
+
+THE PUBLIC ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES
+IN TWO VOLUMES
+VOL I
+
+TRANSLATED BY
+ARTHUR WALLACE PICKARD
+
+
+
+
+ON THE CHERSONESE (OR. VIII)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. Late in the year 343 (some time after the acquittal of
+Aeschines) Philip invaded Epirus, made Alexander, brother of his wife
+Olympias, king of the Molossi instead of Arybbas, and so secured, his own
+influence in that region. Arybbas was honourably received at Athens.
+Philip next threatened Ambracia and Leucas, which were colonies of
+Corinth, and promised to restore Naupactus, which was in the hands of the
+Achaeans, to the Aetolians. But Athens sent Demosthenes, Hegesippus,
+Polyeuctus and others to rouse the Corinthians to resistance, and also
+dispatched a force of citizens to Acarnania to help in the defence against
+Philip. Philip thereupon returned, captured Echinus and Nicaea on the
+Malian Gulf, and established a tetrarch in each division of Thessaly (343
+B.C., or early in 342). In 342 Philistides was established, by Philip's
+influence, as tyrant at Oreus in Euboea (as Cleitarchus had been at
+Eretria in the preceding year), and the democratic leader Euphraeus
+committed suicide in prison.[1] The town of Chalcis, however, under
+Callias and Taurosthenes, remained friendly to Athens, and made a treaty
+of alliance with her.
+
+About the same time a controversy, begun in the previous year, in regard
+to Halonnesus, was renewed. This island had belonged to Athens, but had
+been occupied by pirates. At some time not recorded (but probably since
+the Peace of 346) Philip had expelled the pirates and taken possession of
+the island. He now sent a letter, offering to give Halonnesus to Athens,
+but not to _give it back_ (since this would concede their right to it); or
+else to submit the dispute to arbitration. He also offered to discuss a
+treaty for the settlement of private disputes between Athenians and
+Macedonians, and to concert measures with Athens for clearing the Aegean
+of pirates. He was willing to extend the advantages of the Peace to other
+Greek States, but not to agree that he and Athens should respectively
+possess 'what was their own', instead of 'what they held'; though he was
+ready to submit to arbitration in regard to Cardia and other disputed
+places. He again denied having made the promises attributed to him, and
+asked for the punishment of those who slandered him. Hegesippus replied in
+an extant speech ('On Halonnesus'), while Demosthenes insisted that no
+impartial arbitrator could possibly be found. Philip's terms in regard to
+Halonnesus were refused, but the Athenian claim to the island was not
+withdrawn.
+
+Philip spent the greater part of 342 and 341 in Thrace, mainly in the
+valley of the Hebrus, where he endured very great hardships through the
+winter, and founded colonies of Macedonian soldiers, the chief of these
+being Philippopolis and Cabyle. He also entered into relations with the
+Getae, beyond the Haemus, and garrisoned Apollonia on the Euxine. These
+operations were all preparatory to his projected attack upon Byzantium.
+(Byzantium and Athens were at this time on unfriendly terms, owing to the
+part taken by the latter in the Social War.)
+
+But the immediate subject of the present Speech was the state of affairs
+in the Chersonese in 342. The Chersonese (with the exception of Cardia)
+had been secured for Athens in 357, but had been threatened by Philip in
+352,[2] when he made alliance with Cardia, and forced the neighbouring
+Thracian Prince Cersobleptes to submit. Soon after the Peace of
+Philocrates, Athens sent settlers to the Chersonese under Diopeithes.
+Cardia alone refused to receive them, and Diopeithes, with a mercenary
+force, prepared to compel the Cardians to admit them; while Philip sent
+troops to hold the town, and complained to Athens in threatening terms of
+the actions of Diopeithes, and more particularly of an inroad which
+Diopeithes had made upon Philip's territory in Thrace. Diopeithes had been
+ill-supported with money and men by Athens, and had had recourse to
+piratical actions, in order to obtain supplies, thus arousing some
+indignation at Athens; but the prospect of the heavy expenditure which
+would be necessary, if an expedition were sent to his aid, was also
+unattractive. Demosthenes, however, proposed that Diopeithes should be
+vigorously supported, on the ground that Philip was really at war with
+Athens, and that this was not the time to interfere with the general who
+alone was pushing the Athenian cause. The speech was delivered early in
+the spring of 341. It is a masterpiece of oratory, at once statesmanlike
+and impassioned, and shows a complete command of every variety of tone.
+The latter part of it contains a strong denunciation of the Macedonian
+party in Athens, a defence of the orator's own career, and an urgent
+demand for the punishment of disloyalty. At the same time Demosthenes does
+not embody the policy which he advises in any formal motion. For this we
+have to wait for the Third Philippic.]
+
+
+{1} It was the duty, men of Athens, of every speaker not to allow either
+malice or favour to influence any speech which he might make, but simply
+to declare the policy which he considered to be the best, particularly
+when your deliberations were concerned with public affairs of great
+importance. But since there are some who are led on to address you, partly
+out of contentiousness, partly from causes which I need not discuss, it is
+for you, men of Athens--you, the People--to dismiss all other
+considerations, and both in the votes that you give and in the measures
+that you take to attend solely to what you believe to be for the good of
+the city. {2} Now our present anxiety arises out of affairs in the
+Chersonese, and the campaign, now in its eleventh month, which Philip is
+conducting in Thrace. But most of the speeches which we have heard have
+been about the acts and intentions of Diopeithes. For my part, I conceive
+that all charges made against any one who is amenable to the laws and can
+be punished by you when you will are matters which you are free to
+investigate, either immediately or after an interval, as you think fit;
+and there is no occasion for me or any one else to use strong language
+about them. {3} But all those advantages which an actual enemy of the
+city, with a large force in the Hellespont, is trying to snatch from you,
+and which, if we once fall behind-hand, we shall no longer be able to
+recover--these, surely, are matters upon which our interest demands that
+our plans be formed and our preparations made with the utmost dispatch;
+and that no clamour, no accusations about other matters, be allowed to
+drive us from this point.
+
+{4} Often as I am surprised at the assertions which are habitually made in
+your presence, nothing, men of Athens, has surprised me more than the
+remark which I heard only lately in the Council--that one who advises you
+ought, forsooth, to advise you plainly either to go to war or to keep the
+peace. {5} Very good.[3] If Philip is remaining inactive, if he is keeping
+nothing that is ours, in violation of the Peace, if he is not organizing
+all mankind against us, there is nothing more to be said--we have simply
+to observe the Peace; and I see that, for your part, you are quite ready
+to do so. But what if the oath that we swore, and the terms upon which we
+made the Peace, stand inscribed for our eyes to see? {6} What if it is
+proved that from the outset, before Diopeithes sailed from Athens with the
+settlers who are now accused of having brought about the war, Philip
+wrongfully seized many of our possessions--and here, unrepealed, are your
+resolutions charging him with this--and that all along he has been
+uninterruptedly seizing the possessions of the other Hellenic and foreign
+peoples, and uniting their resources against us? What is _then_ the
+meaning of the statement that we ought either to go to war or to keep the
+Peace? {7} For we have no choice in the matter: nothing remains open to us
+but the most righteous and most necessary of all acts--the act that they
+deliberately refuse to consider--I mean the act of retaliation against the
+aggressor: unless indeed, they intend to argue that, so long as Philip
+keeps away from Attica and the Peiraeus, he does the city no wrong and is
+not committing acts of war. {8} But if _this_ is their criterion of right
+and wrong, if _this_ is their definition of peace, then, although what
+they say is iniquitous, intolerable, and inconsistent with your security,
+as all must see, at the same time these very statements are actually
+contradictory of the charges which they are making against Diopeithes. {9}
+Why, I beg to ask,[n] are we to give Philip full leave to act in whatever
+way he chooses, so long as he does not touch Attica, when Diopeithes is
+not to be allowed even to assist the Thracians, without being accused of
+initiating war? But even if this inconsistency is brought home to them,
+still, we are told, the conduct of the mercenaries in ravaging the
+Hellespontine country is outrageous, and Diopeithes has no right to drive
+the vessels to shore,[n] and ought to be stopped. {10} I grant it: let it
+be done: I have nothing to say against it. Yet nevertheless, if their
+advice is genuinely based on considerations of right, and right alone, I
+consider that they are bound to prove that, as surely as they are seeking
+to break up the force on which _Athens_ at present relies, by slandering
+its commander to you when he tries to provide funds to support it, so
+surely _Philip's_ force will be disbanded if you accept their advice. If
+they fail to prove this, you must consider that they are simply setting
+the city once more upon the same course which has already resulted in the
+utter ruin of her fortunes. {11} For surely you know that nothing in the
+world has contributed so much to Philip's successes, as his being always
+first on the scene of action. With a standing force always about him, and
+knowing beforehand what he intends to do, he suddenly falls upon
+whomsoever he pleases: while we wait until we learn that something is
+happening, and only then, in a turmoil, make our preparations. {12} It
+follows, of course, that every position which he has attacked, he holds in
+undisturbed possession; while we are all behindhand; all our expenditure
+proves to have been so much useless waste; we have displayed our hostility
+and our desire to check him; but we are too late for action, and so we add
+disgrace to failure.
+
+{13} You must therefore not fail to recognize, men of Athens, that now, as
+before, all else that you hear consists of mere words and pretexts; and
+that the real aim of all that is being done is to secure that you may
+remain at home, that Athens may have no force outside the city, and that
+thus Philip may give effect to all his desires without let or hindrance.
+Consider, in the first place, what is actually occurring at the present
+moment. {14}  He is at present passing the time[n] in Thrace, with a great
+army under him; and, as we are told by those who are on the spot,[n] he is
+sending for a large addition to it from Macedonia and Thessaly. Now if he
+waits for the Etesian winds,[n] and then goes to Byzantium and besieges
+it, tell me first whether you think that the Byzantines will persist in
+their present infatuation,[n] and will not call upon you and entreat you
+to go to their aid? {15} I do not think so. Why, I believe that they would
+open their gates to men whom they distrust even more than they distrust
+you (if such exist), rather than surrender the city to Philip--supposing,
+that is, that he does not capture them first. And then, if we are unable
+to set sail from Athens, and if there are no forces there on the spot to
+help them, nothing can prevent their destruction. {16} 'Of course,' you
+say, 'for the men are possessed, and their infatuation passes all bounds.'
+Very true; and yet they must be preserved; for the interests of Athens
+require it. And besides, we cannot by any means be certain that he will
+not invade the Chersonese. Indeed, if we are to judge by the letter which
+he has sent to you, he there says that he _will_ punish the settlers[n] in
+the Chersonese. {17} If then the army that is now formed there is in
+existence, it will be able to help the Chersonese, and to injure some part
+of Philip's country. But when once it is dissolved, what shall we do if he
+marches against the Chersonese? 'We shall of course put Diopeithes on his
+trial.' And how will that improve our position? 'Well, we should go to the
+rescue from Athens ourselves.' What if the winds make it impossible? {18}
+'But, of course, he will not really get there.' And who can guarantee
+that? Do you realize, men of Athens, or take into account, what the coming
+season of the year is, the season against which some think you ought to
+evacuate the Hellespont and hand it over to Philip? What if, when he
+leaves Thrace, he does not go near the Chersonese or Byzantium at all--for
+this, too, is a possibility which you must consider--but comes to
+Chalcis[n] or Megara, just as he lately came to Oreus? Is it better to
+resist him here, and to allow the war to come into Attica, or to provide
+something to keep him busy there? The latter course is surely the better.
+
+{19} Realizing these things, therefore, as you all must, and taking due
+account of them, you must not, Heaven knows, look askance at the force
+which Diopeithes is trying to provide for Athens, or attempt to disband
+it. You must yourselves prepare another force to support it: you must help
+him freely with money, and give him in all other respects your loyal
+co-operation. {20} If Philip were asked to say whether he would wish these
+soldiers who are now with Diopeithes--describe them as you will, for I in
+no way dispute your description--to be prosperous and in high favour with
+the Athenians, and to be augmented in numbers by the co-operation of the
+city; or whether he would rather see them broken up and destroyed in
+consequence of calumnious charges against them; he would prefer, I
+imagine, the latter alternative. Can it then be, that there are men among
+us here who are trying to bring about the very thing that Philip would
+pray Heaven for? And if so, do you need to seek any further for the cause
+of the total ruin of the city's fortunes?
+
+{21} I wish, therefore, to examine without reserve the present crisis of
+our affairs, to inquire what we ourselves are now doing, and how we are
+dealing with it. We do not wish to contribute funds, nor to serve with the
+forces in person; we cannot keep our hands from the public revenues;[n] we
+do not give the contributions of the allies[n] to Diopeithes, nor do we
+approve of such supplies as he raises for himself; {22} but we look
+malignantly at him, we ask whence he gets them, what he intends to do, and
+every possible question of that kind: and yet we are still not willing to
+confine ourselves to our own affairs, in consequence of the attitude which
+we have adopted; we still praise with our lips those who uphold the
+dignity of the city, though in our acts we are fighting on the side of
+their opponents. {23} Now whenever any one rises to speak, you always put
+to him the question 'What are we to do?' I wish to put to _you_ the
+question, 'What are we to _say_?' For if you will neither contribute, nor
+serve in person, nor leave the public funds alone, nor grant him the
+contributions, nor let him get what he can for himself, nor yet confine
+yourselves to your own affairs, I do not know what I can say. For when you
+give such licence to those who desire to make charges and accusations,
+that you listen to them even when they denounce him by anticipation for
+his alleged intentions--well, what _can_ one say?
+
+{24} The possible effect of this is a matter which some of you require to
+understand, and I will speak without reserve; for indeed I could not speak
+otherwise. All the commanders who have ever yet sailed from Athens--if I
+am wrong, I consent to any penalty that you please[n]--take money from the
+Chians, from the Erythraeans,[n] from any people from whom they can
+severally get it--I mean, any of the Asiatic settlers who are now in
+question. {25} Those who have one or two ships take less, those who have a
+larger force take more. And those who give to them do not give either
+little or much for nothing; they are not so insane: in fact, with these
+sums they buy immunity from injury for the merchants who sail from their
+ports, freedom from piracy, the convoying of their vessels, and so on.
+They call the gifts 'benevolences',[n] and that is the name given to the
+sums thus obtained. {26} And in the present case, when Diopeithes is there
+with his army, it is obvious that all these peoples will give him money.
+From what other source do you imagine that a general can maintain his
+troops, when he has received nothing from you, and has no resources from
+which he can pay his men? Will money drop from the sky? Of course not. He
+subsists upon what he can collect or beg or borrow. {27} The real effect,
+therefore, of the accusations made against him here, is simply to warn
+every one that they should refuse to give him anything, since he is to pay
+the penalty for his very intentions, not to speak of any action that he
+may have taken or any success that he may have achieved. That is the only
+meaning of the cry that 'he is preparing a blockade', or 'he is
+surrendering[n] the Hellenes'. Do any of his critics care about the
+Hellenes who live in Asia? {28} Were it so, they would be more thoughtful
+for the rest of mankind than for their own country. And the proposal to
+send another general to the Hellespont amounts to no more than this. For
+if Diopeithes is acting outrageously and is driving the vessels to shore,
+then, gentlemen, one little wax-tablet[n] is enough to put an end to it
+all: and what the laws command is that for these offences we should
+impeach the wrong-doers--not that we should keep a watch upon our own
+forces at such expense and with so many ships.[n] {29} Such insanity
+really passes all bounds. No! Against the enemy whom we cannot arrest and
+render amenable to the laws, it is both right and necessary to maintain a
+force, to send war-ships, and to contribute war-funds: but against one of
+ourselves, a decree, an impeachment, a dispatch-boat[n] will answer our
+purpose. These are the means which sensible men would use: the policy of
+the other side is the policy of men whose spitefulness[n] is ruining your
+fortunes. {30} And that there should be some such men, bad though it is,
+is not the worst. No! for you who sit there are already in such a frame of
+mind, that if any one comes forward and says that Diopeithes is the cause
+of all the mischief, or Chares,[n] or Aristophon,[n] or any Athenian
+citizen that he happens to name, you at once agree, and clamorously
+declare that he is right; {31} but if any one comes forward and tells you
+the truth, and says, 'Men of Athens, this is nonsense. It is Philip that
+is the cause of all this mischief and trouble; for if he were quiet, the
+city would have nothing to disturb her,' you cannot, indeed, deny the
+truth of his words, but you seem, I think, to be annoyed, as though you
+were losing something.[n] {32} And the cause of these things is this--and
+I beseech you, in Heaven's name, to let me speak unreservedly, when I am
+speaking for your true good--that some of your politicians have contrived
+that you should be terrifying and severe in your assemblies, but easy-
+going and contemptible in your preparations for war. And accordingly, if
+any one names as the culprit some one whom you know you can arrest in your
+own midst, you agree and you wish to act; but if one is named whom you
+must first master by force of arms, if you are to punish him at all, you
+are at a loss, I fancy, what to do, and you are vexed when this is brought
+home to you. {33} For your politicians, men of Athens, should have treated
+you in exactly the opposite way to this; they should train you to be kind
+and sympathetic in your assemblies; for there it is with the members of
+your own body and your own allies that your case is argued: but your
+terrors and your severity should be displayed in your preparations for
+war, where the struggle is with your enemies and your rivals. {34} As it
+is, by their popular speeches, and by courting your favour to excess, they
+have brought you into such a condition that, while in your assemblies you
+give yourselves airs and enjoy their flattery, listening to nothing but
+what is meant to please you, in the world of facts and events you are in
+the last extremity of peril. Imagine, in God's name, what would happen, if
+the Hellenes were to call you to account for the opportunities which, in
+your indolence, you have now let pass, and were to put to you the
+question, {35} 'Is it true, men of Athens, that you send envoys to us on
+every possible occasion, to tell us of Philip's designs against ourselves
+and all the Hellenes, and of the duty of keeping guard against the man,
+and to warn us in every way?' We should have to confess that it was true.
+We do act thus. 'Then,' they would proceed, 'is it true, you most
+contemptible of all men, that though the man has been away for ten months,
+{36} and has been cut off from every possibility of returning home, by
+illness and by winter and by wars, you have neither liberated Euboea nor
+recovered any of your own possessions? Is it true that you have remained
+at home, unoccupied and healthy--if such a word can be used of men who
+behave thus--and have seen him set up two tyrants in Euboea, one to serve
+as a fortress directly menacing Attica, the other to watch Sciathus; {37}
+and that you have not even rid yourselves of these dangers--granted that
+you did not want to do anything more--but have let them be? Obviously you
+have retired in his favour, and have made it evident that if he dies ten
+times over, you will not make any move the more. Why trouble us then with
+your embassies and your accusations?' If they speak thus to us, what will
+be our answer? What shall we say, Athenians? I do not see what we can say.
+
+{38} Now there are some who imagine that they confute a speaker, as soon
+as they have asked him the question, 'What then are we to do?' I will
+first give them this answer--the most just and true of all--'Do not do
+what you are doing now.' {39} But at the same time I will give them a
+minute and detailed reply; and then let them show that their willingness
+to act upon it is not less than their eagerness to interrogate. First, men
+of Athens, you must thoroughly make up your minds to the fact that Philip
+is at war with Athens, and has broken the Peace--you must cease to lay the
+blame at one another's doors--and that he is evilly-disposed and hostile
+to the whole city, down to the very ground on which it is built; {40} nay,
+I will go further--hostile to every single man in the city, even to those
+who are most sure that they are winning his favour. (If you think
+otherwise, consider the case of Euthycrates[n] and Lasthenes of Olynthus,
+who fancied that they were on the most friendly terms with him, but, after
+they had betrayed their city, suffered the most utter ruin of all.) But
+his hostilities and intrigues are aimed at nothing so much as at our
+constitution, whose overthrow is the very first object in the world to
+him. {41} And in a sense it is natural that he should aim at this. For he
+knows very well that even if he becomes master of all the rest of the
+world, he can retain nothing securely, so long as you are a democracy; and
+that if he chances to stumble anywhere, as may often happen to a man, all
+the elements which are now forced into union with him will come and take
+refuge with you. {42} For though you are not yourselves naturally adapted
+for aggrandizement or the usurpation of empire, you have the art of
+preventing any other from seizing power and of taking it from him when he
+has it; and in every respect you are ready to give trouble to those who
+are ambitious of dominion, and to lead all men forth into liberty. And so
+he would not have Freedom, from her home in Athens, watching for every
+opportunity he may offer--far from it--and there is nothing unsound or
+careless in his reasoning. {43} The first essential point, therefore, is
+this--that you conceive him to be the irreconcilable foe of your
+constitution and of democracy: for unless you are inwardly convinced of
+this, you will not be willing to take an active interest in the situation.
+Secondly, you must realize clearly that all the plans which he is now so
+busily contriving are in the nature of preparations against this country;
+and wherever any one resists him, he there resists him on our behalf. {44}
+For surely no one is so simple as to imagine that when Philip is covetous
+of the wretched hamlets[n] of Thrace--one can give no other name to
+Drongilum, Cabyle, Masteira, and the places which he is now seizing--and
+when to get these places he is enduring heavy labours, hard winters, and
+the extremity of danger;--{45} no one can imagine, I say, that the
+harbours and the dockyards, and the ships of the Athenians, the produce of
+your silver-mines, and your huge revenue, have no attraction for him, or
+that he will leave you in possession of these, while he winters in the
+very pit of destruction[n] for the sake of the millet and the spelt in the
+silos[n] of Thrace. No, indeed! It is to get these into his power that he
+pursues both his operations in Thrace and all his other designs. {46} What
+then, as sensible men, must you do? Knowing and realizing your position,
+as you do, you must lay aside this excessive, this irremediable[n]
+indolence: you must contribute funds, and require them from your allies;
+you must so provide and act, that this force which is now assembled may be
+held together; in order that, as Philip has the force in readiness that is
+to injure and enslave all the Hellenes, you may have in readiness that
+which shall preserve and succour them. {47} You cannot effect by isolated
+expeditions any of the things which must be effected. You must organize a
+force, and provide maintenance for it, and paymasters, and a staff of
+servants; and when you have taken such steps as will ensure the strictest
+possible watch being kept over the funds, you must hold these officials
+accountable for the money, and the general for the actual operations. If
+you act thus, and honestly make up your minds to take this course, you
+will either compel Philip to observe a righteous peace and remain in his
+own land--and no greater blessing could you obtain than that--or you will
+fight him on equal terms.
+
+{48} It may be thought that this policy demands heavy expenditure, and
+great exertions and trouble. That is true indeed; but let the objector
+take into account what the consequences to the city must be, if he is
+unwilling to assent to this policy, and he will find that the ready
+performance of duty brings its reward. {49} If indeed some god is offering
+us his guarantee--for no human guarantee would be sufficient in so great a
+matter--that if you remain at peace and let everything slide, Philip will
+not in the end come and attack yourselves; then, although, before God and
+every Heavenly Power, it would be unworthy of you and of the position that
+the city holds, and of the deeds of our forefathers, to abandon all the
+rest of the Hellenes to slavery for the sake of our own ease--although,
+for my part, I would rather have died than have suggested such a thing--
+yet, if another proposes it and convinces you, let it be so: do not defend
+yourselves: let everything go. {50} But if no one entertains such a
+belief, if we all know that the very opposite is true, and that the wider
+the mastery we allow him to gain, the more difficult and powerful a foe we
+shall have to deal with, what further subterfuge is open to us? Why do we
+delay? {51} When shall we ever be willing, men of Athens, to do our duty?
+'When we are compelled,' you say. But the hour of compulsion, as the word
+is applied to free men, is not only here already, but has long passed; and
+we must surely pray that the compulsion which is put upon slaves may not
+come upon us. And what is the difference? It is this--that for a free man
+the greatest compelling force is his shame at the course which events are
+taking--I do not know what greater we can imagine; but the slave is
+compelled by blows and bodily tortures, which I pray may never fall to our
+lot; it is not fit to speak of them.
+
+{52} I would gladly tell you the whole story, and show how certain persons
+are working for your ruin by their policy. I pass over, however, every
+point but this. Whenever any question of our relations with Philip arises,
+at once some one stands up and talks of the blessings of peace, of the
+difficulty of maintaining a large force, and of designs on the part of
+certain persons to plunder our funds; with other tales of the same kind,
+which enable them to delay your action, and give Philip time to do what he
+wishes unopposed. {53} What is the result? For you the result is your
+leisure, and a respite from immediate action--advantages which I fear you
+will some day feel to have cost you dear; and for them it is the favour
+they win, and the wages for these services. But I am sure that there is no
+need to persuade you to keep the Peace--you sit here fully persuaded. It
+is the man who is committing acts of war that we need to persuade; for if
+he is persuaded, you are ready enough. {54} Nor is it the expenditure
+which is to ensure our preservation that ought to distress us, but the
+fate which is in prospect for us, if we are not willing to take this
+action: while the threatened 'plunder of our funds' is to be prevented by
+the proposal of some safeguard which will render them secure, not by the
+abandonment of our interests. {55} And even so, men of Athens, I feel
+indignant at the very fact that some of you are so much pained at the
+prospect of the plunder of our funds, when you have it in your power both
+to protect them and to punish the culprits, and yet feel no pain when
+Philip is seizing all Hellas piecemeal for his plunder, and seizing it to
+strengthen himself against you. {56} What then is the reason, men of
+Athens, that though Philip's campaigns, his aggressions, his seizure of
+cities, are so unconcealed, none of my opponents has ever said that _he_
+was bringing about war? Why is it those who advise you not to allow it,
+not to make these sacrifices, that they accuse, and say that _they_ will
+be the cause of the war? I will inform you. {57} It is because[n] they
+wish to divert the anger which you are likely to show, if you suffer at
+all from the war, on to the heads of those who are giving you the best
+advice in your own interests. They want you to sit and try such persons,
+instead of resisting Philip; and they themselves are to be the
+prosecutors, instead of paying the penalty for their present actions. That
+is the meaning of their assertion that there are some here, forsooth, who
+want to bring about war. {58} That is the real point of these allegations
+of responsibility. But this I know beyond all doubt--that without waiting
+for any one in Athens to propose the declaration of war, Philip has not
+only taken many other possessions of ours, but has just now sent an
+expedition to Cardia. If, in spite of this, we wish to pretend that he is
+not making war on us, he would be the most senseless man living, were he
+to attempt to convince us of our error. {59} But what shall we say, when
+his attack is made directly upon ourselves? He of course will say that he
+is not at war with us--just as he was not at war with Oreus,[n] when his
+soldiers were in the land; nor with the Pheraeans,[n] before that, when he
+was assaulting their walls; nor with the Olynthians, first of all, until
+he and his army were actually within their territory. Or shall we still
+say that those who urge resistance are bringing about war? If so, all that
+is left to us is slavery. If we may neither offer resistance, nor yet be
+suffered to remain at peace, no other compromise[n] is possible. {60} And
+further, the issues at stake are not for you merely what they are for
+other states. What Philip desires is not your subjection, but your utter
+annihilation. For he knows full well that you will never consent to be his
+slaves, and that even if you were willing, you would not know the way,
+accustomed as you are to govern; and he knows that you will be able to
+give him more trouble, if you get the opportunity, than all the rest of
+the world. {61} The struggle, then, is a struggle for existence; and as
+such you ought to think of it: and you should show your abhorrence of
+those who have sold themselves to Philip by beating them to death. For it
+is impossible, utterly impossible, to master your enemies outside the
+city, before you punish your enemies in the city itself. {62} Whence comes
+it, think you, that he is insulting us now (for his conduct seems to me to
+be nothing less than this), and that while he at least deceives all other
+peoples by doing them favours, he is using threats against you without
+more ado? For instance, he enticed the Thessalians by large gifts into
+their present servitude; and words cannot describe how greatly he deceived
+the Olynthians at first by the gift of Poteidaea and much beside. {63} At
+this moment he is alluring the Thebans, by delivering up Boeotia to them,
+and ridding them of a long and arduous campaign. Each of these peoples has
+first reaped some advantage, before falling into those calamities which
+some of them have already suffered, as all the world knows, and some are
+destined to suffer whenever their time comes. But as for yourselves, to
+pass over all that you have been robbed of at an earlier period,[n] what
+deception, what robbery have been practised upon you in the very act of
+making the Peace! {64} Have not the Phocians, and Thermopylae, and the
+Thracian seaboard--Doriscus, Serrhium, Cersobleptes himself--been taken
+from you? Does not Philip at this moment occupy the city of the Cardians,
+and avow it openly? Why is it then, that he behaves as he does to all
+others, and so differently to you? Because yours is the one city in the
+world where men are permitted to speak on behalf of the enemy without
+fear; because here a man may take bribes, and still address you with
+impunity, even when you have been robbed of your own. In Olynthus it was
+only safe to take Philip's side when the people of Olynthus as a whole had
+shared Philip's favours, and was enjoying the possession of Poteidaea.
+{65} In Thessaly it was only safe to take Philip's side when the
+Thessalian commons had shared Philip's favours; for he had expelled the
+tyrants for them, and restored to them their Amphictyonic position. In
+Thebes it was not safe, until he had restored Boeotia to Thebes and
+annihilated the Phocians. {66} But at Athens--though Philip has not only
+robbed you of Amphipolis and the territory of the Cardians, but has turned
+Euboea into a fortress overlooking your country, and is now on his way to
+attack Byzantium--at Athens it _is_ safe to speak in Philip's interest.
+Aye, and you know that, of such speakers, some who were poor are rapidly
+growing rich; and some who were without name or fame are becoming famous
+and distinguished, while you, on the other hand, are becoming inglorious
+instead of famous, bankrupt instead of wealthy. For a city's wealth
+consists, I imagine, in allies, confidence, loyalty--and of all these you
+are bankrupt. {67} And because you are indifferent to these advantages,
+and let them drift away from you, he has become prosperous and powerful,
+and formidable to all, Hellenes and foreigners alike; while you are
+deserted and humbled, with a splendid profusion of commodities in your
+market, and a contemptible lack of all those things with which you should
+have been provided. But I observe that certain speakers do not follow the
+same principles in the advice which they give you, as they follow for
+themselves. _You_, they tell you, ought to remain quiet, even when you are
+wronged; but _they_ cannot remain quiet in your presence, even when no one
+is wronging them.
+
+{68} But now some one or other comes forward and says, 'Ah, but you will
+not move a motion or take any risk. You are a poor-spirited coward.' Bold,
+offensive, shameless, I am not, and I trust I may never be; and yet I
+think I have more courage than very many of your dashing statesmen. {69}
+For one, men of Athens, who overlooks all that the city's interest
+demands--who prosecutes, confiscates, gives, accuses--does so not from any
+bravery, but because in the popular character of his speeches and public
+actions he has a guarantee of his personal safety, and therefore is bold
+without risk. But one who in acting for the best sets himself in many ways
+against your wishes--who never speaks to please, but always to advise what
+is best; one who chooses a policy in which more issues must be decided by
+chance than by calculation, and yet makes himself responsible to you for
+both--that is the courageous man, {70} and such is the citizen who is of
+value to his country, rather than those who, to gain an ephemeral
+popularity, have ruined the supreme interests of the city. So far am I
+from envying these men, or thinking them worthy citizens of their country,
+that if any one were to ask me to say, what good _I_ had really done to
+the city, although, men of Athens, I could tell how often I had been
+trierarch and choregus,[n] how I had contributed funds, ransomed
+prisoners, and done other like acts of generosity, I would mention none of
+these things; {71} I would say only that my policy is not one of measures
+like theirs--that although, like others, I could make accusations and
+shower favours and confiscate property and do all that my opponents do, I
+have never to this day set myself to do any of these things; I have been
+influenced neither by gain nor by ambition; but I continue to give the
+advice which sets me below many others in your estimation, but which must
+make you greater, if you will listen to it; for so much, perhaps, I may
+say without offence. {72} Nor, I think, should I be acting fairly as a
+citizen, if I devised such political measures as would at once make me the
+first man in Athens, and you the last of all peoples. As the measures of a
+loyal politician develop, the greatness of his country should develop with
+them; and it is the thing which is best, not the thing which is easiest,
+that every speaker should advocate. Nature will find the way to the
+easiest course unaided. To the best, the words and the guidance of the
+loyal citizen must show the way.
+
+{73} I have heard it remarked before now, that though what I _say_ is
+always what is best, still I never contribute anything but words; whereas
+the city needs work of some practical kind. I will tell you without any
+concealment my own sentiments on this matter. There _is_ no work that can
+be demanded of any of your public advisers, except that he should advise
+what is best; and I think I can easily show you that this is so. {74} No
+doubt you know how the great Timotheus[n] delivered a speech to the effect
+that you ought to go to the rescue and save the Euboeans, when the Thebans
+were trying to reduce them to servitude; and how, in the course of his
+speech, he spoke somewhat in this strain:--'What?' said he, 'when you
+actually have the Thebans in the island, do you debate what you are to do
+with them, and how you are to act? Will you not cover the sea with
+warships, men of Athens? Will you not rise from your seats and go
+instantly to the Peiraeus and launch your vessels?' {75} So Timotheus
+spoke, and you acted as he bade you; and through his speech and your
+action the work was done. But if he had given you the best possible advice
+(as in fact he did), and you had lapsed into indolence and paid no
+attention to it, would the city have achieved any of the results which
+followed on that occasion? Impossible! And so it is with all that I say
+to-day, and with all that this or that speaker may say. For the actions
+you must look to yourselves; from the speaker you must require that he
+give you the best counsel that he can.[n]
+
+{76} I desire now to sum up my advice and to leave the platform. I say
+that we must contribute funds, and must keep together the force now in
+existence, correcting anything that may seem amiss in it, but not
+disbanding the whole force because of the possible criticisms against it.
+We must send envoys everywhere to instruct, to warn, and to act. Above
+all, we must punish those who take bribes in connexion with public
+affairs, and must everywhere display our abhorrence of them; in order that
+reasonable men, who offer their honest services, may find their policy
+justified in their own eyes and in those of others. {77} If you treat the
+situation thus, and cease to ignore it altogether, there is a chance--a
+chance I say, even now--that it may improve. If, however, you sit idle,
+with an interest that stops short at applause and acclamation, and retires
+into the background when any action is required, I can imagine no oratory,
+which, without action on your part, will be able to save your country.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] See Third Philippic Sec.Sec. 59 sqq.
+
+[2] See Introduction to First Philippic.
+
+[3] [Greek: est_o d_e.]
+
+
+
+
+THE THIRD PHILIPPIC (Or. IX)
+
+[_Introduction_. The Third Philippic seems to have been delivered in the
+late spring or early summer of 341 B. C., about two months after the
+Speech on the Chersonese, which apparently had little positive result,
+though it probably prevented the recall and prosecution of Diopeithes. The
+immediate occasion of the Third Philippic was a request from the forces in
+the Chersonese for supplies. The general situation is the same as at the
+date of the last speech, but the danger to Byzantium is more pressing.
+Demosthenes now takes the broad ground of Panhellenic policy, and formally
+proposes to send envoys throughout Greece, to unite all the Greek states
+against Philip, as well as to send immediate reinforcements and supplies
+to the Chersonese.
+
+Many critics, ancient and modern, have regarded this as the greatest of
+all Demosthenes' political orations. The lessons of history (from the
+speaker's point of view) are repeated and enforced by the citation of
+instance after instance. The tone of the speech, while less varied than
+that of the last, is grave and intense. The passage (Sec.Sec. 36 ff.) in which
+the orator contrasts the spirit of Athenian political life in the past
+with that of his own day is one of the most impressive in all his works,
+and the nobility of his appeal to the traditional ideals of Athenian
+policy has been universally recognized even by his most severe critics.
+
+The speech is found in the MSS. in two forms, of which the shorter omits a
+number of passages[1] which the longer includes, though there are signs of
+an imperfect blending of the two versions in certain places. It seems
+probable that both versions are due to Demosthenes, and the speech may
+have been more than once revised by him before publication or
+republication. In which form it was delivered there is not sufficient
+evidence to show.]
+
+
+{1} Many speeches are made, men of Athens, at almost every meeting of the
+Assembly, with reference to the aggressions which Philip has been
+committing, ever since he concluded the Peace, not only against yourselves
+but against all other peoples; and I am sure that all would agree, however
+little they may act on their belief, that our aim, both in speech and in
+action, should be to cause him to cease from his insolence and to pay the
+penalty for it. And yet I see that in fact the treacherous sacrifice of
+our interests has gone on, until what seems an ill-omened saying may, I
+fear, be really true--that if all who came forward desired to propose, and
+you desired to carry, the measures which would make your position as
+pitiful as it could possibly be, it could not (so I believe), be made
+worse than it is now. {2} It may be that there are many reasons for this,
+and that our affairs did not reach their present condition from any one or
+two causes. But if you examine the matter aright, you will find that the
+chief responsibility rests with those whose aim is to win your favour, not
+to propose what is best. Some of them, men of Athens, so long as they can
+maintain the conditions which bring them reputation and influence, take no
+thought for the future [and therefore think that you also should take
+none]; while others, by accusing and slandering those who are actively at
+work,[n] are simply trying to make the city spend its energies in
+punishing the members of its own body, and so leave Philip free to say and
+do what he likes. {3} Such political methods as these, familiar to you as
+they are, are the real causes of the evil. And I beg you, men of Athens,
+if I tell you certain truths outspokenly, to let no resentment on your
+part fall upon me on this account. Consider the matter in this light. In
+every other sphere of life, you believe that the right of free speech
+ought to be so universally shared by all who are in the city, that you
+have extended it both to foreigners and to slaves; and one may see many a
+servant in Athens speaking his mind with greater liberty than is granted
+to citizens in some other states: but from the sphere of political counsel
+you have utterly banished this liberty. {4} The result[n] is that in your
+meetings you give yourselves airs and enjoy their flattery, listening to
+nothing but what is meant to please you, while in the world of facts and
+events, you are in the last extremity of peril. If then you are still in
+this mood to-day, I do not know what I can say; but if you are willing to
+listen while I tell you, without flattery, what your interest requires, I
+am prepared to speak. For though our position is very bad indeed, and much
+has been sacrificed, it is still possible, even now, if you will do your
+duty, to set all right once more. {5} It is a strange thing, perhaps, that
+I am about to say, but it is true. The worst feature in the past is that
+in which lies our best hope for the future. And what is this? It is that
+you are in your present plight because you do not do any part of your
+duty, small or great; for of course, if you were doing all that you should
+do, and were still in this evil case, you could not even hope for any
+improvement. As it is, Philip has conquered your indolence and your
+indifference; but he has not conquered Athens. You have not been
+vanquished--you have never even stirred. {6} [Now if it was admitted by us
+all that Philip was at war with Athens, and was transgressing the Peace, a
+speaker would have to do nothing but to advise you as to the safest and
+easiest method of resistance to him. But since there are some who are in
+so extraordinary a frame of mind that, though he is capturing cities,
+though many of your possessions are in his hands, and though he is
+committing aggressions against all men, they still tolerate certain
+speakers, who constantly assert at your meetings that it is some of _us_
+who are provoking the war, it is necessary to be on our guard and come to
+a right understanding on the matter. {7} For there is a danger lest any
+one who proposes or advises resistance should find himself accused of
+having brought about the war.]
+
+[Well, I say this first of all, and lay it down as a principle, that if it
+is open to us to deliberate whether we should remain at peace or should go
+to war ...]
+
+{8} Now if it is possible for the city to remain at peace--if the decision
+rests with us (that I may make this my starting-point)--then, I say that
+we ought to do so, and I call upon any one who says that it is so to move
+his motion, and to act and not to defraud us.[n] But if another with
+weapons in his hands and a large force about him holds out to you the
+_name_ of peace, while his own acts are acts of war, what course remains
+open to us but that of resistance? though if you wish to profess peace in
+the same manner as he, I have no quarrel with you. {9} But if any man's
+conception of peace is that it is a state in which Philip can master all
+that intervenes till at last he comes to attack ourselves, such a
+conception, in the first place, is madness; and, in the second place, this
+peace that he speaks of is a peace which you are to observe towards
+Philip, while he does not observe it towards you: and this it is--this
+power to carry on war against you, without being met by any hostilities on
+your part--that Philip is purchasing with all the money that he is
+spending.
+
+{10} Indeed, if we intend to wait till the time comes when he admits that
+he is at war with us, we are surely the most innocent persons in the
+world. Why, even if he comes to Attica itself, to the very Peiraeus, he
+will never make such an admission, if we are to judge by his dealings with
+others. {11} For, to take one instance, he told the Olynthians, when he
+was five miles from the city, that there were only two alternatives--
+either they must cease to live in Olynthus, or he to live in Macedonia:
+but during the whole time before that, whenever any one accused him of any
+such sentiments, he was indignant and sent envoys to answer the charge.
+Again, he marched into the Phocians' country, as though visiting his
+allies:[n] it was by Phocian envoys that he was escorted on the march; and
+most people in Athens contended strongly that his crossing the Pass would
+bring no good to Thebes. {12} Worse still, he has lately seized Pherae[n]
+and still holds it, though he went to Thessaly as a friend and an ally.
+And, latest of all, he told those unhappy citizens of Oreus[n] that he had
+sent his soldiers to visit them and to make kind inquiries; he had heard
+that they were sick, and suffering from faction, and it was right for an
+ally and a true friend to be present at such a time. {13} Now if, instead
+of giving them warning and using open force, he deliberately chose to
+deceive these men, who could have done him no harm, though they might have
+taken precautions against suffering any themselves, do you imagine that he
+will make a formal declaration of war upon you before he commences
+hostilities, and that, so long as you are content to be deceived? {14}
+Impossible! For so long as you, though you are the injured party, make no
+complaint against him, but accuse some of your own body, he would be the
+most fatuous man on earth if _he_ were to interrupt your strife and
+contentions with one another--to bid you turn upon himself, and so to cut
+away the ground from the arguments by which his hirelings put you off,
+when they tell you that _he_ is not at war with Athens.
+
+{15} In God's name, is there a man in his senses who would judge by words,
+and not by facts, whether another was at peace or at war with him? Of
+course there is not. Why, from the very first, when the Peace had only
+just been made, before those who are now in the Chersonese had been sent
+out, Philip was taking Serrhium[n] and Doriscus, and expelling the
+soldiers who were in the castle of Serrhium and the Sacred Mountain, where
+they had been placed by your general. {16} But what was he doing, in
+acting thus? For he had sworn to a Peace.[n] And let no one ask, 'What do
+these things amount to? What do they matter to Athens?' For whether these
+acts were trifles which could have no interest for you is another matter;
+but the principles of religion[n] and justice, whether a man transgress
+them in small things or great, have always the same force. What? When he
+is sending mercenaries into the Chersonese, which the king and all the
+Hellenes have acknowledged to be yours; when he openly avows that he is
+going to the rescue, and states it in his letter, what is it that he is
+doing? {17} He tells you, indeed, that he is not making war upon you. But
+so far am I from admitting that one who acts in this manner is observing
+the Peace which he made with you, that I hold that in grasping at Megara,
+in setting up tyrants in Euboea, in advancing against Thrace at the
+present moment, in pursuing his machinations in the Peloponnese, and in
+carrying out his entire policy with the help of his army, he is violating
+the Peace and is making war against you;--unless you mean to say that even
+to bring up engines to besiege you is no breach of the Peace, until they
+are actually planted against your walls. But you will not say this; for
+the man who is taking the steps and contriving the means which will lead
+to my capture is at war with me, even though he has not yet thrown a
+missile or shot an arrow. {18} Now what are the things which would imperil
+your safety, if anything should happen?[n] The alienation of the
+Hellespont, the placing of Megara and Euboea in the power of the enemy,
+and the attraction of Peloponnesian sympathy to his cause. Can I then say
+that one who is erecting such engines of war as these against the city is
+at peace with you? {19} Far from it! For from the very day when he
+annihilated the Phocians--from that very day, I say, I date the beginning
+of his hostilities against you. And for your part, I think that you will
+be wise if you resist him at once; but that if you let him be, you will
+find that, when you wish to resist, resistance itself is impossible.
+Indeed, so widely do I differ, men of Athens, from all your other
+advisers, that I do not think there is any room for discussion to-day in
+regard to the Chersonese or Byzantium. {20} We _must_ go to their defence,
+and take every care that they do not suffer [and we must send all that
+they need to the soldiers who are at present there]. But we _have_ to take
+counsel for the good of all the Hellenes, in view of the grave peril in
+which they stand. And I wish to tell you on what grounds I am so alarmed
+at the situation, in order that if my reasoning is correct, you may share
+my conclusions, and exercise some forethought for yourselves at least, if
+you are actually unwilling to do so for the Hellenes as a whole; but that
+if you think that I am talking nonsense, and am out of my senses, you may
+both now and hereafter decline to attend to me as though I were a sane
+man.
+
+{21} The rise of Philip to greatness from such small and humble
+beginnings; the mistrustful and quarrelsome attitude of the Hellenes
+towards one another; the fact that his growth out of what he was into what
+he is was a far more extraordinary thing than would be his subjugation of
+all that remains, when he has already secured so much;--all this and all
+similar themes, upon which I might speak at length, I will pass over. {22}
+But I see that all men, beginning with yourselves, have conceded to him
+the very thing which has been at issue in every Hellenic war during the
+whole of the past. And what is this? It is the right to act as he pleases
+--to mutilate and to strip the Hellenic peoples, one by one, to attack and
+to enslave their cities. {23} For seventy-three years[n] you were the
+leading people of Hellas, and the Spartans for thirty years save one;[n]
+and in these last times, after the battle of Leuctra,[n] the Thebans too
+acquired some power: yet neither to you nor to Thebes nor to Sparta was
+such a right ever conceded by the Hellenes, as the right to do whatever
+you pleased. Far from it! {24} First of all it was your own behaviour--or
+rather that of the Athenians of that day--which some thought immoderate;
+and all, even those who had no grievance against Athens, felt bound to
+join the injured parties, and to make war upon you. Then, in their turn,
+the Spartans, when they had acquired an empire and succeeded to a
+supremacy like your own, attempted to go beyond all bounds and to disturb
+the established order[n] to an unjustifiable extent; and once more, all,
+even those who had no grievance against them, had recourse to war. {25}
+Why mention the others? For we ourselves and the Spartans, though we could
+originally allege no injury done by the one people to the other,
+nevertheless felt bound to go to war on account of the wrongs which we saw
+the rest suffering. And yet all the offences of the Spartans in those
+thirty years of power, and of your ancestors in their seventy years, were
+less, men of Athens, than the wrongs inflicted upon the Greeks by Philip,
+in the thirteen years, not yet completed, during which he has been to the
+fore. Less do I say? {26} They are not a fraction of them. [A few words
+will easily prove this.] I say nothing of Olynthus, and Methone, and
+Apollonia, and thirty-two cities in the Thracian region,[n] all
+annihilated by him with such savagery, that a visitor to the spot would
+find it difficult to tell that they had ever been inhabited. I remain
+silent in regard to the extirpation of the great Phocian race. But what is
+the condition of Thessaly? Has he not robbed their very cities of their
+governments,[n] and set up tetrarchies, that they may be enslaved, not
+merely by whole cities, but by whole tribes at a time? {27} Are not the
+cities of Euboea even now ruled by tyrants, and that in an island that is
+neighbour to Thebes and Athens? Does he not write expressly in his
+letters, 'I am at peace with those who choose to obey me'? And what he
+thus writes he does not fail to act upon; for he is gone to invade the
+Hellespont; he previously went to attack Ambracia;[n] the great city of
+Elis[n] in the Peloponnese is his; he has recently intrigued against
+Megara;[n] and neither Hellas nor the world beyond it is large enough to
+contain the man's ambition. {28} But though all of us, the Hellenes, see
+and hear these things, we send no representatives to one another to
+discuss the matter; we show no indignation; we are in so evil a mood, so
+deep have the lines been dug which sever city from city, that up to this
+very day we are unable to act as either our interest or our duty require.
+{29} We cannot unite; we can form no combination for mutual support or
+friendship; but we look on while the man grows greater, because every one
+has made up his mind (as it seems to me) to profit by the time during
+which his neighbour is being ruined, and no one cares or acts for the
+safety of the Hellenes. For we all know that Philip is like the recurrence
+or the attack of a fever or other illness, in his descent upon those who
+fancy themselves for the present well out of his reach. {30} And further,
+you must surely realize that all the wrongs that the Hellenes suffered
+from the Spartans or ourselves they at least suffered at the hands of
+true-born sons of Hellas; and (one might conceive) it was as though a
+lawful son, born to a great estate, managed his affairs in some wrong or
+improper way;--his conduct would in itself deserve blame and denunciation,
+but at least it could not be said that he was not one of the family, or
+was not the heir to the property. {31} But had it been a slave or a
+supposititious son that was thus ruining and spoiling an inheritance to
+which he had no title, why, good Heavens! how infinitely more scandalous
+and reprehensible all would have declared it to be. And yet they show no
+such feeling in regard to Philip, although not only is he no Hellene, not
+only has he no kinship with Hellenes, but he is not even a barbarian from
+a country that one could acknowledge with credit;--he is a pestilent
+Macedonian, from whose country it used not to be possible to buy even a
+slave of any value.
+
+{32} And in spite of this, is there any degree of insolence to which he
+does not proceed? Not content with annihilating cities, does he not manage
+the Pythian games,[n] the common meeting of the Hellenes, and send his
+slaves to preside over the competition in his absence? [Is he not master
+of Thermopylae, and of the passes which lead into Hellenic territory? Does
+he not hold that district with garrisons and mercenaries? Has he not taken
+the precedence in consulting the oracle, and thrust aside ourselves and
+the Thessalians and Dorians and the rest of the Amphictyons, though the
+right is not one which is given even to all of the Hellenes?] {33} Does he
+not write to the Thessalians to prescribe the constitution under which
+they are to live? Does he not send one body of mercenaries to Porthmus, to
+expel the popular party of Eretria, and another to Oreus, to set up
+Philistides as tyrant? And yet the Hellenes see these things and endure
+them, gazing (it seems to me) as they would gaze at a hailstorm--each
+people praying that it may not come their way, but no one trying to
+prevent it. Nor is it only his outrages upon Hellas that go unresisted.
+{34} No one resists even the aggressions which are committed against
+himself. Ambracia and Leucas belong to the Corinthians--he has attacked
+them: Naupactus to the Achaeans--he has sworn to hand it over to the
+Aetolians: Echinus[n] to the Thebans--he has taken it from them, and is
+now marching against their allies the Byzantines--is it not so? {35} And
+of our own possessions, to pass by all the rest, is not Cardia, the
+greatest city in the Chersonese, in his hands? Thus are we treated; and we
+are all hesitating and torpid, with our eyes upon our neighbours,
+distrusting one another, rather than the man whose victims we all are. But
+if he treats us collectively in this outrageous fashion, what do you think
+he will do, when he has become master of each of us separately?
+
+{36} What then is the cause of these things? For as it was not without
+reason and just cause that the Hellenes in old days were so prompt for
+freedom, so it is not without reason or cause that they are now so prompt
+to be slaves. There was a spirit, men of Athens, a spirit in the minds of
+the people in those days, which is absent to-day--the spirit which
+vanquished the wealth of Persia, which led Hellas in the path of freedom,
+and never gave way in face of battle by sea or by land; a spirit whose
+extinction to-day has brought universal ruin and turned Hellas upside
+down. What was this spirit? [It was nothing subtle nor clever.] {37} It
+meant that men who took money from those who aimed at dominion or at the
+ruin of Hellas were execrated by all; that it was then a very grave thing
+to be convicted of bribery; that the punishment for the guilty man was the
+heaviest that could be inflicted; that for him there could be no plea for
+mercy, nor hope of pardon. {38} No orator, no general, would then sell the
+critical opportunity whenever it arose--the opportunity so often offered
+to men by fortune, even when they are careless and their foes are on their
+guard. They did not barter away the harmony between people and people, nor
+their own mistrust of the tyrant and the foreigner, nor any of these high
+sentiments. {39} Where are such sentiments now? They have been sold in the
+market and are gone; and those have been imported in their stead, through
+which the nation lies ruined and plague-stricken--the envy of the man who
+has received his hire; the amusement which accompanies his avowal; [the
+pardon granted to those whose guilt is proved;] the hatred of one who
+censures the crime; and all the appurtenances of corruption. {40} For as
+to ships, numerical strength, unstinting abundance of funds and all other
+material of war, and all the things by which the strength of cities is
+estimated, every people can command these in greater plenty and on a
+larger scale by far than in old days. But all these resources are rendered
+unserviceable, ineffectual, unprofitable, by those who traffic in them.
+
+{41} That these things are so to-day, you doubtless see, and need no
+testimony of mine: and that in times gone by the opposite was true, I will
+prove to you, not by any words of my own, but by the record inscribed by
+your ancestors on a pillar of bronze, and placed on the Acropolis [not to
+be a lesson to themselves--they needed no such record to put them in a
+right mind--but to be a reminder and an example to you of the zeal that
+you ought to display in such a cause]. {42} What then is the record?
+'Arthmius,[n] son of Pythonax, of Zeleia, is an outlaw, and is the enemy
+of the Athenian people and their allies, he and his house.' Then follows
+the reason for which this step was taken--'because he brought the gold
+from the Medes into the Peloponnese.' {43} Such is the record. Consider,
+in Heaven's name, what must have been the mind of the Athenians of that
+day, when they did this, and their conception of their position. They set
+up a record, that because a man of Zeleia, Arthmius by name, a slave of
+the King of Persia (for Zeleia is in Asia), as part of his service to the
+king, had brought gold, not to Athens, but to the Peloponnese, he should
+be an enemy of Athens and her allies, he and his house, and that they
+should be outlaws. {44} And this outlawry is no such disfranchisement as
+we ordinarily mean by the word. For what would it matter to a man of
+Zeleia, that he might have no share in the public life of Athens? But
+there is a clause in the Law of Murder, dealing with those in connexion
+with whose death the law does not allow a prosecution for murder [but the
+slaying of them is to be a holy act]: 'And let him die an outlaw,' it
+runs. The meaning, accordingly, is this--that the slayer of such a man is
+to be pure from all guilt. {45} They thought, therefore, that the safety
+of all the Hellenes was a matter which concerned themselves--apart from
+this belief, it could not have mattered to them whether any one bought or
+corrupted men in the Peloponnese; and whenever they detected such
+offenders, they carried their punishment and their vengeance so far as to
+pillory their names for ever. As the natural consequence, the Hellenes
+were a terror to the foreigner, not the foreigner to the Hellenes. It is
+not so now. Such is not your attitude in these or in other matters. {46}
+But what is it? [You know it yourselves; for why should I accuse you
+explicitly on every point? And that of the rest of the Hellenes is like
+your own, and no better; and so I say that the present situation demands
+our utmost earnestness and good counsel.[n]] And what counsel? Do you bid
+me tell you, and will you not be angry if I do so?
+
+[_He reads from the document_.]
+
+{47} Now there is an ingenuous argument, which is used by those who would
+reassure the city, to the effect that, after all, Philip is not yet in the
+position once held by the Spartans, who ruled everywhere over sea and
+land, with the king for their ally, and nothing to withstand them; and
+that, none the less, Athens defended herself even against them, and was
+not swept away. Since that time the progress in every direction, one may
+say, has been great, and has made the world to-day very different from
+what it was then; but I believe that in no respect has there been greater
+progress or development than in the art of war. {48} In the first place, I
+am told that in those days the Spartans and all our other enemies would
+invade us for four or five months--during, that is, the actual summer--and
+would damage Attica with infantry and citizen-troops, and then return home
+again. And so old-fashioned were the men of that day--nay rather, such
+true citizens--that no one ever purchased any object from another for
+money, but their warfare was of a legitimate and open kind. {49} But now,
+as I am sure you see, most of our losses are the result of treachery, and
+no issue is decided by open conflict or battle; while you are told that it
+is not because he leads a column of heavy infantry[n] that Philip can
+march wherever he chooses, but because he has attached to himself a force
+of light infantry, cavalry, archers, mercenaries, and similar troops. {50}
+And whenever, with such advantages,[n] he falls upon a State which is
+disordered within, and in their distrust of one another no one goes out in
+defence of its territory, he brings up his engines and besieges them. I
+pass over the fact that summer and winter are alike to him--that there is
+no close season during which he suspends operations. {51} But if you all
+know these things and take due account of them, you surely must not let
+the war pass into Attica, nor be dashed from your seat through looking
+back to the simplicity of those old hostilities with Sparta. You must
+guard against him, at the greatest possible distance, both by political
+measures and by preparations; you must prevent his stirring from home,
+instead of grappling with him at close quarters in a struggle to the
+death. {52} For, men of Athens, we have many natural advantages for a
+war,[n] if we are willing to do our duty. There is the character of his
+country, much of which we can harry and damage, and a thousand other
+things. But for a pitched battle he is in better training than we.
+
+{53} Nor have you only to recognize these facts, and to resist him by
+actual operations of war. You must also by reasoned judgement and of set
+purpose come to execrate those who address you in his interest,
+remembering that it is impossible to master the enemies of the city, until
+you punish those who are serving them in the city itself. {54} And this,
+before God and every Heavenly Power--this you will not be able to do; for
+you have reached such a pitch of folly or distraction or--I know not what
+to call it; for often has the fear actually entered my mind, that some
+more than mortal power may be driving our fortunes to ruin--that to enjoy
+their abuse, or their malice, or their jests, or whatever your motive may
+chance to be, you call upon men to speak who are hirelings, and some of
+whom would not even deny it; and you laugh to hear their abuse of others.
+{55} And terrible as this is, there is yet worse to be told. For you have
+actually made political life safer for these men, than for those who
+uphold your own cause. And yet observe what calamities the willingness to
+listen to such men lays up in store. I will mention facts known to you
+all.
+
+{56} In Olynthus, among those who were engaged in public affairs, there
+was one party who were on the side of Philip, and served his interests in
+everything; and another whose aim was their city's real good, and the
+preservation of their fellow citizens from bondage. Which were the
+destroyers of their country? which betrayed the cavalry, through whose
+betrayal Olynthus perished? Those whose sympathies were with Philip's
+cause; those who, while the city still existed brought such dishonest and
+slanderous charges against the speakers whose advice was for the best,
+that, in the case of Apollonides at least, the people of Olynthus was even
+induced to banish the accused.
+
+{57} Nor is this instance of the unmixed evil wrought by these practices
+in the case of the Olynthians an exceptional one, or without parallel
+elsewhere. For in Eretria,[n] when Plutarchus and the mercenaries had been
+got rid of, and the people had control of the city and of Porthmus, one
+party wished to entrust the State to you, the other to entrust it to
+Philip. And through listening mainly, or rather entirely, to the latter,
+these poor luckless Eretrians were at last persuaded to banish the
+advocates of their own interests. {58} For, as you know, Philip, their
+ally, sent Hipponicus with a thousand mercenaries, stripped Porthmus of
+its walls, and set up three tyrants--Hipparchus, Automedon, and
+Cleitarchus; and since then he has already twice expelled them from the
+country when they wished to recover their position [sending on the first
+occasion the mercenaries commanded by Eurylochus, on the second, those
+under Parmenio].
+
+{59} And why go through the mass of the instances? Enough to mention how
+in Oreus Philip had, as his agents, Philistides, Menippus, Socrates,
+Thoas, and Agapaeus--the very men who are now in possession of the city--
+and every one knew the fact; while a certain Euphraeus,[n] who once lived
+here in Athens, acted in the interests of freedom, to save his country
+from bondage. {60} To describe the insults and the contumely with which he
+met would require a long story; but a year before the capture of the town
+he laid an information of treason against Philistides and his party,
+having perceived the nature of their plans. A number of men joined forces,
+with Philip for their paymaster and director, and haled Euphraeus off to
+prison as a disturber of the peace. {61} Seeing this, the democratic party
+in Oreus, instead of coming to the rescue of Euphraeus, and beating the
+other party to death, displayed no anger at all against them, and agreed
+with a malicious pleasure that Euphraeus deserved his fate. After this the
+conspirators worked with all the freedom they desired for the capture of
+the city, and made arrangements for the execution of the scheme; while any
+of the democratic party, who perceived what was going on, maintained a
+panic-stricken silence, remembering the fate of Euphraeus. So wretched was
+their condition, that though this dreadful calamity was confronting them,
+no one dared open his lips, until all was ready and the enemy was
+advancing up to the walls. Then the one party set about the defence, the
+other about the betrayal of the city. {62} And when the city had been
+captured in this base and shameful manner, the successful party governed
+despotically: and of those who had been their own protectors, and had been
+ready to treat Euphraeus with all possible harshness, they expelled some
+and murdered others; while the good Euphraeus killed himself, thus
+testifying to the righteousness and purity of his motives in opposing
+Philip on behalf of his countrymen.
+
+{63} Now for what reason, you may be wondering, were the peoples of
+Olynthus and Eretria and Oreus more agreeably disposed towards Philip's
+advocates than towards their own? The reason was the same as it is with
+you--that those who speak for your true good can never, even if they
+would, speak to win popularity with you; they are constrained to inquire
+how the State may be saved: while their opponents, in the very act of
+seeking popularity, are co-operating with Philip. {64} The one party said,
+'You must pay taxes;' the other, 'There is no need to do so.' The one
+said, 'Go to war, and do not trust him;' the other, 'Remain at peace,'--
+until they were in the toils. And--not to mention each separately--I
+believe that the same thing was true of all. The one side said what would
+enable them to win favour; the other, what would secure the safety of
+their State. And at last the main body of the people accepted much that
+they proposed--not now from any such desire for gratification, nor from
+ignorance, but as a concession to circumstances, thinking that their cause
+was now wholly lost. {65} It is this fate, I solemnly assure you, that I
+dread for you, when the time comes that you make your reckoning, and
+realize that there is no longer anything that can be done. May you never
+find yourselves, men of Athens, in such a position! Yet in any case, it
+were better to die ten thousand deaths, than to do anything out of
+servility towards Philip [or to sacrifice any of those who speak for your
+good]. A noble recompense did the people in Oreus receive, for entrusting
+themselves to Philip's friends, and thrusting Euphraeus aside! {66} and a
+noble recompense the democracy of Eretria, for driving away your envoys,
+and surrendering to Cleitarchus! They are slaves, scourged and butchered!
+A noble clemency did he show to the Olynthians, who elected Lasthenes to
+command the cavalry, and banished Apollonides! {67} It is folly, and it is
+cowardice, to cherish hopes like these, to give way to evil counsels, to
+refuse to do anything that you should do, to listen to the advocates of
+the enemy's cause, and to fancy that you dwell in so great a city that,
+whatever happens, you will not suffer any harm. {68} Aye, and it is
+shameful to exclaim after the event, 'Why, who would have expected this?
+Of course, we ought to have done, or not to have done, such and such
+things!' The Olynthians could tell you of many things, to have foreseen
+which in time would have saved them from destruction. So too could the
+people of Oreus, and the Phocians, and every other people that has been
+destroyed. {69} But how does that help them now? So long as the vessel is
+safe, be it great or small, so long must the sailor and the pilot and
+every man in his place exert himself and take care that no one may capsize
+it by design or by accident: but when the seas have overwhelmed it, all
+their efforts are in vain. {70} So it is, men of Athens, with us. While we
+are still safe, with our great city, our vast resources, our noble name,
+what are we to do? Perhaps some one sitting here has long been wishing to
+ask this question. Aye, and I will answer it, and will move my motion; and
+you shall carry it, if you wish. We ourselves, in the first place, must
+conduct the resistance and make preparation for it--with ships, that is,
+and money, and soldiers. For though all but ourselves give way and become
+slaves, we at least must contend for freedom. {71} And when we have made
+all these preparations ourselves, and let them be seen, then let us call
+upon the other states for aid, and send envoys to carry our message [in
+all directions--to the Peloponnese, to Rhodes, to Chios, to the king; for
+it is not unimportant for his interests either that Philip should be
+prevented from subjugating the world]; that so, if you persuade them, you
+may have partners to share the danger and the expense, in case of need;
+and if you do not, you may at least delay the march of events. {72} For
+since the war is with a single man, and not against the strength of a
+united state, even delay is not without its value, any more than were
+those embassies[n] of protest which last year went round the Peloponnese,
+when I and Polyeuctus, that best of men, and Hegesippus and the other
+envoys went on our tour, and forced him to halt, so that he neither went
+to attack Acarnania, nor set out for the Peloponnese. {73} But I do not
+mean that we should call upon the other states, if we are not willing to
+take any of the necessary steps ourselves. It is folly to sacrifice what
+is our own, and then pretend to be anxious for the interests of others--to
+neglect the present, and alarm others in regard to the future. I do not
+propose this. I say that we must send money to the forces in the
+Chersonese, and do all that they ask of us; that we must make preparation
+ourselves, while we summon, convene, instruct, and warn the rest of the
+Hellenes. That is the policy for a city with a reputation such as yours.
+{74} But if you fancy that the people of Chalcis or of Megara will save
+Hellas, while you run away from the task, you are mistaken. They may well
+be content if they can each save themselves. The task is yours. It is the
+prerogative that your forefathers won, and through many a great peril
+bequeathed to you. {75} But if each of you is to sit and consult his
+inclinations, looking for some way by which he may escape any personal
+action, the first consequence will be that you will never find any one who
+will act; and the second, I fear, that the day will come when we shall be
+forced to do, at one and the same time, all the things we wish to avoid.
+
+{76} This then is my proposal, and this I move. If the proposal is carried
+out, I think that even now the state of our affairs may be remedied. But
+if any one has a better proposal to make, let him make it, and give us his
+advice. And I pray to all the gods that whatever be the decision that you
+are about to make, it may be for your good.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] These are printed in square brackets in the translation.
+
+
+
+
+ON THE CROWN (Or. XVIII)
+
+[_Introduction_. The advice given by Demosthenes in the Third Philippic
+(spoken before the middle of 341) was in the main followed. He himself was
+sent almost immediately to Byzantium, where he renewed the alliance
+between that city and Athens, and at the same time entered into relations
+with Abydos and the Thracian princes. Rhodes, and probably Chios and Cos,
+were also conciliated, and an embassy was sent to the King of Persia to
+ask for aid against Philip. The king appears to have sent assistance to
+Diopeithes, and it is also stated (not on the best authority) that he sent
+large sums of money to Demosthenes and Hypereides. Demosthenes further
+succeeded, in conjunction with Callias of Chalcis, in organizing a league
+against Philip, which included Corinth, Megara, Corcyra, and the
+Acarnanians, and which at least supplied a considerable number of men and
+some funds. The cities of Euboea, most of which had been in the hands of
+Philip's party, were also formed into a confederacy, in alliance with
+Athens, under the leadership of Chalcis; Philistides was expelled from
+Oreus, about July 341, by the allied forces under Cephisophon; and later
+in the summer, Phocion drove Cleitarchus from Eretria. On the motion of
+Aristonicus, the Athenians voted Demosthenes a golden crown, which was
+conferred on him in the theatre at the Great Dionysia in March 340. The
+arrest of Anaxinus of Oreus, and his condemnation as a spy, acting in
+Philip's interest, must have occurred about the same time. Not long
+afterwards Demosthenes succeeded in carrying out a complete reorganization
+of the trierarchic system, by which he made the burden of the expense vary
+strictly according to property, and secured a regular and efficient supply
+of ships, money, and men.
+
+In the meantime (in 341 or 340) the island of Peparethus was attacked by
+Philip's ships, in revenge for the seizure of the Macedonian garrison in
+Halonnesus by the Peparethians: and the Athenian admirals were ordered to
+retaliate. Philip himself had been pursuing his course in Thrace; and on
+the rejection of his request to Byzantium for an alliance, he laid siege
+(late in 340) to Perinthus (which lay on his way to Byzantium), sending
+part of his forces through the Chersonese. Aided by Byzantine and Persian
+soldiers, Perinthus held out, till at last Philip took off most of his
+forces and besieged Byzantium itself. He had shortly before this sent to
+Athens an express declaration of war, and received a similar declaration
+from her, the formal excuse for which was found in the recent seizure by
+his ships of some Athenian merchant-vessels. But with help from Athens,
+Chios, Rhodes, and Cos, the Byzantines maintained the defence. Philip's
+position became serious; but he managed by a ruse to get his ships away
+into the open sea, and even to do some damage to the Athenian settlers in
+the Chersonese. In the winter he withdrew from Byzantium, and in 339 made
+an incursion into Scythia; but, returning through the country of the
+Triballi, he sustained some loss, and was severely wounded. Later in the
+year a new Sacred War which had arisen gave him a convenient opportunity
+for the invasion of Greece.
+
+At the meeting of the Amphictyonic Council in the autumn of 340,[1]
+Aeschines was one of the representatives of Athens. The Athenians had
+recently offended Thebes by re-gilding and dedicating in the restored
+temple at Delphi fifty shields, with an inscription stating that they were
+spoil 'taken from the Medes and the Thebans, when they fought against the
+Hellenes' (probably at Plataeae in 479). The Locrians of Amphissa intended
+(according to Aeschines' account) to propose that the Council should fine
+Athens fifty talents. Aeschines rose to state the case for Athens; but a
+delegate from Amphissa forbade all mention of the Athenians, and demanded
+their exclusion from the temple, on the ground of their alliance with the
+accursed Phocians. Aeschines retorted by charging the Amphisseans with
+cultivating and building upon the sacred plain of Cirrha--acts forbidden
+for all time in 586 B.C.--and roused the Council to such indignation that
+they gathered a body of men and destroyed the harbour and the unlawful
+buildings of Cirrha; but they were severely handled by the Amphisseans,
+and the Council now voted that the Amphictyonic states should send
+representatives, to discuss the question of war against Amphissa, to a
+meeting to be held at Thermopylae before the spring meeting of the
+Council. To this preliminary meeting, the Athenians (though inclined to
+view Aeschines' performance with favour), on the advice of Demosthenes,
+sent no representatives; nor did the Thebans (the allies of Amphissa). War
+was declared by the Amphictyons against Amphissa; but Cottyphus, the
+Thessalian, who had been appointed general, made little headway, and (at
+the spring or the autumn meeting of the Council) declared that the
+Amphictyonic states must either send men and money, or else make Philip
+their general. Philip was, of course, at once appointed; but instead of
+proceeding against Amphissa, marched to Elateia and fortified it. This
+caused the greatest alarm at Athens. Demosthenes was immediately
+dispatched to Thebes, where he succeeded, by what appear to have been
+liberal and judicious proposals, in making an alliance between Thebes and
+Athens, in spite of the attempts of Philip's envoys to counteract his
+influence. Euboea, Megara, Corinth, and other members of the league also
+sent help. Philip himself called upon his own friends in the Peloponnese
+for aid, and at last moved towards Amphissa. Demosthenes seems now to have
+succeeded in applying the festival-money to purposes of war, and with the
+aid of Lycurgus, who became Controller of the Festival Fund, to have
+amassed a large sum for the use of the State. At the Dionysia of 338 he
+was again crowned, on the proposal of Demomeles and Hypereides. The allies
+at first won some successes and refortified some of the Phocian towns, but
+afterwards unfortunately divided their forces, and so enabled Philip to
+defeat the two divisions separately, and to destroy Amphissa. Philip's
+proposals of peace found supporters both in Thebes and in Athens, but were
+counteracted by Demosthenes. Late in the summer of 338, the decisive
+battle was fought at Chaeroneia, and resulted in the total rout of the
+allies. Demosthenes himself was one of the fugitives. Philip placed a
+Macedonian garrison in Thebes, restored his exiled friends to power there,
+established a Council of Three Hundred, and (through them) put to death or
+banished his enemies. He also gave Orchomenus, Thespiae, and Plataeae
+their independence. After a moment of panic, the Athenians, led by
+Demosthenes, Lycurgus, and Hypereides, proceeded to take all possible
+measures for the defence of the city, while private munificence supplied
+the treasury. Demosthenes himself superintended the repair of the
+fortifications, and went on a mission to secure a supply of corn. But
+Philip, instead of marching upon Athens, sent a message by Demades, whom
+he had taken prisoner at Chaeroneia; and the Assembly, in reply,
+instructed Demades, Aeschines, and Phocion to ask Philip to release his
+Athenian prisoners. Philip released them without ransom, and sent
+Antipater and Alexander (with the ashes of the Athenian dead) to offer
+terms of peace. By the 'Peace of Demades', concluded while Demosthenes was
+still absent, the alliance between Athens and Philip was renewed; the
+independence of Athens was guaranteed; Oropus was taken from Thebes and
+restored to Athens; and she was permitted to retain Salamis, Samos, Delos,
+and probably Lemnos and Imbros. On the other hand, she lost all her
+possessions on the Hellespont and in the Chersonese, and promised to join
+the league which Philip intended to form for the invasion of Persia.
+Demosthenes was selected by the Assembly to deliver the funeral oration
+upon those who fell at Chaeroneia; and although the Macedonian party
+attacked him repeatedly in the law-courts, he was always acquitted. Philip
+paid a long visit to the Peloponnese, in the course of which he placed a
+Macedonian garrison in Corinth, ravaged Laconia, giving parts of it to his
+allies, the Argives and Arcadians, and announced his plans for the
+invasion of Persia at the head of the Greeks; he then returned to
+Macedonia.
+
+In 337 Demosthenes was again Commissioner of Fortifications, as well as
+Controller of the Festival Fund--the most important office in the State.
+He not only performed his work most efficiently, but gave considerable
+sums for public purposes out of his private fortune; and early in 336
+Ctesiphon proposed, and the Council resolved, that he should once more be
+crowned at the Dionysia. But before the proposal could be brought before
+the Assembly, Aeschines indicted Ctesiphon for its alleged illegality. The
+trial did not take place until late in the summer of 330. We do not know
+the reason for so long a delay, but probably the events of the intervening
+time were such as to render the state of public feeling unfavourable to
+Aeschines. In 336 Philip was assassinated, and was succeeded by Alexander.
+In 335 Alexander destroyed Thebes, which had revolted, and sold its
+inhabitants into slavery. He also demanded from Athens the surrender of
+Demosthenes and other anti-Macedonian politicians and generals, but was
+persuaded to be content with the banishment of Charidemus and Ephialtes,
+and the promise of the prosecution of Demosthenes for using subsidies from
+Persia to help Thebes--a prosecution which was allowed to drop. From 334
+onwards Alexander was pursuing his conquests in the East, and we know
+practically nothing of the history of Athens until the trial of Ctesiphon
+came on in 330.
+
+Aeschines alleged against Ctesiphon (1) that it was illegal to propose to
+crown any one who had not passed his examination before the Board of
+Auditors at the end of his term of office; and that Demosthenes, who had
+been Commissioner of Fortifications and Controller of the Festival Fund,
+was still in this position: (2) that it was illegal to proclaim the grant
+of a crown at the Dionysia, except in the case of crowns conferred by
+foreign states: (3) that it was illegal to insert untrue statements in the
+public records, and that the language in which Ctesiphon's decree
+described the political career of Demosthenes was untrue. On the first
+point Aeschines was almost certainly right: Demosthenes' defence is
+sophistical, and all that could really be said was that the rule had often
+been broken before. On the second point, certainty is impossible: the most
+probable view (though it also has its difficulties) is that there were two
+inconsistent laws, and that one of them permitted the proclamation in the
+theatre, if expressly voted by the people; but the alleged illegality had
+certainly been often committed. The third point, which raised the question
+of the value to Athens of Demosthenes' whole political life, was that upon
+which the case really turned; and it is to this that Demosthenes devotes
+the greater part of his speech, breaking up his reply into convenient
+stages by discussions (of a far less happy description) of the other
+counts of the indictment, and of the character and career of Aeschines. As
+in the Speech on the Embassy, certain facts are misrepresented, and there
+are passages which are in bad taste; but Demosthenes proves beyond doubt
+his unswerving loyalty to the high ideal of policy which he had formed for
+his country, and it is with good reason that parts of this speech have
+always been felt to reach a height of eloquence which has never been
+surpassed.
+
+The jury acquitted Ctesiphon: and Aeschines, failing to obtain a fifth
+part of the votes, and thus incurring a heavy fine and the loss of some of
+the rights of a citizen, left Athens, and lived most of the remainder of
+his life at Rhodes.
+
+The following is an analysis of the speech in outline:--
+
+
+  I. Introduction (Sec.Sec. 1-8).
+  II. Defence against charges irrelevant to the indictment (Sec.Sec. 9-52).
+    (1) Introduction (Sec. 9).
+    (2) Postponement of reply to charges against his private life
+         (Sec.Sec. 10, 11).
+    (3) Reply to charges against his public life (Sec.Sec. 12-52).
+      (a) Criticism of Aeschines' method of attack (Sec.Sec. 12-16).
+      (b) Reply in reference to the Peace of Philocrates (Sec.Sec. 17-52).
+  III. Defence against the indictment itself (Sec.Sec. 53-125).
+    (1) Introduction (Sec.Sec. 53-9).
+    (2) Defence of his policy B.C. 346-340 (Sec.Sec. 60-109).
+    (3) The alleged illegality of crowning him before he had passed
+         his audit (Sec.Sec. 110-19).
+    (4) The alleged illegality of the proclamation in the theatre
+         (Sec.Sec. 120, 121).
+    (5) Conclusion, including criticism of Aeschines' method of attack
+         (Sec.Sec. 122-5).
+
+  IV. Aeschines' life and character (Sec.Sec. 126-59).
+    (1) Introduction (Sec.Sec. 126-8).
+    (2) Parentage and early life of Aeschines (Sec.Sec. 129-31).
+    (3) Aeschines' connexion with Antiphon, Python, Anaxinus, and
+         others (Sec.Sec. 132-8).
+    (4) Aeschines' part in stirring up the war against Amphissa in
+         339 (Sec.Sec. 139-59).
+
+  V. Demosthenes' own policy in 339 and 338 (Sec.Sec. 160-226).
+    (1) Narrative and defence of the alliance with Thebes (Sec.Sec. 160-95).
+    (2) Why did not Aeschines protest at the time? (Sec.Sec. 196-8).
+    (3) Defence of his policy as true to the spirit of Athenian history
+         (Sec.Sec. 199-210).
+    (4) Narrative and defence, continued (Sec.Sec. 211-22).
+    (5) Further criticism of Aeschines' method of attack (Sec.Sec. 223-6).
+
+  VI. Replies to various arguments of Aeschines (Sec.Sec. 227-96).
+    (1) Aeschines' comparison of the inquiry to the examination of
+         a balance-sheet (Sec.Sec. 227-31).
+    (2) A proper inquiry would show that Demosthenes had increased
+         the resources of Athens (Sec.Sec. 232-7).
+    (3) Reply to the charge of saddling Athens with an undue share
+         of the expense of the war (Sec.Sec. 238-43).
+    (4) Reply to the charge of responsibility for the defeat of Chaeroneia
+         (Sec.Sec. 244-7).
+    (5) Vindication of his policy after the battle of Chaeroneia
+         (Sec.Sec. 248-51).
+    (6) Reply to Aeschines' remarks about the harm done to Athens
+         by Demosthenes' bad fortune (Sec.Sec. 252-75).
+      (a) General remarks (Sec.Sec. 252-5).
+      (b) The fortune of Demosthenes (Sec.Sec. 257, 258).
+      (c) The fortune of Aeschines (Sec.Sec. 259-64).
+      (d) Comparison of the two (Sec.Sec. 265, 266).
+      (e) Demosthenes' use of his fortune for purposes of public and
+           private munificence (Sec.Sec. 267-9).
+      (f) Demosthenes not responsible for the misfortunes of Athens
+           (Sec.Sec. 270-5).
+    (7) Reply to Aeschines' warning against Demosthenes' cleverness
+         (Sec.Sec. 276-90).
+      (a) Comparison of the use made of their talents by the two
+           orators (Sec.Sec. 276-84).
+      (b) The choice of Demosthenes, not Aeschines, to deliver the
+           Funeral Oration (Sec.Sec. 285-90).
+    (8) Aeschines' feelings about the defeat of Chaeroneia (Sec.Sec. 291-3).
+    (9) The part played by traitors in recent history (Sec.Sec. 294-6).
+
+  VII. Epilogue (Sec.Sec. 297-324).
+    (1) Demosthenes' incorruptibility (Sec.Sec. 297, 298).
+    (2) Demosthenes' measures for the protection of Athens (Sec.Sec. 299-305).
+    (3) Comparison of the services of the two orators to Athens
+         (Sec.Sec. 306-13).
+    (4) Reply to the comparison of Demosthenes with the men of old,
+         by a final comparison of the two orators (Sec.Sec. 314-23).
+    (5) Peroration (Sec. 324).]
+
+
+{1} I pray first, men of Athens, to every god and goddess, that the
+goodwill, which I ever feel towards this city and towards all of you, may
+in equal measure be vouchsafed to me by you at this present trial: and
+secondly--a prayer which especially touches yourselves, your consciences,
+and your reputation--that the gods may put it into your minds not to take
+counsel of my adversary[n] in regard to the spirit in which you ought to
+hear me (for that would surely be a cruel thing), {2} but of the laws and
+of your oath; wherein besides all other precepts of justice, this also is
+written--that you shall listen to both sides with a like mind. And this
+means, not only that you should have formed no prejudice, and should
+accord equal goodwill to each, but also that you should give leave to
+every man who pleads before you to adopt that order, and make that
+defence, upon which he has resolved and fixed his choice.
+
+{3} I am in many respects at a disadvantage in the present controversy, as
+compared with Aeschines; and particularly, men of Athens, in two points of
+importance. The first is that I am not contending for the same stake as
+he. It is not the same thing for me to lose your goodwill now, as it is
+for him to fail to win his case; since for me--but I would say nothing
+unpleasant [n]* at the opening of my address--I say only that Aeschines
+can well afford to risk this attack upon me. The second disadvantage lies
+in the natural and universal tendency of mankind to hear invective and
+denunciation with pleasure, and to be offended with those who praise
+themselves. {4} And of the two courses in question, that which contributes
+to men's pleasure has been given to Aeschines, and that which annoys (I
+may say) every one is left for me. If, to avoid giving such annoyance, I
+say nothing of all that I myself have done, it will be thought that I am
+unable to clear myself of the charges against me, or to show the grounds
+upon which I claim to deserve distinction. If, on the other hand, I
+proceed to speak of my past acts and my political life, I shall often be
+compelled to speak of myself. I will endeavour, then, to do this as
+modestly as possible; and for all that the necessities of the case compel
+me to say, the blame must in fairness be borne by the prosecutor, who
+initiated a trial of such a kind as this.
+
+{5} I think, men of Athens, that you would all admit that this present
+trial equally concerns myself and Ctesiphon, and demands no less earnest
+attention from me than from him. For while it is a painful and a grievous
+thing for a man to be robbed of anything, particularly if it is at the
+hands of an enemy that this befalls him, it is especially so, when he is
+robbed of your goodwill and kindness, just in proportion as to win these
+is the greatest possible gain. {6} And because such is the issue at stake
+in the present trial, I request and entreat you all alike to give me,
+while I make my defence upon the charges that have been brought against
+me, a fair hearing, as you are commanded to do by the laws--those laws to
+which their original maker, your well-wisher and the People's friend,
+Solon, thought fit to give the sanction not of enactment only, but also of
+an oath on the part of those who act as judges: {7} not because he
+distrusted you (so at least it seems to me), but because he saw that a
+defendant cannot escape from the imputations and the slanders which fall
+with special force from the prosecutor, because he is the first to speak,
+unless each of you who sit in judgement, keeping his conscience pure in
+the sight of God, will receive the pleadings of the later speaker also
+with the same favour, and will thus, because his attention has been given
+equally and impartially to both sides, form his decision upon the case in
+its entirety.
+
+{8} And now, when I am about, as it seems, to render an account of my
+whole private life and public career, I would once more invoke the aid of
+the gods; and in the presence of you all I pray, first, that the goodwill
+which I ever feel towards this city and towards all of you, may in equal
+measure be vouchsafed to me by you at this trial; and secondly, that
+whatsoever judgement upon this present suit will conduce to your public
+reputation, and the purity of each man's conscience, that judgement they
+may put it into all your minds to give.
+
+{9} Now if Aeschines had confined his charges to the subject of the
+indictment, I too, in making my defence, would have dealt at once with the
+actual resolution of the Council. But since he has devoted no less a
+portion of his speech to the relation of other matters, and for the most
+part has spoken against me falsely, I think it is necessary, and at the
+same time just, that I should deal briefly, men of Athens, with these, in
+order that none of you may be led by irrelevant arguments to listen less
+favourably to my pleas in answer to the indictment itself.
+
+{10} As for his slanderous vituperation of my private life, mark how
+straightforward and how just is the reply that I make. If you know me as
+the man that he charged me with being (for my life has been spent nowhere
+but in your own midst), do not even suffer me to speak--no, not though my
+whole public career has been one of transcendent merit--but rise and
+condemn me without delay. But if, in your judgement and belief, I am a
+better man than Aeschines, and come of better men; if I and mine are no
+worse than any other respectable persons (to use no offensive expression);
+then do not trust him even in regard to other points, for it is plain that
+all that he said was equally fictitious; but once more accord to me to-day
+the goodwill which throughout the past you have so often displayed towards
+me in previous trials. {11} Knave as you are,[n] Aeschines, you were
+assuredly more fool than knave, when you thought that I should dismiss all
+that I had to say with regard to my past acts and political life, and
+should turn to meet the abuse that fell from you. I shall not do so; I am
+not so brain-sick; but I will review the falsehoods and the calumnies
+which you uttered against my political career; and then, if the court
+desires it, I will afterwards refer to the ribald language that has been
+so incontinently used.
+
+{12} The offences charged against me are many; and for some of them the
+laws assign heavy and even the most extreme penalties. But I will tell you
+what is the motive which animates the present suit. It gives play to the
+malice of a personal enemy, to his insolence, his abuse, his contumelies,
+and every expression of his hostility: and yet, assuming that the charges
+and the imputations which have been made are true, it does not enable the
+State[n] to exact a penalty that is adequate, or nearly adequate, to the
+offences. {13} For it is not right to seek to debar another from coming
+before the people[n] and receiving a hearing, nor to do so in a spirit of
+malice and envy. Heaven knows, it is neither straightforward, nor citizen-
+like, nor just, men of Athens! If the crimes by which he saw me injuring
+the city were of such a magnitude as he just now so theatrically set
+forth, he should have had recourse to the punishments enjoined by the laws
+at the time of the crimes themselves. If he saw me so acting as to deserve
+impeachment, he should have impeached me, and so brought me to trial
+before you; if he saw me proposing illegal measures, he should have
+indicted me for their illegality. For surely, if he can prosecute
+Ctesiphon on my account, he would not have failed to indict me in person,
+had he thought that he could convict me. {14} And further, if he saw me
+committing any of those other crimes against you, which he just now
+slanderously enumerated, or any other crimes whatsoever, there are laws
+which deal with each, and punishments, and lawsuits and judgements
+involving penalties that are harsh and severe: to all of these he could
+have had recourse; and from the moment when it was seen that he had acted
+so, and had conducted his hostilities against me on that plan, his present
+accusation of me would have been in line with his past conduct. {15} But
+as it is, he has forsaken the straight path of justice; he has shrunk from
+all attempts to convict me at the time; and after all these years, with
+the imputations, the jests, the invectives, that he has accumulated, he
+appears to play his part. So it is, that though his accusations are
+against me, it is Ctesiphon that he prosecutes; and though he sets his
+quarrel with me in the forefront of the whole suit, he has never faced me
+in person to settle the quarrel, and it is another whom we see him trying
+to deprive of his civil rights. {16} Yet surely, besides everything else
+that may be pleaded on behalf of Ctesiphon, this, I think, may surely be
+most reasonably urged--that we ought in justice to have brought our own
+quarrel to the test by ourselves, instead of avoiding all conflict with
+one another, and looking for a third party to whom we could do harm. Such
+iniquity really passes all bounds.
+
+{17} From this one may see the nature of all his charges alike, uttered,
+as they have been, without justice or regard for truth. Yet I desire also
+to examine them severally, and more particularly the false statements
+which he made against me in regard to the Peace and the Embassy, when he
+ascribed to me[n] the things which he himself had done in conjunction with
+Philocrates. And here it is necessary, men of Athens, and perhaps
+appropriate,[n] that I should remind you of the state of affairs
+subsisting during that period, so that you may view each group of actions
+in the light of the circumstances of the time.
+
+{18} When the Phocian war had broken out[n] (not through any action of
+mine, for I had not yet entered public life), your own attitude, in the
+first place, was such, that you wished for the preservation of the
+Phocians, although you saw that their actions were unjustifiable; while
+you would have been delighted at anything that might happen to the
+Thebans, against whom you felt an indignation that was neither
+unreasonable nor unfair; for they had not used their good fortune at
+Leuctra with moderation. And, in the second place, the Peloponnese was all
+disunited: those who detested the Spartans [n] were not strong enough to
+annihilate them, and those who had previously governed with the support of
+Sparta [n] were no longer able to maintain their control over their
+cities; but both these and all the other states were in a condition of
+indeterminate strife and confusion. {19} When Philip saw this (for it was
+not hard to see), he tried, by dispensing money to the traitors whom each
+state contained, to throw them all into collision and stir up one against
+another; and thus, amid the blunders and perversity of others, he was
+making his own preparations, and growing great to the danger of all. And
+when it became clear to all that the then overbearing (but now unhappy)
+Thebans, distressed by the length of the war, would be forced to fly to
+you for aid,[n] Philip, to prevent this--to prevent the formation of any
+union between the cities--made offers of peace to you, and of assistance
+to them. {20} Now what was it that helped him, and enabled him to find in
+you his almost willing dupes? It was the baseness (if that is the right
+name to use), or the ignorance, or both, of the rest of the Hellenes, who,
+though you were engaged in a long and continuous war, and that on behalf
+of the interests of all, as has been proved by the event, never assisted
+you either with money or with men, or in any other way whatsoever. And in
+your just and proper indignation with them, you listened readily to
+Philip. It was for these reasons, therefore, and not through any action of
+mine, that the Peace which we then conceded was negotiated; and any one
+who investigates the matter honestly will find that it is the crimes and
+the corrupt practices of these men, in the course of the negotiations,
+that are responsible for our position to-day. {21} It is in the interests
+of truth that I enter into all these events with this exactitude and
+thoroughness; for however strong the appearance of criminality in these
+proceedings may be, it has, I imagine, nothing to do with me. The first
+man to suggest or mention the Peace was Aristodemus[n] the actor; and the
+person who took the matter up and moved the motion, and sold his services
+for the purpose, along with Aeschines, was Philocrates of Hagnus--your
+partner, Aeschines, not mine, even if you split your sides with lying;
+while those who supported him, from whatever motive (for of that I say
+nothing at present), were Eubulus and Cephisophon. I had no part in the
+matter anywhere. {22} And yet, although the facts are such as with
+absolute truth I am representing them to be, he carried his effrontery so
+far as to dare to assert that I was not only responsible for the Peace,
+but had also prevented the city from acting in conjunction with a general
+assembly of the Hellenes in making it. What? and you--oh! how can one find
+a name that can be applied to you?--when you saw me (for you were there)
+preventing the city from taking this great step and forming so grand an
+alliance as you just now described, did you once raise a protest or come
+forward to give information and to set forth the crimes with which you now
+charge me? {23} If I had covenanted with Philip for money that I would
+prevent the coalition of the Hellenes, your only course was to refuse to
+keep silence--to cry aloud, to protest, to reveal the fact to your fellow
+countrymen. On no occasion did you do this: no such utterance of yours was
+ever heard by any one. In fact there was no embassy away at the time on a
+mission to any Hellenic state; the Hellenes had all long ago been tried
+and found wanting;[n] and in all that he has said upon this matter there
+is not a single sound word. {24} And, apart from that, his falsehoods
+involve the greatest calumnies upon this city. For if you were at one and
+the same time convoking the Hellenes with a view to war, and sending
+ambassadors yourselves to Philip to discuss peace, it was a deed for a
+Eurybatus,[n] not a task for a state or for honest men, that you were
+carrying out. But that is not the case; indeed it is not. For what could
+possibly have been your object in summoning them at that moment? Was it
+with a view to peace? But they all had peace already. Or with a view to
+war? But you were yourselves discussing peace. It is therefore evident
+that neither was it I that introduced or was responsible for the Peace in
+its original shape, nor is one of all the other falsehoods which he told
+of me shown to be true.
+
+{25} Again, consider the course of action which, when the city had
+concluded the Peace, each of us now chose to adopt. For from this you will
+know who it was that co-operated with Philip throughout, and who it was
+that acted in your interest and sought the good of the city. As for me, I
+proposed, as a member of the Council, that the ambassadors should sail as
+quickly as possible to any district in which they should ascertain Philip
+to be, and receive his oath from him. {26} But even when I had carried
+this resolution, they would not act upon it. What did this mean, men of
+Athens? I will inform you. Philip's interest required that the interval
+before he took the oath should be as long as possible; yours, that it
+should be as short as possible. And why? Because you broke off all your
+preparations for the war, not merely from the day when he took the oath,
+but from the day when you first hoped that Peace would be made; and for
+his part, this was what he was all along working for; for he thought (and
+with truth) that whatever places he could snatch from Athens before he
+took the oath, would remain securely his, since no one would break the
+Peace for their sake. {27} Foreseeing and calculating upon this, men of
+Athens, I proposed this decree--that we should sail to any district in
+which Philip might be, and receive his oath as soon as possible, in order
+that the oaths might be taken while the Thracians, your allies, were still
+in possession of those strongholds[n] of which Aeschines just now spoke
+with contempt--Serrhium, Myrtenum, and Ergiske; and that Philip might not
+snatch from us the keys of the country and make himself master of Thrace,
+nor obtain an abundant supply of money and of soldiers, and so proceed
+without difficulty to the prosecution of his further designs. {28} And
+now, instead of citing or reading this decree he slanders me on the ground
+that I thought fit, as a member of the Council, to introduce the envoys.
+But what should I have done? Was I to propose _not_ to introduce those who
+had come for the express purpose of speaking with you? or to order the
+lessee of the theatre not to assign them seats? But they would have
+watched the play from the threepenny seats,[n] if this decree had not been
+proposed. Should I have guarded the interests of the city in petty
+details, and sold them wholesale, as my opponents did? Surely not. (_To
+the clerk_.) Now take this decree, which the prosecutor passed over,
+though he knew it well, and read it.
+
+{29} [_The decree of Demosthenes is read_.]
+
+{30} Though I had carried this decree, and was seeking the good not of
+Philip, but of the city, these worthy ambassadors paid little heed to it,
+but sat idle in Macedonia for three whole months,[n] until Philip arrived
+from Thrace, after subduing the whole country; when they might, within ten
+days, or equally well[n] within three or four, have reached the
+Hellespont, and saved the strongholds, by receiving his oath before he
+could seize them. For he would not have touched them when we were present;
+or else, if he had done so, we should have refused to administer the oath
+to him; and in that case he would have failed to obtain the Peace: he
+would not have had both the Peace and the strongholds as well.
+
+{31} Such was Philip's first act of fraud, during the time of the Embassy,
+and the first instance of venality on the part of these wicked men; and
+over this I confess that then and now and always I have been and am at war
+and at variance with them. Now observe, immediately after this, a second
+and even greater piece of villainy. {32} As soon as Philip had sworn to
+the Peace, after first gaining possession of Thrace because these men did
+not obey my decree, he obtained from them--again by purchase--the
+postponement of our departure from Macedonia, until all should be in
+readiness for his campaign against the Phocians; in order that, instead of
+our bringing home a report of his intentions and his preparations for the
+march, which would make you set out and sail round to Thermopylae with
+your war-ships as you did before,[n] you might only hear our report of the
+facts when he was already on this side of Thermopylae, and you could do
+nothing. {33} And Philip was beset with such fear and such a weight of
+anxiety, lest in spite of his occupation of these places, his object
+should slip from his grasp, if, before the Phocians were destroyed, you
+resolved to assist them, that he hired this despicable creature, not now
+in company with his colleagues, but by himself alone, to make to you a
+statement and a report of such a character that owing to them all was
+lost. {34} But I request and entreat you, men of Athens, to remember
+throughout this whole trial, that, had Aeschines made no accusation that
+was not included in the indictment, I too would not have said a word that
+did not bear upon it; but since he has had recourse to all kinds of
+imputation and slander at once, I am compelled also to give a brief answer
+to each group of charges. {35} What then were the statements uttered by
+him that day, in consequence of which all was lost? 'You must not be
+perturbed,' he said, 'at Philip's having crossed to this side of
+Thermopylae; for you will get everything that you desire, if you remain
+quiet; and within two or three days you will hear that he has become the
+friend of those whose enemy he was, and the enemy of those whose friend he
+was, when he first came. For,' said he, 'it is not phrases that confirm
+friendships' (a finely sententious expression!) 'but identity of interest;
+and it is to the interest of Philip and of the Phocians and of yourselves
+alike, to be rid of the heartless and overbearing demeanour of the
+Thebans.' {36} To these statements some gave a ready ear, in consequence
+of the tacit ill-feeling towards the Thebans at the time. What then
+followed--and not after a long interval, but immediately? The Phocians
+were overthrown; their cities were razed to the ground; you, who had
+believed Aeschines and remained inactive, were soon afterwards bringing in
+your effects from the country; while Aeschines received his gold; and
+besides all this, the city reaped the ill-will of the Thebans and
+Thessalians, while their gratitude for what had been done went to Philip.
+{37} To prove that this is so, (_to the clerk_) read me both the decree of
+Callisthenes,[n] and Philip's letter. (_To the jury_.) These two documents
+together will make all the facts plain. (_To the clerk_.) Read.
+
+{38} [_The decree of Callisthenes is read_.]
+
+Were these the hopes, on the strength of which you made the Peace? Was
+this what this hireling promised you? {39} (_To the clerk_.) Now read the
+letter which Philip sent after this.
+
+[_Philip's letter is read_.]
+
+{40} You hear how obviously, in this letter sent to you, Philip is
+addressing definite information to his own allies. 'I have done these
+things,' he tells them, 'against the will of the Athenians, and to their
+annoyance; and so, men of Thebes and Thessaly, if you are wise, you will
+regard them as enemies, and will trust me.' He does not write in those
+actual terms, but that is what he intends to indicate. By these means he
+so carried them away, that they did not foresee or realize any of the
+consequences, but allowed him to get everything into his own power: and
+that is why, poor men, they have experienced their present calamities.
+{41} But the man who helped him to create this confidence, who co-operated
+with him, who brought home that false report and deluded you, he it is who
+now bewails the sufferings of the Thebans and enlarges upon their
+piteousness--he, who is himself the cause both of these and of the misery
+in Phocis, and of all the other evils which the Hellenes have endured.
+Yes, it is evident that you are pained at what has come to pass,
+Aeschines, and that you are sorry for the Thebans, when you have property
+in Boeotia[n] and are farming the land that was theirs; and that I rejoice
+at it--I, whose surrender was immediately demanded by the author of the
+disaster! {42} But I have digressed into subjects of which it will perhaps
+be more convenient to speak presently. I will return to the proofs which
+show that it is the crimes of these men that are the cause of our
+condition to-day.
+
+For when you had been deceived by Philip, through the agency of these men,
+who while serving as ambassadors had sold themselves and made a report in
+which there was not a word of truth--when the unhappy Phocians had been
+deceived and their cities annihilated--what followed? {43} The despicable
+Thessalians and the slow-witted Thebans regarded Philip as their friend,
+their benefactor, their saviour. Philip was their all-in-all. They would
+not even listen to the voice of any one who wished to express a different
+opinion. You yourselves, though you viewed what had been done with
+suspicion and vexation, nevertheless kept the Peace; for there was nothing
+else that you could have done. And the other Hellenes, who, like
+yourselves, had been deluded and disappointed of their hopes,[n] also kept
+the Peace, and gladly;[n] since in a sense they also were remotely aimed
+at by the war. {44} For when Philip was going about and subduing the
+Illyrians and Triballi and some of the Hellenes as well, and bringing many
+large forces into his own power, and when some of the members of the
+several States were taking advantage of the Peace to travel to Macedonia,
+and were being corrupted--Aeschines among them--at such a time all of
+those whom Philip had in view in thus making his preparations were really
+being attacked by him. {45} Whether they failed to realize it is another
+question, which does not concern me. For I was continually uttering
+warnings and protests, both in your midst and wherever I was sent. But the
+cities were stricken with disease: those who were engaged in political and
+practical affairs were taking bribes and being corrupted by the hope of
+money; while the mass of private citizens either showed no foresight, or
+else were caught by the bait of ease and leisure from day to day; and all
+alike had fallen victims to some such delusive fancy, as that the danger
+would come upon every one but themselves, and that through the perils of
+others they would be able to secure their own position as they pleased.
+{46} And so, I suppose, it has come to pass that the masses have atoned
+for their great and ill-timed indifference by the loss of their freedom,
+while the leaders in affairs, who fancied that they were selling
+everything except themselves, have realized that they had sold themselves
+first of all. For instead of being called friends and guest-friends, as
+they were called at the time when they were taking their bribes, they now
+hear themselves called flatterers, and god-forsaken, and all the other
+names that they deserve. {47} For no one, men of Athens, spends his money
+out of a desire to benefit the traitor; nor, when once he has secured the
+object for which he bargains, does he employ the traitor to advise him
+with regard to other objects: if it were so, nothing could be happier than
+a traitor. But it is not so, of course. Far from it! When the aspirant
+after dominion has gained his object, he is also the master of those who
+have sold it to him: and because then he knows their villainy, he then
+hates and mistrusts them, and covers them with insults. {48} For observe--
+for even if the time of the events is past, the time for realizing truths
+like these is ever present to wise men. Lasthenes[n] was called his
+'friend'; but only until he had betrayed Olynthus. And Timolaus;[n] but
+only until he had destroyed Thebes. And Eudicus and Simus[n] of Larissa;
+but only until they had put Thessaly in Philip's power. And now,
+persecuted as they are, and insulted, and subjected to every kind of
+misery, the whole inhabited world has become filled with such men. And
+what of Aristratus[n] at Sicyon? what of Perillus[n] at Megara? Are they
+not outcasts? {49} From these instances one can see very clearly, that it
+is he who best protects his own country and speaks most constantly against
+such men, that secures for traitors and hirelings like yourselves,
+Aeschines, the continuance of your opportunities for taking bribes. It is
+the majority of those who are here, those who resist your will, that you
+must thank for the fact that you live and draw your pay; for, left to
+yourselves, you would long ago have perished.
+
+{50} There is still much that I might say about the transactions of that
+time, but I think that even what I have said is more than enough. The
+blame rests with Aeschines, who has drenched me with the stale dregs[n] of
+his own villainy and crime, from which I was compelled to clear myself in
+the eyes of those who are too young to remember the events; though perhaps
+you who knew, even before I said a single word, of Aeschines' service as a
+hireling, may have felt some annoyance as you listened. {51} He calls it,
+forsooth, 'friendship' and 'guest-friendship'; and somewhere in his speech
+just now he used the expression, 'the man who casts in my teeth my guest-
+friendship with Alexander.' _I_ cast in your teeth your guest-friendship
+with Alexander? How did you acquire it? How came you to be thought worthy
+of it? Never would I call you the guest-friend of Philip or the friend of
+Alexander--I am not so insane--unless you are to call harvesters and other
+hired servants the friends and guest-friends of those who have hired them.
+[But that is not the case, of course. Far from it!] {52} Nay, I call you
+the hireling, formerly of Philip, and now of Alexander, and so do all who
+are present. If you disbelieve me, ask them--or rather I will ask them for
+you. Men of Athens, do you think of Aeschines as the hireling or as the
+guest-friend of Alexander? You hear what they say.
+
+{53} I now wish, without more delay, to make my defence upon the
+indictment itself, and to go through my past acts, in order that Aeschines
+may hear (though he knows them well) the grounds on which I claim to have
+a right both to the gifts which the Council have proposed, and even to far
+greater than these. (_To the clerk_.) Now take the indictment and read it.
+
+{54, 55} [The indictment is read.]
+
+{56} These, men of Athens, are the points in the resolution which the
+prosecutor assails; and these very points will, I think, afford me my
+first means of proving to you that the defence which I am about to offer
+is an absolutely fair one. For I will take the points of the indictment in
+the very same order as the prosecutor: I will speak of each in succession,
+and will knowingly pass over nothing. {57} Any decision upon the statement
+that I 'consistently do and say what is best for the People, and am eager
+to do whatever good I can', and upon the proposal to vote me thanks for
+this, depends, I consider, upon my past political career: for it is by an
+investigation of my career that either the truth and the propriety, or
+else the falsehood, of these statements which Ctesiphon has made about me
+will be discovered. {58} Again, the proposal to crown me, without the
+addition of the clause 'when he has submitted to his examination', and the
+order to proclaim the award of the crown in the theatre, must, I imagine,
+stand or fall with my political career; for the question is whether I
+deserve the crown and the proclamation before my fellow countrymen or not.
+At the same time I consider myself further bound to point out to you the
+laws under which the defendant's proposal could be made. In this honest
+and straightforward manner, men of Athens, I have determined to make my
+defence; and now I will proceed to speak of my past actions themselves.
+{59} And let no one imagine that I am detaching my argument from its
+connexion with the indictment, if I break into a discussion of
+international transactions. For it is the prosecutor who, by assailing the
+clause of the decree which states that I do and say what is best, and by
+indicting it as false, has rendered the discussion of my whole political
+career essentially germane to the indictment; and further, out of the many
+careers which public life offers, it was the department of international
+affairs that I chose; so that I have a right to derive my proofs also from
+that department.
+
+{60} I will pass over all that Philip snatched from us and secured, in the
+days before I took part in public life as an orator. None of these losses,
+I imagine, has anything to do with me. But I will recall to you, and will
+render you an account of all that, from the day when I entered upon this
+career, he was _prevented_ from taking, when I have made one remark. {61}
+Philip, men of Athens, had a great advantage in his favour. For in the
+midst of the Hellenic peoples--and not of some only, but of all alike--
+there had sprung up a crop of traitors--corrupt, god-forsaken men--more
+numerous than they have ever been within the memory of man. These he took
+to help and co-operate with him; and great as the mutual ill-will and
+dissensions of the Hellenes already were, he rendered them even worse, by
+deceiving some, making presents to others, and corrupting others in every
+way; and at a time when all had in reality but one interest--to prevent
+his becoming powerful--he divided them into a number of factions. {62} All
+the Hellenes then being in this condition, still ignorant of the growing
+and accumulating evil, you have to ask yourselves, men of Athens, what
+policy and action it was fitting for the city to choose, and to hold me
+responsible for this; for the person who assumed that responsibility in
+the State was myself. {63} Should she, Aeschines, have sacrificed her
+pride and her own dignity? Should she have joined the ranks of the
+Thessalians and Dolopes,[n] and helped Philip to acquire the empire of
+Hellas, cancelling thereby the noble and righteous deeds of our
+forefathers? Or, if she should not have done this (for it would have been
+in very truth an atrocious thing), should she have looked on, while all
+that she saw would happen, if no one prevented it--all that she realized,
+it seems, at a distance--was actually taking place? {64} Nay, I should be
+glad to ask to-day the severest critic of my actions, which party he would
+have desired the city to join--the party which shares the responsibility
+for the misery and disgrace which has fallen upon the Hellenes (the party
+of the Thessalians and their supporters, one may call it), or the party
+which looked on while these calamities were taking place, in the hope of
+gaining some advantage for themselves--in which we should place the
+Arcadians and Messenians and Argives. {65} But even of these, many--nay,
+all--have in the end fared worse than we. For if Philip had departed
+immediately after his victory, and gone his way; if afterwards he had
+remained at peace, and had given no trouble whatever to any of his own
+allies or of the other Hellenes; then there would have been some ground
+for blaming and accusing those who had opposed his plans. But if he has
+stripped them all alike of their dignity, their paramountcy, and their
+independence--nay, even of their free constitutions,[n] wherever he could
+do so--can it be denied that the policy which you adopted on my advice was
+the most glorious policy possible?
+
+{66} But I return to my former point. What was it fitting for the city to
+do, Aeschines, when she saw Philip establishing for himself a despotic
+sway over the Hellenes? What language should have been used, what measures
+proposed, by the adviser of the people at Athens (for that it was at
+Athens makes the utmost difference), when I knew that from the very first,
+up to the day when I myself ascended the platform, my country had always
+contended for pre-eminence, honour, and glory, and in the cause of honour,
+and for the interests of all, had sacrificed more money and lives than any
+other Hellenic people had spent for their private ends: {67} when I saw
+that Philip himself, with whom our conflict lay, for the sake of empire
+and absolute power, had had his eye knocked out, his collar-bone broken,
+his hand and his leg maimed, and was ready to resign any part of his body
+that Fortune chose to take from him, provided that with what remained he
+might live in honour and glory? {68} And surely no one would dare to say
+that it was fitting that in one bred at Pella, a place then inglorious and
+insignificant, there should have grown up so lofty a spirit that he
+aspired after the empire of Hellas, and conceived such a project in his
+mind; but that in you, who are Athenians, and who day by day in all that
+you hear and see behold the memorials of the gallantry of your
+forefathers, such baseness should be found, that you would yield up your
+liberty to Philip by your own deliberate offer and deed. {69} No man would
+say this. One alternative remained, and that, one which you were bound to
+take--that of a righteous resistance to the whole course of action by
+which he was doing you injury. You acted thus from the first, quite
+rightly and properly; while I helped by my proposals and advice during the
+time of my political activity, and I do not deny it. But what ought I to
+have done? For the time has come to ask you this, Aeschines, and to
+dismiss everything else. {70} Amphipolis, Pydna, Poteidaea, Halonnesus--
+all are blotted from my memory. As for Serrhium, Doriscus, the sack of
+Peparethus, and all the other injuries inflicted upon the city, I renounce
+all knowledge of their ever having happened--though you actually said that
+_I_ involved my countrymen in hostility by talking of these things, when
+the decrees which deal with them were the work of Eubulus and
+Aristophon[n] and Diopeithes,[n] and not mine at all--so glibly do you
+assert anything that suits your purpose! {71} But of this too I say
+nothing at present. I only ask you whether Philip, who was appropriating
+Euboea,[n] and establishing it as a stronghold to command Attica; who was
+making an attempt upon Megara, seizing Oreus, razing the walls of
+Porthmus, setting up Philistides as tyrant at Oreus and Cleitarchus at
+Eretria, bringing the Hellespont into his own power, besieging Byzantium,
+destroying some of the cities of Hellas, and restoring his exiled friends
+to others--whether he, I say, in acting thus, was guilty of wrong,
+violating the truce and breaking the Peace, or not? Was it fit that one of
+the Hellenes should arise to prevent it, or not? {72} If it was not fit--
+if it was fit that Hellas should become like the Mysian booty[n] in the
+proverb before men's eyes, while the Athenians had life and being, then I
+have lost my labour in speaking upon this theme, and the city has lost its
+labour in obeying me: then let everything that has been done be counted
+for a crime and a blunder, and those my own! But if it was right that one
+should arise to prevent it, for whom could the task be more fitting than
+for the people of Athens? That then, was the aim of _my_ policy; and when
+I saw Philip reducing all mankind to servitude, I opposed him, and without
+ceasing warned and exhorted you to make no surrender.
+
+{73} But the Peace, Aeschines, was in reality broken by Philip, when he
+seized the corn-ships, not by Athens. (_To the clerk_.) Bring the decrees
+themselves, and the letter of Philip, and read them in order. (_To the
+jury_.) For they will make it clear who is responsible, and for what.
+
+{74} [_A decree is read_.]
+
+{75} This decree then was proposed by Eubulus, not by me; and the next by
+Aristophon; he is followed first by Hegesippus, and he by Aristophon
+again, and then by Philocrates, then by Cephisophon, and then by all of
+them. But I proposed no decree upon this subject. (_To the clerk_.) Read.
+
+[_Decrees are read_.]
+
+{76} As then I point to these decrees, so, Aeschines, do you point to a
+decree of any kind, proposed by me, which makes me responsible for the
+war. You cannot do so: for had you been able, there is nothing which you
+would sooner have produced. Indeed, even Philip himself makes no charge
+against me as regards the war, though he complains of others. (_To the
+clerk_.) Read Philip's letter itself.
+
+{77, 78} [_Philip's letter is read_.]
+
+{79} In this letter he has nowhere mentioned the name of Demosthenes, nor
+made any charge against me. Why is it then that, though he complains of
+others, he has not mentioned my own actions? Because, if he had written
+anything about me, he must have mentioned his own acts of wrong; for it
+was these acts upon which I kept my grip, and these which I opposed. First
+of all, when he was trying to steal into the Peloponnese, I proposed the
+embassy to the Peloponnese;[n] then, when he was grasping at Euboea, the
+embassy to Euboea;[n] then the expedition--not an embassy any more--to
+Oreus,[n] and that to Eretria, when he had established tyrants in those
+cities. {80} After that I dispatched all the naval expeditions, in the
+course of which the Chersonese and Byzantium and all our allies were
+saved. In consequence of this, the noblest rewards at the hands of those
+who had benefited by your action became yours--votes of thanks, glory,
+honours, crowns, gratitude; while of the victims of his aggression, those
+who followed your advice at the time secured their own deliverance, and
+those who neglected it had the memory of your warnings constantly in their
+minds, and regarded you not merely as their well-wishers, but as men of
+wisdom and prophetic insight; for all that you foretold has come to pass.
+{81} And further, that Philistides would have given a large sum to retain
+Oreus, and Cleitarchus to retain Eretria, and Philip himself, to be able
+to count upon the use of these places against you, and to escape all
+exposure of his other proceedings and all investigation, by any one in any
+place, of his wrongful acts--all this is not unknown to any one, least of
+all to you, Aeschines. {82} For the envoys sent at that time by
+Cleitarchus and Philistides lodged at your house, when they came here, and
+you acted as their patron.[n] Though the city rejected them, as enemies
+whose proposals were neither just nor expedient, to you they were friends.
+None of their attempts succeeded, slander me though you may, when you
+assert that I say nothing when I receive money, but cry out when I spend
+it. That, certainly, is not _your_ way: for you cry out with money in your
+hands, and will never cease, unless those present cause you to do so by
+taking away your civil rights[n] to-day. {83} Now on that occasion,
+gentlemen, you crowned me for my conduct. Aristonicus proposed a decree
+whose very syllables were identical with those of Ctesiphon's present
+proposal; the crown was proclaimed in the theatre; and this was already
+the second proclamation[n] in my honour: and yet Aeschines, though he was
+there, neither opposed the decree, nor indicted the mover. (_To the
+clerk_.) Take this decree also and read it.
+
+{84} [_The decree of Aristonicus is read_.]
+
+{85} Now is any of you aware of any discredit that attached itself to the
+city owing to this decree? Did any mockery or ridicule ensue, such as
+Aeschines said must follow on the present occasion, if I were crowned? But
+surely when proceedings are recent and well known to all, then it is that,
+if they are satisfactory, they meet with gratitude, and if they are
+otherwise, with punishment. It appears, then, that on that occasion I met
+with gratitude, not with blame or punishment.
+
+{86} Thus the fact that, up to the time when these events took place, I
+acted throughout as was best for the city, has been acknowledged by the
+victory of my advice and my proposals in your deliberations, by the
+successful execution of the measures which I proposed, and the award of
+crowns in consequence of them to the city and to myself and to all, and by
+your celebration of sacrifices to the gods, and processions, in
+thankfulness for these blessings.
+
+{87} When Philip had been expelled from Euboea--and while the arms which
+expelled him were yours, the statesmanship and the decrees (even though
+some of my opponents may split their sides) were mine--he proceeded to
+look for some other stronghold from which he could threaten the city. And
+seeing that we were more dependent than any other people upon imported
+corn, and wishing to get our corn-trade into his power, he advanced to
+Thrace. First, he requested the Byzantines, his own allies, to join him in
+the war against you; and when they refused and said (with truth) that they
+had not made their alliance with him for such a purpose, he erected a
+stockade against the city, brought up his engines, and proceeded to
+besiege it. {88} I will not ask again what you ought to have done when
+this was happening; it is manifest to all. But who was it that went to the
+rescue of the Byzantines, and saved them? Who was it that prevented the
+Hellespont from falling into other hands at that time? It was you, men of
+Athens--and when I say 'you', I mean this city. And who was it that spoke
+and moved resolutions and acted for the city, and gave himself up
+unsparingly to the business of the State? It was I. {89} But of the
+immense benefit thus conferred upon all, you no longer need words of mine
+to tell you, since you have had actual experience of it. For the war which
+then ensued, apart from the glorious reputation that it brought you, kept
+you supplied with the necessaries of life in greater plenty and at lower
+prices than the present Peace, which these worthy men are guarding to
+their country's detriment, in their hopes of something yet to be realized.
+May those hopes be disappointed! May they share the fortune which you, who
+wish for the best, ask of the gods, rather than cause you to share that
+upon which their own choice is fixed! (_To the clerk_.) Read out to the
+jury the crowns awarded to the city in consequence of her action by the
+Byzantines and by the Perinthians.
+
+{90, 91} [_The decree of the Byzantines is read_.]
+
+{92} Read out also the crowns awarded by the peoples of the Chersonese.
+
+[_The decree of the peoples of the Chersonese is read_.]
+
+{93} Thus the policy which I had adopted was not only successful in saving
+the Chersonese and Byzantium, in preventing the Hellespont from falling at
+that time into the power of Philip, and in bringing honours to the city in
+consequence, but it revealed to the whole world the noble gallantry of
+Athens and the baseness of Philip. For all saw that he, the ally of the
+Byzantines, was besieging them--what could be more shameful or revolting?
+{94} and on the other hand, it was seen that you, who might fairly have
+urged many well-founded complaints against them for their inconsiderate
+conduct[n] towards you at an earlier period, not only refused to remember
+your grudge and to abandon the victims of aggression, but actually
+delivered them; and in consequence of this, you won glory and goodwill on
+all hands. And further, though every one knows that you have crowned many
+public men before now, no one can name any but myself--that is to say, any
+public counsellor and orator--for whose merits the city has received a
+crown.
+
+{95} In order to prove to you, also, that the slanders which he uttered
+against the Euboeans and Byzantines, as he recalled to you any ill-natured
+action that they had taken towards you in the past, are disingenuous
+calumnies, not only because they are false (for this, I think, you may all
+be assumed to know), but also because, however true they might be, it was
+still to your advantage to deal with the political situation as I have
+done, I desire to describe, and that briefly, one or two of the noble
+deeds which this city has done in your own time. For an individual and a
+State should strive always, in their respective spheres, to fashion their
+future conduct after the highest examples that their past affords. {96}
+Thus, men of Athens, at a time when the Spartans were masters of land and
+sea,[n] and were retaining their hold, by means of governors and
+garrisons, upon the country all round Attica--Euboea, Tanagra, all
+Boeotia, Megara, Aegina, Ceos, and the other islands--and when Athens
+possessed neither ships nor walls, you marched forth to Haliartus, and
+again, not many days later, to Corinth, though the Athenians of that day
+might have borne a heavy grudge against both the Corinthians and the
+Thebans for the part they had played in reference to the Deceleian War.[n]
+{97} But they bore no such grudge. Far from it! And neither of these
+actions, Aeschines, was taken by them to help benefactors; nor was the
+prospect before them free from danger. Yet they did not on that account
+sacrifice those who fled to them for help. For the sake of glory and
+honour they were willing to expose themselves to the danger; and it was a
+right and a noble spirit that inspired their counsels. For the life of all
+men must end in death, though a man shut himself in a chamber and keep
+watch; but brave men must ever set themselves to do that which is noble,
+with their joyful hope for their buckler, and whatsoever God gives, must
+bear it gallantly. {98} Thus did your forefathers, and thus did the elder
+among yourselves: for, although the Spartans were no friends or
+benefactors of yours, but had done much grievous wrong to the city, yet,
+when the Thebans, after their victory at Leuctra, attempted to annihilate
+them, you prevented it, not terrified by the strength or the reputation
+which the Thebans then enjoyed, nor reckoning up what the men had done to
+you, for whom you were to face this peril. {99} And thus, as you know, you
+revealed to all the Hellenes, that whatever offences may be committed
+against you, though under all other circumstances you show your resentment
+of them, yet if any danger to life or freedom overtakes the transgressors,
+you will bear no grudge and make no reckoning. Nor was it in these
+instances only that you were thus disposed. For once more, when the
+Thebans were appropriating Euboea,[n] you did not look on while it was
+done; you did not call to mind the wrong which had been done to you in the
+matter of Oropus[n] by Themison and Theodorus: you helped even these; and
+it was then that the city for the first time had voluntary trierarchs, of
+whom I was one.[n] But I will not speak of this yet. {100} And although to
+save the island was itself a noble thing to do, it was a yet nobler thing
+by far, that when their lives and their cities were absolutely in your
+power, you gave them back, as it was right to do, to the very men who had
+offended against you, and made no reckoning, when such trust had been
+placed in you, of the wrongs which you had suffered. I pass by the
+innumerable instances which I might still give--battles at sea,
+expeditions [by land, campaigns] both long ago and now in our day; in all
+of which the object of the city has been to defend the freedom and safety
+of the other Hellenic peoples. {101} And so, when in all these striking
+examples I had beheld the city ever ready to strive in defence of the
+interests of others, what was I likely to bid her do, what action was I
+likely to recommend to her, when the debate to some extent concerned her
+own interests? 'Why,' you would say, 'to remember her grudge against those
+who wanted deliverance, and to look for excuses for sacrificing
+everything!' And who would not have been justified in putting me to death,
+if I had attempted to bring shame upon the city's high traditions, though
+it were only by word? The deed itself you would never have done, I know
+full well; for had you desired to do it, what was there to hinder you?
+Were you not free so to act? Had you not these men here to propose it?
+
+{102} I wish now to return to the next in succession of my political acts;
+and here again you must ask yourselves, what was the best thing for the
+city? For, men of Athens, when I saw that your navy was breaking up, and
+that, while the rich were obtaining exemption on the strength of small
+payments,[n] citizens of moderate or small means were losing all that they
+had; and further, that in consequence of these things the city was always
+missing her opportunities; I enacted a law in accordance with which I
+compelled the former--the rich--to do their duty fairly; I put an end to
+the injustice done to the poor, and (what was the greatest service of all
+to the State) I caused our preparations to be made in time. {103} When I
+was indicted for this, I appeared before you at the ensuing trial, and was
+acquitted; the prosecutor failed to obtain the necessary fraction of the
+votes. But what sums do you think the leaders of the Taxation-Boards, or
+those who stood second or third, offered me, to induce me, if possible,
+not to enact the law, or at least to let it drop and lie under sworn
+notice of prosecution?[n] They offered sums so large, men of Athens, that
+I should hesitate to mention them to you. It was a natural course for them
+to take. {104} For under the former laws it was possible for them to
+divide their obligation between sixteen persons, paying little or nothing
+themselves, and grinding down their poorer fellow citizens: while by my
+law each must pay down a sum calculated in proportion to his property; and
+a man came to be charged with two warships, who had previously been one of
+sixteen subscribers to a single one (for they used now to call themselves
+no longer captains of their ships, but subscribers). Thus there was
+nothing that they were not willing to give, if only the new plan could be
+brought to nothing, and they could escape being compelled to do their duty
+fairly. (_To the clerk_.) {105} Now read me, first, the decree[n] in
+accordance with which I had to meet the indictment; and then the lists of
+those liable under the former law, and under my own, respectively. Read.
+
+[_The decree is read_.]
+
+{106} Now produce that noble list.
+
+[_A list is read_.]
+
+Now produce, for comparison with this, the list under my own law.
+
+[_A list is read_.]
+
+Was this, think you, but a trifling assistance which I rendered to the
+poor among you? {107} Would the wealthy have spent but a trifling sum to
+avoid doing their duty fairly? I am proud not only of having refused all
+compromise upon the measure, not only of having been acquitted when I was
+indicted, but also of having enacted a law which was beneficial, and of
+having given proof of it in practice. For throughout the war the armaments
+were equipped under my law, and no trierarch ever laid the suppliants'
+branch[n] before you in token of grievance, nor took sanctuary at
+Munychia; none was imprisoned by the Admiralty Board; no warship was
+abandoned at sea and lost to the State, or left behind here as
+unseaworthy. Under the former laws all these things used to happen; {108}
+and the reason was that the obligation rested upon the poor, and in
+consequence there were many cases of inability to discharge it. I
+transferred the duties of the trierarchy from the poor to the rich; and
+therefore every duty was properly fulfilled. Aye, and for this very reason
+I deserve to receive praise--that I always adopted such political measures
+as brought with them accessions of glory and honour and power to the city.
+No measure of mine is malicious, harsh, or unprincipled; none is degrading
+or unworthy of the city. The same spirit will be seen both in my domestic
+and my international policy. {109} For just as in home affairs I did not
+set the favour of the rich above the rights of the many, so in
+international affairs I did not embrace the gifts and the friendship of
+Philip, in preference to the common interests of all the Hellenes.
+
+It still remains for me, I suppose, to speak about the proclamation, and
+about my examination. {110} The statement that I acted for the best, and
+that I am loyal to you throughout and eager to do you good service, I have
+proved, I think, sufficiently, by what I have said. At the same time I am
+passing over the most important parts of my political life and actions;
+for I conceive that I ought first to render to you in their proper order
+my arguments in regard to the alleged illegality itself: which done, even
+if I say nothing about the rest of my political acts, I can still rely
+upon that personal knowledge of them which each of you possesses.
+
+{111} Of the arguments which the prosecutor jumbled together in utter
+confusion with reference to the laws accompanying his indictment,[n] I am
+quite certain that you could not follow the greater part, nor could I
+understand them myself; but I will simply address you straightforwardly
+upon the question of right. So far am I from claiming (as he just now
+slanderously declared) to be free from the liability to render an account,
+that I admit a life-long liability to account for every part of my
+administration and policy. {112} But I do not admit that I am liable for
+one single day--you hear me, Aeschines?--to account for what I have given
+to the People as a free-will offering out of my private estate; nor is any
+one else so liable, not even if he is one of the nine archons. What law is
+so replete with injustice and churlishness, that when a man has made a
+present out of his private property and done an act of generosity and
+munificence, it deprives him of the gratitude due to him, hales him before
+a court of disingenuous critics, and sets them to audit accounts of sums
+which he himself has given? There is no such law. If the prosecutor
+asserts that there is, let him produce it, and I will resign myself and
+say no more. {113} But the law does not exist, men of Athens; this is
+nothing but an informer's trick on the part of Aeschines, who, because I
+was Controller of the Festival Fund when I made this donation, says,
+'Ctesiphon proposed a vote of thanks to him when he was still liable to
+account.' The vote of thanks was not for any of the things for which I was
+liable to account; it was for my voluntary gift, and your charge is a
+misrepresentation. 'Yes,' you say, 'but you were also a Commissioner of
+Fortifications.' I was, and thanks were rightly accorded me on the very
+ground that, instead of charging the sums which I spent, I made a present
+of them. A statement of account, it is true, calls for an audit and
+scrutineers; but a free gift deserves gratitude and thanks; and that is
+why the defendant proposed this motion in my favour. {114} That this
+principle is not merely laid down in the laws, but rooted in your national
+character, I shall have no difficulty in proving by many instances.
+Nausicles,[n] to begin with, has often been crowned by you, while general,
+for sacrifices which he had made from his private funds. Again, when
+Diotimus[n] gave the shields, and Charidemus[n] afterwards, they were
+crowned. And again, Neoptolemus here, while still director of many public
+works, has received honours for his voluntary gifts. It would really be too
+bad, if any one who held any office must either be debarred thereby from
+making a present to the State, or else, instead of receiving due gratitude,
+must submit accounts of the sums given. {115} To prove the truth of my
+statements, (_to the clerk_) take and read the actual decrees which were
+passed in honour of these persons. Read.
+
+{116} [_Two decrees are read_.]
+
+{117} Each of these persons, Aeschines, was accountable as regards the
+office which he held, but not as regards the services for which he was
+crowned. Nor am I, therefore; for I presume that I have the same rights as
+others with reference to the same matters. I made a voluntary gift. For
+this I receive thanks; for I am not liable to account for what I gave. I
+was holding office. True, and I have rendered an account of my official
+expenditure, but not of what I gave voluntarily. Ah! but I exercised my
+office iniquitously! What? and you were there, when the auditors brought
+me before them, and did not accuse me?
+
+{118} Now that the court may see that the prosecutor himself bears me
+witness that I was crowned for services of which I was not liable to
+render an account, (_to the clerk_) take and read the decree which was
+proposed in my honour, in its entirety. (_To the jury_.) The points which
+he has omitted to indict in the Council's resolution will show that the
+charges which he does make are deliberate misrepresentations. (_To the
+clerk_.) Read.
+
+[_The decree is read_.]
+
+{119} My donations then, were these, of which you have not made one the
+subject of indictment. It is the reward for these, which the Council
+states to be my due, that you attack. You admit that it was legal to
+accept the gifts offered, and you indict as illegal the return of
+gratitude for them. In Heaven's name, what must the perfect scoundrel, the
+really heaven-detested, malignant being be like? Must he not be a man like
+this?
+
+{120} But as regards the proclamation in the theatre, I pass by the fact
+that ten thousand persons have been thus proclaimed on ten thousand
+different occasions, and that my own name has often been so proclaimed
+before. But, in Heaven's name, Aeschines, are you so perverse and stupid,
+that you cannot grasp the fact that the recipient of the crown feels the
+same pride wherever the crown is proclaimed, and that it is for the
+benefit of those who confer it that the proclamation is made in the
+theatre? For those who hear are stimulated to do good service to the
+State, and commend those who return gratitude for such service even more
+than they commend the recipient of the crown. That is why the city has
+enacted this law. (_To the clerk_.) Take the law itself and read it.
+
+[_The law is read_.]
+
+{121} Do you hear, Aeschines, the plain words of the law? 'Except such as
+the People or the Council shall resolve so to proclaim. But let these be
+proclaimed.' Why, wretched man, do you lay this dishonest charge? Why do
+you invent false arguments? Why do you not take hellebore[n] to cure you?
+What? Are you not ashamed to bring a case founded upon envy, not upon any
+crime--to alter some of the laws, and to leave out parts of others, when
+they ought surely, in justice, to be read entire to those who have sworn
+to give their votes in accordance with the laws? {122} And then, while you
+act in this way, you enumerate the qualities which should be found in a
+friend of the People, as if you had contracted for a statue, and
+discovered on receiving it that it had not the features required by the
+contract; or as if a friend of the People was known by a definition, and
+not by his works and his political measures! And you shout out
+expressions, proper and improper, like a reveller on a cart[n]--
+expressions which apply to you and your house, not to me. I will add this
+also, men of Athens. {123} The difference between abuse and accusation is,
+I imagine, that an accusation is founded upon crimes, for which the
+penalties are assigned by law; abuse, upon such slanders as their own
+character leads enemies to utter about one another. And I conceive that
+our forefathers built these courts of law, not that we might assemble you
+here and revile one another with improper expressions suggested by our
+adversary's private life, but that we might convict any one who happens to
+have committed some crime against the State. {124} Aeschines knew this as
+well as I; and yet he chose to make a ribald attack instead of an
+accusation. At the same time, it is not fair that he should go off without
+getting as much as he gives, even in this respect; and when I have asked
+him one question, I will at once proceed to the attack. Are we to call
+you, Aeschines, the enemy of the State, or of myself? Of myself, of
+course. What? And when you might have exacted the penalty from me, on
+behalf of your fellow countrymen, according to the laws--at public
+examinations, by indictment, by all other forms of trial--did you always
+omit to do so? {125} And yet to-day, when I am unassailable upon every
+ground--on the ground of law, of lapse of time, of the statutable
+limit,[n] of the many previous trials which I have undergone upon every
+charge, without having once been convicted of any crime against you to
+this day--and when the city must necessarily share to a greater or smaller
+degree in the glory of acts which were really acts of the people, have you
+confronted me upon such an issue as this? Take care lest, while you
+profess to be _my_ enemy, you prove to be the enemy of your fellow
+countrymen!
+
+{126} Since then I have shown you all what is the vote which religion and
+justice demand of you, I am now obliged, it would seem, by the slanders
+which he has uttered (though I am no lover of abuse) to reply to his many
+falsehoods by saying just what is absolutely necessary about himself, and
+showing who he is, and whence he is sprung, that he so lightly begins to
+use bad language, pulling to pieces certain expressions of mine, when he
+has himself used expressions which any respectable man would have shrunk
+from uttering; {127} for if the accuser were Aeacus or Rhadamanthus or
+Minos,[n] instead of a scandal-monger,[n] an old hand in the
+marketplace,[n] a pestilent clerk, I do not believe that he would have
+spoken thus, or produced such a stock of ponderous phrases, crying aloud,
+as if he were acting a tragedy, 'O Earth and Sun and Virtue,'[n] and the
+like; or again, invoking 'Wit and Culture, by which things noble and base
+are discerned apart'--for, of course, you heard him speaking in this way.
+{128} Scum of the earth! What have you or yours to do with virtue? How
+should _you_ discern what is noble and what is not? Where and how did you
+get your qualification to do so? What right have _you_ to mention culture
+anywhere? A man of genuine culture would not only never have asserted such
+a thing of himself, but would have blushed to hear another do so: and
+those who, like you, fall far short of it, but are tactless enough to
+claim it, succeed only in causing distress to their hearers, when they
+speak--not in seeming to be what they profess.
+
+{129} But though I am not at a loss to know what to say about you and
+yours, I am at a loss to know what to mention first. Shall I tell first[n]
+how your father Tromes was a slave in the house of Elpias, who kept an
+elementary school near the temple of Theseus, and how he wore shackles and
+a wooden halter? Or how your mother, by celebrating her daylight nuptials
+in her hut near the shrine of the Hero of the Lancet,[n] was enabled to
+rear you, her beautiful statue, the prince of third-rate actors? But these
+things are known to all without my telling them. Shall I tell how Phormio,
+the ship's piper, the slave of Dion of Phrearrii, raised her up out of
+this noble profession? But, before God and every Heavenly Power, I shudder
+lest in using expressions which are fitly applied to you, I may be thought
+to have chosen a subject upon which it ill befits myself to speak. {130}
+So I will pass this by, and will begin with the acts of his own life; for
+they were not like any chance actions,[n] but such as the people curses.
+For only lately--lately, do I say? only yesterday or the day before--did
+he become at once an Athenian and an orator, and by the addition of two
+syllables converted his father from Tromes into Atrometus, and gave his
+mother the imposing name of Glaucothea,[n] when every one knows that she
+used to be called Empusa[n]--a name which was obviously given her because
+there was nothing that she would not do or have done to her; for how else
+should she have acquired it? {131} Yet, in spite of this, you are of so
+ungrateful and villainous a nature, that though, thanks to your
+countrymen, you have risen from slavery to freedom, and from poverty to
+wealth, far from feeling gratitude to them, you devote your political
+activity to working against them as a hireling. I will pass over every
+case in which there is any room for the contention that he has spoken in
+the interests of the city, and will remind you of the acts which he was
+manifestly proved to have done for the good of her enemies.
+
+{132} Which of you has not heard of Antiphon,[n] who was struck off the
+list of citizens,[n] and came into the city in pursuance of a promise to
+Philip that he would burn the dockyards? I found him concealed in the
+Peiraeus, and brought him before the Assembly; but the malignant Aeschines
+shouted at the top of his voice, that it was atrocious of me, in a
+democratic country, to insult a citizen who had met with misfortune, and
+to go to men's houses without a decree;[n] and he obtained his release.
+{133} And unless the Council of Areopagus had taken notice of the matter,
+and, seeing the inopportuneness of the ignorance which you had shown, had
+made a further search for the man, and arrested him, and brought him
+before you again, a man of that character would have been snatched out of
+your hands, and would have evaded punishment, and been sent out of the
+country by this pompous orator. As it was, you tortured and executed him--
+and so ought you also to have treated Aeschines. {134} The Council of
+Areopagus knew the part which he had played in this affair; and for this
+reason, when, owing to the same ignorance which so often leads you to
+sacrifice the public interests, you elected him[n] to advocate your claims
+in regard to the Temple of Delos, the Council (since you had appointed it
+to assist you and entrusted it with full authority to act in the matter)
+immediately rejected Aeschines as a traitor, and committed the case to
+Hypereides. When the Council took this step, the members took their votes
+from the altar,[n] and not one vote was given for this abominable man.
+{135} To prove that what I say is true, (_to the clerk_) call the
+witnesses who testify to it.
+
+[_The witnesses are called_.]
+
+{136} Thus when the Council rejected him from the office of advocate, and
+committed the case to another, it declared at the same time that he was a
+traitor, who wished you ill.
+
+Such was one of the public appearances of this fine fellow, and such its
+character--so like the acts with which he charges me, is it not? Now
+recall a second. For when Philip sent Python of Byzantium,[n] and with him
+envoys from all his allies, in the hope of putting the city to shame and
+showing her to be in the wrong, I would not give way before the torrent of
+insolent rhetoric which Python poured out upon you, but rose and
+contradicted him, and would not betray the city's rights, but proved the
+iniquity of Philip's actions so manifestly, that even his own allies rose
+up and admitted it. But Aeschines supported Python; he gave testimony in
+opposition to his country, and that testimony false.
+
+{137} Nor was this sufficient for him; for again after this he was
+detected going to meet Anaxinus[n] the spy in the house of Thrason. But
+surely one who met the emissary of the enemy alone and conferred with him,
+must himself have been already a born spy and an enemy of his country. To
+prove the truth of what I say, (_to the clerk_) call the witnesses to
+these facts.
+
+[_The witnesses are called_.]
+
+{138} There are still an infinite number of things which I might relate of
+him; but I pass them over. For the truth is something like this. I could
+still point to many instances in which he was found to be serving our
+enemies during that period, and showing his spite against me. But you do
+not store such things up in careful remembrance, to visit them with the
+indignation which they deserve; but, following a bad custom, you have
+given great freedom to any one who wishes to trip up the proposer of any
+advantageous measure by dishonest charges--bartering, as you do, the
+advantage of the State for the pleasure and gratification which you derive
+from invective; and so it is always easier and safer to be a hireling in
+the service of the enemy, than a statesman who has chosen to defend your
+cause.
+
+{139} To co-operate with Philip before we were openly at war with him was
+--I call Earth and Heaven to witness--atrocious enough. How could it be
+otherwise--against his own country? Nevertheless, concede him this, if you
+will, concede him this. But when the corn-ships had been openly plundered,
+and the Chersonese was being ravaged, and the man was on the march against
+Attica; when the position of affairs was no longer in doubt, and war had
+begun; what action did this malignant mouther of verses ever do for your
+good? He can point to none. There is not a single decree, small or great,
+with reference to the interests of the city, standing in the name of
+Aeschines. If he asserts that there is, let him produce it in the time
+allotted to me. But no such decree exists. In that case, however, only two
+alternatives are possible: either he had no fault to find at the time with
+my policy, and therefore made no proposal contrary to it; or else he was
+seeking the advantage of the enemy, and therefore refrained from bringing
+forward any better policy than mine.
+
+{140} Did he then abstain from speaking, as he abstained from proposing
+any motion, when any mischief was to be done? On the contrary, no one else
+had a chance of speaking. But though, apparently, the city could endure
+everything else, and he could do everything else unobserved, there was one
+final deed which was the culmination of all that he had done before. Upon
+this he expended all that multitude of words, as he went through the
+decrees relating to the Amphisseans, in the hope of distorting the truth.
+But the truth cannot be distorted. It is impossible. Never will you wash
+away the stain of your actions there! You will not say enough for that!
+
+{141} I call upon all the gods and goddesses who protect this land of
+Attica, in the presence of you all, men of Athens; and upon Apollo of
+Pytho, the paternal deity[n] of this city, and I pray to them all, that if
+I should speak the truth to you--if I spoke it at that very time without
+delay, in the presence of the people, when first I saw this abominable man
+setting his hand to this business (for I knew it, I knew it at once),--
+that then they may give me good fortune and life: but if, to gratify my
+hatred or any private quarrel, I am now bringing a false accusation
+against this man, then they may take from me the fruition of every
+blessing.
+
+{142} Why have I uttered this imprecation with such vehemence and
+earnestness? Because, although I have documents, lying in the public
+archives, by which I will prove the facts clearly; although I know that
+you remember what was done; I have still the fear that he may be thought
+too insignificant a man to have done all the evil which he has wrought--as
+indeed happened before, when he caused the ruin of the unhappy Phocians by
+the false report which he brought home. {143} For the war at Amphissa,
+which was the cause of Philip's coming to Elateia, and of one being
+chosen[n] commander of the Amphictyons, who overthrew the fortunes of the
+Hellenes--_he_ it is who helped to get it up; he, in his sole person, is
+to blame for disasters to which no equal can be found. I protested at the
+time, and cried out, before the Assembly, 'You are bringing war into
+Attica, Aeschines--an Amphictyonic War.' But a packed group of his
+supporters refused to let me speak, while the rest were amazed, and
+imagined that I was bringing a baseless charge against him, out of
+personal animosity. {144} But what the true nature of these proceedings
+was, men of Athens--why this plan was contrived, and how it was executed--
+you must hear from me to-day, since you were prevented from doing so at
+the time. You will behold a business cunningly organized; you will advance
+greatly in your knowledge of public affairs; and you will see what
+cleverness there was in Philip.
+
+{145} Philip had no prospect of seeing the end of the war with you, or
+ridding himself of it, unless he could make the Thebans and Thessalians
+enemies of Athens. For although the war was being wretchedly and
+inefficiently conducted by your generals, he was nevertheless suffering
+infinite damage from the war itself and from the freebooters. The
+exportation of the produce of his country and the importation of what he
+needed were both impossible. {146} Moreover, he was not at that time
+superior to you at sea, nor could he reach Attica, if the Thessalians
+would not follow him, or the Thebans give him a passage through their
+country; and although he was overcoming in the field the generals whom you
+sent out, such as they were (for of this I say nothing), he found himself
+suffering from the geographical conditions themselves, and from the nature
+of the resources[n] which either side possessed. {147} Now if he tried to
+encourage either the Thessalians or the Thebans to march against you in
+order to further his own quarrel, no one, he thought, would pay any
+attention to him; but if he adopted their own common grounds of action and
+were chosen commander, he hoped to find it easier to deceive or to
+persuade them, as the case might be. What then does he do? He attempts
+(and observe with what skill) to stir up an Amphictyonic War, and a
+disturbance in connexion with the meeting of the Council. {148} For he
+thought that they would at once find that they needed his help, to deal
+with these. Now if one of his own or his allies' representatives on the
+Council[n] brought the matter forward, he thought that both the Thebans
+and the Thessalians would regard the proceeding with suspicion, and that
+all would be on their guard: but if it was an Athenian, sent by you, his
+adversaries, that did so, he would easily escape detection--as, in fact,
+happened. {149}* How then did he manage this? He hired Aeschines. No one,
+I suppose, either realized beforehand what was going on or guarded against
+it--that is how such affairs are usually conducted here; Aeschines was
+nominated a delegate to the Council; three or four people held up their
+hands for him, and he was declared elected. But when, bearing with him the
+prestige of this city, he reached the Amphictyons, he dismissed and closed
+his eyes to all other considerations, and proceeded to perform the task
+for which he had been hired. He composed and recited a story, in
+attractive language, of the way in which the Cirrhaean territory had come
+to be dedicated; {150} and with this he persuaded the members of the
+Council, who were unused to rhetoric and did not foresee what was about to
+happen, that they should resolve to make the circuit of the territory,[n]
+which the Amphisseans said they were cultivating because it was their own,
+while he alleged that it was part of the consecrated land. The Locrians
+were not bringing any suit against us, or taking any such action as (in
+order to justify himself) he now falsely alleges. You may know this from
+the following consideration. It was clearly impossible[n] for the Locrians
+to bring a suit against Athens to an actual issue, without summoning us.
+Who then served the summons upon us? Before what authority was it served?
+Tell us who knows: point to him. You cannot do so. It was a hollow and a
+false pretext of which you thus made a wrongful use. {151} While the
+Amphictyons were making the circuit of the territory in accordance with
+Aeschines' suggestion, the Locrians fell upon them and came near to
+shooting them all down with their spears; some of the members of the
+Council they even carried off with them. And now that complaints and
+hostilities had been stirred up against the Amphisseans, in consequence of
+these proceedings, the command was first held by Cottyphus, and his force
+was drawn from the Amphictyonic Powers alone. But since some did not come,
+and those who came did nothing, the men who had been suborned for the
+purpose--villains of long standing, chosen from the Thessalians and from
+the traitors in other States--took steps with a view to entrusting the
+affair to Philip, as commander, at the next meeting of the Council. {152}
+They had adopted arguments of a persuasive kind. Either, they said, the
+Amphictyons must themselves contribute funds, maintain mercenaries, and
+fine those who refused to do so; or they must elect Philip. To make a long
+story short, the result was that Philip was appointed. And immediately
+afterwards, having collected a force and crossed the Pass, ostensibly on
+his way to the territory of Cirrha, he bids a long farewell to the
+Cirrhaeans and Locrians, and seizes Elateia. {153} Now if the Thebans had
+not changed their policy at once, upon seeing this, and joined us, the
+trouble would have descended upon the city in full force, like a torrent
+in winter. As it was, the Thebans checked him for the moment; chiefly, men
+of Athens, through the goodwill of some Heavenly Power towards us; but
+secondarily, so far as it lay in one man's power, through me also. (_To
+the clerk_.) Now give me the decrees in question, and the dates of each
+proceeding; (_to the jury_) that you may know what trouble this abominable
+creature stirred up, unpunished. (_To the clerk_.) Read me the decrees.
+
+{154} [_The decrees of the Amphictyons are read_.]
+
+{155} (_To the clerk_.) Now read the dates of these proceedings. (_To the
+jury_.) They are the dates at which Aeschines was delegate to the Council.
+(_To the clerk_.) Read.
+
+[_The dates are read_.]
+
+{156} Now give me the letter which Philip sent to his allies in the
+Peloponnese, when the Thebans failed to obey his summons. For from this,
+too, you may clearly see that he concealed the real reason for his
+action--the fact that he was taking measures against Hellas and the
+Thebans and yourselves--and pretended to represent the common cause and
+the will of the Amphictyons. And the man who provided him with all these
+occasions and pretexts was Aeschines. (_To the clerk_.) Read.
+
+{157} [_Philip's letter is read_.]
+
+{158} You see that he avoids the mention of his own reasons for action,
+and takes refuge in those provided by the Amphictyons. Who was it that
+helped him to prepare such a case? Who put such pretexts at his disposal?
+Who is most to blame for the disasters that have taken place? Is it not
+Aeschines? And so, men of Athens, you must not go about saying that Hellas
+has suffered such things as these at the hands of one man.[n] I call Earth
+and Heaven to witness, that it was at the hands, not of one man, but of
+many villains in each State. {159} And of these Aeschines is one; and, had
+I to speak the truth without any reserve, I should not hesitate to
+describe him as the incarnate curse of all alike--men, regions or cities--
+that have been ruined since then. For he who supplied the seed is
+responsible for the crop. I wonder that you did not turn away your eyes at
+the very sight of him: but a cloud of darkness seems to hang between you
+and the truth.
+
+{160} I find that in dealing with the measures taken by Aeschines for the
+injury of his country, I have reached the time when I must speak of my own
+statesmanship in opposition to these measures; and it is fair that you
+should listen to this, for many reasons, but above all because it will be
+a shameful thing, if, when I have faced the actual realities of hard work
+for you, you will not even suffer the story of them to be told. {161} For
+when I saw the Thebans, and (I may almost say) yourselves as well, being
+led by the corrupt partisans of Philip in either State to overlook,
+without taking a single precaution against it, the thing which was really
+dangerous to both peoples and needed their utmost watchfulness--the
+unhindered growth of Philip's power; while, on the contrary, you were
+quite ready to entertain ill-feeling and to quarrel with one another; I
+kept unceasing watch to prevent this. Nor did I rely only on my own
+judgement in thinking that this was what your interest required. {162} I
+knew that Aristophon, and afterwards Eubulus, always wished to bring about
+this friendly union, and that, often as they opposed one another in other
+matters, they always agreed in this. Cunning fox! While they lived, you
+hung about them and flattered them; yet now that they are dead, you do not
+see that you are attacking them. For your censure of my policy in regard
+to Thebes is far more a denunciation of them than of me, since they were
+before me in approving of that alliance. {163} But I return to my previous
+point--that it was when Aeschines had brought about the war at Amphissa,
+and the others, his accomplices, had effectually helped him to create the
+ill-feeling against the Thebans, that Philip marched against us. For it
+was to render this possible that their attempt to throw the two cities
+into collision was made; and had we not roused ourselves a little before
+it was too late, we should never have been able to regain the lost ground;
+to such a length had these men carried matters. What the relations between
+the two peoples already were, you will know when you have heard these
+decrees and replies. (_To the clerk_.) Take these and read them.
+
+{164, 165} [_The decrees are read_.]
+
+{166} (_To the clerk_.) Now read the replies.
+
+{167} [_The replies are read_.]
+
+{168} Having established such relations between the cities, through the
+agency of these men, and being elated by these decrees and replies, Philip
+came with his army and seized Elateia, thinking that under no
+circumstances whatever should we and the Thebans join in unison after
+this. And though the commotion which followed in the city is known to you
+all, let me relate to you briefly just the bare facts.
+
+{169} It was evening, and one had come to the Prytanes[n] with the news
+that Elateia had been taken. Upon this they rose up from supper without
+delay; some of them drove the occupants out of the booths in the market-
+place and set fire to the wicker-work;[n] others sent for the generals and
+summoned the trumpeter; and the city was full of commotion. On the morrow,
+at break of day, the Prytanes summoned the Council to the Council-Chamber,
+while you made your way to the Assembly; and before the Council had
+transacted its business and passed its draft-resolution,[n] the whole
+people was seated on the hill-side.[n] {170} And now, when the Council had
+arrived, and the Prytanes had reported the intelligence which they had
+received, and had brought forward the messenger, and he had made his
+statement, the herald proceeded to ask, 'Who wishes to speak?' But no one
+came forward; and though the herald repeated the question many times,
+still no one rose, though all the generals were present, and all the
+orators, and the voice of their country was calling for some one to speak
+for her deliverance. For the voice of the herald, uttered in accordance
+with the laws, is rightly to be regarded as the common voice of our
+country. {171} And yet, if it was for those to come forward who wished for
+the deliverance of the city, all of you and all the other Athenians would
+have risen, and proceeded to the platform, for I am certain that you all
+wished for her deliverance. If it was for the wealthiest, the Three
+Hundred[n] would have risen; and if it was for those who had both these
+qualifications--loyalty to the city and wealth--then those would have
+risen, who subsequently made those large donations; for it was loyalty and
+wealth that led them so to do. {172} But that crisis and that day called,
+it seems, not merely for a man of loyalty and wealth, but for one who had
+also followed the course of events closely from the first, and had come to
+a true conclusion as to the motive and the aim with which Philip was
+acting as he was. For no one who was unacquainted with these, and had not
+scrutinized them from an early period, was any the more likely, for all
+his loyalty and wealth, to know what should be done, or to be able to
+advise you. {173} The man who was needed was found that day in me. I came
+forward and addressed you in words which I ask you to listen to with
+attention, for two reasons--first, because I would have you realize that I
+was the only orator or politician who did not desert his post as a loyal
+citizen in the hour of danger, but was found there, speaking and proposing
+what your need required, in the midst of the terror; and secondly, because
+by the expenditure of a small amount of time, you will be far better
+qualified for the future in the whole art of political administration.
+{174} My words then were these: 'Those who are unduly disturbed by the
+idea that Philip can count upon the support of Thebes do not, I think,
+understand the present situation. For I am quite sure that, if this were
+so, we should have heard of his being, not at Elateia, but on our own
+borders. At the same time, I understand quite well, that he has come to
+prepare the way for himself at Thebes. {175} Listen,' I said, 'while I
+tell you the true state of affairs. Philip already has at his disposal all
+the Thebans whom he could win over either by bribery or by deception; and
+those who have resisted him from the first and are opposing him now, he
+has no chance of winning. What then is his design and object in seizing
+Elateia? He wishes, by making a display of force in their neighbourhood
+and bringing up his army, to encourage and embolden his own friends, and
+to strike terror into his enemies, that so they may either concede out of
+terror what they now refuse, or may be compelled. {176} Now,' I said, 'if
+we make up our minds at the present moment to remember any ill-natured
+action which the Thebans may have done us, and to distrust them on the
+assumption that they are on the side of our enemies, we shall be doing, in
+the first place, just what Philip would pray for: and further, I am afraid
+that his present opponents may then welcome him, that all may
+philippize[n] with one consent, and that he and they may march to Attica
+together. If, however, you follow my advice, and give your minds to the
+problem before us, instead of to contentious criticism of anything that I
+may say, I believe that I shall be able to win your approval for my
+proposals, and to dispel the danger which threatens the city. {177} What
+then must you do? You must first moderate your present alarm, and then
+change your attitude, and be alarmed, all of you, for the Thebans. They
+are far more within the reach of disaster than we: it is they whom the
+danger threatens first. Secondly, those who are of military age, with the
+cavalry, must march to Eleusis,[n] and let every one see that you
+yourselves are in arms; in order that those who sympathize with you in
+Thebes may be enabled to speak in defence of the right, with the same
+freedom that their opponents enjoy, when they see that, just as those who
+are trying to sell their country to Philip have a force ready to help them
+at Elateia, so those who would struggle for freedom have you ready at hand
+to help them, and to go to their aid, if any one attacks them. {178} Next
+I bid you elect ten envoys, and give them full authority, with the
+generals, to decide the time of their own journey to Thebes, and to order
+the march of the troops. But when the envoys arrive in Thebes, how do I
+advise that they should handle the matter? I ask your special attention to
+this. They must require nothing of the Thebans--to do so at such a moment
+would be shameful; but they must undertake that we will go to their aid,
+if they bid us do so, on the ground that they are in extreme peril, and
+that we foresee the future better than they; in order that, if they accept
+our offer and take our advice, we may have secured our object, and our
+action may wear an aspect worthy of this city; or, if after all we are
+unsuccessful, the Thebans may have themselves to blame for any mistakes
+which they now make, while we shall have done nothing disgraceful or
+ignoble.' {179} When I had spoken these words, and others in the same
+strain, I left the platform. All joined in commending these proposals; no
+one said a word in opposition; and I did not speak thus, and then fail to
+move a motion; nor move a motion, and then fail to serve as envoy; nor
+serve as envoy, and then fail to persuade the Thebans. I carried the
+matter through in person from beginning to end, and gave myself up
+unreservedly to meet the dangers which encompassed the city. (_To the
+clerk_.) Bring me the resolution which was then passed.
+
+{180} But now, Aeschines, how would you have me describe your part, and
+how mine, that day? Shall I call myself, as you would call me by way of
+abuse and disparagement, _Battalus_?[n] and you, no ordinary hero even,
+but a real stage-hero, _Cresphontes_ or _Creon_,[n] or--the character
+which you cruelly murdered at Collytus[n]--_Oenomaus_? Then I, Battalus of
+Paeania, proved myself of more value to my country in that crisis than
+Oenomaus of Cothocidae. In fact you were of no service on any occasion,
+while I played the part which became a good citizen throughout. (_To the
+clerk_.) Read this decree.
+
+{181-7} [_The decree of Demosthenes is read_.]
+
+{188} This was the first step towards our new relations with Thebes, and
+the beginning of a settlement. Up to this time the cities had been
+inveigled into mutual hostility, hatred, and mistrust by these men. But
+this decree caused the peril that encompassed the city to pass away like a
+cloud. It was for an honest citizen, if he had any better plan than mine,
+to make it public at the time, instead of attacking me now. {189} The true
+counsellor and the dishonest accuser, unlike as they are in everything,
+differ most of all in this: the one declares his opinion before the event,
+and freely surrenders himself as responsible, to those who follow his
+advice, to Fortune, to circumstances, to any one.[n] The other is silent
+when he ought to speak, and then carps at anything untoward that may
+happen. {190} That crisis, as I have said, was the opportunity for a man
+who cared for his country, the opportunity for honest speaking. But so
+much further than I need will I go, that if any one can _now_ point to any
+better course--or any course at all except that which I chose--I admit my
+guilt. If any one has discovered any course to-day, which would have been
+for our advantage, had we followed it at the time, I admit that it ought
+not to have escaped me. But if there neither is nor was such a
+possibility; if even now, even to-day, no one can mention any such course,
+what was the counsellor of the people to do? Had he not to choose the best
+of the plans which suggested themselves and were feasible? {191} This I
+did. For the herald asked the question, Aeschines, 'Who wishes to speak?'
+not 'Who wishes to bring accusations about the past?' nor 'Who wishes to
+guarantee the future?' And while you sat speechless in the Assembly
+throughout that period, I came forward and spoke. Since, however, you did
+not do so then, at least inform us now, and tell us what words, which
+should have been upon my lips, were left unspoken, what precious
+opportunity, offered to the city, was left unused, by me? What alliance
+was there, what course of action, to which I ought, by preference, to have
+guided my countrymen?
+
+{192} But with all mankind the past is always dismissed from
+consideration, and no one under any circumstances proposes to deliberate
+about it. It is the future or the present that make their call upon a
+statesman's duty. Now at that time the danger was partly in the future,
+and partly already present; and instead of cavilling disingenuously at the
+results, consider the principle of my policy under such circumstances. For
+in everything the final issue falls out as Heaven wills; but the principle
+which he follows itself reveals the mind of the statesman. {193} Do not,
+therefore, count it a crime on my part, that Philip proved victorious in
+the battle. The issue of that event lay with God, not with me. But show me
+that I did not adopt every expedient that was possible, so far as human
+reason could calculate; that I did not carry out my plan honestly and
+diligently, with exertions greater than my strength could bear; or that
+the policy which I initiated was not honourable, and worthy of Athens, and
+indeed necessary: and then denounce me, but not before. {194} But if the
+thunderbolt [or the storm] which fell has proved too mighty, not only for
+us, but for all the other Hellenes, what are we to do? It is as though a
+ship-owner, who had done all that he could to ensure safety, and had
+equipped the ship with all that he thought would enable her to escape
+destruction, and had then met with a tempest in which the tackling had
+been strained or even broken to pieces, were to be held responsible for
+the wreck of the vessel. 'Why,' he would say, 'I was not steering the
+ship'--just as I was not the general[n]--'I had no power over Fortune: she
+had power over everything.' But consider and observe this point. {195} If
+it was fated that we should fare as we did, even when we had the Thebans
+to help us in the struggle, what must we have expected, if we had not had
+even them for our allies, but they had joined Philip?--and this was the
+object for which Philip employed[n] every tone that he could command. And
+if, when the battle took place, as it did, three days' march from Attica,
+the city was encompassed by such peril and terror, what should we have had
+to expect, if this same disaster had occurred anywhere within the borders
+of our own country? Do you realize that, as it was, a single day, and a
+second, and a third gave us the power to rally, to collect our forces, to
+take breath, to do much that made for the deliverance of the city: but
+that had it been otherwise--it is not well, however, to speak of things
+which we have not had to experience, thanks to the goodwill of one of the
+gods, and to the protection which the city obtained for herself in this
+alliance, which you denounce.
+
+{196} The whole of this long argument, gentlemen of the jury, is addressed
+to yourselves and to the circle of listeners outside the bar; for to this
+despicable man it would have been enough to address a short, plain
+sentence. If to you alone, Aeschines, the future was clear, before it
+came, you should have given warning, when the city was deliberating upon
+the subject; but if you had no such foreknowledge, you have the same
+ignorance to answer for as others. Why then should you make these charges
+against me, any more than I against you? {197} For I have been a better
+citizen than you with regard to this very matter of which I am speaking--I
+am not as yet talking of anything else--just in so far as I gave myself up
+to the policy which all thought expedient, neither shrinking from nor
+regarding any personal risk; while you neither offered any better
+proposals than mine (for then they would not have followed mine), nor yet
+made yourself useful in advancing mine in any way. What the most worthless
+of men, the bitterest enemy of the city, would do, you are found to have
+done, when all was over; and at the same time as the irreconcilable
+enemies of the city, Aristratus in Naxos, and Aristoleos in Thasos, are
+bringing the friends of Athens to trial, Aeschines, in Athens itself, is
+accusing Demosthenes. {198} But surely one who treasured up[n] the
+misfortunes of the Hellenes, that he might win glory from them for
+himself, deserved to perish rather than to stand as the accuser of
+another; and one who has profited by the very same crisis as the enemies
+of the city cannot possibly be loyal to his country. You prove it,
+moreover, by the life you live, the actions you do, the measures you take
+--and the measures, too, that you do not take. Is anything being done
+which seems advantageous to the city? Aeschines is speechless. Has any
+obstruction, any untoward event occurred? There you find Aeschines, like a
+rupture or a sprain, which wakes into life, so soon as any trouble
+overtakes the body.
+
+{199} But since he bears so hardly upon the results, I desire to say what
+may even be a paradox; and let no one, in the name of Heaven, be amazed at
+the length to which I go, but give a kindly consideration to what I say.
+Even if what was to come was plain to all beforehand; even if all foreknew
+it; even if you, Aeschines, had been crying with a loud voice in warning
+and protestation--you who uttered not so much as a sound; even then, I
+say, it was not right for the city to abandon her course, if she had any
+regard for her fame, or for our forefathers, or for the ages to come.
+{200} As it is, she is thought, no doubt, to have failed to secure her
+object--as happens to all alike, whenever God wills it: but then, by
+abandoning in favour of Philip her claim to take the lead of others, she
+must have incurred the blame of having betrayed them all. Had she
+surrendered without a struggle those claims in defence of which our
+forefathers faced every imaginable peril, who would not have cast scorn
+upon you, Aeschines--upon you, I say; not, I trust, upon Athens nor upon
+me? {201} In God's name, with what faces should we have looked upon those
+who came to visit the city, if events had come round to the same
+conclusion as they now have--if Philip had been chosen as commander and
+lord of all, and we had stood apart, while others carried on the struggle
+to prevent these things; and that, although the city had never yet in time
+past preferred an inglorious security to the hazardous vindication of a
+noble cause? {202} What Hellene, what foreigner, does not know, that the
+Thebans, and the Spartans, who were powerful still earlier, and the
+Persian king would all gratefully and gladly have allowed Athens to take
+what she liked and keep all that was her own, if she would do the bidding
+of another, and let another take the first place in Hellas? {203} But this
+was not, it appears, the tradition of the Athenians; it was not tolerable;
+it was not in their nature. From the beginning of time no one had ever yet
+succeeded in persuading the city to throw in her lot with those who were
+strong, but unrighteous in their dealings, and to enjoy the security of
+servitude. Throughout all time she has maintained her perilous struggle
+for pre-eminence, honour, and glory. {204} And this policy you look upon
+as so lofty, so proper to your own national character, that, of your
+forefathers also, it is those who have acted thus that you praise most
+highly. And naturally. For who would not admire the courage of those men,
+who did not fear to leave their land[n] and their city, and to embark upon
+their ships, that they might not do the bidding of another; who chose for
+their general Themistocles (who had counselled them thus), and stoned
+Cyrsilus to death, when he gave his voice for submission to a master's
+orders--and not him alone, for your wives stoned his wife also to death.
+{205} For the Athenians of that day did not look for an orator or a
+general who would enable them to live in happy servitude; they cared not
+to live at all, unless they might live in freedom. For every one of them
+felt that he had come into being, not for his father and his mother alone,
+but also for his country. And wherein lies the difference? He who thinks
+he was born for his parents alone awaits the death which destiny assigns
+him in the course of nature: but he who thinks he was born for his country
+also will be willing to die, that he may not see her in bondage, and will
+look upon the outrages and the indignities that he must needs bear in a
+city that is in bondage as more to be dreaded than death.
+
+{206} Now were I attempting to argue that _I_ had induced you to show a
+spirit worthy of your forefathers, there is not a man who might not rebuke
+me with good reason. But in fact, I am declaring that such principles as
+these are your own; I am showing that _before_ my time the city displayed
+this spirit, though I claim that I, too, have had some share, as your
+servant, in carrying out your policy in detail. {207} But in denouncing
+the policy as a whole, in bidding you be harsh with me, as one who has
+brought terrors and dangers upon the city, the prosecutor, in his
+eagerness to deprive me of my distinction at the present moment, is trying
+to rob you of praises that will last throughout all time. For if you
+condemn the defendant on the ground that my policy was not for the best,
+men will think that your own judgement has been wrong, and that it was not
+through the unkindness of fortune that you suffered what befell you. {208}
+But it cannot,[n] it cannot be that you were wrong, men of Athens, when
+you took upon you the struggle for freedom and deliverance. No! by those
+who at Marathon bore the brunt of the peril--our forefathers. No! by those
+who at Plataeae drew up their battle-line, by those who at Salamis, by
+those who off Artemisium fought the fight at sea, by the many who lie in
+the sepulchres where the People laid them, brave men, all alike deemed
+worthy by their country, Aeschines, of the same honour and the same
+obsequies--not the successful or the victorious alone! And she acted
+justly. For all these have done that which it was the duty of brave men to
+do; but their fortune has been that which Heaven assigned to each. {209}
+Accursed, poring pedant![n] if you, in your anxiety to deprive me of the
+honour and the kindness shown to me by my countrymen, recounted trophies
+and battles and deeds of long ago--and of which of them did this present
+trial demand the mention?--what spirit was I to take upon me, when I
+mounted the platform, I who came forward to advise the city how she should
+maintain her pre-eminence? Tell me, third-rate actor! The spirit of one
+who would propose things unworthy of this people? {210} I should indeed
+have deserved to die! For you too, men of Athens, ought not to judge
+private suits and public in the same spirit. The business transactions of
+everyday life must be viewed in the light of the special law and practice
+associated with each; but the public policy of statesmen must be judged by
+the principles that your forefathers set before them. And if you believe
+that you should act worthily of them, then, whenever you come into court
+to try a public suit, each of you must imagine that with his staff[n] and
+his ticket there is entrusted to him also the spirit of his country.
+
+{211} But I have entered upon the subject of your forefathers'
+achievements, and have passed over certain decrees and transactions. I
+desire, therefore, to return to the point from which I digressed.
+
+When we came to Thebes, we found envoys there from Philip, and from the
+Thessalians and his other allies--our friends in terror, his full of
+confidence. And to show you that I am not saying this now to suit my own
+purpose, read the letter which we, your envoys, dispatched without delay.
+{212} The prosecutor, however, has exercised the art of misrepresentation
+to so extravagant a degree, that he attributes to circumstances, not to
+me, any satisfactory result that was achieved; but for everything that
+fell out otherwise, he lays the blame upon me and the fortune that attends
+me. In his eyes, apparently, I, the counsellor and orator, have no share
+in the credit for what was accomplished as the result of oratory and
+debate; while I must bear the blame alone for the misfortunes which we
+suffered in arms, and as a result of generalship. What more brutal, more
+damnable misrepresentation can be conceived? (_To the clerk_.) Read the
+letter.
+
+[_The letter is read_.]
+
+{213} When they had convened the Assembly, they gave audience to the other
+side first, on the ground that they occupied the position of allies; and
+these came forward and delivered harangues full of the praises of Philip
+and of accusations against yourselves, recalling everything that you had
+ever done in opposition to the Thebans. The sum of it all was that they
+required the Thebans to show their gratitude for the benefits which they
+had received from Philip, and to exact the penalty for the injuries they
+had received from you, in whichever way they preferred--either by letting
+them march through their country against you, or by joining them in the
+invasion of Attica; and they showed (as they thought) that the result of
+the course which they advised would be that the herds and slaves and other
+valuables of Attica would find their way into Boeotia; while the result of
+what (as they alleged) you were about to propose would be that those of
+Boeotia would be plundered in consequence of the war. {214} They said much
+more, but all tending to the same effect. As for our reply, I would give
+my whole life to tell it you in detail; but I fear lest, now that those
+times have gone by, you may feel as if a very deluge[n] had overwhelmed
+all, and may regard anything that is said on the subject as vanity and
+vexation. But hear at least what we persuaded them to do, and their answer
+to us. (_To the clerk_.) Take this and read it.
+
+[_The answer of the Thebans is read_.]
+
+{215} After this they invited and summoned you; you marched; you went to
+their aid; and (to pass over the events which intervened) they received
+you in so friendly a spirit that while their infantry and cavalry were
+encamped outside the walls,[n] they welcomed your troops into their
+houses, within the city, among their children and wives, and all that was
+most precious to them. Three eulogies did the Thebans pronounce upon you
+before the world that day, and those of the most honourable kind--the
+first upon your courage, the second upon your righteousness, the third
+upon your self-control. For when they chose to side with you in the
+struggle, rather than against you, they judged that your courage was
+greater, and your requests more righteous, than Philip's; and when they
+placed in your power what they and all men guard most jealously, their
+children and wives, they showed their confidence in your self-control.
+{216} In all these points, men of Athens, your conduct proved that their
+judgement had been correct. For the force came into the city; but no one
+made a single complaint--not even an unfounded complaint--against you; so
+virtuously did you conduct yourselves. And twice you fought by their side,
+in the earliest battles-the battle by the river[n] and the winter-
+battle[n]--and showed yourselves, not only irreproachable, but even
+admirable, in your discipline, your equipment, and your enthusiasm. These
+things called forth expressions of thanks to you from other states, and
+sacrifices and processions to the gods from yourselves. {217} And I should
+like to ask Aeschines whether, when all this was happening, and the city
+was full of pride and joy and thanksgiving, he joined in the sacrifices
+and the rejoicing of the multitude, or whether he sat at home grieving and
+groaning and angry at the good fortune of his country. If he was present,
+and was seen in his place with the rest, surely his present action is
+atrocious--nay, even impious--when he asks you, who have taken an oath by
+the gods, to vote to-day that those very things were not excellent, of
+whose excellence he himself on that day made the gods his witnesses. If he
+was not present, then surely he deserves to die many times, for grieving
+at the sight of the things which brought rejoicing to others. (_To the
+clerk_.) Now read these decrees also.
+
+[_The decrees ordering sacrifices are read_.]
+
+{218} Thus we were occupied at that time with sacrifices, while the
+Thebans were reflecting how they had been saved by our help; and those
+who, in consequence of my opponents' proceedings, had expected that they
+would themselves stand in need of help, found themselves, after all,
+helping others, in consequence of the action they took upon my advice. But
+what the tone of Philip's utterance was, and how greatly he was confounded
+by what had happened, you can learn from his letter, which he sent to the
+Peloponnese. (_To the clerk_.) Take these and read them: (_to the jury_)
+that you may know what was effected by my perseverance, by my travels, by
+the hardships I endured, by all those decrees of which Aeschines spoke so
+disparagingly just now.
+
+{219} You have had, as you know, many great and famous orators, men of
+Athens, before my time--Callistratus himself, Aristophon, Cephalus,
+Thrasybulus, and a vast number of others. Yet not one of these ever gave
+himself up entirely to the State for any purpose: the mover of a decree
+would not serve as ambassador, the ambassador would not move the decree.
+Each left himself, at one and the same time, some respite from work, and
+somewhere to lay the blame,[n] in case of accidents. {220} 'Well,' some
+one may say, 'did _you_ so excel them in force and boldness, as to do
+everything yourself?' I do not say that. But so strong was my conviction
+of the seriousness of the danger that had overtaken the city, that I felt
+that I ought not to give my personal safety any place whatever in my
+thoughts; it was enough for a man to do his duty and to leave nothing
+undone. {221} And I was convinced with regard to myself--foolishly
+perhaps, but still convinced--that no mover would make a better proposal,
+no agent would execute it better, no ambassador would be more eager or
+more honest in his mission, than I. For these reasons, I assigned every
+one of these offices to myself. (_To the clerk_.) Read Philip's letters.
+
+[_Philip's letters are read_.]
+
+{222} To this condition, Aeschines, was Philip reduced by my
+statesmanship. This was the tone of his utterances, though before this he
+used to threaten the city with many a bold word. For this I was deservedly
+crowned by those here assembled, and though you were present, you offered
+no opposition; while Diondas, who indicted the proposer, did not obtain
+the necessary fraction of the votes. (_To the clerk_.) Read me these
+decrees, (_to the jury)_ which escaped condemnation, and which Aeschines
+did not even indict.
+
+[_The decrees are read_.]
+
+{223} These decrees, men of Athens, contain the very same syllables, the
+very same words, as those which Aristonicus previously employed in his
+proposal, and which Ctesiphon, the defendant, has employed now; and
+Aeschines neither prosecuted the proposer of them himself, nor supported
+the person who indicted him. Yet surely, if the charges which he is
+bringing against me to-day are true, he would have had better reason then
+for prosecuting Demomeles (the proposer of the decree) and Hypereides,
+than he has for prosecuting Ctesiphon. And why? {224} Because Ctesiphon
+can refer you to them--to the decision of the courts, to the fact that
+Aeschines himself did not accuse them, though they had moved exactly what
+he has moved now, to the prohibition by law of further prosecution in such
+cases, and to many other facts: whereas then the case would have been
+tried on its merits, before the defendant had got the advantage of any
+such precedent. {225} But of course it was impossible then for Aeschines
+to act as he has acted now--to select out of many periods of time long
+past, and many decrees, matters which no one either knew or thought would
+be mentioned to-day; to misrepresent them, to change the dates, to put
+false reasons for the actions taken in place of the true, and so appear to
+have a case. {226} At the time this was impossible. Every word spoken then
+must have been spoken with the truth in view, at no distance of time from
+the events, while you still remembered all the facts and had them
+practically at your fingers' ends. For that reason he evaded all
+investigation at the time; and he has come before you now, in the belief
+(I fancy) that you will make this a contest of oratory, instead of an
+inquiry into our political careers, and that it is upon our eloquence, not
+upon the interests of the city, that you will decide.
+
+{227} Yes, and he ingeniously suggests that you ought to disregard the
+opinion which you had of each of us when you left your homes and came into
+court; and that just as, when you draw up an account in the belief that
+some one has a balance, you nevertheless give way when you find that the
+counters all disappear[n] and leave nothing over, so now you should give
+your adhesion to the conclusion which emerges from the argument. Now
+observe how inherently rotten everything that springs from dishonesty
+seems to be. {228} By his very use of this ingenious illustration he has
+confessed that to-day, at all events, our respective characters are well
+established--that I am known to speak for my country's good, and he to
+speak for Philip. For unless that were your present conception of each of
+us, he would not have sought to change your view. {229} And further, I
+shall easily show you that it is not fair of him to ask you to alter this
+opinion--not by the use of counters--that is not how a political reckoning
+is made--but by briefly recalling each point to you, and treating you who
+hear me both as auditors of my account and witnesses to the facts. For
+that policy of mine which he denounces caused the Thebans, instead of
+joining Philip, as all expected them to do, in the invasion of our
+country, to range themselves by our side and stay his progress. {230} It
+caused the war to take place not in Attica, but on the confines of
+Boeotia, eighty miles from the city. Instead of our being harried and
+plundered by freebooters from Euboea, it gave peace to Attica from the
+side of the sea throughout the war. Instead of Philip's taking Byzantium
+and becoming master of the Hellespont, it caused the Byzantines to join us
+in the war against him. {231} Can such achievements, think you, be
+reckoned up like counters? Are we to cancel them out,[n] rather than
+provide that they shall be remembered for all time? I need not now add
+that it fell to others to taste the barbarity which is to be seen in every
+case in which Philip got any one finally into his power; while you reaped
+(and quite rightly) the fruits of the generosity which he feigned while he
+was bringing within his grasp all that remained. But I pass this over.
+
+{232} Nay, I will not even hesitate to say, that one who wished to review
+an orator's career straightforwardly and without misrepresentation, would
+not have included in his charges such matters as you just now spoke of--
+making up illustrations, and mimicking words and gestures. Of course the
+fortune which befell the Hellenes--surely you see this?--was entirely due
+to my using this word instead of that, or waving my hand in one direction
+rather than the other! {233} He would have inquired, by reference to the
+actual facts, what resources and what forces the city had at her command
+when I entered political life; what I subsequently collected for her when
+I took control; and what was the condition of our adversaries. Then if I
+had diminished our forces, he would have proved that the fault lay at my
+door; but if I had greatly increased them, he would have abstained from
+deliberate misrepresentation. But since you have avoided such an inquiry,
+I will undertake it; and do you, gentlemen, observe whether my argument is
+just.
+
+{234} The military resources of the city included the islanders--and not
+all, but only the weakest. For neither Chios nor Rhodes nor Corcyra was
+with us. Their contribution in money came to 45 talents, and these had
+been collected in advance.[n] Infantry and cavalry, besides our own, we
+had none. But the circumstance which was most alarming to us and most
+favourable to our enemies was that these men had contrived that all our
+neighbours should be more inclined to enmity than to friendship--the
+Megareans, the Thebans, and the Euboeans. {235} Such was the position of
+the city at the time; and what I say admits of no contradiction. Now
+consider the position of Philip, with whom our conflict lay. In the first
+place, he held absolute sway over his followers--and this for purposes of
+war is the greatest of all advantages. Next, his followers had their
+weapons in their hands always. Then he was well off for money, and did
+whatever he resolved to do, without giving warning of it by decrees, or
+debating about it in public, or being put on trial by dishonest accusers,
+or defending himself against indictments for illegality, or being bound to
+render an account to any one. He was himself absolute master, commander,
+and lord of all. {236} But I who was set to oppose him--for this inquiry
+too it is just to make--what had I under my control? Nothing! For, to
+begin with, the very right to address you--the only right I had--you
+extended to Philip's hirelings in the same measure as to me; and as often
+as they defeated me--and this frequently happened, whatever the reason on
+each occasion--so often you went away leaving a resolution recorded in
+favour of the enemy. {237} But in spite of all these disadvantages, I won
+for you the alliance of the Euboeans, Achaeans, Corinthians, Thebans,
+Megareans, Leucadians, and Corcyreans, from whom were collected--apart
+from their citizen-troops--15,000 mercenaries and 2,000 cavalry. {238} And
+I instituted a money-contribution, on as large a scale as I could. But if
+you refer,[n] Aeschines, to what was fair as between ourselves and the
+Thebans or the Byzantines or the Euboeans--if at this time you talk to us
+of equal shares--you must be ignorant, in the first place, of the fact
+that in former days also, out of those ships of war, three hundred [n] in
+all, which fought for the Hellenes, Athens provided two hundred, and did
+not think herself unfairly used, or let herself be seen arraigning those
+who had counselled her action, or taking offence at the arrangement. It
+would have been shameful. No! men saw her rendering thanks to Heaven,
+because when a common peril beset the Hellenes, she had provided double as
+much as all the rest to secure the deliverance of all. {239} Moreover, it
+is but a hollow benefit that you are conferring upon your countrymen by
+your dishonest charges against me. Why do you tell them _now_, what course
+they ought to have taken? Why did you not propose such a course at the
+time (for you were in Athens, and were present) if it was possible in the
+midst of those critical times, when we had to accept, not what we chose,
+but what circumstances allowed; since there was one at hand, bidding
+against us, and ready to welcome those whom we rejected, and to pay them
+into the bargain.
+
+{240} But if I am accused to-day, for what I have actually done, what if
+at the time I had haggled over these details, and the other states had
+gone off and joined Philip, and he had become master at once of Euboea and
+Thebes and Byzantium? What do you think these impious men would then have
+done? {241} What would they have said? Would they not have declared that
+the states had been surrendered? that they had been driven away, when they
+wished to be on your side? 'See,' they would have said (would they not?),
+'he has obtained through the Byzantines the command of the Hellespont and
+the control of the corn trade of Hellas; and through the Thebans a trying
+border war has been brought into Attica; and owing to the pirates who sail
+from Euboea, the sea has become unnavigable,' and much more in addition.
+{242} A villainous thing, men of Athens, is the dishonest accuser always--
+villainous, and in every way malignant and fault-finding! Aye, and this
+miserable creature is a fox by nature, that has never done anything honest
+or gentlemanly--a very tragical ape, a clodhopping Oenomaus, a counterfeit
+orator! {243} Where is the profit to your country from your cleverness? Do
+you instruct us now about things that are past? It is as though a doctor,
+when he was paying his visits to the sick, were to give them no advice or
+instructions to enable them to become free from their illness, but, when
+one of his patients died and the customary offerings[n] were being paid
+him, were to explain, as he followed to the tomb, 'if this man had done
+such and such things, he would not have died.' Crazy fool! Do you tell us
+this _now_?
+
+{244} Nor again will you find that the defeat--if you exult at it, when
+you ought to groan, accursed man!--was determined by anything that was
+within my control. Consider the question thus. In no place to which I was
+sent by you as ambassador, did I ever come away defeated by the
+ambassadors of Philip--not from Thessaly nor from Ambracia, not from the
+Illyrians nor from the Thracian princes, not from Byzantium nor from any
+other place, nor yet, on the last occasion, from Thebes. But every place
+in which his ambassadors were defeated in argument, he proceeded to attack
+and subdue by force of arms. {245} Do you then require those places at
+_my_ hands? Are you not ashamed to jeer at a man as a coward, and in the
+same breath to require him to prove superior, by his own unaided efforts,
+to the army of Philip--and that with no weapons to use but words? For what
+else was at my disposal? I could not control the spirit of each soldier,
+or the fortune of the combatants, or the generalship displayed, of which,
+in your perversity, you demand an account from me. {246} No; but every
+investigation that can be made as regards those duties for which an orator
+should be held responsible, I bid you make. I crave no mercy. And what are
+those duties? To discern events in their beginnings, to foresee what is
+coming, and to forewarn others. These things I have done. Again, it is his
+duty to reduce to the smallest possible compass, wherever he finds them,
+the slowness, the hesitation, the ignorance, the contentiousness, which
+are the errors inseparably connected with the constitution of all city-
+states; while, on the other hand, he must stimulate men to unity,
+friendship, and eagerness to perform their duty. All these things I have
+done, and no one can discover any dereliction of duty on my part at any
+time. {247} If one were to ask any person whatever, by what means Philip
+had accomplished the majority of his successes, every one would reply that
+it was by means of his army, and by giving presents and corrupting those
+in charge of affairs. Now I had no control or command of the forces:
+neither, then, does the responsibility for anything that was done in that
+sphere concern me. And further, in the matter of being or not being
+corrupted by bribes, I have defeated Philip. For just as the bidder has
+conquered one who accepts his money, if he effects his purchase, so one
+who refuses to accept it [and is not corrupted] has conquered the bidder.
+In all, therefore, in which I am concerned, the city has suffered no
+defeat.
+
+{248} The justification, then, with which I furnished the defendant for
+such a motion as he proposed with regard to me, consisted (along with many
+other points) of the facts which I have described, and others like them. I
+will now proceed to that justification which all of you supplied. For
+immediately after the battle, the People, who knew and had seen all that I
+did, and now stood in the very midst of the peril and terror, at a moment
+when it would not have been surprising if the majority had shown some
+harshness towards me--the People, I say, in the first place carried my
+proposals for ensuring the safety of the city; and all the measures
+undertaken for its protection--the disposition of the garrisons, the
+entrenchments, the funds for the fortifications--were all provided for by
+decrees which I proposed. And, in the second place, when the People chose
+a corn-commissioner, out of all Athens they elected me. {249} Subsequently
+all those who were interested in injuring me combined, and assailed me
+with indictments, prosecutions after audit, impeachments, and all such
+proceedings--not in their own names at first, but through the agency of
+men behind whom, they thought, they would best be screened against
+recognition. For you doubtless know and remember that during the early
+part of that period I was brought to trial every day; and neither the
+desperation of Sosicles, nor the dishonest misrepresentations of
+Philocrates,[n] nor the frenzy of Diondas and Melantus, nor any other
+expedient, was left untried by them against me. And in all these trials,
+thanks to the gods above all, but secondarily to you and the rest of the
+Athenians, I was acquitted--and justly; for such a decision is in
+accordance both with truth and with the credit of jurors who have taken
+their oath, and given a verdict in conformity with it. {250} So whenever I
+was impeached, and you absolved me and did not give the prosecutor the
+necessary fraction of the votes, you were voting that my policy was the
+best. Whenever I was acquitted upon an indictment, it was a proof that my
+motion and proposals were according to law. Whenever you set your seal to
+my accounts at an audit, you confessed in addition that I had acted
+throughout with uprightness and integrity. And this being so, what epithet
+was it fitting or just that Ctesiphon should apply to my actions? Was it
+not that which he saw applied by the People, and by juries on their oath,
+and ratified by Truth in the judgement of all men?
+
+{251} 'Yes,' he replies, 'but Cephalus'[n] boast was a noble one--that he
+had never been indicted at all.' True, and a happy thing also it was for
+him. But why should one who has often been tried, but has never been
+convicted of crime, deserve to incur criticism any the more on that
+account? Yet in truth, men of Athens, so far as Aeschines is concerned, I
+too can make this noble boast that Cephalus made. For he has never yet
+preferred or prosecuted any indictment against me; so that by you at
+least, Aeschines, I am admitted to be no worse a citizen than Cephalus.
+
+{252} His want of feeling and his malignity may be seen in many ways, and
+not least in the remarks which he made about fortune. For my part, I think
+that, as a rule, when one human being reproaches another with his fortune,
+he is a fool. For when he who thinks himself most prosperous and fancies
+his fortune most excellent, does not know whether it will remain so until
+the evening, how can it be right to speak of one's fortune, or to taunt
+another with his? But since Aeschines adopts a tone of lofty superiority
+upon this as upon many other subjects, observe, men of Athens, how much
+more truthful and more becoming in a human being my own remarks upon
+Aeschines' fortune will be. {253} I believe that the fortune of this city
+is good; and I see that the God of Dodona also declares this to you
+through his oracle. But I think that the prevailing fortune of mankind as
+a whole to-day is grievous and terrible. For what man, Hellene or
+foreigner, has not tasted abundance of evil at this present time? {254}
+Now the fact that we chose the noblest course, and that we are actually
+better off than those Hellenes who expected to live in prosperity if they
+sacrificed us, I ascribe to the good fortune of the city. But in so far as
+we failed, in so far as everything did not fall out in accordance with our
+wishes, I consider that the city has received the share which was due to
+us of the fortune of mankind in general. {255} But my personal fortune,
+and that of every individual among us, ought, I think, in fairness to be
+examined with reference to our personal circumstances. That is my
+judgement with regard to fortune, and I believe (as I think you also do)
+that my judgement is correct and just. But Aeschines asserts that my
+personal fortune has more influence than the fortune of the city as a
+community--the insignificant and evil more than the good and important!
+How can this be?
+
+{256} If, however, you determine at all costs to scrutinize my fortune,
+Aeschines, then compare it with your own; and if you find that mine is
+better than yours, then cease to revile it. Examine it, then, from the
+very beginning. And, in Heaven's name, let no one condemn me for any want
+of good taste. For I neither regard one who speaks insultingly of poverty,
+nor one who prides himself on having been brought up in affluence, as a
+man of sense. But the slanders and misrepresentations of this unfeeling
+man oblige me to enter upon a discussion of this sort; and I will conduct
+it with as much moderation as the facts allow.
+
+{257} I then, Aeschines, had the advantage as a boy of attending the
+schools which became my position, and of possessing as much as one who is
+to do nothing ignoble owing to poverty must possess. When I passed out of
+boyhood, my life corresponded with my upbringing--I provided choruses and
+equipped warships; I paid the war-tax; I neglected none of the paths to
+distinction in public or private life, but gave my services both to my
+country and my friends; and when I thought fit to enter public life, the
+measures which I decided to adopt were of such a character that I have
+been crowned many times both by my country and by many other Hellenic
+peoples, while not even you, my enemies, attempt to say that my choice was
+not at least an honourable one. {258} Such is the fortune which has
+accompanied my life, and though I might say much more about it, I refrain
+from doing so, in my anxiety not to annoy any one by the expression of my
+pride. And you--the lofty personage, the despiser of others--what has been
+your fortune when compared with this?--the fortune, thanks to which you
+were brought up as a boy in the depths of indigence, in close attendance
+upon the school along with your father, pounding up the ink, sponging down
+the forms, sweeping the attendants' room,[n] occupying the position of a
+menial, not of a free-born boy! {259} Then, when you became a man, you
+used to read out the books[n] to your mother at her initiations, and help
+her in the rest of the hocus-pocus, by night dressing the initiated[n] in
+fawnskins, drenching them from the bowl, purifying them and wiping them
+down with the clay and the bran, and (when they were purified) bidding
+them stand up and say, 'The ill is done, the good begun,' priding yourself
+upon raising the shout of joy more loudly than any one had ever done
+before--and I can believe it, for, when his voice is so loud, you dare not
+imagine that his shout is anything but superlatively fine. {260} But by
+day you used to lead those noble companies through the streets, men
+crowned with fennel and white poplar,[n] throttling the puff-adders and
+waving them over your head, crying out 'Euoe, Saboe,'[n] and dancing to
+the tune of 'Hyes Attes, Attes Hyes'--addressed by the old hags as leader,
+captain, ivy-bearer, fan-bearer, and so on; and as the reward of your
+services getting sops and twists and barley-bannocks! Who would not
+congratulate himself with good reason on such things, and bless his own
+fortune? {261} But when you were enrolled among your fellow
+parishioners,[n] by whatever means (for of that I say nothing)--when, I
+say, you _were_ enrolled, you at once selected the noblest of occupations,
+that of a clerk and servant to petty magistrates. {262} And when at length
+you escaped from this condition also, after yourself doing all that you
+impute to others, you in no way--Heaven knows!--disgraced your previous
+record by the life which you subsequently lived; for you hired yourself
+out to the actors Simylus and Socrates--the Roarers, they were nicknamed
+--and played as a third-rate actor, collecting figs[n] and bunches of
+grapes and olives, like a fruiterer gathering from other peoples' farms,
+and getting more out of this than out of the dramatic competitions in
+which you were competing for your lives; for there was war without truce
+or herald between yourselves and the spectators; and the many wounds you
+received from them make it natural for you to jeer at the cowardice of
+those who have had no such experiences. {263} But I will pass over all
+that might be accounted for by your poverty, and proceed to my charges
+against your character itself. For you chose a line of political action
+(when at length it occurred to you to take up politics too), in pursuance
+of which, when your country's fortune was good, you lived the life of a
+hare, in fear and trembling, always expecting a thrashing for the crimes
+which lay on your conscience; whereas all have seen your boldness amid the
+misfortunes of others. {264} But when a man plucks up courage at the death
+of a thousand of his fellow citizens, what does he deserve to suffer at
+the hands of the living? I have much more to say about him, but I will
+leave it unsaid. It is not for me, I think, to mention lightly all the
+infamy and disgrace which I could prove to be connected with him, but only
+so much as it is not discreditable to myself to speak of.
+
+{265} And now review the history of your life and of mine, side by side--
+good temperedly, Aeschines, not unkindly: and then ask these gentlemen
+which fortune, of the two, each of them would choose. You taught letters;
+I attended school. You conducted initiations; I was initiated. You were a
+clerk; I a member of the Assembly: you, a third-rate actor, I a spectator
+of the play. You used to be driven from the stage, while I hissed. Your
+political life has all been lived for the good of our enemies, mine for
+the good of my country. {266} To pass over all besides, even on this very
+day, I am being examined with regard to my qualification for a crown--it
+is already admitted that I am clear of all crimes; while you have already
+the reputation of a dishonest informer, and for you the issue at stake is
+whether you are to continue such practices, or to be stopped once for all,
+through failing to obtain a fifth part of the votes. A good fortune
+indeed--can you not see?--is that which has accompanied your life, that
+you should denounce mine!
+
+{267} And now let me read to you the evidence of the public burdens which
+I have undertaken; and side by side with them, do you, Aeschines, read the
+speeches which you used to murder--
+
+  'I leave the abysm of death and gates of gloom,'[n]
+
+and
+
+  'Know that I am not fain ill-news to bring';
+
+and 'evil in evil wise',[n] may you be brought to perdition, by the gods
+above all, and then by all those here present, villainous citizen,
+villainous third-rate actor that you are. (_To the clerk_.) Read the
+evidence.
+
+[_The evidence is read_.]
+
+{268} Such was I in my relation to the State. And as to my private life,
+unless you all know that I was open-hearted and generous and at the
+disposal of all who had need of me, I am silent; I prefer to tell you
+nothing, and to produce no evidence whatever, to show whether I ransomed
+some from the enemy, or helped others to give their daughters in marriage,
+or rendered any such services. {269} For my principle may perhaps be
+expressed thus. I think that one who has received a kindness ought to
+remember it all his life; but that the doer of the kindness should forget
+it once for all; if the former is to behave like a good man, the latter
+like one free from all meanness. To be always recalling and speaking of
+one's own benefactions is almost like upbraiding the recipients of them. I
+will do nothing of the kind, and will not be led into doing so. Whatever
+be the opinion that has been formed of me in these respects, with that I
+am content.
+
+{270} But I desire to be rid of personal topics, and to say a little more
+to you about public affairs. For if, Aeschines, you can mention one of all
+those who dwell beneath the sun above us, Hellene or foreigner, who has
+not suffered under the absolute sway, first of Philip, and now of
+Alexander, so be it! I concede that it is my fortune or misfortune,
+whichever you are pleased to call it, that has been to blame for
+everything. {271} But if many of those who have never once even seen me or
+heard my voice have suffered much and terribly--and not individuals alone,
+but whole cities and nations--how much more just and truthful it is to
+regard the common fortune (as it seems to be) of all mankind, and a
+certain stubborn drift of events in the wrong direction, as the cause of
+these sufferings. {272} Such considerations, however, you discard. You
+impute the blame to me, whose political life has been lived among my own
+fellow countrymen--and that, though you know that your slander falls in
+part (if not entirely) upon all of them, and above all upon yourself. For
+if, when I took part in the discussion of public affairs, I had had
+absolute power, it would have been possible for all of you, the other
+orators, to lay the blame on me. {273} But if you were present at every
+meeting of the Assembly; if the city always brought forward questions of
+policy for public consideration; if at the time my policy appeared the
+best to every one, and above all to you (for it was certainly from no
+goodwill that you relinquished to me the hopes, the admiration, the
+honours, which all attached themselves to my policy at that time, but
+obviously because the truth was too strong for you, and you had nothing
+better to propose); then surely you are guilty of monstrous iniquity, in
+finding fault to-day with a policy, than which, at the time, you could
+propose nothing better. {274} Among all the rest of mankind, I observe
+that some such principles as the following have been, as it were,
+determined and ordained. If a man commits a deliberate crime, indignation
+and punishment are ordained against him. If he commits an involuntary
+mistake, instead of punishment, he is to receive pardon. If, without crime
+or mistake, one who has given himself up wholly to that which seems to be
+for the advantage of all has, in company with all, failed to achieve
+success, then it is just, not to reproach or revile such a man, but to
+sympathize with him. {275} Moreover, it will be seen that all these
+principles are not so ordained in the laws alone. Nature herself has laid
+them down in her unwritten law, and in the moral consciousness of mankind.
+Aeschines, then, has so far surpassed all mankind in brutality and in the
+art of misrepresentation, that he actually denounces me for things which
+he himself mentioned under the name of misfortunes.
+
+{276} In addition to everything else, as though he had himself always
+spoken straightforwardly and in loyalty, he bade you keep your eyes on me
+carefully, and make sure that I did not mislead or deceive you. He called
+me 'a clever speaker', 'a wizard', 'a sophist', and so on: just as if it
+followed that when a man had the first word and attributed his own
+qualities to another, the truth was really as he stated, and his hearers
+would not inquire further who he himself was, that said such things. But I
+am sure that you all know this man, and are aware that these qualities
+belong to him far more than to me. And again, {277} I am quite sure that
+my cleverness--yes, let the word pass; though I observe that the influence
+of a speaker depends for the most part on his audience; for in proportion
+to the welcome and the goodwill which you accord to each speaker is the
+credit which he obtains for wisdom;--I am sure, I say, that if I too
+possess any such skill, you will all find it constantly fighting on your
+behalf in affairs of State, never in opposition to you, never for private
+ends; while the skill of Aeschines, on the contrary, is employed, not only
+in upholding the cause of the enemy, but in attacking any one who has
+annoyed him or come into collision with him anywhere. He neither employs
+it uprightly, nor to promote the interests of the city. {278} For a good
+and honourable citizen ought not to require from a jury, who have come
+into court to represent the interests of the community, that they shall
+give their sanction to his anger, or his enmity, or any other such
+passion; nor ought he to come before you to gratify such feelings. It were
+best that he had no such passions in his nature at all; but if they are
+really inevitable, then he should keep them tame and subdued. Under what
+circumstances, then, should a politician and an orator show passion? {279}
+When any of the vital interests of his country are at stake; when it is
+with its enemies that the People has to deal: those are the circumstances.
+For then is the opportunity of a loyal and gallant citizen. But that when
+he has never to this day demanded my punishment, either in the name of the
+city or in his own, for any public--nor, I will add, for any private--
+crime, he should have come here with a trumped-up charge against the grant
+of a crown and a vote of thanks, and should have spent so many words upon
+it--that is a sign of personal enmity and jealousy and meanness, not of
+any good quality. {280} And that he should further have discarded every
+form of lawsuit against myself, and should have come here to-day to attack
+the defendant, is the very extremity of baseness. It shows, I think,
+Aeschines, that your motive in undertaking this suit was your desire, not
+to exact vengeance for any crime, but to give a display of rhetoric and
+elocution. Yet it is not his language, Aeschines, that deserves our esteem
+in an orator, nor the pitch of his voice, but his choice of the aims which
+the people chooses, his hatred or love of those whom his country loves or
+hates. {281} He whose heart is so disposed will always speak with loyal
+intent; but he who serves those from whom the city foresees danger to
+herself, does not ride at the same anchor as the People, and therefore
+does not look for safety to the same quarter. But I do, mark you! For I
+have made the interests of my countrymen my own, and have counted nothing
+as reserved for my own private advantage. What? {282} You have not done so
+either? How can that be, when immediately after the battle you went your
+way as an ambassador to Philip, the author of the calamities which befell
+your country at that time; and that, despite the fact that until then you
+always denied this intimacy[n] with him, as every one knows? But what is
+meant by a deceiver of the city? Is it not one who does not say what he
+thinks? Upon whom does the herald justly pronounce the curse? Is it not
+upon such a man as this? With what greater crime can one charge a man who
+is an orator, than that of saying one thing and thinking another? Such a
+man you have been found to be. {283} And after this do you open your
+mouth, or dare to look this audience in the face? Do you imagine that they
+do not know who you are? or that the slumber of forgetfulness has taken
+such hold upon them all, that they do not remember the speeches which you
+used to deliver during the war, when you declared with imprecations and
+oaths that you had nothing to do with Philip, and that I was bringing this
+accusation against you, when it was not true, to satisfy my personal
+enmity? {284} But so soon as the news of the battle had come, you thought
+no more of all this, but at once avowed and professed that you stood on a
+footing of friendship and guest-friendship with him; though these were
+nothing but your hireling-service under other names; for upon what honest
+or equal basis could Aeschines, the son of Glaucothea the tambourine--
+player,[n] enjoy the guest-friendship, or the friendship, or the
+acquaintance of Philip? I cannot see. In fact, you had been hired by him
+to ruin the interests of these your countrymen. And yet, though your own
+treason has been so plainly detected--though you have been an informer
+against yourself after the event--you still revile me, and reproach me
+with crimes of which, you will find, any one is more guilty than I.
+
+{285} Many a great and noble enterprise, Aeschines, did this city
+undertake and succeed in, inspired by me; and she did not forget them. It
+is a proof of this, that when, immediately after the event, the People had
+to elect one who should pronounce the oration over the dead, and you were
+nominated, they did not elect you, for all your fine voice, nor Demades,
+who had just negotiated the Peace, nor Hegemon,[n] nor any other member of
+your party: they elected me. And when you and Pythocles[n] came forward in
+a brutal and shameless fashion, God knows! and made the same charges
+against me as you are making again to-day, and abused me, the People
+elected me even more decidedly. {286} And the reason you know well; but I
+will tell it you nevertheless. They knew for themselves both the loyalty
+and zeal which inspired my conduct of affairs, and the iniquity of
+yourself and your friends. For what you denied with oaths when our cause
+was prosperous, you admitted in the hour of the city's failure; and those,
+accordingly, who were only enabled by the misfortunes of their country to
+express their views without fear, they decided to have been enemies of
+their own for a long while, though only then did they stand revealed.{287}
+And further, they thought that one who was to pronounce an oration over
+the dead, and to adorn their valour, should not have come beneath the same
+roof, nor shared the same libation,[n] as those who were arrayed against
+them; that he should not there join with those who with their own hands
+had slain them, in the revel[n] and the triumph-song over the calamities
+of the Hellenes, and then come home and receive honour--that he should not
+play the mourner over their fate with his voice, but should grieve for
+them in his heart. What they required they saw in themselves and in me,
+but not in you; and this was why they appointed me, and not any of you.
+{288} Nor, when the people acted thus, did the fathers and brothers of the
+slain, who were then publicly appointed to conduct the funeral, act
+otherwise. For since (in accordance with the ordinary custom) they had to
+hold the funeral-feast in the house of the nearest of kin, as it were, to
+the slain, they held it at my house, and with reason; for though by birth
+each was more nearly akin to his dead than I, yet none stood nearer to
+them all in common. For he who had their life and their success most at
+heart, had also, when they had suffered what I would they had not, the
+greatest share of sorrow for them all.
+
+(_To the clerk _) {289} Read him the epitaph which the city resolved to
+inscribe above them at the public cost; (_to Aeschines_) that even by
+these very lines, Aeschines, you may know that you are a man destitute of
+feeling, a dishonest accuser, an abominable wretch!
+
+
+  _The Inscription_.[n]
+
+  These for their country, fighting side by side,
+  By deeds of arms dispelled the foemen's pride.
+  heir lives they saved not, bidding Death make clear--
+  Impartial Judge!--their courage or their fear.
+  For Greece they fought, lest, 'neath the yoke brought low,
+  In thraldom she th' oppressor's scorn should know.
+  Now in the bosom of their fatherland
+  After their toil they rest--'tis God's command.
+  'Tis God's alone from failure free to live;[n]
+  Escape from Fate to no man doth He give.
+
+{290} Do you hear, Aeschines [in these very lines], 'Tis God's alone from
+failure free to live'? Not to the statesman has he ascribed the power to
+secure success for those who strive, but to the gods. Why then, accursed
+man, do you revile _me_, for our failure, in words which I pray the gods
+to turn upon the heads of you and yours?
+
+{291} But, even after all the other lying accusations which he has brought
+against me, the thing which amazed me most of all, men of Athens, was that
+when he mentioned what had befallen the city, he did not think of it as a
+loyal and upright citizen would have thought. He shed no tears; he felt no
+emotion of sorrow in his heart: he lifted up his voice, he exulted, he
+strained his throat, evidently in the belief that he was accusing me,
+though in truth he was giving us an illustration, to his own discredit, of
+the utter difference between his feelings and those of others, at the
+painful events which had taken place. {292} But surely one who professes,
+as Aeschines professes now, to care for the laws and the constitution,
+ought to show, if nothing else, at least that he feels the same griefs and
+the same joys as the People, and has not, by his political profession,
+ranged himself on the side of their opponents. That you have done the
+latter is manifest today, when you pretend that the blame for everything
+is mine, and that it is through me that the city was plunged in trouble:
+though it was not through my statesmanship or my policy, gentlemen, {293}
+that you began to help the Hellenes: for were you to grant me this--that
+it was through me that you had resisted the dominion which was being
+established over the Hellenes--you would have granted me a testimonial
+which all those that you have given to others together could not equal.
+But neither would I make such an assertion; for it would be unjust to you;
+nor, I am sure, would you concede its truth: and if Aeschines were acting
+honestly, he would not have been trying to deface and misrepresent the
+greatest of your glories, in order to satisfy his hatred towards me.
+
+{294} But why do I rebuke him for this, when he has made other lying
+charges against me, which are more outrageous by far? For when a man
+charges me--I call Heaven and Earth to witness!--with philippizing, what
+will he not say? By Heracles and all the gods, if one had to inquire
+truthfully, setting aside all calumny and all expression of animosity, who
+are in reality the men upon whose heads all would naturally and justly lay
+the blame for what has taken place, you would find that it was those in
+each city who resemble Aeschines, not those who resemble me. {295} For
+they, when Philip's power was weak and quite insignificant--when we
+repeatedly warned and exhorted you and showed you what was best--they, to
+satisfy their own avarice, sacrificed the interests of the community, each
+group deceiving and corrupting their own fellow citizens, until they
+brought them into bondage. Thus the Thessalians were treated by Daochus,
+Cineas, and Thrasydaeus; the Arcadians by Cercidas, Hieronymus and
+Eucampidas; the Argives by Myrtis, Teledamus, and Mnaseas; the Eleans by
+Euxitheus, Cleotimus and Aristaechmus; the Messenians by the sons of the
+godforsaken Philiadas--Neon and Thrasylochus; the Sicymians by Aristratus
+and Epichares; the Corinthians by Deinarchus and Demaretus; the Megareans
+by Ptoeodorus, Helixus and Perillus; the Thebans by Timolaus, Theogeiton,
+and Anemoetas; the Euboeans by Hipparchus and Sosistratus. {296} Daylight
+will fail me before the list of the traitors is complete. All these, men
+of Athens, are men who pursue the same designs in their own cities, as my
+opponents pursue among you--abominable men, flatterers, evil spirits, who
+have hacked the limbs each of his own fatherland, and like boon companions
+have pledged away their freedom, first to Philip and now to Alexander; men
+whose measure of happiness is their belly, and their lowest instincts;
+while as for freedom, and the refusal to acknowledge any man as lord--the
+standard and rule of good to the Hellenes of old--they have flung it to
+the ground.
+
+{297} Of this shameful and notorious conspiracy and wickedness--or rather
+(to speak with all earnestness, men of Athens), of this treason against
+the freedom of the Hellenes--Athens has been guiltless in the eyes of all
+men, in consequence of my statesmanship, as I have been guiltless in your
+eyes. And do you then ask me for what merits I count myself worthy to
+receive honour? I tell you that at a time when every politician in Hellas
+had been corrupted--beginning with yourself--[firstly by Philip, and now
+by Alexander], {298} no opportunity that offered, no generous language, no
+grand promises, no hopes, no fears, nor any other motive, tempted or
+induced me to betray one jot of what I believed to be the rights and
+interests of the city; nor, of all the counsel that I have given to my
+fellow countrymen, up to this day, has any ever been given (as it has by
+you) with the scales of the mind inclining to the side of gain, but all
+out of an upright, honest, uncorrupted soul. I have taken the lead in
+greater affairs than any man of my own time, and my administration has
+been sound and honest throughout all. {299} That is why I count myself
+worthy of honour. But as for the fortifications and entrenchments, for
+which you ridiculed me, I judge them to be deserving, indeed, of gratitude
+and commendation--assuredly they are so--but I set them far below my own
+political services. Not with stones, nor with bricks, did I fortify this
+city. Not such are the works upon which I pride myself most. But would you
+inquire honestly wherein my fortifications consist? You will find them in
+munitions of war, in cities, in countries, in harbours, in ships, in
+horses, and in men ready to defend my fellow countrymen. {300} These are
+the defences I have set to protect Attica, so far as by human calculation
+it could be done; and with these I have fortified our whole territory--not
+the circuit of the Peiraeus or of the city alone. Nor in fact, did _I
+_prove inferior to Philip in calculations--far from it!--or in
+preparations for war; but the generals of the confederacy,[n] and their
+forces, proved inferior to him in fortune. Where are the proofs of these
+things? They are clear and manifest. I bid you consider them.
+
+{301} What was the duty of a loyal citizen--one who was acting  with all
+forethought and zeal and uprightness for his country's good? Was it not to
+make Euboea the bulwark of Attica on the side of the sea, and Boeotia on
+that of the mainland, and on that of the regions towards the Peloponnese,
+our neighbours[n] in that direction? Was it not to provide for the corn-
+trade, and to ensure that it should pass along a continuously friendly
+coast all the way to the Peiraeus? {302} Was it not to preserve the places
+which were ours--Proconnesus, the Chersonese, Tenedos--by dispatching
+expeditions to aid them, and proposing and moving resolutions accordingly;
+and to secure the friendship and alliance of the rest--Byzantium,
+Tenedos, Euboea? Was it not to take away the greatest of the resources
+which the enemy possessed, and to add what was lacking to those of the
+city? {303} All this has been accomplished by my decrees and by the
+measures which I have taken; and all these measures, men of Athens, will
+be found by any one who will examine them without jealousy, to have been
+correctly planned, and executed with entire honesty: the opportunity for
+each step was not, you will find, neglected or left unrecognized or thrown
+away by me, and nothing was left undone, which it was within the power and
+the reasoning capacity of a single man to effect. But if the might of some
+Divine Power, or the inferiority of our generals, or the wickedness of
+those who were betraying your cities, or all these things together,
+continuously injured our whole cause, until they effected its overthrow,
+how is Demosthenes at fault? {304} Had there been in each of the cities of
+Hellas one man, such as I was, as I stood at my own post in your midst--
+nay, if all Thessaly and all Arcadia had each had but one man animated by
+the same spirit as myself--not one Hellenic people, either beyond or on
+this side of Thermopylae, would have experienced the evils which they now
+suffer. {305} All would have been dwelling in liberty and independence,
+free from all fears, secure and prosperous, each in their own land,
+rendering thanks for all these great blessings to you and the rest of the
+Athenian people, through me. But that you may know that in my anxiety to
+avoid jealousy, I am using language which is far from adequate to the
+actual facts, (_to the clerk_) read me this; and take and recite the list
+of the expeditions sent out in accordance with my decrees.
+
+[_The list of expeditions is read]_
+
+{306} These measures, and others like them, Aeschines, were the measures
+which it was the duty of a loyal and gallant citizen to take. If they were
+successful, it was certain that we should be indisputably the strongest
+power, and that with justice as well as in fact: and now that they have
+resulted otherwise, we are left with at least an honourable name. No man
+casts reproach either upon the city, or upon the choice which she made:
+they do but upbraid Fortune, who decided the issue thus. {307} It was not,
+God knows, a citizen's duty to abandon his country's interests, to sell
+his services to her opponents, and cherish the opportunities of the enemy
+instead of those of his country. Nor was it, on the one hand, to show his
+malice against the man who had faced the task of proposing and moving
+measures worthy of the city, and persisting in that intention; while, on
+the other hand, he remembered and kept his eyes fixed upon any private
+annoyance which another had caused him: nor was it to maintain a wicked
+and festering inactivity, as you so often do. {308} Assuredly there is an
+inactivity that is honest and brings good to the State--the inactivity
+which you,[n] the majority of the citizens, observe in all sincerity. But
+that is not the inactivity of Aeschines. Far from it! He, on the contrary,
+retires just when he chooses, from public life (and he often chooses to do
+so), that he may watch for the moment when you will be sated with the
+continual speeches of the same adviser, or when fortune has thrown some
+obstacle in your path, or some other disagreeable event has happened (for
+in the life of man many things are possible); and then, when such an
+opportunity comes, suddenly, like a gale of wind, out of his retirement he
+comes forth an orator, with his voice in training, and his phrases and his
+sentences collected; and these he strings together lucidly, without
+pausing for breath, though they bring with them no profit, no accession of
+anything good, but only calamity to one or another of his fellow citizens,
+and shame to all alike. {309} Surely, Aeschines, if all this practice and
+study sprang from an honest heart, resolved to pursue the interests of
+your country, the fruits of it should have been noble and honourable and
+profitable to all--alliances of cities, supplies of funds, opening of
+ports,[n] enactment of beneficial laws, acts of opposition to our proved
+enemies. {310} It was for all such services that men looked in bygone
+days; and the past has offered, to any loyal and gallant citizen, abundant
+opportunities of displaying them: but nowhere in the ranks of such men
+will you ever be found to have stood--not first, nor second, nor third,
+nor fourth, nor fifth, nor sixth, nor in any position whatsoever; at
+least, not in any matters whereby your country stood to gain. {311} For
+what alliance has the city gained by negotiations of yours? What
+assistance, what fresh access of goodwill or fame? What diplomatic or
+administrative action of yours has brought new dignity to the city? What
+department of our home affairs, or our relations with Hellenic and foreign
+states, over which you have presided, has shown any improvement? Where are
+your ships? Where are your munitions of war? Where are your dockyards?
+Where are the walls that you have repaired? Where are your cavalry? Where
+in the world _is_ your sphere of usefulness? What pecuniary assistance
+have you ever given, as a good and generous fellow citizen,[n] either to
+rich or poor? {312} 'But, my good sir, 'you say, 'if I have done none of
+these things, I have at least given my loyalty and goodwill.' Where? When?
+Why, even at a time when all who ever opened their lips upon the platform
+contributed voluntarily to save the city, till, last of all, Aristonicus
+gave what he had collected to enable him to regain his civil rights--even
+then, most iniquitous of men! you never came forward or made any
+contribution whatever: and assuredly it was not from poverty, when you had
+inherited more than five talents out of the estate of your father-in-law
+Philo, and had received two talents subscribed by the leaders of the Naval
+Boards,[n] for your damaging attack upon my Naval Law.[n] {313} But I will
+say no more about this, lest by passing from subject to subject I should
+break away from the matter in hand. It is at least plain that your failure
+to contribute was not due to your poverty, but to your anxiety to do
+nothing in opposition to those whose interest is the guide of your whole
+public life. On what occasions, then, do your spirit and your brilliancy
+show themselves? When something must be done to injure your fellow
+countrymen--then your voice is most glorious, your memory most perfect;
+then you are a prince of actors, a Theocrines[n] on the tragic stage!
+
+{314} Again, you have recalled the gallant men of old, and you do well to
+do so. Yet it is not just, men of Athens, to take advantage of the good
+feeling which you may be relied upon to entertain towards the dead, in
+order to examine me before you by their standard, and compare me, who am
+still living amongst you, with them. {315} Who in all the world does not
+know that against the living there is always more or less of secret
+jealousy, while none, not even their enemies, hate the dead any more? And
+am I, in spite of this law of nature, to be judged and examined to-day by
+the standard of those who were before me? By no means! It would be neither
+just nor fair, Aeschines. But let me be compared with yourself, or with
+any of those who have adopted the same policy as yourself, and are still
+alive. {316} And consider this also. Which of these alternatives is the
+more honourable? Which is better for the city?--that the good services
+done by men of former times--tremendous, nay even beyond all description
+though they may be--should be made an excuse for exposing to ingratitude
+and contumely those that are rendered to the present generation? or that
+all who act in loyalty should have a share in the honours and the kindness
+which our fellow citizens dispense? {317} Aye, and (if I must say this
+after all) the policy and the principles which I have adopted will be
+found, if rightly viewed, to resemble and to have the same aims as those
+of the men who in that age received praise; while yours resemble those of
+the dishonest assailants of such persons in those days. For in their time
+also there were obviously persons who disparaged the living and praised
+the men of old, acting in the same malicious way as yourself. {318} Do you
+say then, that I am in no way like them? But are you like them, Aeschines?
+or your brother? or any other orator of the present day? For my part, I
+should say, 'None.' Nay, my good sir--to use no other epithet--compare the
+living with the living, their contemporaries, as men do in every other
+matter, whether they are comparing poets or choruses or competitors in the
+games. {319} Because Philammon was not so powerful as Glaucus of
+Carystus[n] and some other athletes of former times, he did not leave
+Olympia uncrowned: but because he fought better than all who entered
+against him, he was crowned and proclaimed victor. Do you likewise examine
+me beside the orators of the day--beside yourself, beside any one in the
+world that you choose. {320} I fear no man's rivalry. For, while the city
+was still free to choose the best course, and all alike could compete with
+one another in loyalty to their country, I was found the best adviser of
+them all. It was by my laws, by my decrees, by my diplomacy, that all was
+effected. Not one of your party appeared anywhere, unless some insult was
+to be offered to your fellow countrymen. But when there happened, what I
+would had never happened--when it was not statesmen that were called to
+the front, but those who would do the bidding of a master, those who were
+anxious to earn wages by injuring their country, and to flatter a
+stranger--then, along with every member of your party, you were found at
+your post, the grand and resplendent owner of a stud;[n] while I was weak,
+I confess, yet more loyal to my fellow countrymen than you. {321} Two
+characteristics, men of Athens, a citizen of a respectable character (for
+this is perhaps the least invidious phrase that I can apply to myself)
+must be able to show: when he enjoys authority, he must maintain to the
+end the policy whose aims are noble action and the pre-eminence of his
+country: and at all times and in every phase of fortune he must remain
+loyal. For this depends upon his own nature; while his power and his
+influence are determined by external causes. And in me, you will find,
+this loyalty has persisted unalloyed. For mark this. {322} Not when my
+surrender was demanded, not when I was called to account before the
+Amphictyons, not in face either of threats or of promises, not when these
+accursed men were hounded on against me like wild beasts, have I ever been
+false to my loyalty towards you. For from the very first, I chose the
+straight and honest path in public life: I chose to foster the honour, the
+supremacy, the good name of my country, to seek to enhance them, and to
+stand or fall with them. {323} I do not walk through the market, cheerful
+and exultant over the success of strangers, holding out my hand and giving
+the good tidings to any whom I expect to report my conduct yonder, but
+shuddering, groaning, bowing myself to the earth, when I hear of the
+city's good fortune, as do these impious men, who make a mock of the city
+--not remembering that in so doing they are mocking themselves--while they
+direct their gaze abroad, and, whenever another has gained success through
+the failure of the Hellenes, belaud that state of things, and declare that
+we must see that it endures for all time.
+
+{324} Never, O all ye gods, may any of you consent to their desire! If it
+can be, may you implant even in these men a better mind and heart. But if
+they are verily beyond all cure, then bring them and them alone to utter
+and early destruction, by land and sea. And to us who remain, grant the
+speediest release from the fears that hang over us, and safety that naught
+can shake!
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] Some writers suppose that it was at the meeting in the spring of 339.
+The evidence is not conclusive, but appears to point to the date given
+here.
+
+
+
+
+NOTES
+
+
+ON THE NAVAL BOARDS
+
+Sec. 1. _who praise your forefathers_. The advocates of war with Persia had
+doubtless appealed to the memory of Marathon and Salamis, and the old
+position of Athens as the champion of Greece against Persia.
+
+Sec. 10, 11. The argument is this: 'If a war with Persia needed a special
+kind of force, we could not prepare for it without being detected: but as
+all wars need the same kind of force, our preparations need rouse no
+suspicion in Persia particularly.'
+
+_acknowledged foes_: i.e. probably Thebes, or the revolted allies of
+Athens, with whom a disadvantageous peace had, perhaps, just been made. It
+is not, however, impossible that Philip also is in the orator's mind; for
+though at the time he was probably engaged in war with the Illyrians and
+Paeonians, his quarrel with Athens in regard to Amphipolis had not been
+settled. The Olynthians may also be thought of. (See Introd. to Phil. I
+and Olynthiacs.)
+
+Sec. 12. _rhapsodies_. The rhapsodes who went about Greece reciting Homer and
+other poets had lost the distinction they once enjoyed, and 'rhapsody'
+became a synonym for idle declamation.
+
+Sec. 14. _a bold speech_: i.e. a demand for instant war, helped out by
+rhetorical praises of the men of old.
+
+Sec. 16. _unmarried heiresses and orphans_. These would be incapable of
+discharging the duties of the trierarchy, though their estates were liable
+for the war-tax. Partners were probably exempted, when none of them
+possessed so large a share in the common property as would render him
+liable for trierarchy.
+
+_property outside Attica_. According to the terms made by Athens with her
+allies when the 'Second Delian League' was formed in 378, Athens undertook
+that no Athenian should hold property in an allied State. But this
+condition had been broken, and the multiplication of Athenian estates
+[Greek: _kl_erhouchiai_] in allied territories had been one of the causes
+of the war with the allies.
+
+_unable to contribute_: e. g. owing to no longer possessing the estate
+which he had when the assessment was made.
+
+Sec. 17. _to associate, &c_. The sections which contained a very rich man
+were to have poor men included in it, so that the total wealth of every
+section might be the same, and the distribution of the burden between the
+sections fair.
+
+Sec. 18. _the first hundred, &c_. Demosthenes thinks of the fleet as
+composed, according to need, of 100, 200, or 300 vessels, and treats each
+hundred as a separate squadron, to be separately divided among the Boards.
+
+_by lot_. In this and other clauses of his proposal, Demosthenes
+stipulates for the use of the lot ([Greek: _sunkl_er_osai_], [Greek:
+epikl_erosai]) to avoid all unfair selection. It is only in the
+distribution of duties among the smaller sections within each Board that
+assignment by arrangement ([Greek: _apodounai_], a word suggesting
+distribution according to fitness or convenience) is to be allowed.
+
+Sec. 19. _taxable capital_ ([Greek: _tim_ema_]). The war-tax and the
+trierarchic burdens were assessed on a valuation of the contributor's
+property. Upon this valuation of his taxable capital he paid the
+percentage required. (The old view that he was taxed not upon his capital,
+as valued, but upon a fraction of it varying with his wealth, rests upon
+an interpretation of passages in the Speeches against Aphobus, which is
+open to grave question.) The total amount of the single valuations was the
+'estimated taxable capital of the country' ([Greek: _tim_ema t_es
+ch_oras_]). This, in the case of the trierarchy, would be the aggregate
+amount of the valuations of the 1,200 wealthiest men, viz. 6,000 talents.
+(Of course the capital taxable for the war-tax would be considerably
+larger. Even at a time when the prosperity of Attica was much lower, in
+378-377 B.C., it was nearly 6,000 talents, according to Polybius, ii. 62.
+6.)
+
+Sec. 20. A tabular statement will make this plain:--
+
+                   _Persons         _Total capital taxable
+  _Ships_.       responsible_.          for each ship_.
+
+    100              12                     60 tal.
+    200               6                     30  "
+    300               4                     20  "
+
+The percentage payable on the taxable capital was of course higher, the
+larger the number of ships required. Each ship appears to have cost on the
+average a talent to equip. The percentages in the three cases contained in
+the table would therefore be 1-2/3, 3-1/3, and 5, respectively. (Compare Sec.
+27.)
+
+Sec. 21. _fittings ... in arrear_. Apparently former trierarchs had not
+always given back the fittings of their vessels, which had either been
+provided at the expense of the State, or lent to the trierarchs by the
+State.
+
+Sec. 23. _wards_ ([Greek: _trittyes_]). The trittys or ward was one-third of
+a tribe.
+
+Sec. 25. _you see ... city_. The Assembly met on the Pnyx, whence there was a
+view of the Acropolis and of the greater part of the ancient city.
+
+_prophets_. The Athenian populace seems always to have been liable to the
+influence of soothsayers, who professed to utter oracles from the gods,
+particularly when war was threatening. This was so (e. g.) at the time of
+the Peloponnesian War (Thucyd. ii. 8, v. 26), and the soothsayer is
+delightfully caricatured by Aristophanes in the _Birds_ and elsewhere.
+
+Sec. 29. _two hundred ships ... one hundred were Athenian_. In the Speech on
+the Crown, Sec. 238, Demosthenes gives the numbers as 300 and 200. Perhaps a
+transcriber at an early stage in the history of the text accidentally
+wrote HH (the symbol for 200) instead of HHH, in the case of the first
+number, and a later scribe then 'corrected' the second number into H
+instead of HH. The numbers given by Herodotus are 378 and 180, and, for
+the Persian ships, 1,207.
+
+Sec. 31. _against Egypt_, which was now in rebellion against Artaxerxes.
+Orontas, Satrap of Mysia, was more or less constantly in revolt during
+this period.
+
+Sec. 32. _even more certainly_ [Greek: _palai_]: lit. 'long ago'. The
+transition from temporal to logical priority is paralleled in certain uses
+of other temporal adverbs, e.g. [Greek: _euthys_] (Aristotle, _Poet_. v),
+and [Greek: _schol_e_] (of which, as Weil notes, [Greek: _palai_] is the
+exact opposite).
+
+Sec. 34. _sins against Hellas_. This refers to the support given to the
+Persian invaders by Thebes in the Persian Wars (Herod. viii. 34).
+
+
+FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS
+
+Sec. 4. _Plataeae_ (which had been overthrown by the enemies of Athens in the
+course of the Peloponnesian War, but rebuilt, with the aid of Sparta, in
+378) was destroyed by Thebes in 373-372. About the same time Thebes
+destroyed Thespiae, which, like Plataeae, was well-disposed towards
+Athens; and in 370 the Thebans massacred the male population of
+Orchomenus, and sold the women and children into slavery.
+
+Sec. 11. _Oropus_ had sometimes belonged to Thebes and sometimes to Athens.
+In 366 it was taken from Athens by Themison, tyrant of Eretria (exactly
+opposite Oropus, on the coast of Euboea), and placed in the hands of
+Thebes until the ownership should be decided. Thebes retained it until it
+was restored to Athens by Philip in 338.
+
+Sec. 12. _when all the Peloponnesians, &c_. The reference seems to be to the
+year 370, shortly after the battle of Leuctra, when the Peloponnesian
+States sought the protection of Athens against Sparta, and, being refused,
+became allies of Thebes (Diodorus xv. 62). In 369 Athens made an alliance
+with Sparta.
+
+Sec. 14. _saved the Spartans_. See last note. Athens also assisted the
+Spartans at Mantineia in 362.
+
+_the Thebans_. In 378 and the following years Athens assisted Thebes
+against the Spartans under Agesilaus and Cleombrotus.
+
+_the Euboeans_. In 358 or 357 Euboea succeeded in obtaining freedom from
+the domination of Thebes by the aid of Athenian troops under Timotheus.
+
+Sec. 16. _Triphylia_, a district between Elis and Messenia, was the subject
+of a long-standing dispute between the Eleans and the Arcadians, and seems
+to have been in the hands of the latter since (about) 368.
+
+_Tricaranum_, a fortress in the territory of Phlius, had been seized by
+the Argives in 369, and used as a centre from which incursions were made
+into Phliasian territory.
+
+Sec. 20. _allies of Thebes_: in order to preserve the balance of power
+between Thebes and Sparta.
+
+Sec. 21. _the Theban confederacy_. The reference is particularly to the
+Arcadian allies of Thebes, but the wider expression perhaps suggests a
+general policy of a more ambitious kind.
+
+Sec. 22. _you, I think, know_. He refers to the older members of the
+Assembly, who would remember the tyrannical conduct of Sparta during the
+period of her supremacy (the first quarter of the fourth century B.C.).
+
+Sec. 27. _pillars_. The terms of an alliance were usually recorded upon
+pillars erected by each State on some site fixed by agreement or custom.
+
+Sec. 28. _in the war_: i.e. the 'Sacred War', against the Phocians.
+
+
+FOR THE FREEDOM OF THE RHODIANS
+
+Sec. 3. _now it will be seen_: i.e. if you come to a right decision, and help
+the Rhodians.
+
+Sec. 5. _the Egyptians_. See Speech on Naval Boards, Sec. 31 n.
+
+Sec. 6. _to advise you_: i.e. in the Speech on the Naval Boards (see
+especially Sec.Sec. 10, 11 of that Speech).
+
+Sec. 9. _Ariobarzanes_, Satrap of the Hellespont, joined in the general
+revolt of the princes of Asia Minor against Persia in 362, at first
+secretly (as though making war against other satraps) but afterwards
+openly. Timotheus was sent to help him, on the understanding that he must
+not break the Peace of Antalcidas (378 B.C.), according to which the Greek
+cities in Asia were to belong to the king, but the rest were to be
+independent (except that Athens was to retain Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros).
+When Ariobarzanes broke out in open revolt, Timotheus could not help him
+without breaking the first provision; but the Persian occupation tion of
+Samos was itself a violation of the second, and he was therefore justified
+in relieving the town.
+
+Sec. 11. _while he is in her neighbourhood_. Artaxerxes almost certainly went
+in person to Egypt about this time. (That he went before 346 is proved by
+Isocrates, _Philippus_, Sec. 101; and he was no doubt expected to go, even
+before he went.) The alternative rendering, 'since he is still to be a
+neighbouring power to herself,' is less good, since he would be this,
+whether he conquered Egypt or not.
+
+Sec. 14. _Rhodians who are now in possession_: i.e. the oligarchs, who held
+the town with the help of Caria.
+
+_some of their fellow-citizens_: i.e. some of the democratic party.
+
+Sec. 15. _official patron_ ([Greek: _proxenos_]). The 'official patron' of
+another State in Athens was necessarily an Athenian, and so differed from
+the modern consul, whom he otherwise resembled in many ways (cf.
+Phillipson, _International Law and Custom of Ancient Greece and Rome_,
+vol. i, pp. 147-56).
+
+Sec. 17. _publicly provided_: i.e. in treaties between the States.
+
+Sec. 22. _when our democracy_, &c.: i.e. in 404, when, at the conclusion of
+the Peloponnesian War, the tyranny of the Thirty was established, and a
+very large number of democratic citizens were driven into exile. The
+Argives refused the Spartan demand for the surrender of some of these to
+the Thirty (Diodorus xiv. 6).
+
+Sec. 23. _one who is a barbarian-aye, and a woman_ ([Greek: _barbaron
+anthr_opon kai tauta gynaika_]). This has been taken to refer (1) to
+Artaxerxes and Artemisia. But [Greek: _kai tauta_] cannot be simply
+[Greek: _pros tont_o_], and [Greek: _kai tauta gynaika_] must refer to the
+same person as [Greek: _barbaron anthr_opon_]; (2) to Artaxerxes alone,
+the words [Greek: _kai tauta gynaika_] being a gratuitous insult such as
+it was customary for Athenians to level at any Persian; (3) to Artemisia
+alone, [Greek: anthr_opos] being feminine here as often. It is not
+possible to decide certainly between (2) and (3). Artemisia is more
+prominent in the speech than the king, but it is the king who is referred
+to in the next sentence.
+
+Sec. 24. _rendered Athens weak_. The success of Sparta in the Peloponnesian
+War was rendered possible, to a great extent, by the supply of funds from
+Persia. In 401 Cyrus made his famous expedition against Artaxerxes II, and
+Clearchus (with other generals) commanded the Greek troops which assisted
+him. The death of Cyrus in the battle of Cunaxa in 401 put an end to his
+rebellion.
+
+Sec. 25. _rights of the rest of the world_. Weil suggests that it may have
+been argued that to intervene in Rhodian affairs would be to break the
+treaty made with the allies in 355 (about), at the end of the Social War,
+whereby their independence was guaranteed.
+
+Sec. 26. _Chalcedon_ was on the Asiatic shore of the Bosporus, and therefore
+by the Peace of Antalcidas belonged to the king (see n. on Sec. 9). By the
+same treaty, Selymbria, on the north coast of the Propontis, ought to have
+been independent. The Byzantines, who had obtained their independence of
+Athens in the Social War, were extending their influence greatly at this
+time.
+
+Sec. 27. _the treaty_: again the Peace of Antalcidas.
+
+_even if there actually are such advisers_: or, 'even if any one actually
+asserts the existence of such persons.'
+
+Sec. 29. _two treaties_. The first must be the Peace of Callias (444 B.C.),
+the terms of which are given in the Speech on the Embassy, Sec. 273. The
+second was the Peace of Antalcidas.
+
+Sec. 30. _the knowledge of what is right_. The parallel passage in Sec. 1 seems
+to confirm this rendering, rather than the alternative, 'the intention to
+do what is right.'
+
+Sec. 33. _oligarchical_. This expression is partly directed at those who, in
+opposing the exiled democrats, supported the oligarchs of Rhodes; and it
+may be partly explained by the fact that the policy of Eubulus, who wished
+to avoid all interferences which might lead to war, was particularly
+satisfactory to the wealthier classes in Athens. But it was a common
+practice to accuse an opponent of anti-democratic sentiments, and of
+trying to get the better of the people by illegitimate means (cf. Speech
+on Embassy, Sec. 314, &c.).
+
+Sec. 35. Cf. Speech on Naval Boards, Sec. 41.
+
+
+THE FIRST PHILIPPIC
+
+Sec. 3. _the war with Sparta_. Probably the Boeotian War (378-371 B.C.), when
+Athens supported Thebes against Sparta.
+
+_in defence of the right_. The attempt of the Spartans to conquer Boeotia
+was a violation of the Peace of Antalcidas (see n. on Speech for Rhodians,
+Sec. 6). But Demosthenes' expression may be quite general in its meaning.
+
+Sec. 4. _tribes_. Probably refers especially to the Thracians (see Introd. to
+the Speech). The Paeonian and Illyrian chieftains also made alliance with
+Athens in 356.
+
+Sec. 17. _to Euboea_. See Speech for Megalopolitans, Sec. 14 n.
+
+_to Haliartus_: in 395, when Athens sent a force to aid the Thebans
+against the Spartans under Lysander. (For other allusions see Introd. to
+the Speech.)
+
+Sec. 19. _paper-armies_ ([Greek: epistolimaious ... dynameis]): lit. 'armies
+existing in dispatches.'
+
+Sec. 24. _Athens once maintained_, &c. The reference is to the Corinthian war
+of 394-387 B.C. The Athenian general Iphicrates organized a mercenary
+force of peltasts in support of Corinth, and did great damage to Sparta;
+he was succeeded in the command by Chabrias. Nothing more is certainly
+known of Polystratus than is told us here, though he may be referred to in
+the Speech against Leptines, Sec. 84, as receiving honours from Athens.
+
+_to Artabazus_. In 356 Chares was sent to oppose the revolted allies of
+Athens, but being short of funds, assisted Artabazus in his rebellion
+against Persia, and was richly rewarded. (See Introd. to Speech on Naval
+Boards.)
+
+Sec. 25. _spectators of these mysteries of generalship_ ([Greek: epoptai t_on
+] [Greek: *_strat_egoumen_on_]). The word [Greek: _epopt_es_] is chiefly
+used of spectators of the mysteries, and is here applied sarcastically to
+the citizens whom Demosthenes desires to see what has hitherto been a
+hidden thing from them--the conduct of their generals.
+
+Sec. 26. _ten captains and generals, &c_. There was one general ([Greek:
+_strat_egos_]) and one captain ([Greek: _taxiarchos_]) of infantry, and
+one general of cavalry ([Greek: _phylarchos_]), for each of the ten
+tribes. There were two regular masters of the horse ([Greek:
+_hipparchoi_]), and a third appointed for the special command of the
+Athenian troops in Lemnos. The generals ([Greek: _strat_egoi_]) had
+various civil duties, among them the organization of the military
+processions at the Panathenaea and other great festivals.
+
+Sec. 27. _Menelaus_. Either a Macedonian chieftain, who had assisted the
+Athenian commander Timotheus against Poteidaea in 364, and probably
+received Athenian citizenship; or else Philip's half-brother Menelaus. But
+there is no evidence that the latter ever served in the Athenian forces,
+and probably the former is meant.
+
+Sec. 31. _Etesian winds_. These blow strongly from the north over the Aegean
+from July to September.
+
+Sec. 33. _the whole force in its entirety_. So with Butcher's punctuation.
+But it is perhaps better to place a comma after [Greek: _dynamin_], and
+translate, 'after making ready ... soldiers, ships, cavalry--the entire
+force complete--you bind them,' &c.
+
+Sec. 34. See Introd. to the Speech. Geraestus was the southernmost most point
+of Euboea. The 'sacred trireme', the Paralus, when conveying the Athenian
+deputation to the Festival of Delos, put in on its way at Marathon, where
+there was an altar of the Delian Apollo, to offer sacrifice.
+
+Sec. 35. The festival of the Panathenaea was managed by the Athlothetae, who
+were appointed by lot, and consequently could not be specially qualified;
+whereas the stewards ([Greek: _epimel_etai_]) who assisted the Archon in
+the management of the Dionysia, were at this time elected, presumably on
+the ground of their fitness.
+
+_an amount of trouble_ ([Greek: _ochlon_]). Possibly 'a larger crowd'. But
+there is no point in mentioning the crowd; the point lies in the pains
+taken; and Thucyd. vi. 24 ([Greek: _upo tou ochl_odous t_es
+parhaskeu_es_]) confirms the rendering given.
+
+Sec. 36. The choregus paid the expenses of a chorus at the Dionysiac (and
+certain other) festivals. The gymnasiarchs, or stewards of the games,
+managed the games and torch-races which formed part of the Panathenaea and
+many other festivals. The offices were imposed by law upon men who
+possessed a certain estate, but any one who felt that another could bear
+the burden better might challenge him either to perform the duty or to
+exchange property with him. (See Appendix to Goodwin's edition of
+Demosthenes' Speech against Meidias.)
+
+_independent freedmen_: lit. 'dwellers apart,' i.e. freedmen who no longer
+lived with the master whose slaves they had been.
+
+Sec. 43. _empty ships_. If these are the ships referred to in Olynth. III,
+Section 4, the date of the First Philippic must be later than October 351
+B.C.
+
+Sec. 46. _promises_. The 'promises of Chares' became almost proverbial.
+
+Sec. 47. _examination_, or 'audit'. A general, like every other responsible
+official, had to report his proceedings, at the end of his term of office,
+to a Board of Auditors, and might be prosecuted before a jury by any one
+who was dissatisfied with his report.
+
+Sec. 48. _negotiating with Sparta, &c_. As a matter of fact, Philip had
+evidently come to an understanding with Thebes by this time; but he may
+have caused some such rumours to be spread, in order to get rid of any
+possible opposition from Sparta. The 'breaking-up of the free states'
+probably refers to the desire of Sparta to destroy Megalopolis, which was
+in alliance with Thebes.
+
+_sent ambassadors to the king_. Arrian, ii. 14, mentions a letter of
+Darius to Alexander, recalling how Philip had been in friendship and
+alliance with Artaxerxes Ochus. It is possible, therefore, that the rumour
+to which Demosthenes alludes had some foundation.
+
+
+THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC
+
+(_Note_.--Most of the allusions in the Olynthiacs are explained by the
+Introduction to the First Philippic.)
+
+Sec. 4. _power over everything, open or secret_. The translation generally
+approved, 'power to publish or conceal his designs,' is hardly possible.
+The [Greek: kai] in the phrase [Greek: rh_eta kai aporr_eta] (or [Greek:
+arr_eta]) cannot be taken disjunctively here, when it is always
+conjunctive in this phrase elsewhere, the whole phrase being virtually
+equivalent to 'everything whatever'.
+
+Sec. 5. _how he treated_, &c. The scholiast says that Philip killed the
+traitors at Amphipolis first, saying that if they had not been faithful to
+their own countrymen, they were not likely to be faithful to himself; and
+that the traitors at Pydna, finding that they were not likely to be
+spared, took sanctuary, and having been persuaded to surrender themselves
+on promise of their lives, were executed nevertheless. Neither story is
+confirmed by other evidence.
+
+Sec. 8. _in aid of the Euboeans_: in 358 or 357. See Speech for
+Megalopolitans, Sec. 14 n.
+
+Sec. 13. _Magnesia_. There seems to have been a town of the same name as the
+district.
+
+_attacked the Olynthians_. This refers to the short invasion of 351 (see
+vol. i, p. 70), not to that which is the subject of the Olynthiacs.
+
+_Arybbas_ was King of the Molossi, and uncle of Philip's wife, Olympias.
+Nothing is known of this expedition against him. He was deposed by Philip
+in 343. (See vol. ii, p. 3.)
+
+Sec. 17. _these towns_: the towns of the Chalcidic peninsula, over which
+Olynthus had acquired influence. This sentence shows that Olynthus itself
+had not yet been attacked.
+
+Sec. 26. _But, my good Sir_, &c. This must be the objection of an imaginary
+opponent. It can hardly be taken (as seems to be intended by Butcher) as
+Demosthenes' reply to the question, 'Or some other power?' ('But, my good
+Sir, the other power will not want to help him.') There is, however, much
+to be said for Sandys's punctuation, [Greek: _ean m_e bo_eth_es_eth umeis
+_e allos tis_], 'unless you or some other power go to their aid.' After
+the death of Onomarchus in 352, the Phocians were incapable of
+withstanding invasion without help.
+
+
+THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC
+
+Sec. 14. _Timotheus, &c_. In 364 an Athenian force under Timotheus invaded
+the territory of the Olynthian League, and took Torone, Poteidaea, and
+other towns, with the help of Perdiccas, King of Macedonia.
+
+_ruling dynasty_: i.e. the dynasty of Lycophron and Peitholaus at Pherae.
+(See Introd. to First Philippic.)
+
+Sec. 28. _this war_: i.e. the war with Philip generally. The reference is
+supposed to be to the conduct of Chares in 356 (cf. Phil. I, Section 24
+ii.), though in fact it was against the revolted allies, not against
+Philip, that he had been sent. Sigeum was a favourite resort of Chares,
+and it is conjectured that he may have obtained possession of Lampsacus
+and Sigeum (both on the Asiatic shore of the Hellespont) in 356. The
+explanation of the conduct of the generals is to be found in the fact that
+in Asia Minor they could freely appropriate prizes of war and plunder,
+since under the terms of the Peace of Antalcidas, Athens could claim
+nothing in Asia for her own.
+
+Sec. 29. _taxes by Boards_. Each of the Boards constituted in 378-377 for the
+collection of the war-tax (see vol. i, p. 31) had a leader or chairman
+([Greek: __hegem_on_]), one of the 300 richest men in Athens, whose duty it
+was to advance the sums required by the State, recovering them afterwards
+from the other members of the Boards. Probably the Three Hundred were
+divided equally among the 100 Boards, a leader, a 'second', and a 'third'
+(Speech on Crown, Sec. 103) being assigned to each. The 'general' here
+perhaps corresponds to the 'second'.
+
+
+THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC
+
+Sec. 4. _two or three years ago_ (lit. 'this is the third or fourth year
+since). It was in November 352 B.C. If the present Speech was delivered
+before November 349, not quite three years would have elapsed. (The Greek
+words, [Greek: triton _he tetarton etos touti], must, on the analogy of
+the Speech against Meidias, Sec. 13, against Stephanus, II. Sec. 13, and against
+Aphobus, I. Sec. 24, &c., mean 'two or three', not 'three or four years
+ago'). The vagueness of the expression is more likely to be due to the
+date of the Third Olynthiac being not far short of three years from that
+of the siege of Heraeon Teichos, than to the double-dating (on the one
+hand by actual lapse of time, and on the other by archon-years--from July
+to July--or by military campaigning seasons) which most commentators
+assume to be intended here, but which seems to me over-subtle and unlike
+Demosthenes.
+
+_that year_: i.e. the archonship of Aristodemus, which ran from July 352
+B.C. to July 351.
+
+Sec. 5. _the mysteries_. These were celebrated from the 14th to the 27th of
+Boedromion (late in September).
+
+_Charidemus_, of Oreus in Euboea, was a mercenary leader who had served
+many masters at different times--Athens, Olynthus, Cotys, and
+Cersobleptes--and had played most of them false at some time or other. But
+he was given the citizenship in 357 for the part which he had taken in
+effecting the cession of the Chersonese to Athens, and was a favourite
+with the people. He was sent on the occasion here referred to with ten
+ships, for which he was to find mercenary soldiers.
+
+Sec. 6. _with might ... power_. A quotation, probably from the text of the
+treaty of alliance between Athens and Olynthus.
+
+Sec. 8. _funds of the Phocians are exhausted_. The Phocian leader Phalaecus
+had been using the temple-treasures of Delphi, but they were now
+exhausted.
+
+Sec. 10. _a Legislative Commission_: i.e. a Special Commission on the model
+of the regular Commission which was appointed annually from the jurors for
+the year (if the Assembly so decreed), and before which those who wished
+to make or to oppose changes in the laws appeared, the proceedings taking
+the form of a prosecution and defence of the laws in question. The
+Assembly itself did not legislate, though it passed decrees, which had to
+be consistent with the existing laws. As regards legislation, it merely
+decided whether in any given year alterations in the laws should or should
+not be allowed.
+
+Sec. 11. _malingerers_. The scholiast says that the choregi were persuaded to
+choose persons as members of their choruses, in order to enable them to
+escape military service, choreutae being legally exempted. Other
+exemptions also existed.
+
+Sec. 12. _persons who proposed them_. This can only refer to Eubulus and his
+party.
+
+Sec. 20. _Corinthians and Megareans_. From the pseudo-Demosthenic Speech on
+the Constitution ([Greek: _pe_ri suntaxe_os_]) and from Philochorus
+(quoted in the Scholia of Didymus upon that Speech) it appears that the
+Athenians had in 350 invaded Megara, under the general Ephialtes, and
+forced the Megareans to agree to a delimitation of certain land sacred to
+the two goddesses of Eleusis, which the Megareans had violated, perhaps
+for some years past (see Speech against Aristocrates, Sec. 212). A scholiast
+also refers to the omission by Corinth to invite the Athenians to the
+Isthmian games, in consequence of which the Athenians sent an armed force
+to attend the games. Probably this was also a recent occurrence, and due
+to an understanding between Corinth and Megara.
+
+Sec. 21. _my own namesake_: i.e. Demosthenes, who was a distinguished general
+during the Peloponnesian War, and perished in the Sicilian expedition.
+
+Sec. 24. _for forty-five years_: i.e. between the Persian and Peloponnesian
+Wars, 476-431 B.C.
+
+_the king_: i.e. Perdiccas II, who, however, took the side of Sparta
+shortly after the beginning of the Peloponnesian War. He died in 413. (The
+date of the beginning of his reign is unknown, but he did not become sole
+king of the whole of Macedonia until 436.)
+
+Sec. 27. _Spartans had been ruined_: sc. by the battles of Leuctra (in 371)
+and Mantineia (in 362).
+
+_Thebans had their hands full_, owing to the war with the Phocians, from
+356 onwards.
+
+Sec. 28. _in the war_, when Athens joined Thebes against Sparta (in 378).
+'The allies' are those members of the Second Delian League (formed in 378)
+who had been lost in the Social War which ended in or about 355, when
+Athens was at peace with Thebes and Sparta. (See Introduction, vol. i, p.
+9.)
+
+Sec. 31. _procession at the Boedromia_. The Boedromia was a festival held in
+September in honour of Apollo and Artemis Agrotera, Probably a procession
+was not a regular part of the festival at this time. The importance which
+the populace attached to such processions is illustrated by the Speech
+against Timocrates, Sec. 161.
+
+Sec. 34. _is it then paid service, &c_.: almost, 'do you then suggest that we
+should _earn_ our money?'
+
+Sec. 35. _adding or subtracting_: sc. from the sums dispensed by the State to
+the citizens.
+
+_somebody's mercenaries_. The reference is probably to the successes of
+Charidemus when first sent (see Introd. to Olynthiacs).
+
+
+ON THE PEACE
+
+Sec. 5. _disturbances in Euboea_. Plutarchus of Eretria applied for Athenian
+aid against Callias of Chalcis, who was attacking him with the aid of
+Macedonian troops. Demosthenes was strongly opposed to granting the
+request, but it was supported by Eubulus and Meidias, and a force was sent
+under Phocion, probably early in 348 (though the chronology has been much
+debated, and some place the expedition in 350 or 349). Owing to the
+premature action or the treachery of Plutarchus at Tamynae (where the
+Athenian army was attacked), Phocion had some difficulty in winning a
+victory. Plutarchus afterwards seized a number of Athenian soldiers, and
+Athens had actually to ransom them. Phocion's successor, Molossus, was
+unsuccessful. When peace was made in the summer of 348, the Euboeans
+became for the most part independent of Athens, and were regarded with
+ill-feeling by Athens for some years. There is no proof that the proposers
+of the expedition were bribed, as Demosthenes alleges.
+
+Sec. 6. _Neoptolemus_. See Speech on Embassy, Sec.Sec. 12, 315.
+
+Sec. 8. _public service_: i.e. as trierarch or choregus or gymnasiarch, &c.
+See n. on Phil. I. Sec. 36.
+
+Sec. 10. _there were some_ : i.e. Aeschines and his colleagues. (See Introd.)
+
+_Thespiae and Plataeae_. See Speech for Megalopolitans, Section 4 n.
+
+Sec. 14. _self-styled Amphictyons_. The Amphictyonic Council represented the
+ancient Amphictyonic League of Hellenic tribes (now differing widely in
+importance, but equally represented on the Council), and was supreme in
+all matters affecting the Temple of Apollo at Delphi. (See n. on Speech on
+Crown, Sec. 148.) The Council summoned by Philip was open to criticism (1)
+because only certain members of it were present, of whom the Thebans and
+Thessalians were the chief, (2) because Philip had been given the vote of
+the dispossessed Phocians.
+
+Sec. 15. _however stupid, &c_. It had been conventional for over a century to
+apply this adjective to the Boeotians, and therefore to the Thebans. For a
+more favourable view, see W. Rhys Roberts, _Ancient Boeotians_, chap. i.
+
+Sec. 16. _Oropus_. See Speech for Megalopolitans, Sec. ii n.
+
+Sec. 18. _Argives, &c_. See Speech for Megalopolitans throughout (with
+Introd.).
+
+_those whom they have exiled_: especially the refugees from Orchomenus and
+Coroneia. See vol. i, p. 124.
+
+_Phocian fugitives_. The Amphictyonic Council had recently declared that
+these had been guilty of sacrilege, and might be seized wherever they
+might be.
+
+Sec. 20. _all that they themselves had toiled for_: i.e. the conquest of the
+Phocians in the Sacred War.
+
+Sec. 22. _some persons_: i.e. Aeschines and others who tried to excuse
+Philip's treatment of the Phocians to the Athenian people.
+
+Sec. 23. _admission ... Delphi_. The Phocians had formerly contrived their
+exclusion from the Amphictyonic meeting and from the temple and oracle of
+Delphi. The Council now restored them, and excluded the Phocians.
+
+Sec. 24. _refuse to submit_: reading [Greek: (_oud) otioun upomeinai_.] The
+insertion of [Greek: _oude_] (after Cobet) seems necessary, [Greek:
+_otioun upomeinai_] alone would mean 'face any risk', but this would be
+contradicted by the next clause. To translate, 'who think that we should
+face any risk, but do not see that the risk would be one of war,' is to
+narrow the meaning of [Greek: _otioun_] unduly.
+
+Sec. 25. _Treaty of Peace_: i.e. the Peace of Philocrates.
+
+_Cardians_. The Athenians claimed Cardia (the key of the Chersonese on the
+Thracian side) as an ally, though in fact it was expressly excluded from
+the towns ceded to Athens by Cersobleptes in 357, and had made alliance
+with Philip in 352.
+
+_prince of Caria_. See Speech for Rhodians (with Introd.).
+
+_drive our vessels to shore_: a regular form of ancient piracy (see Speech
+on Chersonese, Sec. 28). The Byzantines drove the Athenian corn-ships into
+their own harbour. The victims were relieved of their money or their corn.
+
+_shadow at Delphi_: i.e. the empty privilege (as Demosthenes here chooses
+to represent it) of membership of the Amphictyonic League and Council, now
+claimed by Philip.
+
+
+THE SECOND PHILIPPIC
+
+Sec. 1. _sympathetic_: i.e. towards other Greek states, desirous of securing
+independence.
+
+Sec. 2. _Alexander_, &c. Alexander of Macedon was sent by Mardonius, the
+Persian commander, to offer Athens alliance with Persia on favourable
+terms. Demosthenes has confused the order of events, and speaks as if this
+message was brought before the battle of Salamis. The Athenians left the
+city twice, before the battle of Salamis and before that of Plataeae; it
+was after Salamis that Alexander was sent (Herod. viii. 140, &c.).
+
+Sec. 14. _fortify Elateia_. This would be a menace to Thebes (cf. Speech on
+the Crown, Sec.Sec. 174, 175). Elateia commands the road from Thermopylae to
+Thebes.
+
+Sec. 19. _well-balanced_ ([Greek: _s_ophronousi_]), or 'free from passion',
+i.e. not liable to be carried away by ambition or cupidity as the Thebans
+were. This is different from mere 'good sense' ([Greek: _syphronein, noun
+echea_]). For Theban 'stupidity', see Speech on Peace, Sec. 15 (and n.).
+
+Sec. 22. _Council of Ten_ ([Greek: _dekadarchian_]). It is clear that some
+sort of oligarchical government, nominated by Philip, is referred to; but
+the relation of this to the tetrarchies mentioned in the Speech on the
+Chersonese, Sec. 26, as established by Philip, is uncertain. These
+corresponded to the four tribes or divisions of Thessaly (Thessaliotis,
+Phthiotis, Pelasgiotis, Histiaeotis); and this is confirmed by a statement
+in Theopompus' forty-fourth book, to which Harpocration (s.v. [Greek:
+_dekadarchia_]) refers. Harpocration states that Philip did not establish
+a decadarchy in Thessaly; and if he is right, then either (a) Demosthenes
+purposely used an inaccurate word, in order to suggest to the Messenians
+the idea of a government like that of the Councils of Ten established some
+sixty years before by Sparta in the towns subject to her; or (b) the text
+is wrong, and [Greek: _dekadarchian_] is a misreading of [Greek:
+DARCHIAN], in which [Greek: D] was the numeral (= 4), and the whole stood
+for [Greek: _tetrarchian_]. As to (a), it is difficult to suppose that the
+Messenians would not know what had happened in Thessaly so well that the
+innuendo would fall flat. There is no evidence that 'decadarchy' could be
+used simply as a synonym for 'oligarchy'. As to (b), the supposed
+corruption is possible; but then we are left with [Greek: _tetrarchian_]
+where we should expect [Greek: _tetrarchias_]: for there is no parallel to
+[Greek: _tetrarchia_] (sing.) in the sense of 'a system of tetrarchies'.
+It is, however, quite possible that Demosthenes was thinking especially of
+the Thessalians of Pherae, and of the particular tetrarchy established
+over them: and this seems on the whole the best solution. If, on the other
+hand, Harpocration is wrong, the reference here may be to a Council of
+Ten, either established previously to the tetrarchies, and superseded by
+them, or else coexistent with and superior to them; in either case, since
+the singular is used, this decadarchy must have been a single government
+over the whole of Thessaly (or perhaps of the district about Pherae only),
+not a number of Councils, one in each city or division of Thessaly.
+(Theopompus' forty-fourth book probably dealt with 342 B.C., two years
+after the present speech, though before the Speech on the Chersonese; but
+we are not told that he assigned the establishment of the tetrarchies to
+that year.)
+
+Sec. 25. _find yourselves slaves_: lit. 'find your master.'
+
+Sec. 28. _by yourselves_: i.e. in the absence of the ambassadors from Philip
+and other States.
+
+_who conveyed the promises_: i.e. Ctesiphon, Aristodemus, and Neoptolemus
+(see Speech on Embassy, Sec.Sec. 12, 94, 315, &c.): but Demosthenes has probably
+Aeschines also in view.
+
+Sec. 30. _water-drinker_. See Speech on Embassy, Sec. 46.
+
+Sec. 32. _secure myself as good a hearing_. Most editions accept this
+rendering of [Greek: _emaut_o logon poi_es-o_]. But though [Greek: _logon
+didonai_] = 'grant a hearing,' and [Greek: _logon tychein_] = 'get a
+hearing,' [Greek: _logon eaut_o poiein_] is strange for 'secure oneself a
+hearing', and the passage regularly quoted from the Speech against
+Aristocrates, Sec. 81, is not parallel, since [Greek: _tout_o_] in that
+passage is not a reflexive pronoun, and [Greek: _logon pepoi_eke_] almost
+= [Greek: _logon ded_oki_]. Possibly the text is corrupt, and we should
+either read [Greek: _psogon_] (with H. Richards) or [Greek: _emautou_]
+('make you take as much account of me as of my opponents').
+
+_further claim_: since an attack on the part of Demosthenes would incite
+them to make out a plausible case for Philip once more, and so earn his
+gratitude.
+
+
+ON THE EMBASSY
+
+[The literal translation of the title is 'On the misconduct as
+ambassador'.]
+
+Sec. 1. _drawing your lots_. The jurors who were to serve in each trial were
+selected by lot out of the total number of jurors for the year.
+
+Sec. 2. _one of those_: i.e. Timarchus (see Introd.).
+
+_supremacy_. The sovereignty of the people was exercised to a great extent
+through the law-courts, the jury being always large enough to be fairly
+representative of popular opinion, though probably there was generally a
+rather disproportionate preponderance of poorer men among the jurors, the
+payment being insufficient to attract others. (See Introduction, vol. i,
+pp. 18, 19, 23.)
+
+Sec. 11. _the Ten Thousand_: the General Assembly of the Arcadians at
+Megalopolis.
+
+Sec. 13. _he came to me_, &c. Aeschines denies this, saying that it would
+have been absurd, when he knew that Demosthenes and Philocrates had acted
+together throughout (see Introd.).
+
+Sec. 16. _in the very presence_, &c.: contrast Speech on the Crown,
+
+Sec. 23 (and see n. there). Aeschines states that he was in fact replying to
+inflammatory speeches made by orators who pointed to the Propylaea, and
+appealed to the memory of ancestral exploits; and that he simply urged
+that it was possible for the Athenians to copy the wisdom of their
+forefathers without giving way to an unseasonable passion for strife.
+
+Sec. 17. _had again acted_: i.e. as on the First Embassy, if the reading is
+correct (or perhaps, 'had committed a fresh series of wrongful acts'). But
+possibly [Greek: _peprhakot_on_] is right, 'had sold fresh concessions' to
+Philip.
+
+Sec. 20. Aeschines replies that every one expected Philip to turn against
+Thebes; and that for the rest, he was only reporting the gossip of the
+Macedonian camp, where the representatives of many states were gathered
+together, and not making promises at all. It is noteworthy, however, that
+in the Speech on the Peace, Sec. 10, shortly after the events in question,
+when the speeches made would be fresh in every one's memory, Demosthenes
+gives the same account of his opponent's assertions; and Aeschines
+probably said something very like what is attributed to him.
+
+Sec. 21. _debt due to the god_: i.e. the value of the Temple-treasure of
+Delphi, which the Phocians had plundered.
+
+Sec. 30. _for however contemptible_, &c. The argument seems to be this. 'You
+must not say that a man like Aeschines could not have brought about such
+vast results. Athens may employ inferior men, but any one who represents
+Athens has to deal with great affairs, and so his acts may have great
+consequences. And again, although it may have been Philip who actually
+ruined the Phocians, and although Aeschines could never have done it
+alone, still he did his best to help.'
+
+Sec. 31. _the Town Hall_, or Prytaneum, where the Prytanes (the acting
+Committee of the Council) met, and other magistrates had their offices.
+
+_Timagoras_ was accused (according to Xenophon) by his colleague Leon of
+having conspired with Pelopidas of Thebes against the interests of Athens,
+when on a mission to the court of Artaxerxes in 357. In Sec. 137 Demosthenes
+also states that he received large sums of money from Artaxerxes.
+
+Sec. 36. Aeschines denies that he wrote the letter for Philip, and his denial
+is fairly convincing.
+
+Sec. 40. _a talent_. According to Aristotle (_Eth. Nic_. v. 7) the
+conventional amount payable as ransom was one mina per head. But from Sec.
+169 it appears that the Macedonians sometimes asked for more than this.
+
+_laudable ambition_: i.e. to get credit for having thought of the ransom
+of the prisoners.
+
+Sec. 47. _handed in_: either to the Clerk or to the Proedroi (the committee
+of Chairmen of the Assembly).
+
+Sec. 51. Aeschines states that Philip's invitation was declined because it
+was suggested that Philip would keep the soldiers sent as hostages.
+
+Sec. 65. _on our way to Delphi_. Demosthenes had been one of the Athenian
+representatives at the meeting of the Amphictyonic Council at Delphi this
+year.
+
+_gave its vote_, &c. After the battle of Aegospotami at the end of the
+Peloponnesian War, the representative of Thebes proposed to the Spartans
+and their allies that Athens should be destroyed and its inhabitants sold
+into slavery.
+
+Sec. 70. _read this law over_: i.e. that the herald might proclaim it after
+him.
+
+Sec. 72. For the Spartans see Sec. 76. The Phocians had treated the Athenians
+badly when Proxenus was sent to Thermopylae (see Introd. to Speech on
+Peace). Hegesippus may have opposed the acceptance of Philip's invitation
+to the Athenians to join him. Aeschines (on the Embassy, Sec.Sec. 137, 138)
+mentions no names in connexion with the refusal, but represents it as the
+sacrifice of a unique opportunity of saving the Phocians (cf. Sec. 51 n.).
+
+Sec. 76. _deceit and cunning, and of nothing else_ ([Greek: _pasa apat_e_]).
+The argument is, 'Aeschines will try to allege wrongful acts on the part
+of the Phocians; but there was no time for such acts in the five days; and
+this proves that there were no such acts to justify their ruin, and that
+their overthrow was due to nothing but trickery.' This is better than to
+translate '_every kind of_ deceit and trickery was concocted for the ruin
+of the Phocians'; for this is not the point, nor is it what would be
+inferred from the fact that there was only a five-days' interval between
+the speech of Aeschines and the capitulation of the Phocians. There is no
+need to emend to [Greek: _h_e pasa apat_e_].
+
+_on account of the Peace_: i.e. of the negotiations for the Peace, before
+it was finally arranged.
+
+_all that they wished_: viz. the restoration of the Temple of Delphi to
+their kinsmen, the Dorians of Mount Parnassus.
+
+Sec. 78. _four whole months_: in reality, three months and a few days.
+
+Sec. 81. _Phocian people_: i.e. those who were left in Phocis, as distinct
+from the exiles just referred to.
+
+Sec. 86. _of Diophantus_. In 352, when Philip had been repulsed by
+Onomarchus, Diophantus proposed that public thanksgivings should be held
+(see Introd. to First Philippic).
+
+_of Callisthenes_: in 346, after the Phocians had surrendered to Philip.
+
+_the sacrifice to Heracles_: perhaps one of the two festivals which were
+respectively held at Marathon and at Cynosarges.
+
+Sec. 99. _constitutional_: lit. 'an excuse for a citizen,' under a
+constitution by which no one was compelled to enter public life, and any
+one who did so without the requisite capacity had to take the
+responsibility for his errors.
+
+Sec. 103. _impeached_. An impeachment was brought before the Council (or,
+more rarely, the Assembly). The procedure was only applied to cases of
+extraordinary gravity, and particularly to what would now be called cases
+of treason.
+
+Sec. 114. _by torture_. The evidence of slaves might be given under torture,
+in response to a challenge from one or other of the parties to a suit. The
+most diverse opinions as to the value of such evidence are expressed by
+the orators, according to the requirements of their case. The consent of
+both sides was necessary; and in a very large number of cases, one side or
+the other appears to have refused to allow evidence to be taken in this
+way.
+
+_was going_: i.e. to Philip.
+
+Sec. 118. _accept his discharge_. There seems to be a play on two senses of
+the verb [Greek: aphienai], viz. 'to discharge from the obligations of a
+contract', and 'to acquit'.
+
+Sec. 120. _Why, this is the finest_, &c. The expression ([Greek: touto gar
+esti to lamprhon]) recurs in Sec. 279, a closely parallel passage, and need
+not be regarded as an interpolation in either case. The interpretation
+given seems slightly preferable, and is approved by Weil. It is almost
+equally possible to translate the Greek by 'such is the brilliant defence
+which he offers'; but perhaps this does not suit Sec. 279 so well.
+
+_stand up_. Apparently Aeschines declined the invitation, which was quite
+within the custom of the Athenian courts. Either of the principal parties
+could ask the other questions, and have the answers taken down as
+evidence.
+
+_cases that have all_, &c. The reference is to the prosecution of
+Timarchus, when advanced in age, for offences committed in early youth.
+There may also be an allusion to Aeschines' early career as an actor.
+
+Sec. 122. _declined on oath_. An elected official could refuse to serve, if
+he took an oath that there was some good reason (such as illness) for
+excusing him.
+
+Sec. 126. _though not elected_. Aeschines (on the Embassy, Sec. 94) replies that
+in fact the commission was renewed at a second meeting of the Assembly,
+and that he was then well enough to go and was elected. (That there was a
+second election of ambassadors is confirmed by Demosthenes' own statement
+in Sec. 172 of the present speech, that he himself was twice elected and
+twice refused to serve.)
+
+Sec. 128. _Thesmothetae_: the six archons who did not hold the special
+offices of archon eponymus, polemarch, or king archon.
+
+_Aeschines went_, &c. To have refused to be present would really have been
+to make a political demonstration against Thebes, which would have had
+perilous results. Aeschines defends himself on the ground that in his view
+the Peace was no disadvantage to Athens, so that he might well join in the
+honours paid to the Gods.
+
+Sec. 129. _Metroon_. The temple of the Great Mother (Cybele), which was the
+Athenian record-office.
+
+_the name of Aeschines_: i.e. its removal from the list of ambassadors.
+
+Sec. 131. _in their interest_. If the words are not corrupt, the meaning is
+probably 'in the interest of Philip and the Thebans'; or possibly, 'in
+reference to these matters.'
+
+Sec. 136. _as his informant_. The text is possibly corrupt, though as it
+stands it might perhaps bear the meaning given, if [Greek: hyparchei] were
+understood with [Greek: autos]. Others (with or without emendation) take
+the sense to be 'to manage his business ... just as he would manage it in
+person '.
+
+Sec. 137. For Timagoras see Sec. 31 n.
+
+Sec. 144. _summon Philip's envoys_: i.e. in order to report the decision of
+the Assembly, and so close the matter.
+
+Sec. 147. _ask him whether_, &c. The argument seems to be this 'if Aeschines
+was the ambassador of a city which had been victorious against Philip, the
+latter would naturally wish to buy easy terms of peace; and Aeschines
+might undertake to procure such terms, without committing a particularly
+heinous offence, since he would only be getting some advantage for himself
+out of the general good fortune of his country. But to secure advantages
+for himself at his country's expense, when his country was already
+suffering disaster, would be far worse. And as Aeschines complains that
+the generals had incurred disaster, he convicts himself of the worse
+offence.'
+
+Sec. 148. The _Tilphossaeum_ was apparently a mountain near Lake Copais in
+Boeotia. The town which Strabo calls Tilphusium may have been on the
+mountain. Neones, or Neon, was a Phocian village; Hedyleion, a mountain in
+Boeotia.
+
+Sec. 149. _Ah! he will say_, &c. Either the words are interpolated, or there
+is a lacuna. The objection is nowhere refuted.
+
+Sec. 156. Doriscus, &c. The places mentioned did not really belong to Athens,
+but to Cersobleptes, who was being assisted by Athenian troops, so that,
+strictly speaking, Philip was within his rights; and in fact (according to
+Aeschines), Cersobleptes and the Sacred Mountain were taken by Philip the
+day before the Athenians and their allies swore to the Peace at Athens.
+
+Sec. 162. _Eucleides_ had been sent to protest against Philip's attack upon
+Cersobleptes in 346 (see vol. i, p. 122). Philip replied that he had not
+yet been officially informed by the Athenian ambassadors of the conclusion
+of the Peace, and was therefore not yet bound by it.
+
+Sec. 166. _procure their ransom_: i.e. from the various Macedonians who had
+captured them, or to whom they had been given or sold.
+
+Sec. 176. _committed to writing_, &c. Formal evidence (as distinct from the
+mere assertions of a speaker) was written down, and the witness was asked
+to swear to it. A witness who was called upon might swear that he had no
+knowledge of the matter in question ([Greek: _exomnysthai_]). By writing
+down his evidence and swearing to it, Demosthenes took the risk of
+prosecution for perjury.
+
+Sec. 180. _might be proved in countless ways_: or 'would need a speech of
+infinite length '. But as [Greek: _kai_] and not [Greek: _de_] follows, I
+slightly prefer the former rendering. (The latter is supported by the
+Third Philippic, Sec. 60, but there the next clause is connected by [Greek:
+_de_].)
+
+_Ergophilus_ was heavily fined in 362 (see Speech against Aristocrates, Sec.
+104); Cephisodotus in 358 (ibid. Sec. 167, and Aeschines against Ctesiphon, Sec.
+52); Timomachus went into exile in 360 to escape condemnation (against
+Aristocrates, Sec. 115, &c.). Ergocles was perhaps the friend of Thrasybulas
+(see Lysias, Orations xxviii, xxix), and may have been condemned for his
+conduct in Thrace, as well as for malversation at Halicarnassus. Dionysius
+is unknown.
+
+Sec. 187. _has got beyond_, &c.: an ironical way of saying that he has so
+much overdone his application to himself of the title of (prospective)
+'benefactor' of Athens, that another word (e.g. 'deceiver') would be more
+appropriate. The word [Greek: _psychrhon_] is (at least by Greek literary
+critics) applied to strong expressions out of place, and here also,
+probably, of an exaggerated phrase which falls flat. This is perhaps the
+best interpretation of a very difficult passage.
+
+Sec. 191. For Timagoras, see Sec. 31 n. Tharrex and Smicythus are unknown.
+Adeimantus was one of the generals at Aegospotami, the only Athenian
+prisoner spared by Lysander, and on that account suspected of treason by
+the Athenians, and prosecuted by Conon (called 'the elder', to distinguish
+him from his grandson, who was a contemporary of Demosthenes).
+
+Sec. 194. guest-friend. The term ([Greek: xenos]) was applied to the
+relationship (more formal than that of simple friendship) between citizens
+of different states, who were bound together by ties of hospitality and
+mutual goodwill.
+
+Sec. 196. _the Thirty_: i.e. the 'Thirty Tyrants' who ruled Athens (with the
+support of Sparta) for a few months in 403. See n. on Sec. 277.
+
+Sec. 198. Aeschines warmly denies this story. He says that Demosthenes tried
+to bribe Aristophanes of Olynthus to swear that it was true, and that the
+woman was his own wife. He adds that the jury, on an appeal from Eubulus,
+refused to let Demosthenes complete the story.
+
+Sec. 199. _initiations_: see Speech on Crown, Sec.Sec. 259 ff., with notes.
+
+Sec. 200. _played the rogue_. The scholiast says that clerks were sometimes
+bribed to alter the laws and decrees which they read to the Court; and a
+magistrates' clerk had doubtless plenty of opportunities for conniving at
+petty frauds.
+
+Sec. 204. _should not have been sworn to_. This is out of chronological order
+as it stands, and emendations have been proposed, but unnecessarily.
+
+Sec. 209. _would not have him for your representative_: in the question about
+Athenian rights at Delos. See Introduction to the Speech.
+
+Sec. 213. _I have no further time, &c_.: lit. 'no one will pour water for me'
+into the water-clock, by which all trials were regulated.
+
+Sec. 221. _consider_, &c. There is an anacoluthon in the Greek, which may be
+literally translated, 'Consider, if, where I who am absolutely guiltless
+was afraid of being ruined by them--what ought these men themselves, the
+actual criminals, to suffer?'
+
+Sec. 222. _get money out of you_: i.e. to be bought off.
+
+Sec. 230. _choregus and trierarch_: see Introd. to Speech on Naval Boards,
+and n. on Philippic I. Sec. 36.
+
+Sec. 231. _all was well_ ([Greek: eupenespai]). The reading is almost
+certainly wrong. Weil rightly demands some word contrasting with [Greek:
+agnoein] ('did not understand his country') in the corresponding clause.
+
+Sec. 237. _vase-cases_: i.e. boxes to contain bottles of oil or perfume for
+toilet use.
+
+Sec. 245. _the cock-pit_. That this is the meaning seems to be proved by the
+words of Aeschines (against Timarchus, Sec. 53); otherwise the natural
+translation would be 'to the bird-market'. Cocks were no doubt sold in the
+bird-market; but Aeschines refers directly to cock-fighting, not to the
+purchase of the birds.
+
+Sec. 246. _hack-writers_: lit. 'speech-writers,' who composed speeches for
+litigants, and no doubt padded them out with quotations from poets, as
+well as with rhetorical commonplaces. Demosthenes taunts Aeschines
+particularly with ransacking unfamiliar plays, instead of those he knew
+well.
+
+Sec. 249. _reared up... greatness_: or possibly, 'reared up all these sons of
+hers.'
+
+_Hero-Physician_. See Speech on the Crown, Sec. 129 n.
+
+_Round Chamber_, in the Prytaneum or Town Hall (see Sec. 31 n.).
+
+Sec. 252. _at the risk of his own life_. He tried to avoid the risk by
+feigning madness. Salamis was in the hands of the Megareans, and the
+Athenians had become so weary of their unsuccessful attempts to recover
+it, that they decreed the penalty of death upon any one who proposed to
+make a fresh attempt. The verses, however, which are quoted in the text,
+are probably derived not from the poem which Solon composed for this
+purpose, but from another of his political poems.
+
+Sec. 255. _with a cap on your head_. Plutarch (Solon 82 c) says that 'Solon
+burst into the market-place suddenly, with a cap on his head'. The cap was
+intended to suggest that he had just returned from Salamis, since it was
+the custom to wear a cap only when on a journey, or in case of illness
+(of. Plato, _Republic_, iii. 406_d_). There may possibly be an allusion
+also to Aeschines' own alleged sickness (Sec. 136 above), but this is very
+doubtful. The words more probably mean, 'however closely you copy Solon'
+(as you copied his attitude in speaking), 'when you run about declaiming
+against me.'
+
+Sec. 257. _accepted the challenge_. At the examination before the Board of
+Auditors (Logistae) the question was almost certainly put, whether any one
+present wished to challenge the report of the ambassador under
+examination.
+
+Sec. 259. _claim_ ([Greek: axioumenoi]): or, 'are thought worthy'; but the
+first sense is much better in the parallel passage in Sec. 295, and this
+'middle' use seems to be sufficiently attested, though the active voice is
+used in the same sense in Sec. 338.
+
+Sec. 260. _paramount position_: i.e. among the tribes of North Greece
+(Magnetes, Perrhaebi, &c.).
+
+Sec. 264. _concluded the war, &c_. In 383 B.C. In fact, however, they only
+obtained peace by joining the Spartan alliance.
+
+Sec. 271. _Arthmius_: see Philippic III. Sec. 42 (and note).
+
+Sec. 273. _Callias_, in 444 B.C. Cf. Speech for the Rhodians, Sec. 29. The
+Chelidonian Islands lay off the south coast of Lycia, the Cyanean rocks at
+the northern mouth of the Bosporus.
+
+Sec. 277. _Epicrates_ was sent as ambassador to Persia early in the fourth
+century, and received large presents. According to Plutarch he escaped
+condemnation; but he may have been tried more than once. The comic poets
+make fun of his long beard.
+
+_who brought the people back from the Peiraeus_. Thrasybulus occupied the
+Peiraeus in 403, secured the expulsion of the Thirty Tyrants from Athens,
+and restored the democracy.
+
+Sec. 278. _the decree_: i.e. the decree by which Epicrates and his colleagues
+were condemned.
+
+Sec. 279. _for this is the splendid thing_: cf. Sec. 120 n.
+
+Sec. 280. _exiled_ and _punished_. We should perhaps (with Weil) read [Greek:
+_e] ('or') for [Greek: kai] ('and').
+
+_descendant of Harmodius_: i.e. Proxenus, who had been only recently
+condemned, and is therefore not named.
+
+Sec. 281. _another priestess_. According to the scholiast, the reference is
+to Ninus, a priestess of Sabazios, who was prosecuted by Menecles for
+making love-potions for young men. The connexion of this offence with the
+meetings of the initiated is left to be understood.
+
+Sec. 282. _the burden undertaken_. Such burdens as the duties of choregus,
+trierarch, &c., might be voluntarily undertaken, as they were by
+Demosthenes (see n. on Philippic I. Sec. 36).
+
+Sec. 287. _Cyrebion_, or 'Light-as-Chaff', was the nickname of Epicrates,
+Aeschines' brother-in-law (not the Epicrates of Sec. 277). _as a reveller_,
+no doubt in some Dionysiac revel, in which it was not considered decent to
+take part without a mask. (The original purpose of masks, however, was not
+to conceal one's identity from motives of shame, though Demosthenes
+suggests it as a motive here.)
+
+_were water flowing upstream_. A half-proverbial expression implying that
+the world was being turned upside-down, when such a person could prosecute
+for such offences.
+
+Sec. 290. _Hegesilaus_ was one of the generals sent to Euboea to help
+Plutarchus; cf. Speech on the Peace, Sec. 5 n. He was accused of abetting
+Plutarchus in the deception which he practised upon Athens. For
+Thrasybulus, cf. Sec. 277.
+
+_the primary question_: i.e. of the guilt or innocence of the defendant.
+If he was pronounced guilty, the question of sentence (or damages) had to
+be argued and decided separately.
+
+Sec. 295. _claim to be_: cf. n. on Sec. 259.
+
+_churning the butter_ ([Greek: etyrheue]): i.e. concocting the plot. (For
+the metaphor cf. Aristophanes, _Knights_ 479.)
+
+Sec. 299. _Zeus and Dione_. These names show that the oracles referred to
+were probably given at Dodona.
+
+Sec. 303. _oath of the young soldiers_. When the young Athenian came of age,
+he received a shield and spear in the temple of Aglaurus, and swore to
+defend his country and to uphold its constitution (cf. Lycurgus, _Against
+Leocrates_, Sec. 76).
+
+Sec. 314. _keeping step with Pythocles_, who was a tall man, while Aeschines
+was short.
+
+Sec. 326. _Drymus and Panactum_ were on the border between Boeotia and
+Attica. Nothing else is known of the expedition.
+
+Sec. 332. _Chares_. See nn. on Philippic I. Sec.Sec. 24, 46; Olynthiac II. Sec. 28,
+and Introductions.
+
+Sec. 333. _of one of whom_, &c.: i.e. of Philip (see Sec. 111 ff., and Introd.
+to Speech on the Peace).
+
+Sec. 342. _Euthycrates_. See Introd. to Olynthiacs.
+
+
+ON THE CHERSONESE
+
+Sec. 9. The argument is, 'if Philip is not committing hostilities so long as
+he keeps away from Attica, Diopeithes is not doing so, so long as he keeps
+away from Macedonia, and only operates in Thrace.'
+
+_drive the vessels_, &c. See Speech on the Peace, Sec. 25 n.
+
+Sec. 14. _passing the time_: i.e. until a convenient season for an attack
+arrives.
+
+_those who are on the spot_: i.e. in Thrace, and who had doubtless sent
+messages to Athens. Others think that the words mean 'those who are here
+from Thrace'.
+
+_Etesian winds_. See First Philippic, Sec. 31 n.
+
+_infatuation_: i.e. hostility to Athens.
+
+Sec. 16. _punish the settlers_: i.e. those who were sent with Diopeithes and
+demanded admission to Cardia.
+
+Sec. 18. _Chalcis_, in Euboea (see Introd.).
+
+Sec. 21. _keep our hands ... revenues_: a reference to the distributions of
+Festival-Money (see Third Olynthiac, with Introduction and notes).
+
+_contributions of the allies_. This interpretation seems on the whole
+better warranted than 'contributions promised to Diopeithes'.
+
+Sec. 24. _I consent to any penalty_: lit. *'I assess my own penalty at
+anything'--a metaphor from the practice of the law-courts, which allowed a
+convicted prisoner to propose an alternative penalty to that suggested by
+the prosecutor.
+
+_Erythraeans_: Erythrae was on the coast of Asia Minor, opposite Chios.
+
+Sec. 25. _benevolences_: the same word as was used of the forced
+contributions levied by English kings.
+
+Sec. 27. _surrendering_: i.e. to his soldiers, to be plundered (if the phrase
+is meant to convey anything but a vague accusation).
+
+Sec. 28. _wax-tablet_: i.e. a summons.
+
+_so many ships_. The critics of Diopeithes must have proposed the sending
+of a definite force to control him.
+
+Sec. 29. _a dispatch-boat_: lit. 'the _Paralus_'. This ship, and the
+_Salaminia_, were the two vessels regularly employed on public errands.
+
+_spitefulness_: i.e. towards Diopeithes.
+
+Sec. 30. _Chares_: see references in n. on Speech on Embassy, Sec. 332.
+
+_Aristophon_. The reference may be to his conduct as general in the early
+days of the war with Philip about Amphipolis. His activity as a statesman
+began as far back as 403, and he was one of the most influential
+politicians in Athens from about 361 to 354.
+
+Sec. 31. _losing something_: _sc_. a scapegoat whom you could punish.
+
+Sec. 40. _Euthycrates_, &c. See Introd. to Olynthiacs.
+
+Sec. 44. _wretched hamlets_ ([Greek: kak_on]): lit. 'evils' or 'miseries';
+but the word is possibly corrupt. (The original reading may possibly have
+been [Greek: kalyb_on].) According to the scholiast, Drongilum and Cabyle
+are near Amphipolis and the Strymon; but others assign different
+localities to them. Masteira is quite unknown.
+
+Sec. 45. _pit of destruction_ ([Greek: barhathrh_o]). This was literally the
+pit into which the bodies of condemned criminals were thrown at Athens.
+
+_silos_: underground store-houses for grain, such as were found in Ceos
+not many years ago, and may still be in use.
+
+Sec. 46. _irremediable_ ([Greek: an_ekeston]). The reading of two good
+manuscripts [Greek: aneikaston] (otherwise only known as a late Greek
+word) may be correct. If so, it may mean 'unparalleled', or
+'inexplicable'.
+
+Sec. 57. The meaning is, that by denouncing those who propose active measures
+now, they are preparing the way in order to prosecute them so soon as you
+find the war burdensome; whereas they should themselves be prosecuted for
+letting things go as far as they have gone.
+
+Sec. 59. _Oreus_. See Introd.
+
+_Pheraeans_, in 344. See Introd. to Second Philippic; and cf. Third
+Philippic, Sec. 12.
+
+_compromise_. Slavery seems to be ironically regarded as a compromise
+between activity and quiescence.
+
+Sec. 63. _robbed of at an earlier period_. The sense must either be this, or
+else 'all that you have lost in open war '. In either case emendation is
+required.
+
+Sec. 70. _trierarch and choregus_. Demosthenes was choregus in 348, and
+trierarch in 363, 359, and 357.
+
+Sec. 74. _Timotheus_: in 358, when Athens liberated Euboea from the Thebans.
+Cf. First Philippic, Sec. 17, First Olynthiac, Sec. 8. The effect of Timotheus'
+speech was such that the expedition started within three days. (Speech
+against Androtion, Sec. 14.)
+
+Sec. 75. _best counsel that he can_. The text is probably corrupt; but this
+was probably the sense of the original.
+
+
+THE THIRD PHILIPPIC
+
+Sec. 2. _actively at work_: the reference is to Diopeithes (see Speech on
+Chersonese, Sec. 57).
+
+Sec.Sec. 4, 5. Passages are repeated from the Speech on the Chersonese, Sec. 4, and
+First Philippic, Sec. 2.
+
+Sec. 8. _not to defraud us_: i.e. by making statements which he is not
+prepared to act upon.
+
+Sec. 11. _as though visiting his allies_. This is not true, though envoys
+from the Phocians, as from most other Greek states of importance, were in
+Philip's camp. With the whole passage, cf. Speech on Embassy, Sec.Sec. 20 ff.
+
+Sec. 12. _Pherae_. See Speech on Chersonese, Sec. 59 n. For Oreus see Introd. to
+Speech on Chersonese, and Sec. 33 and 59 ff. of this Speech.
+
+Sec. 15. _Serrhium, &c_. See Introd. to Speech on Peace.
+
+_he had sworn to a Peace_. This is untrue; see Speech on Embassy, Sec. 156,
+where it is part of the charge against Aeschines' party, that they had
+enabled Philip to take these places _before_ he had sworn to the Peace.
+
+Sec.16. _religion_: with special reference here to the sanctity of the oath.
+
+_into the Chersonese_: i.e. to help Cardia. The claim of Athens to Cardia
+was not good, and it appears from the Speech of Hegesippus against
+Halonnesus, Sec. 2, that the Athenians had recognized the independence of the
+town.
+
+Sec. 18. _if anything should happen_: e.g. the outbreak of open war, or (more
+probably) a defeat.
+
+Sec. 23. _seventy-three years_: i.e. 476-404 B. c.
+
+_thirty years save one_: i.e. 404-376 B.C. (in the latter year Chabrias
+defeated the Spartans off Naxos).
+
+_battle of Leucira_: in 371 B.C.
+
+Sec. 24. _disturb the established order_: i.e. by establishing oligarchical
+governments in place of democracy.
+
+Sec. 26. _in the Thracian region_: strictly, in Chalcidice and the
+neighbourhood. See Introd. to Olynthiacs.
+
+_robbed their very cities of their governments_. This is preferable to the
+(grammatically) equally possible rendering, 'robbed them of their
+constitutions and their cities,' as it suits the facts better. Philip
+seems to have substituted tetrarchies for separate city-states. (See
+Speech on Chersonese, Sec.26, and Second Philippic, Sec. 22 n.)
+
+Sec. 27. _Ambracia_. See Introd. to Speech on Chersonese. _Elis_: Introd. to
+Speech on Embassy. _Megara_: Speech on Embassy, Sec.Sec. 294, 295.
+
+Sec. 32. _Pythian games_. See Introd. to Speech on Peace. In 342 Philip sent
+a deputy to preside in his name.
+
+Sec.Sec. 33, 34. See Introd. to Speech on Chersonese. Echinus was a Theban
+colony in Thessaly, on the north coast of the Malian Gulf.
+
+Sec. 42. _Arthmius_, &c. (cf. Speech on Embassy, Sec.271). Zeleia was in the
+Troad, near Cyzicus. Arthmius was apparently proxenus of Athens at Zeleia,
+and as such had probably certain rights at Athens, of which the decree
+deprived him; so that Demosthenes' remarks at the beginning of Sec.44 are
+slightly misleading.
+
+Sec. 46. At the end of this section two versions are imperfectly blended, and
+it does not appear what were the contents of the document. Some suppose
+that the insertion 'He reads from the document' is an early conjectural
+interpolation.
+
+Sec. 49. _because be leads_, &c. Philip did, in fact, bring the Macedonian
+heavy infantry to great perfection for the purposes of a pitched battle,
+though the decisive action was generally that of the cavalry. But the
+other troops which Demosthenes names would enable him to execute rapid
+movements with success. The use of light-armed troops had already been
+developed by the Athenian general, Iphicrates.
+
+Sec. 50. _with such advantages_: lit. 'under these conditions' (_not_ 'to
+crown all', nor 'at the head of these troops').
+
+Sec. 52. Contrast Speech on Naval Boards, Section 9.
+
+Sec.Sec. 57 ff. See Introd. to Speech on Embassy.
+
+Sec. 59. Euphraeus had been a disciple of Plato, and an adviser of Perdiccas,
+Philip's elder brother. It was he who recommended Perdiccas to entrust the
+government of part of Macedonia to Philip, whom he afterwards so strongly
+opposed.
+
+Sec. 72. _embassies_. See Introd. to Speech on Chersonese.
+
+
+ON THE CROWN
+
+Sec. 1. _to take counsel_, &c. Aeschines had asked the jury to refuse
+Demosthenes a hearing, or at least to require him to follow the same order
+of treatment as himself.
+
+Sec. 3. _unpleasant_. Many render [Greek: duocheres] 'inauspicious', 'ill-
+omened'; but as we do not know exactly what was in Demosthenes' mind, it
+is better not to give the word a meaning which it does not bear elsewhere.
+It may, however, mean 'vexatious'.
+
+Sec. 11. _knave as you are_, &c. The assonance of the original might perhaps
+be partly reproduced by rendering 'evil-minded as you are, it was yet a
+very simple-minded idea that your mind conceived', &c.
+
+Sec. 12. _it does not enable the State_: lit. 'it is not possible for the
+State.' The point is that the prosecution of Ctesiphon, while expressing
+the malice of Aeschines towards Demosthenes, does not enable the State to
+punish Demosthenes himself for his alleged offences, since any penalty
+inflicted would fall on Ctesiphon.
+
+Sec. 13. _to debar another_, &c. This probably refers to the attempt to
+deprive Demosthenes of a hearing, not (as some have thought) to the
+attempt to get so heavy a fine inflicted upon Ctesiphon that he would be
+unable to pay it, and would therefore lose his rights as a citizen.
+
+Sec. 17. _ascribed to me_, &c. Aeschines was anxious, in view of the existing
+state of feeling at Athens, to disown his part in connexion with the Peace
+of Philocrates; while Demosthenes undoubtedly assisted Philocrates in the
+earlier of the negotiations and discussions which led to the Peace.
+
+_appropriate_. 'The recapitulation of the history is not a mere
+argumentative necessity, but has a moral fitness also; in fact, the whole
+defence of Demosthenes resolves itself into a proof that he only acted in
+the spirit of Athenian history' (Simcox).
+
+Sec. 18. _When the Phocian war bad broken out_: i.e. in 356-5. Demosthenes
+made his first speech in the Assembly in 354.
+
+_those who detested the Spartans_: i.e. the Messenians and Arcadians.
+
+_those who had previously governed_, &c.: e.g. the oligarchies which had
+governed with the help of Sparta in Phlius and Mantinea, and were
+overthrown after the battle of Leuctra.
+
+Sec. 19. _would be forced_, &c. This is a misrepresentation, since Philip and
+the Thebans had been in alliance for some time, and Thebes had no such
+grounds for apprehending evil from Philip, as would make her apply to
+Athens.
+
+Sec. 21. _Aristodemus_, &c. See Introd. to Speech on the Peace. As a matter
+of fact, Demosthenes acted with Philocrates at least down to the return of
+the First Embassy, and himself proposed to crown Aristodemus for his
+services (Aeschines, On the Embassy, Sec.Sec. 15-17).
+
+Sec. 23. _the Hellenes bad all_, &c. It is not easy to reconcile this passage
+with Sec. 16 of the Speech on the Embassy, from which it appears that
+representatives of other states were present in Athens; but these so-
+called envoys may have been private visitors, and in any case there was no
+real hope of uniting Greece against Philip.
+
+Sec. 24. _Eurybatus_ is said to have been sent as an envoy by Croesus to
+Cyrus, and to have turned traitor. The name came to be proverbial.
+
+Sec. 27. _those strongholds_. See Introd. to Speech on the Peace.
+
+Sec. 28. _But they would have watched_, &c. The passage has been taken in
+several ways: (1) 'They would have had to watch,' &c., and this would have
+been discreditable to Athens; (2) 'They would have watched,' &c., i.e.
+they would not have been excluded, as you desired, in any case; (3) 'But,
+you say, they would have paid two obols apiece,' and the city would have
+gained this. The sentence which follows favours (3), but perhaps (2) is
+best. The petty interests of the city would include (from the point of
+view assumed by Aeschines) the abstention from showing civility to the
+enemy's envoys. The two-obol (threepenny) seats were the cheapest.
+
+Sec. 30. _three whole months_. In fact the ambassadors were only absent from
+Athens about ten weeks altogether.
+
+_equally well_. The reading ([Greek: homoios]) is probably wrong; but if
+it is right, this must be the meaning.
+
+Sec. 32. _as you did before_, in 352. See Introd. to First Philippic.
+
+Sec. 36. _decree of Callisthenes_. This ordered the bringing in of effects
+from the country. See Speech on Embassy, Sec.Sec. 86, 125.
+
+Sec. 41. _property in Boeotia_. See Speech on Embassy, Sec. 145.
+
+Sec. 43. _their hopes_: sc. of the humiliation of Thebes.
+
+_and gladly_: i.e. they were glad to be free from a danger which (though
+remotely) threatened themselves, as the next sentence explains. I can see
+no good reason for taking the participle [Greek: polemoumenoi] as
+concessive ('_although_ they also,' &c.).
+
+Sec. 48. For Lasthenes see Introd. to Olynthiacs. Timolaus probably contrived
+the surrender of Thebes after the battle of Chaeroneia. Eudicus is
+unknown. Simus invoked Philip's aid against the tyrants at Pherae in 352
+(see Introd, to First Philippic). Aristratus was tyrant of Sicyon, and
+made alliance with Philip in 338. For Perillus, see Speech on Embassy,
+Section 295.
+
+Sec. 50. _stale dregs_: strictly the remains, and especially the wine left in
+the cups, from the previous night's feast; here the long-admitted
+responsibility of Aeschines for the Peace of 346.
+
+Sec. 63. _Dolopes_: a small tribe living to the south-west of Thessaly.
+
+Sec. 65. _free constitutions_. This refers especially to the Thessalians, who
+had been placed under tetrarchies (see Philippic III. Sec. 26).
+
+Sec. 70. _Aristophon_. See Speech on Chersonese, Sec. 30 n. Diopeithes is
+perhaps Diopeithes of Sphettus (mentioned by Hypereides, Speech against
+Euxenippus, Sec. 39), not the general sent by Athens to the Chersonese.
+
+Sec. 71. For the events mentioned in this section, see Introd. to Speech on
+the Embassy.
+
+Sec. 72. _Mysian booty_. A proverbial expression derived from the helpless
+condition of Mysia (according to legend) in the absence of its king,
+Telephus.
+
+Sec. 79. _to the Peloponnese_, in 344 (see Introd. to Second Philippic): _to
+Euboea_ in 343-2 (see Introd. to Speech on Embassy); _to Oreus_, &c., in
+341 (see Introd. to this Speech).
+
+Sec. 82. _as their patron_, i.e. as consul (or official patron) of Oreus in
+Athens. See n. on Speech for Rhodians, Sec. 15. civil rights. See vol. i, p.
+52.
+
+Sec. 83. _this was already the second proclamation_: i.e. the proclamation in
+accordance with the decree of Aristonicus. It is indeed just possible that
+the reference is to the proposal of Ctesiphon, 'for this is now the second
+proclamation,' &c. If so, we should have to assume that the proclamation
+under the decree of Demomeles in 338 was prevented by the disaster of
+Chaeroneia. But the first sentence of Sec. 120 is against this (see Goodwin's
+edition _ad loc_.).
+
+Sec. 94. _inconsiderate conduct_: i.e. in joining the revolt of the Athenian
+allies in 356.
+
+Sec. 96. _when the Spartans_, &c. The section refers to the events of 395.
+
+_Deceleian War_: i.e. the last part of the Peloponnesian War (413-404
+B.C.), when Deceleia (in Attica) was occupied by the Spartans.
+
+Sec. 99. _Thebans... Euboea_: in 358 or 357. See Speech for Megalopolitans, Sec.
+14 n.
+
+Sec. 100. _Oropus_. See Speech for Megalopolitans, Section 11 n.
+
+_I was one_. Demosthenes was, in fact, co-trierarch with Philinus (Speech
+against Meidias, Sec. 161).
+
+Sec. 102. See Speech on Naval Boards (with Introd. and notes), and n. on
+Olynthiac II, Sec. 29.
+
+_obtaining exemption_. The undertaking of the trierarchy conferred
+exemption from other burdens for the year, and (conversely) no one
+responsible for another public burden need be trierarch. The leaders of
+the Taxation Boards referred to in Sec. 103 are probably not (as generally
+supposed) the richest men in the _Naval_ Boards [Footnote: They may indeed
+have been so, but it was in virtue of their function as leading members of
+the Hundred Boards (for collecting the war tax) that they were grouped
+together as the Three Hundred.] (responsible for trierarchy), but those in
+the Hundred Boards responsible for the war tax. In each of these Boards
+there was a leader, a 'second', and a 'third', and these, all together,
+are almost certainly identical with the 'Three Hundred' responsible for
+advancing the sum due. When these were already advancing the war tax, they
+became exempt from trierarchy, and their poorer colleagues in the Naval
+Boards (to which of course they also belonged) had to bear the burden
+without them. But under Demosthenes' law the trierarchic payment was
+required from all alike, in strict proportion to their valuation as
+entered for the purposes of the war tax; and the Three Hundred (the
+leaders, seconds, and thirds) were no longer exempted. (This explains
+their anxiety to get the law shelved.) Even in years when they were not
+exempt, before Demosthenes' law was passed, they only paid a very small
+share in proportion to their wealth, since all the members of each Naval
+Board paid the same sum. It appears, however, that (though the Three
+Hundred as such cannot be shown to have had any office in connexion with
+the trierarchy) the richer men in the Naval Boards arranged the contracts
+for the work of equipment, and that when they had contracted that the work
+should be done (e.g.) for a talent, they sometimes recovered the whole
+talent from their poorer colleagues. (Speech against Meidias, Sec. 155.)
+
+Sec. 103. _lie under sworn notice_, &c. ([Greek: en hupomosia]). One who
+intended to indict the proposer of a law for illegality had probably to
+give sworn notice of his intention, and the suggestion made to Demosthenes
+was that when such notice had been given, he should let the law drop.
+
+Sec. 105. _the decree_, &c.: i.e. either a decree suspending the law until
+the indictment should be heard, or one ordering the trial on the
+indictment to be held.
+
+Sec. 107. _no trierarch_, &c. A trierarch who thought the burden too heavy
+for him could appeal against it by laying a branch on the altar in the
+Pnyx, or by taking sanctuary in the Temple of Artemis at Munychia. A
+dilatory or recalcitrant trierarch could be arrested by order of the ten
+commissioners ([Greek: apostuleis]) who constituted a sort of Admiralty
+Board.
+
+Sec. 111. _the laws_, &c. The laws alleged to have been violated were copied
+out, and accompanied the indictment. With regard to the laws in the
+present case, see Goodwin's edition, pp. 313-6.
+
+Sec. 114. _Nausides_ was sent to oppose Philip at Thermopylae in 352 (see
+Introd. to First Philippic). Diotimus had a command at sea in 338, and his
+surrender was demanded by Alexander in 335, as was also that of
+Charidernus (see n. on Olynthiac III, Sec. 5), who had now been a regular
+Athenian general for many years, and had been sent to assist Byzantium in
+340 (see Speech against Aristocrates, _passim_).
+
+Sec. 121. _hellebore_: supposed in antiquity to cure madness.
+
+Sec. 122. _reveller on a cart_, e.g. on the second day of the Anthesteria,
+when masked revellers rode in wagons and assailed the bystanders with
+abusive language. Such ceremonial abuse was perhaps originally supposed to
+have power to avert evil, and occurs in primitive ritual all over the
+world.
+
+Sec. 125. _the statutable limit_. There was a limit of time (differing
+according to the alleged offence) after which no action could be brought.
+Demosthenes could not now be prosecuted for any of the offences with which
+Aeschines charged him.
+
+Sec. 127. _Aeacus_, &c.: the judges of the dead in Hades, according to
+popular legend.
+
+_scandal-monger_. The Greek word ([Greek: spermologos]) is used primarily
+of a small bird that pecks up seeds, and hence of a person who picks up
+petty gossip. (In Acts xvii. 18 it is the word which is applied to St.
+Paul, and translated 'this babbler'.)
+
+_an old band in the market-place_: i.e. a rogue. A clerk would perhaps
+often be found in the offices about the market-place; or the reference may
+be to the market-place as a centre of gossip.
+
+_O Earth_, &c. Demosthenes quotes from the peroration of Aeschines'
+speech.
+
+Sec. 129. The stories which Demosthenes retails in these sections deal with a
+time which must have been forty or fifty years before the date of this
+speech, and probably contain little truth, beyond the facts that
+Aeschines' father was a schoolmaster (not a slave), and was assisted by
+Aeschines himself; and that his mother was priestess of a 'thiasos' or
+voluntary association of worshippers of Dionysus-Sabazios, among whose
+ceremonies was doubtless one symbolizing a marriage or mystical union
+between the god and his worshippers. (Whether the form of 'sacred
+marriage' which was originally intended to promote the fertility of the
+ground by 'sympathetic magic' entered into the ritual of Sabazios is
+doubtful.) Such a rite, though probably in fact quite innocent, gave rise
+to suspicions, of which Demosthenes takes full advantage; and the fact
+that well-known courtesans (such as Phryne and perhaps Ninus) sometimes
+organized such 'mysteries' would lend colour to the suspicions.
+
+_Hero of the Lancet_ ([Greek: to kalamit_e aer_oi]). The interpretation is
+very uncertain (see Goodwin, pp. 339 ff.); and, according as [Greek:
+kalamos] is taken in the sense of 'lancet', 'splints', or 'bow', editors
+render the phrase 'hero of the lancet', 'hero of the splints', 'archer-
+hero' (identified by some with Toxaris, the Scythian physician, whose
+arrival in Athens in Solon's time is described in Lucian's [Greek:
+Skuth_es ae Proxenos]). That the Hero was a physician is shown by the
+Speech on the Embassy, Sec. 249.
+
+Sec. 130. _for they were not like_, &c. ([Greek: ouge gar h_onetuchen _en,
+all ois hu daemos kataratai]). The meaning is quite uncertain. The most
+likely interpretations are: (1) that given in the text, [Greek: a
+bebioken] being understood as the subject of [Greek: _en], and [Greek: _on
+etuchen] as = [Greek: tout_on a etuchen], i.e. 'not belonging to the class
+of acts which were such as chance made them,' but acts of a quite definite
+kind, viz. the kind which the People curses (through the mouth of the
+herald at each meeting of the Assembly); (2) 'for he was not of ordinary
+parents, but of such as the People curses'; the subject of [Greek: _en]
+being Aeschines. But there is the difficulty that, with this subject for
+[Greek: _en, _on etuchen] can only represent [Greek: tout_on _on etuchen
+_on], whereas the sense required is [Greek: tout_on oi etuchon], or (the
+regular idiom) [Greek: t_on tuchunt_on]; and the sense is not so good, for
+the context [Greek: opse gar]) shows that the clause ought to refer to the
+_acts_ of Aeschines about which he is going to speak, not to his
+parentage, which the orator has done with.
+
+_Glaucothea_. Her real name is said to have been Glaucis. Glaucothea was
+the name of a sea-nymph. The change of the father's name Tromes
+('Trembler') to Atrometus ('Dauntless') would also betoken a rise in the
+world.
+
+_Empusa_, or 'The Foul Phantom': a female demon capable of assuming any
+shape. Obscene ideas were sometimes associated with her.
+
+Sec. 132. For Antiphon, see Introd. to Speech on the Embassy.
+
+_struck off the list_: at the revision of the lists in 346. (Each deme
+revised the list of its own members, subject to an appeal to the courts.)
+
+_without a decree_: i.e. a decree authorizing a domiciliary visit.
+
+Sec. 134. _when ... you elected him_. See Introd. to Speech on the Embassy.
+
+_from the altar_: a peculiarly solemn form of voting; it is mentioned in
+the Speech against Macartatus, Sec. 14.
+
+Sec. 136. _when Philip sent_, &c. See Introd. to Speech on the Embassy.
+
+Sec. 137. The ostensible purpose of Anaxinus' visit was to make purchases for
+Olympias, Philip's wife. Aeschines states that Anaxinus had once been
+Demosthenes' own host at Oreus.
+
+Sec. 141. _paternal deity_: as father of Ion, the legendary ancestor of the
+Ionians, and so of the Athenians.
+
+Sec. 143. _and of one_, &c. I have followed the general consensus of recent
+editors; but I do not feel at all sure that the antecedent of [Greek: us]
+is not [Greek: polemos]. In that case we should translate, 'which led to
+Philip's coming to Elateia and being chosen commander of the Amphictyons,
+and which overthrew,' &c.
+
+Sec. 146. _nature of the resources_, &c.: i.e. especially the possession by
+Athens of a strong fleet.
+
+Sec. 148. _representatives on the Council_. The Amphictyonic Council was
+composed of two representatives (Hieromnemones) from each of twelve
+primitive tribes, of which the Thessalians, the Boeotians, the Ionians
+(one of whose members was appointed by Athens), and the Dorians (one
+member appointed by Sparta) were the chief, while some of the tribes were
+now very obscure. There were also present delegates (Pylagori) from
+various towns. These were not members of the Council, and had no vote, but
+might speak. Athens sent three such delegates to each meeting. (See
+Goodwin, pp. 338, 339.)
+
+Sec. 150. _make the circuit_, or 'beat the bounds'. The actual proceedings
+(according to Aeschines' account, summarized in the Introd. to this
+Speech) were much more violent.
+
+_It was clearly impossible_, &c. The argument is unconvincing. Aeschines
+may have known of the intention of the Locrians without their having
+served a formal summons.
+
+Sec. 158. _one man_: i.e. Philip.
+
+Sec. 169. _the Prytanes_: the acting Committee of the Council.
+
+_set fire to the wicker-work_: i.e. probably the hurdles, &c., of which
+the booths were partly composed. Probably a bonfire was a well-understood
+form of summons to an Assembly called in an emergency.
+
+_the draft-resolution_. See Introd., vol. i, p. 18.
+
+_on the hill-side_: i.e. on the Pnyx, the meeting-place of the Assembly.
+
+Sec. 171. _the Three Hundred_. See n. on Sec. 102.
+
+Sec. 176. _philippize_. The word was coined during the wars with Philip, on
+the analogy of 'medize'--the term used of the action of the traitors who
+supported the invading Persians (Medes) early in the fifth century.
+
+Sec. 177. _to Eleusis_, which was on the most convenient (though not the
+shortest) route for an army marching to Thebes.
+
+Sec. 180. _Battalus_: a nickname given to Demosthenes by his nurse on account
+of the impediment in his speech from which he suffered in early days, or
+of his general delicacy. Aeschines had tried to fix an obscene
+interpretation upon it.
+
+_Creon_. See Speech on the Embassy, Sec. 247.
+
+_at Collytus_: i.e. at the Rural Dionysia held in that deme.
+
+Sec. 189. _any one_: lit. 'any one who chooses,' i.e. to call him to account.
+The expression ([Greek: ho boulomenos]) is apparently half technical, as
+applied to a self-appointed prosecutor. (Cf. Aristophanes, _Plutus_ 908
+and 918.)
+
+Sec. 194. _the general_: i.e. at Chaeroneia.
+
+Sec. 195. _Philip employed_. Most editors say '_Aeschines_ employed'. But
+this would require [Greek: outos] not [Greek: ekeinos], and Sec. 218 also
+supports the interpretation here given.
+
+Sec. 198. _treasured up_, &c. The suggestion seems to be that Aeschines
+foresaw the disasters, but concealed his knowledge, 'storing them up' in
+order to make a reputation out of them later.
+
+Sec. 204. _to leave their land_, &c.: i.e. at the time of Xerxes' invasion in
+480, when the Athenians abandoned the city and trusted to the 'wooden
+walls' of their ships.
+
+Sec. 208. On this magnificent passage, see the treatise _On the Sublime_,
+chaps, xvi, xvii.
+
+Sec. 209. _poring pedant_: lit. 'one who stoops over writings'. Here used
+perhaps with reference to Aeschines' having 'worked up' allusions to the
+past for the purpose of his Speech, while he remained blind to the great
+issues of the present. Many editors think that the reference is to his
+earlier occupation as a schoolmaster or a clerk; but this is perhaps less
+suitable to the context.
+
+Sec. 210. _staff...ticket_. The colour of the staff indicated the court in
+which the juror was to sit; the ticket was exchanged for his pay at the
+end of the day.
+
+Sec. 214. _a very deluge_. He is thinking, no doubt, of the disaster at
+Chaeroneia and the destruction of Thebes.
+
+Sec. 215. _while their infantry_, &c. The Theban forces when prepared for
+action would naturally camp outside the walls (see Olynth. I, Sec. 27, where
+Demosthenes similarly thinks of the Athenian army encamping outside
+Athens). But although they were thus encamped outside, and had left their
+wives and children unguarded within, they allowed the Athenian soldiers to
+enter the city freely.
+
+Sec. 216. _the river_: probably the Cephisus. Both battles are otherwise
+unknown. If one of them was in winter, it must have taken place not long
+after the capture of Elateia, and several months before the battle of
+Chaeroneia.
+
+Sec. 219. _somewhere to lay the blame_: or possibly, 'some opportunity of
+recovering himself,' or 'some place of retreat'. But the interpretation
+given (which is that of Harpocration) is supported by the use of [Greek:
+anenenkein] in Sec. 224.
+
+Sec. 227. _counters all disappear_. The calculation was made by taking away,
+for each item of debt or expenditure, so many counters from the total
+representing the sum originally possessed. When the frame (or _abacus_)
+containing the counters was left clear, it meant that there was no
+surplus. (The right reading, however, may be [Greek: an kathair_osin], 'if
+the counters are decisive,' or [Greek: han kathair_osin], 'whatever the
+counters prove, you concede.')
+
+Sec. 231. _cancel them out_ ([Greek: antanelein]): strictly, to strike each
+out of the account in view of something on the opposite side (i.e. in view
+of the alternative which you would have proposed).
+
+Sec. 234. _collected in advance_: i.e. Athens had been anticipating her
+income.
+
+Sec. 238. _if you refer_, &c. Aeschines had accused Demosthenes of saddling
+Athens with two-thirds of the expense of the war, and Thebes with only
+one-third.
+
+_three hundred_, &c. See Speech on Naval Boards, Sec. 29 n.
+
+Sec. 243. _customary offerings_, made at the tomb on the third and ninth days
+after the death.
+
+Sec. 249. _Philocrates_: not Philocrates of Hagnus, the proposer of the Peace
+of 346, but an Eleusinian. For Diondas, see Sec. 222. The others are unknown.
+
+Sec. 251. _Cephalus_. Cf. Sec. 219. He was an orator and statesman of the early
+part of the fourth century. (The best account of him is in Beloch,
+_Attische Politik_, p. 117.)
+
+Sec. 258. _the attendants' room_. The 'attendants' are those who escorted the
+boys to and from school--generally slaves.
+
+Sec. 259. _the books_, &c. Cf. Sec. 129 and notes. The books probably contained
+the formulae of initiation, or the hymns which were chanted by some
+Dionysiac societies. The service described here is probably that of the
+combined worship of Dionysus-Sabazios and the Great Mother (Cybele).
+
+_dressing_, &c. The candidate for initiation was clothed in a fawn-skin,
+and was 'purified' by being smeared with clay (while sitting down, with
+head covered) and rubbed clean with bran, and after the initiation was
+supposed to enter upon a new and higher life. It is possible that the
+veiling and disguising with clay originally signified a death to the old
+life, such as is the ruling idea in many initiations of a primitive type.
+(Cf. Aristophanes, travesty of an initiation-ceremony in the _Clouds_
+256.)
+
+Sec. 260. _fennel and white poplar_. These were credited with magical and
+protective properties.
+
+_Euoe, Saboe_: the cry to Sabazios. One is tempted to render it by 'Glory!
+Hallelujah!' In fact, the Dionysiac 'thiasoi', or some of them, had many
+features, good as well as bad, in common with the Salvation Army. The cry
+'Euoe, Saboe' is of Thracian origin; 'Hyes Attes' is Phrygian. The
+serpents, the ivy, and the winnowing-fan figured in more than one variety
+of Dionysiac service. It is not certain that for 'ivy-bearer' ([Greek:
+kittophorhos]) we should not read 'chest-bearer' ([Greek: kistophoros])
+used with reference to the receptacle containing sacred objects, of which
+we hear elsewhere in connexion with similar rites.
+
+Sec. 261. _fellow-parishioners_; lit. 'members of your deme'. Each deme kept
+the register of citizens belonging to it. Enrolment was possible at the
+age of 18 years, and had to be confirmed by the Council. (See Aristotle,
+_Constitution of Athens_, chap. xiii.)
+
+Sec. 262. _collecting figs_, &c. Two interpretations are possible: (1) that
+the spectators in derision threw fruit--probably not of the best--at
+Aeschines on the stage, and he gathered it up, as a fruiterer collects
+fruit from various growers, and lived on it; or (2) that while he was a
+strolling player, Aeschines used to rob orchards. Of these (1) seems by
+far the better in the context.
+
+Sec. 267. _I leave the abysm_, &c. The opening of Euripides' _Hecuba_. The
+line next quoted is unknown. 'Evil in evil wise' ([Greek: kakon kak_os])
+is found in a line of Lynceus, a fourth-century tragedian.
+
+Sec. 282. _denied this intimacy with him_: or possibly (with the scholiast),
+'declined this office.'
+
+Sec. 284. _the tambourine-player_. Such instruments were used in orgiastic
+rites.
+
+Sec. 285. Hegemon and Pythocles were members of the Macedonian party, who
+were put to death in 317 by order of the Assembly. (See Speech on Embassy,
+Sec.Sec. 215, 314.)
+
+Sec. 287. _same libation_: i.e. the same banquet. The libation preceded the
+drinking. To 'go beneath the same roof' with a polluted person was
+supposed to involve contamination.
+
+_in the revel_. Cf. Speech on the Embassy, Sec. 128. The reference, however,
+is here more particularly to Philip's revels after the battle of
+Chaeroneia, in which, Demosthenes suggests, the Athenian envoys took part.
+
+Sec. 289. The genuineness of the epitaph is doubtful. Line 2 is singularly
+untrue. The text is almost certainly corrupt in places (e.g. ll. 3 and
+10).
+
+_their lives_, &c. As the text stands, [Greek: aret_es] and [Greek:
+deimatos] must be governed by [Greek: brab_e,], 'made Hades the judge of
+their valour or their cowardice.' But this leaves [Greek: ouk esa_osan
+psuchas] as a quasiparenthesis, very difficult to accept in so simple and
+at the same time so finished a form of composition as the epigram. There
+are many emendations.
+
+_'Tis God's_, &c. The line, [Greek: m_eden hamartein esti the_on kai panta
+katorhthoun], is taken from Simonides' epitaph on the heroes of Marathon.
+The sense of the couplet is plain from Sec. 290; but [Greek: en biot_e] in l.
+10 is possibly corrupt.
+
+Sec. 300. _the confederacy_, i.e. Athens, Thebes, and their allies at
+Chaeroneia.
+
+Sec. 301. _our neighbours_, especially Megara and Corinth.
+
+Sec. 308. _the inactivity which you_, &c.: i.e. abstention from taking a
+prominent part in public life.
+
+Sec. 309. _opening of ports_: i.e. to Athenian commerce.
+
+Sec. 311. _What pecuniary assistance_, &c. Demosthenes is thinking of his own
+services in ransoming prisoners, &c. Some editors translate, 'What public
+financial aid have you ever given to rich or poor?' i.e. 'When have you
+ever dispensed State funds in such a way as to benefit any one?' It is
+impossible to decide with certainty between the two alternatives; but the
+meanings of [Greek: politik_e] ('citizen-like', 'such as one would expect
+from a good fellow-citizen') and [Greek: koin_e], which I assume, seem to
+be supported by Sec.Sec. 13 and 268 respectively.
+
+Sec. 312. _leaders of the Naval Boards_. See Introd. to Speech on Naval
+Boards.
+
+_damaging attack_, &c. This probably refers to modifications introduced on
+Aeschines' proposal into Demosthenes' Trierarchic Law of 340, not at the
+time of its enactment, but after some experience of its working. (See
+Aeschines, 'Against Ctesiphon,' Sec. 222.)
+
+Sec. 313. Theocrines was a tragic actor, who was attacked in the pseudo-
+Demosthenic Speech 'Against Theocrines'. Harpocration's description of him
+as a 'sycophant', or dishonest informer, may be merely an inference from
+the Speech.
+
+Sec. 318. _your brother_. See Speech on the Embassy, Sec.Sec. 237, 249. It is not
+known which brother is here referred to.
+
+Sec. 319. Philammon was a recent Olympic victor in the boxing match; Glaucus,
+a celebrated boxer early in the fifth century.
+
+Sec. 320. _owner of a stud_. To keep horses was a sign of great wealth in
+Athens.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+Abdera, i.
+Abydos, ii.
+Acarnania, Acarnanians, ii.
+Achaeans, ii.
+Acropolis, i.; ii.
+Adeimantus, i.
+Admiralty Board ([Greek: apostoleis]), ii.
+Aeacus, ii.
+Aegina, ii.
+Aeschines, i.; ii.
+Aetolia, Aetolians, ii.
+Agapaeus, ii.
+Aglaurus, temple of, i.; ii.
+Agyrrhius, i.
+Alcidamas, i.
+Alenadae, i.
+Alexander (480 B.C.), i.;  ii.
+Alexander the Great, ii.
+Amadocus, i.
+Ambassadors, duties of, i.
+Ambracia, ii.
+Amphictyonic Council,
+  its constitution and functions, i.; ii.
+  from 346-343 B.C., i.; ii.
+  and the Amphissean War, ii.
+  Demosthenes at the, ii.
+Amphipolis, i.; ii.
+Amphissa, Amphissean War:
+  _see_ Amphictyonic Council.
+Anaximenes, i.
+Anaxinus, ii.
+Androtion, i.
+Anemoetas, ii.
+Antalcidas: _see_ Peace.
+Anthemus, i.
+Antipater, i.
+Antiphon, i.; ii.
+Aphobetus, i.
+Apollodorus, i.
+Apollonia, ii.
+Apollonides,
+  of Cardia, i.
+  of Olynthus, ii.
+Apollophanes, i.
+Arcadia, Arcadians, i.; ii.
+  (_See_ also Megalopolis.)
+Areopagus,
+  Council of, i.; ii.
+Argaeus, i.
+Argives, Argos, i.; ii.
+Ariobarzanes, i.; ii.
+Aristaechmus, ii.
+Aristides, i.
+Aristocrates, i.
+Aristodemus, i.; ii.
+Aristoleos, ii.
+Aristonicus, ii.
+Aristophanes, ii.
+Aristophon, i.; ii.
+Aristotle, i.
+Aristratus,
+  of Naxos, ii.
+  of Sicyon, ii.
+Arrhidaeus, i.
+Artabazus, i.; ii.
+Artaxerxes, i.; ii.
+  (_See also_ Persia.)
+Artemisia, i.; ii.
+Artemisium, ii.
+Arthmius, i.; ii.
+Arybbas, i.; ii.
+Asiatic Greeks, i.; ii.
+Assembly, the Athenian,
+  its functions, character, and defects, i.; ii.
+  debates in, i.; ii.
+  (_See also_ Athenian People.)
+Athenian People,
+  their indifference and procrastination, i.; ii.
+  their incalculability, i.
+  their traditions and traditional policy, i.; ii.
+  (_See also_ Assembly, Democracy.)
+Atrestidas, i.
+Atrometus, i.; ii.
+Auditors, Board of (Logistae), i.; ii.
+Automedon, ii.
+
+Balance of Power, principle of, i.
+Battalus, ii.
+Boedromia, i.; ii.
+Boeotia, i.; ii.
+  (_See also_ Thebes.)
+Boeotian War, ii.
+Brougham, Lord; Preface; i.
+Byzantium, i; ii.
+
+Cabyle, ii.
+Callias
+  (Author of Peace), i.
+  (_See also _Peace.)
+  (of Chalcis), ii.
+  (public slave), i.
+Callisthenes, i.; ii.
+Callistratus, i.; ii.
+Cardia, Cardians, i.; ii.
+Caria, Prince of, i.
+  (_See also_ Artemisia, Mausolus.)
+Ceos, ii.
+Cephalus, ii.
+Cephisodotus, i.; ii.
+Cephisophon, ii.
+Cercidas, ii.
+Cersobleptes, i.; ii.
+Chabrias, i.; ii.
+Chaeroneia, battle of, ii.
+Chalcedon, i.; ii.
+Chalcidic League, i.; ii.
+Chalcis, ii.
+Chares, i.; ii.
+Charidemus, i.; ii.
+Chelidonian Islands, ii.
+Chersonese, i.; ii.
+  (_See also_ Cardia.)
+Chios, i.; ii.
+Cineas, ii.
+Cirrha, Cirrhaean plain, ii.
+Clearchus, i.; ii.
+Cleitarchus, i.; ii.
+Cleophon, i.
+Cleotimus, ii.
+Collytus, ii.
+Conon, i.
+Corcyra, i.; ii.
+Corinth, Corinthians, i.; ii.
+Corn-supply, &c. (Athenian), i.; ii.
+Coroneia, i.; ii.
+Corsia, i.
+Cos, i.; ii.
+Cottyphus, ii.
+Council,
+   of Areopagus.
+  (_See_ Areopagus.)
+  of Five Hundred, i.; ii.
+Crenides, i.
+Creon, i.; ii.
+Cresphontes, ii.
+Ctesiphon
+  (negotiator of Peace), i.; ii.
+  (indicted by Eubulus), i.
+  (proposer of Crown), ii.
+Curse, public, i.; ii.
+Cyanean Rocks, ii.
+Cyprothemis, i.
+Cyrebion, i.; ii.
+Cyrsilus, ii.
+Cyrus, i.; ii.
+
+Daochus, ii.
+Dardani, i.
+Deceleian War, ii.
+Deinarchus, ii.
+Delos, i.; ii.
+Delphi, temple at, i.; ii.
+Demades, i.; ii.
+Demaretus, ii.
+Democracy,
+  and Oligarchy, i.
+  and Tyranny, i.; ii.
+  (_See also_ Athenian People.)
+Demomeles, ii.
+Demosthenes (General), i.; ii.
+Dercylus, i.
+Diodorus, i.
+Dion, ii.
+Diondas, ii.
+Dionysia, i.; ii.
+Dionysius (General), i.; ii.
+Dionysius of Halicarnassus, i.
+Dionysus, ii.
+Diopeithes
+  (General), ii.
+  (of Sphettus?), ii.
+Diophantus, i.; ii.
+Diotimus, ii.
+Disunion of the Hellenes, i.; ii.
+Dium, i.
+Dodona, oracle of, ii.
+Dolopes, ii.
+Dorians of Parnassus, ii.
+Doriscus, i.; ii.
+Drongilum, ii.
+Drymus, i.
+
+Echinus, ii.
+Egypt, i; ii.
+Elateia, i.; ii.
+Election by lot, i.
+Eleusis, ii.
+Elis, i.; ii.
+Elpias, ii.
+Embassies to Peloponnesian States, ii.
+Embassy,
+  the First, i.
+  the Second, i.; ii.
+  (_See also_ Peace of Philocrates.)
+  the Third, i.; ii.
+Empusa, ii.
+Ephialtes, ii.
+Epichares, ii.
+Epicrates, i.; ii.
+  (_See also_ Cyrebion).
+Epirus, ii.
+Eretria, i.; ii.
+Ergiske, ii.
+Ergocles, i.; ii.
+Ergophilus, i.; ii.
+Erythraeans, ii.
+Etesian Winds, i.; ii.
+Euboea, Euboeans, i.; ii.
+Eubulus, i.; ii.
+Eucleides, i.; ii.
+Eudicus, ii.
+Euphraeus, ii.
+Eurybatus, ii.
+Eurylochus, i.
+Euripides, i.
+Euthycles, i.
+Euthycrates, i.; ii.
+Execcstus, i.
+
+Festival Fund, i.; ii.
+Financial System (Athenian),  i.; ii.
+  (_See also_ Military System, Naval System.)
+Fortifications,
+  Commissioner of, ii.
+  of Athens, ii.
+Fortune, i.; ii.
+Funeral Oration, after Chaeroneia, ii.
+
+Geraestus, i.; ii.
+Getae, ii.
+Glaucothea, i.; ii.
+Glaucus, ii.
+Gods,
+  and crime, i.
+  and perjury, i.
+  command issues of events, ii.
+  protect Athens, i.; ii.
+Guest-friendship, ii.
+
+Haliartus, i.; ii.
+Halonnesus, ii.
+Halus, i.
+Harmodius, i.
+Hedyleum, i.; ii.
+Hegemon, ii.
+Hegesilaus, i.; ii.
+Hegesippus, i.; ii.
+Hellespont, i.; ii.
+  (_See also_ Chersonese, Thrace.)
+Heracles, sacrifice to, i.; ii.
+Heraeon Teichos, i.; ii.
+Hero of the Lancet (Hero-Physician), i.; ii.
+Hierax, i.
+Hieronymus, i.
+Hipparchus, ii.
+Hipponicus, ii.
+Hypereides, i.; ii.
+
+Iatrocles, i.
+Illyria, Illyrians, i.; ii.
+Imbros, i.; ii.
+Iphicrates, i.; ii.
+Isaeus, i.
+Ischander, i.
+Isocrates, i.; ii.
+
+Lacedaemon, Lacedaemonians.
+  (_See_ Sparta, Spartans.)
+Lampsacus, i.; ii.
+Lasthenes, i.; ii.
+Larissa, i.; ii.
+Law-Courts, supremacy of, i.; ii.
+  (_See also_ Trials.)
+Legislative Commission, i.; ii.
+Lemnos, i.; ii.
+Leon, i.; ii.
+Leptines, i.
+Leucas, ii.
+Leuctra, battle of, i.; ii.
+Locrians, i.; ii.
+  (_See also_ Amphissa.)
+Logistae.
+  (_See_ Auditors.)
+Longinus, i.
+Lycophron, i.
+Lycurgus, ii.
+
+Macedonian Empire, i.
+Magnesia, i.; ii.
+Mantineia,
+  battle of, i.; ii.
+  oligarchy in, ii.
+Marathon, i.; ii.
+  battle of, i.; ii.
+Mardonius, ii.
+Maroneia, i.
+Masteira, ii.
+Mausolus, i.
+Mecyberna, i.
+Megalopolis, i.; ii.
+  (_See also_ Arcadia.)
+Megara, Megareans, i.; ii.
+Meidias, ii.
+Melantus, ii.
+Menecles, ii.
+Menelaus, i.; ii.
+Menippus, ii.
+Mercenaries, i.; ii.
+Messene, Messenians, i.; ii.
+Methone, i.; ii.
+Metroon, i.; ii.
+Military System (Athenian), i.; ii.
+  (_See also_ Mercenaries, Naval System.)
+Miltiades, i.
+Mnaseas, ii.
+Moerocles, i.
+Molon, i.
+Molossi, ii.
+Molossus, ii.
+Minos, ii.
+Mother, the Great, ii.
+Mountain, Sacred, i.; ii.
+Munychia, ii.
+Murder, Law of, ii.
+Myrtenum, ii.
+Myrtis, ii.
+'Mysian booty,' ii.
+Mysteries, the, ii.
+Mytilene, i.
+
+Naval Boards, i.; ii.
+Naval System (Athenian), i.; ii.
+  (_See also_ Financial System, Military System.)
+Naupactus, ii.
+Nausicles, ii.
+Neapolis, i.
+Neoptolemus, i.; ii.
+  (another?), ii.
+Neon, ii.
+Neones, i.; ii.
+Nicaea, i.; ii.
+Nicias
+  (General), i.
+  (another), i.
+Ninus, ii.
+
+Oenomaus, ii.
+Oligarchy, i.; ii.
+Olympian games, i.
+Olympias, ii.
+Olynthus, Olynthians, i.; ii.
+Onomarchus, i.
+Orators,
+  corrupt and disloyal, i.; ii.
+  and Speech on the Crown, _passim_.
+  (_See also_ Traitors.)
+  difficulties and risks of, i.; ii.
+  duties of, i.; ii.
+  past and present Athenian, i.; ii.
+  position of, in Athens, i.; ii.
+  recriminations of, i.; ii.
+  seeking popularity, i.; ii.
+Orchomenus, i.; ii.
+Oreus, i.; ii.
+Orontas, i.; ii.
+Oropus, i.; ii.
+Paeonians, i.; ii.
+Pagasae, i.
+Pammenes, i.
+Panactum, i.; ii.
+Panathenaea, i.; ii.
+Pangaeus, Mount, i.
+Parmenio, i.
+Peace
+  of Antalcidas, i.; ii.
+  of Callias, i.; ii.
+  of Demades, ii.
+  of Philocrates, i.; ii.
+Peitholaus, i.
+Peiraeus, i.; ii.
+Pella, i.; ii.
+Pelopidas, ii.
+Peparethus, ii.
+Periander, Law of, i.
+Perdiccas, ii.
+Pericles, i.
+Perillus, i.; ii.
+Perinthus, i.; ii.
+Persia, Persian King, i.; ii.
+Phalaecus, i.; ii.
+Pharsalus, i.
+Pherae, Pheraeans, i.; ii.
+Philammon, ii.
+Philiadas, ii.
+Philinus, ii.
+Philip,
+  his advantages over Athens, i.; ii.
+  his army, ii.
+  his character, i.; ii.
+  his policy, i.; ii.
+Philippi, i.
+Philippopolis, ii.
+Philo, i.; ii.
+Philochares, i.
+Philocrates
+  (author of Peace), i.; ii.
+  (another), ii.
+Philonicus, i.
+Philistides, ii.
+Phlius, Phliasians, i.; ii.
+Phocians, Phocis, i.; ii.
+Phocion, i.; ii.
+Phormio, ii.
+Phryne, ii.
+Phrynon, i.
+Phyle, i.
+Pirates, &c., ii.
+Pittalacus, i.
+Plataeae, i.; ii.
+  (battle of), ii.
+Plutarchus, i.; ii.
+Pnyx, ii.
+Polyeuctus, ii.
+Polystratus, i.; ii.
+Porthmus, i.; ii.
+Poteidaea, i.; ii.
+Prisoners, ransom of, i.; ii.
+Proconnesus, ii.
+Proedroi, ii.
+Prophets, i.; ii.
+Proxenus, i.; ii.
+Prytanes, i.; ii.
+Ptoeodorus, i.; ii.
+Pydna, i.; ii.
+Pythian Games, i.; ii.
+Pythocles, i.; ii.
+Python, i.; ii.
+
+Rhadamanthus, ii.
+Rhodes, Rhodians, i.; ii.
+River, battle by the, ii.
+Round Chamber, i.; ii.
+
+Sabazios.
+  (_See_ Dionysus.)
+Sacred War, i.
+  (_See also_ Amphissean War.)
+Salamis, Salaminians, i.; ii.
+  battle of, i.; ii.
+Samos, i.; ii.
+Satyrus, i.
+Schools (Athenian), i.; ii.
+Sciathus, i.; ii.
+Scyros, i.
+Scythia, ii.
+Selymbria, i.; ii.
+Serrhium, i.; ii.
+Sicyon, ii.
+Sigeum, i.; ii.
+Simonides, ii.
+Simus, ii.
+Simylus, ii.
+Smicythus, i.; ii.
+Socrates
+  (of Oreus), ii.
+  (actor), ii.
+Solon, i.; ii.
+Sophocles, i.
+Sosicles, ii.
+Sosistratus, ii.
+Sparta, Spartans, i.; ii.
+Stageira, i.
+Symmories.
+  (_See_ Naval Boards.)
+
+Tamynae, ii.
+Tanagra, ii.
+Taurosthenes, ii.
+Taxation.
+  (_See_ Financial System.)
+Teledamus, ii.
+Tenedos, ii.
+Tetrarchies, ii.
+Tharrex, i.; ii.
+Thasos, i.
+Thebans, Thebes, i.; ii.
+Themison, ii.
+Themistocles, i.; ii.
+Theocrines, ii.
+Theodoras
+  (actor), i.
+  (of Oropus), ii.
+Theogeiton, ii.
+Theopompus, ii.
+Theoric Fund.
+  (_See_ Festival Fund.)
+Thermopylae, i.; ii.
+Theseus, temple of, ii.
+Thesmothetae, i.; ii.
+Thessalians, Thessaly, i.; ii.
+  (_See also_ Magnesia, Pagasae, Pharsalus, Pherae.)
+Thirty Tyrants, the, i.; ii.
+Thoas, ii.
+Thrace, Thracians, i.; ii.
+  (_See also_ Cersobleptes, Chersonese, Hellespont.)
+Thrason, ii.
+Thrasybulus, i.; ii.
+Thrasydaeus, ii.
+Thrasylochus, ii.
+Thucydides, i.
+Tigranes, i.
+Tilphossaeum, i; ii.
+  173.
+Timagoras, i.; ii.
+Timarchus, i.; ii.
+Timocrates, i.
+Timolaus, ii.
+Timomachus, i.
+Timotheus, i.; ii.
+Torone, i.; ii.
+Torture, i.; ii.
+Traitors, i.; ii.
+  (_See also_ Orators, corruption of.)
+Trials, Athenian (character and
+  procedure), i.
+  (_See also_ Law-Courts.)
+Triballi, i.; ii.
+Tricaranum, i.; ii.
+Trierarchy.
+  (_See_ Naval Boards Naval System.)
+Triphylia, i.; ii.
+Tromes, ii.
+
+Walls, the, i.
+Winter-battle, the, ii.
+
+Xenocleides, i.
+Xenophron, i.
+
+Zeleia, i.; ii.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Public Orations of Demosthenes,
+volume 2, by Demosthenes
+
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