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diff --git a/9061-8.txt b/9061-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e4d1f53 --- /dev/null +++ b/9061-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,7124 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Public Orations of Demosthenes, volume 2, by +Demosthenes + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most +other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions +whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of +the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at +www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have +to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. + +Title: The Public Orations of Demosthenes, volume 2 + +Author: Demosthenes + +Posting Date: October 13, 2014 [EBook #9061] +Release Date: October, 2005 +First Posted: September 2, 2003 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PUBLIC ORATIONS DEMOSTHENES VOL II *** + + + + +Produced by Anne Soulard, Jon Ingram and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team. + + + + + + + + + + + THE PUBLIC ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES + IN TWO VOLUMES + VOL II + + TRANSLATED BY + ARTHUR WALLACE PICKARD + + + + +ON THE CHERSONESE (OR. VIII) + + +[_Introduction_. Late in the year 343 (some time after the acquittal of +Aeschines) Philip invaded Epirus, made Alexander, brother of his wife +Olympias, king of the Molossi instead of Arybbas, and so secured, his +own influence in that region. Arybbas was honourably received at +Athens. Philip next threatened Ambracia and Leucas, which were colonies +of Corinth, and promised to restore Naupactus, which was in the hands +of the Achaeans, to the Aetolians. But Athens sent Demosthenes, +Hegesippus, Polyeuctus and others to rouse the Corinthians to +resistance, and also dispatched a force of citizens to Acarnania to +help in the defence against Philip. Philip thereupon returned, captured +Echinus and Nicaea on the Malian Gulf, and established a tetrarch in +each division of Thessaly (343 B.C., or early in 342). In 342 +Philistides was established, by Philip's influence, as tyrant at Oreus +in Euboea (as Cleitarchus had been at Eretria in the preceding year), +and the democratic leader Euphraeus committed suicide in prison.[1] The +town of Chalcis, however, under Callias and Taurosthenes, remained +friendly to Athens, and made a treaty of alliance with her. + +About the same time a controversy, begun in the previous year, in +regard to Halonnesus, was renewed. This island had belonged to Athens, +but had been occupied by pirates. At some time not recorded (but +probably since the Peace of 346) Philip had expelled the pirates and +taken possession of the island. He now sent a letter, offering to give +Halonnesus to Athens, but not to _give it back_ (since this would +concede their right to it); or else to submit the dispute to +arbitration. He also offered to discuss a treaty for the settlement of +private disputes between Athenians and Macedonians, and to concert +measures with Athens for clearing the Aegean of pirates. He was willing +to extend the advantages of the Peace to other Greek States, but not to +agree that he and Athens should respectively possess 'what was their +own', instead of 'what they held'; though he was ready to submit to +arbitration in regard to Cardia and other disputed places. He again +denied having made the promises attributed to him, and asked for the +punishment of those who slandered him. Hegesippus replied in an extant +speech ('On Halonnesus'), while Demosthenes insisted that no impartial +arbitrator could possibly be found. Philip's terms in regard to +Halonnesus were refused, but the Athenian claim to the island was not +withdrawn. + +Philip spent the greater part of 342 and 341 in Thrace, mainly in the +valley of the Hebrus, where he endured very great hardships through the +winter, and founded colonies of Macedonian soldiers, the chief of these +being Philippopolis and Cabyle. He also entered into relations with the +Getae, beyond the Haemus, and garrisoned Apollonia on the Euxine. These +operations were all preparatory to his projected attack upon Byzantium. +(Byzantium and Athens were at this time on unfriendly terms, owing to +the part taken by the latter in the Social War.) + +But the immediate subject of the present Speech was the state of +affairs in the Chersonese in 342. The Chersonese (with the exception of +Cardia) had been secured for Athens in 357, but had been threatened by +Philip in 352,[2] when he made alliance with Cardia, and forced the +neighbouring Thracian Prince Cersobleptes to submit. Soon after the +Peace of Philocrates, Athens sent settlers to the Chersonese under +Diopeithes. Cardia alone refused to receive them, and Diopeithes, with +a mercenary force, prepared to compel the Cardians to admit them; while +Philip sent troops to hold the town, and complained to Athens in +threatening terms of the actions of Diopeithes, and more particularly +of an inroad which Diopeithes had made upon Philip's territory in +Thrace. Diopeithes had been ill-supported with money and men by Athens, +and had had recourse to piratical actions, in order to obtain supplies, +thus arousing some indignation at Athens; but the prospect of the heavy +expenditure which would be necessary, if an expedition were sent to his +aid, was also unattractive. Demosthenes, however, proposed that +Diopeithes should be vigorously supported, on the ground that Philip +was really at war with Athens, and that this was not the time to +interfere with the general who alone was pushing the Athenian cause. +The speech was delivered early in the spring of 341. It is a +masterpiece of oratory, at once statesmanlike and impassioned, and +shows a complete command of every variety of tone. The latter part of +it contains a strong denunciation of the Macedonian party in Athens, a +defence of the orator's own career, and an urgent demand for the +punishment of disloyalty. At the same time Demosthenes does not embody +the policy which he advises in any formal motion. For this we have to +wait for the Third Philippic.] + + +{1} It was the duty, men of Athens, of every speaker not to allow +either malice or favour to influence any speech which he might make, +but simply to declare the policy which he considered to be the best, +particularly when your deliberations were concerned with public affairs +of great importance. But since there are some who are led on to address +you, partly out of contentiousness, partly from causes which I need not +discuss, it is for you, men of Athens--you, the People--to dismiss all +other considerations, and both in the votes that you give and in the +measures that you take to attend solely to what you believe to be for +the good of the city. {2} Now our present anxiety arises out of affairs +in the Chersonese, and the campaign, now in its eleventh month, which +Philip is conducting in Thrace. But most of the speeches which we have +heard have been about the acts and intentions of Diopeithes. For my +part, I conceive that all charges made against any one who is amenable +to the laws and can be punished by you when you will are matters which +you are free to investigate, either immediately or after an interval, +as you think fit; and there is no occasion for me or any one else to +use strong language about them. {3} But all those advantages which an +actual enemy of the city, with a large force in the Hellespont, is +trying to snatch from you, and which, if we once fall behind-hand, we +shall no longer be able to recover--these, surely, are matters upon +which our interest demands that our plans be formed and our +preparations made with the utmost dispatch; and that no clamour, no +accusations about other matters, be allowed to drive us from this point. + +{4} Often as I am surprised at the assertions which are habitually made +in your presence, nothing, men of Athens, has surprised me more than +the remark which I heard only lately in the Council--that one who +advises you ought, forsooth, to advise you plainly either to go to war +or to keep the peace. {5} Very good.[3] If Philip is remaining +inactive, if he is keeping nothing that is ours, in violation of the +Peace, if he is not organizing all mankind against us, there is nothing +more to be said--we have simply to observe the Peace; and I see that, +for your part, you are quite ready to do so. But what if the oath that +we swore, and the terms upon which we made the Peace, stand inscribed +for our eyes to see? {6} What if it is proved that from the outset, +before Diopeithes sailed from Athens with the settlers who are now +accused of having brought about the war, Philip wrongfully seized many +of our possessions--and here, unrepealed, are your resolutions charging +him with this--and that all along he has been uninterruptedly seizing +the possessions of the other Hellenic and foreign peoples, and uniting +their resources against us? What is _then_ the meaning of the statement +that we ought either to go to war or to keep the Peace? {7} For we have +no choice in the matter: nothing remains open to us but the most +righteous and most necessary of all acts--the act that they +deliberately refuse to consider--I mean the act of retaliation against +the aggressor: unless indeed, they intend to argue that, so long as +Philip keeps away from Attica and the Peiraeus, he does the city no +wrong and is not committing acts of war. {8} But if _this_ is their +criterion of right and wrong, if _this_ is their definition of peace, +then, although what they say is iniquitous, intolerable, and +inconsistent with your security, as all must see, at the same time +these very statements are actually contradictory of the charges which +they are making against Diopeithes. {9} Why, I beg to ask,[n] are we to +give Philip full leave to act in whatever way he chooses, so long as he +does not touch Attica, when Diopeithes is not to be allowed even to +assist the Thracians, without being accused of initiating war? But even +if this inconsistency is brought home to them, still, we are told, the +conduct of the mercenaries in ravaging the Hellespontine country is +outrageous, and Diopeithes has no right to drive the vessels to +shore,[n] and ought to be stopped. {10} I grant it: let it be done: I +have nothing to say against it. Yet nevertheless, if their advice is +genuinely based on considerations of right, and right alone, I consider +that they are bound to prove that, as surely as they are seeking to +break up the force on which _Athens_ at present relies, by slandering +its commander to you when he tries to provide funds to support it, so +surely _Philip's_ force will be disbanded if you accept their advice. +If they fail to prove this, you must consider that they are simply +setting the city once more upon the same course which has already +resulted in the utter ruin of her fortunes. {11} For surely you know +that nothing in the world has contributed so much to Philip's +successes, as his being always first on the scene of action. With a +standing force always about him, and knowing beforehand what he intends +to do, he suddenly falls upon whomsoever he pleases: while we wait +until we learn that something is happening, and only then, in a +turmoil, make our preparations. {12} It follows, of course, that every +position which he has attacked, he holds in undisturbed possession; +while we are all behindhand; all our expenditure proves to have been so +much useless waste; we have displayed our hostility and our desire to +check him; but we are too late for action, and so we add disgrace to +failure. + +{13} You must therefore not fail to recognize, men of Athens, that now, +as before, all else that you hear consists of mere words and pretexts; +and that the real aim of all that is being done is to secure that you +may remain at home, that Athens may have no force outside the city, and +that thus Philip may give effect to all his desires without let or +hindrance. Consider, in the first place, what is actually occurring at +the present moment. {14} He is at present passing the time[n] in +Thrace, with a great army under him; and, as we are told by those who +are on the spot,[n] he is sending for a large addition to it from +Macedonia and Thessaly. Now if he waits for the Etesian winds,[n] and +then goes to Byzantium and besieges it, tell me first whether you think +that the Byzantines will persist in their present infatuation,[n] and +will not call upon you and entreat you to go to their aid? {15} I do +not think so. Why, I believe that they would open their gates to men +whom they distrust even more than they distrust you (if such exist), +rather than surrender the city to Philip--supposing, that is, that he +does not capture them first. And then, if we are unable to set sail +from Athens, and if there are no forces there on the spot to help them, +nothing can prevent their destruction. {16} 'Of course,' you say, 'for +the men are possessed, and their infatuation passes all bounds.' Very +true; and yet they must be preserved; for the interests of Athens +require it. And besides, we cannot by any means be certain that he will +not invade the Chersonese. Indeed, if we are to judge by the letter +which he has sent to you, he there says that he _will_ punish the +settlers[n] in the Chersonese. {17} If then the army that is now formed +there is in existence, it will be able to help the Chersonese, and to +injure some part of Philip's country. But when once it is dissolved, +what shall we do if he marches against the Chersonese? 'We shall of +course put Diopeithes on his trial.' And how will that improve our +position? 'Well, we should go to the rescue from Athens ourselves.' +What if the winds make it impossible? {18} 'But, of course, he will not +really get there.' And who can guarantee that? Do you realize, men of +Athens, or take into account, what the coming season of the year is, +the season against which some think you ought to evacuate the +Hellespont and hand it over to Philip? What if, when he leaves Thrace, +he does not go near the Chersonese or Byzantium at all--for this, too, +is a possibility which you must consider--but comes to Chalcis[n] or +Megara, just as he lately came to Oreus? Is it better to resist him +here, and to allow the war to come into Attica, or to provide something +to keep him busy there? The latter course is surely the better. + +{19} Realizing these things, therefore, as you all must, and taking due +account of them, you must not, Heaven knows, look askance at the force +which Diopeithes is trying to provide for Athens, or attempt to disband +it. You must yourselves prepare another force to support it: you must +help him freely with money, and give him in all other respects your +loyal co-operation. {20} If Philip were asked to say whether he would +wish these soldiers who are now with Diopeithes--describe them as you +will, for I in no way dispute your description--to be prosperous and in +high favour with the Athenians, and to be augmented in numbers by the +co-operation of the city; or whether he would rather see them broken up +and destroyed in consequence of calumnious charges against them; he +would prefer, I imagine, the latter alternative. Can it then be, that +there are men among us here who are trying to bring about the very +thing that Philip would pray Heaven for? And if so, do you need to seek +any further for the cause of the total ruin of the city's fortunes? + +{21} I wish, therefore, to examine without reserve the present crisis +of our affairs, to inquire what we ourselves are now doing, and how we +are dealing with it. We do not wish to contribute funds, nor to serve +with the forces in person; we cannot keep our hands from the public +revenues;[n] we do not give the contributions of the allies[n] to +Diopeithes, nor do we approve of such supplies as he raises for +himself; {22} but we look malignantly at him, we ask whence he gets +them, what he intends to do, and every possible question of that kind: +and yet we are still not willing to confine ourselves to our own +affairs, in consequence of the attitude which we have adopted; we still +praise with our lips those who uphold the dignity of the city, though +in our acts we are fighting on the side of their opponents. {23} Now +whenever any one rises to speak, you always put to him the question +'What are we to do?' I wish to put to _you_ the question, 'What are we +to _say_?' For if you will neither contribute, nor serve in person, nor +leave the public funds alone, nor grant him the contributions, nor let +him get what he can for himself, nor yet confine yourselves to your own +affairs, I do not know what I can say. For when you give such licence +to those who desire to make charges and accusations, that you listen to +them even when they denounce him by anticipation for his alleged +intentions--well, what _can_ one say? + +{24} The possible effect of this is a matter which some of you require +to understand, and I will speak without reserve; for indeed I could not +speak otherwise. All the commanders who have ever yet sailed from +Athens--if I am wrong, I consent to any penalty that you +please[n]--take money from the Chians, from the Erythraeans,[n] from +any people from whom they can severally get it--I mean, any of the +Asiatic settlers who are now in question. {25} Those who have one or +two ships take less, those who have a larger force take more. And those +who give to them do not give either little or much for nothing; they +are not so insane: in fact, with these sums they buy immunity from +injury for the merchants who sail from their ports, freedom from +piracy, the convoying of their vessels, and so on. They call the gifts +'benevolences',[n] and that is the name given to the sums thus +obtained. {26} And in the present case, when Diopeithes is there with +his army, it is obvious that all these peoples will give him money. +From what other source do you imagine that a general can maintain his +troops, when he has received nothing from you, and has no resources +from which he can pay his men? Will money drop from the sky? Of course +not. He subsists upon what he can collect or beg or borrow. {27} The +real effect, therefore, of the accusations made against him here, is +simply to warn every one that they should refuse to give him anything, +since he is to pay the penalty for his very intentions, not to speak of +any action that he may have taken or any success that he may have +achieved. That is the only meaning of the cry that 'he is preparing a +blockade', or 'he is surrendering[n] the Hellenes'. Do any of his +critics care about the Hellenes who live in Asia? {28} Were it so, they +would be more thoughtful for the rest of mankind than for their own +country. And the proposal to send another general to the Hellespont +amounts to no more than this. For if Diopeithes is acting outrageously +and is driving the vessels to shore, then, gentlemen, one little +wax-tablet[n] is enough to put an end to it all: and what the laws +command is that for these offences we should impeach the +wrong-doers--not that we should keep a watch upon our own forces at +such expense and with so many ships.[n] {29} Such insanity really +passes all bounds. No! Against the enemy whom we cannot arrest and +render amenable to the laws, it is both right and necessary to maintain +a force, to send war-ships, and to contribute war-funds: but against +one of ourselves, a decree, an impeachment, a dispatch-boat[n] will +answer our purpose. These are the means which sensible men would use: +the policy of the other side is the policy of men whose spitefulness[n] +is ruining your fortunes. {30} And that there should be some such men, +bad though it is, is not the worst. No! for you who sit there are +already in such a frame of mind, that if any one comes forward and says +that Diopeithes is the cause of all the mischief, or Chares,[n] or +Aristophon,[n] or any Athenian citizen that he happens to name, you at +once agree, and clamorously declare that he is right; {31} but if any +one comes forward and tells you the truth, and says, 'Men of Athens, +this is nonsense. It is Philip that is the cause of all this mischief +and trouble; for if he were quiet, the city would have nothing to +disturb her,' you cannot, indeed, deny the truth of his words, but you +seem, I think, to be annoyed, as though you were losing something.[n] +{32} And the cause of these things is this--and I beseech you, in +Heaven's name, to let me speak unreservedly, when I am speaking for +your true good--that some of your politicians have contrived that you +should be terrifying and severe in your assemblies, but easy-going and +contemptible in your preparations for war. And accordingly, if any one +names as the culprit some one whom you know you can arrest in your own +midst, you agree and you wish to act; but if one is named whom you must +first master by force of arms, if you are to punish him at all, you are +at a loss, I fancy, what to do, and you are vexed when this is brought +home to you. {33} For your politicians, men of Athens, should have +treated you in exactly the opposite way to this; they should train you +to be kind and sympathetic in your assemblies; for there it is with the +members of your own body and your own allies that your case is argued: +but your terrors and your severity should be displayed in your +preparations for war, where the struggle is with your enemies and your +rivals. {34} As it is, by their popular speeches, and by courting your +favour to excess, they have brought you into such a condition that, +while in your assemblies you give yourselves airs and enjoy their +flattery, listening to nothing but what is meant to please you, in the +world of facts and events you are in the last extremity of peril. +Imagine, in God's name, what would happen, if the Hellenes were to call +you to account for the opportunities which, in your indolence, you have +now let pass, and were to put to you the question, {35} 'Is it true, +men of Athens, that you send envoys to us on every possible occasion, +to tell us of Philip's designs against ourselves and all the Hellenes, +and of the duty of keeping guard against the man, and to warn us in +every way?' We should have to confess that it was true. We do act thus. +'Then,' they would proceed, 'is it true, you most contemptible of all +men, that though the man has been away for ten months, {36} and has +been cut off from every possibility of returning home, by illness and +by winter and by wars, you have neither liberated Euboea nor recovered +any of your own possessions? Is it true that you have remained at home, +unoccupied and healthy--if such a word can be used of men who behave +thus--and have seen him set up two tyrants in Euboea, one to serve as a +fortress directly menacing Attica, the other to watch Sciathus; {37} +and that you have not even rid yourselves of these dangers--granted +that you did not want to do anything more--but have let them be? +Obviously you have retired in his favour, and have made it evident that +if he dies ten times over, you will not make any move the more. Why +trouble us then with your embassies and your accusations?' If they +speak thus to us, what will be our answer? What shall we say, +Athenians? I do not see what we can say. + +{38} Now there are some who imagine that they confute a speaker, as +soon as they have asked him the question, 'What then are we to do?' I +will first give them this answer--the most just and true of all--'Do +not do what you are doing now.' {39} But at the same time I will give +them a minute and detailed reply; and then let them show that their +willingness to act upon it is not less than their eagerness to +interrogate. First, men of Athens, you must thoroughly make up your +minds to the fact that Philip is at war with Athens, and has broken the +Peace--you must cease to lay the blame at one another's doors--and that +he is evilly-disposed and hostile to the whole city, down to the very +ground on which it is built; {40} nay, I will go further--hostile to +every single man in the city, even to those who are most sure that they +are winning his favour. (If you think otherwise, consider the case of +Euthycrates[n] and Lasthenes of Olynthus, who fancied that they were on +the most friendly terms with him, but, after they had betrayed their +city, suffered the most utter ruin of all.) But his hostilities and +intrigues are aimed at nothing so much as at our constitution, whose +overthrow is the very first object in the world to him. {41} And in a +sense it is natural that he should aim at this. For he knows very well +that even if he becomes master of all the rest of the world, he can +retain nothing securely, so long as you are a democracy; and that if he +chances to stumble anywhere, as may often happen to a man, all the +elements which are now forced into union with him will come and take +refuge with you. {42} For though you are not yourselves naturally +adapted for aggrandizement or the usurpation of empire, you have the +art of preventing any other from seizing power and of taking it from +him when he has it; and in every respect you are ready to give trouble +to those who are ambitious of dominion, and to lead all men forth into +liberty. And so he would not have Freedom, from her home in Athens, +watching for every opportunity he may offer--far from it--and there is +nothing unsound or careless in his reasoning. {43} The first essential +point, therefore, is this--that you conceive him to be the +irreconcilable foe of your constitution and of democracy: for unless +you are inwardly convinced of this, you will not be willing to take an +active interest in the situation. Secondly, you must realize clearly +that all the plans which he is now so busily contriving are in the +nature of preparations against this country; and wherever any one +resists him, he there resists him on our behalf. {44} For surely no one +is so simple as to imagine that when Philip is covetous of the wretched +hamlets[n] of Thrace--one can give no other name to Drongilum, Cabyle, +Masteira, and the places which he is now seizing--and when to get these +places he is enduring heavy labours, hard winters, and the extremity of +danger;--{45} no one can imagine, I say, that the harbours and the +dockyards, and the ships of the Athenians, the produce of your +silver-mines, and your huge revenue, have no attraction for him, or +that he will leave you in possession of these, while he winters in the +very pit of destruction[n] for the sake of the millet and the spelt in +the silos[n] of Thrace. No, indeed! It is to get these into his power +that he pursues both his operations in Thrace and all his other +designs. {46} What then, as sensible men, must you do? Knowing and +realizing your position, as you do, you must lay aside this excessive, +this irremediable[n] indolence: you must contribute funds, and require +them from your allies; you must so provide and act, that this force +which is now assembled may be held together; in order that, as Philip +has the force in readiness that is to injure and enslave all the +Hellenes, you may have in readiness that which shall preserve and +succour them. {47} You cannot effect by isolated expeditions any of the +things which must be effected. You must organize a force, and provide +maintenance for it, and paymasters, and a staff of servants; and when +you have taken such steps as will ensure the strictest possible watch +being kept over the funds, you must hold these officials accountable +for the money, and the general for the actual operations. If you act +thus, and honestly make up your minds to take this course, you will +either compel Philip to observe a righteous peace and remain in his own +land--and no greater blessing could you obtain than that--or you will +fight him on equal terms. + +{48} It may be thought that this policy demands heavy expenditure, and +great exertions and trouble. That is true indeed; but let the objector +take into account what the consequences to the city must be, if he is +unwilling to assent to this policy, and he will find that the ready +performance of duty brings its reward. {49} If indeed some god is +offering us his guarantee--for no human guarantee would be sufficient +in so great a matter--that if you remain at peace and let everything +slide, Philip will not in the end come and attack yourselves; then, +although, before God and every Heavenly Power, it would be unworthy of +you and of the position that the city holds, and of the deeds of our +forefathers, to abandon all the rest of the Hellenes to slavery for the +sake of our own ease--although, for my part, I would rather have died +than have suggested such a thing--yet, if another proposes it and +convinces you, let it be so: do not defend yourselves: let everything +go. {50} But if no one entertains such a belief, if we all know that +the very opposite is true, and that the wider the mastery we allow him +to gain, the more difficult and powerful a foe we shall have to deal +with, what further subterfuge is open to us? Why do we delay? {51} When +shall we ever be willing, men of Athens, to do our duty? 'When we are +compelled,' you say. But the hour of compulsion, as the word is applied +to free men, is not only here already, but has long passed; and we must +surely pray that the compulsion which is put upon slaves may not come +upon us. And what is the difference? It is this--that for a free man +the greatest compelling force is his shame at the course which events +are taking--I do not know what greater we can imagine; but the slave is +compelled by blows and bodily tortures, which I pray may never fall to +our lot; it is not fit to speak of them. + +{52} I would gladly tell you the whole story, and show how certain +persons are working for your ruin by their policy. I pass over, +however, every point but this. Whenever any question of our relations +with Philip arises, at once some one stands up and talks of the +blessings of peace, of the difficulty of maintaining a large force, and +of designs on the part of certain persons to plunder our funds; with +other tales of the same kind, which enable them to delay your action, +and give Philip time to do what he wishes unopposed. {53} What is the +result? For you the result is your leisure, and a respite from +immediate action--advantages which I fear you will some day feel to +have cost you dear; and for them it is the favour they win, and the +wages for these services. But I am sure that there is no need to +persuade you to keep the Peace--you sit here fully persuaded. It is the +man who is committing acts of war that we need to persuade; for if he +is persuaded, you are ready enough. {54} Nor is it the expenditure +which is to ensure our preservation that ought to distress us, but the +fate which is in prospect for us, if we are not willing to take this +action: while the threatened 'plunder of our funds' is to be prevented +by the proposal of some safeguard which will render them secure, not by +the abandonment of our interests. {55} And even so, men of Athens, I +feel indignant at the very fact that some of you are so much pained at +the prospect of the plunder of our funds, when you have it in your +power both to protect them and to punish the culprits, and yet feel no +pain when Philip is seizing all Hellas piecemeal for his plunder, and +seizing it to strengthen himself against you. {56} What then is the +reason, men of Athens, that though Philip's campaigns, his aggressions, +his seizure of cities, are so unconcealed, none of my opponents has +ever said that _he_ was bringing about war? Why is it those who advise +you not to allow it, not to make these sacrifices, that they accuse, +and say that _they_ will be the cause of the war? I will inform you. +{57} It is because[n] they wish to divert the anger which you are +likely to show, if you suffer at all from the war, on to the heads of +those who are giving you the best advice in your own interests. They +want you to sit and try such persons, instead of resisting Philip; and +they themselves are to be the prosecutors, instead of paying the +penalty for their present actions. That is the meaning of their +assertion that there are some here, forsooth, who want to bring about +war. {58} That is the real point of these allegations of +responsibility. But this I know beyond all doubt--that without waiting +for any one in Athens to propose the declaration of war, Philip has not +only taken many other possessions of ours, but has just now sent an +expedition to Cardia. If, in spite of this, we wish to pretend that he +is not making war on us, he would be the most senseless man living, +were he to attempt to convince us of our error. {59} But what shall we +say, when his attack is made directly upon ourselves? He of course will +say that he is not at war with us--just as he was not at war with +Oreus,[n] when his soldiers were in the land; nor with the +Pheraeans,[n] before that, when he was assaulting their walls; nor with +the Olynthians, first of all, until he and his army were actually +within their territory. Or shall we still say that those who urge +resistance are bringing about war? If so, all that is left to us is +slavery. If we may neither offer resistance, nor yet be suffered to +remain at peace, no other compromise[n] is possible. {60} And further, +the issues at stake are not for you merely what they are for other +states. What Philip desires is not your subjection, but your utter +annihilation. For he knows full well that you will never consent to be +his slaves, and that even if you were willing, you would not know the +way, accustomed as you are to govern; and he knows that you will be +able to give him more trouble, if you get the opportunity, than all the +rest of the world. {61} The struggle, then, is a struggle for +existence; and as such you ought to think of it: and you should show +your abhorrence of those who have sold themselves to Philip by beating +them to death. For it is impossible, utterly impossible, to master your +enemies outside the city, before you punish your enemies in the city +itself. {62} Whence comes it, think you, that he is insulting us now +(for his conduct seems to me to be nothing less than this), and that +while he at least deceives all other peoples by doing them favours, he +is using threats against you without more ado? For instance, he enticed +the Thessalians by large gifts into their present servitude; and words +cannot describe how greatly he deceived the Olynthians at first by the +gift of Poteidaea and much beside. {63} At this moment he is alluring +the Thebans, by delivering up Boeotia to them, and ridding them of a +long and arduous campaign. Each of these peoples has first reaped some +advantage, before falling into those calamities which some of them have +already suffered, as all the world knows, and some are destined to +suffer whenever their time comes. But as for yourselves, to pass over +all that you have been robbed of at an earlier period,[n] what +deception, what robbery have been practised upon you in the very act of +making the Peace! {64} Have not the Phocians, and Thermopylae, and the +Thracian seaboard--Doriscus, Serrhium, Cersobleptes himself--been taken +from you? Does not Philip at this moment occupy the city of the +Cardians, and avow it openly? Why is it then, that he behaves as he +does to all others, and so differently to you? Because yours is the one +city in the world where men are permitted to speak on behalf of the +enemy without fear; because here a man may take bribes, and still +address you with impunity, even when you have been robbed of your own. +In Olynthus it was only safe to take Philip's side when the people of +Olynthus as a whole had shared Philip's favours, and was enjoying the +possession of Poteidaea. {65} In Thessaly it was only safe to take +Philip's side when the Thessalian commons had shared Philip's favours; +for he had expelled the tyrants for them, and restored to them their +Amphictyonic position. In Thebes it was not safe, until he had restored +Boeotia to Thebes and annihilated the Phocians. {66} But at +Athens--though Philip has not only robbed you of Amphipolis and the +territory of the Cardians, but has turned Euboea into a fortress +overlooking your country, and is now on his way to attack Byzantium--at +Athens it _is_ safe to speak in Philip's interest. Aye, and you know +that, of such speakers, some who were poor are rapidly growing rich; +and some who were without name or fame are becoming famous and +distinguished, while you, on the other hand, are becoming inglorious +instead of famous, bankrupt instead of wealthy. For a city's wealth +consists, I imagine, in allies, confidence, loyalty--and of all these +you are bankrupt. {67} And because you are indifferent to these +advantages, and let them drift away from you, he has become prosperous +and powerful, and formidable to all, Hellenes and foreigners alike; +while you are deserted and humbled, with a splendid profusion of +commodities in your market, and a contemptible lack of all those things +with which you should have been provided. But I observe that certain +speakers do not follow the same principles in the advice which they +give you, as they follow for themselves. _You_, they tell you, ought to +remain quiet, even when you are wronged; but _they_ cannot remain quiet +in your presence, even when no one is wronging them. + +{68} But now some one or other comes forward and says, 'Ah, but you +will not move a motion or take any risk. You are a poor-spirited +coward.' Bold, offensive, shameless, I am not, and I trust I may never +be; and yet I think I have more courage than very many of your dashing +statesmen. {69} For one, men of Athens, who overlooks all that the +city's interest demands--who prosecutes, confiscates, gives, +accuses--does so not from any bravery, but because in the popular +character of his speeches and public actions he has a guarantee of his +personal safety, and therefore is bold without risk. But one who in +acting for the best sets himself in many ways against your wishes--who +never speaks to please, but always to advise what is best; one who +chooses a policy in which more issues must be decided by chance than by +calculation, and yet makes himself responsible to you for both--that is +the courageous man, {70} and such is the citizen who is of value to his +country, rather than those who, to gain an ephemeral popularity, have +ruined the supreme interests of the city. So far am I from envying +these men, or thinking them worthy citizens of their country, that if +any one were to ask me to say, what good _I_ had really done to the +city, although, men of Athens, I could tell how often I had been +trierarch and choregus,[n] how I had contributed funds, ransomed +prisoners, and done other like acts of generosity, I would mention none +of these things; {71} I would say only that my policy is not one of +measures like theirs--that although, like others, I could make +accusations and shower favours and confiscate property and do all that +my opponents do, I have never to this day set myself to do any of these +things; I have been influenced neither by gain nor by ambition; but I +continue to give the advice which sets me below many others in your +estimation, but which must make you greater, if you will listen to it; +for so much, perhaps, I may say without offence. {72} Nor, I think, +should I be acting fairly as a citizen, if I devised such political +measures as would at once make me the first man in Athens, and you the +last of all peoples. As the measures of a loyal politician develop, the +greatness of his country should develop with them; and it is the thing +which is best, not the thing which is easiest, that every speaker +should advocate. Nature will find the way to the easiest course +unaided. To the best, the words and the guidance of the loyal citizen +must show the way. + +{73} I have heard it remarked before now, that though what I _say_ is +always what is best, still I never contribute anything but words; +whereas the city needs work of some practical kind. I will tell you +without any concealment my own sentiments on this matter. There _is_ no +work that can be demanded of any of your public advisers, except that +he should advise what is best; and I think I can easily show you that +this is so. {74} No doubt you know how the great Timotheus[n] delivered +a speech to the effect that you ought to go to the rescue and save the +Euboeans, when the Thebans were trying to reduce them to servitude; and +how, in the course of his speech, he spoke somewhat in this +strain:--'What?' said he, 'when you actually have the Thebans in the +island, do you debate what you are to do with them, and how you are to +act? Will you not cover the sea with warships, men of Athens? Will you +not rise from your seats and go instantly to the Peiraeus and launch +your vessels?' {75} So Timotheus spoke, and you acted as he bade you; +and through his speech and your action the work was done. But if he had +given you the best possible advice (as in fact he did), and you had +lapsed into indolence and paid no attention to it, would the city have +achieved any of the results which followed on that occasion? +Impossible! And so it is with all that I say to-day, and with all that +this or that speaker may say. For the actions you must look to +yourselves; from the speaker you must require that he give you the best +counsel that he can.[n] + +{76} I desire now to sum up my advice and to leave the platform. I say +that we must contribute funds, and must keep together the force now in +existence, correcting anything that may seem amiss in it, but not +disbanding the whole force because of the possible criticisms against +it. We must send envoys everywhere to instruct, to warn, and to act. +Above all, we must punish those who take bribes in connexion with +public affairs, and must everywhere display our abhorrence of them; in +order that reasonable men, who offer their honest services, may find +their policy justified in their own eyes and in those of others. {77} +If you treat the situation thus, and cease to ignore it altogether, +there is a chance--a chance I say, even now--that it may improve. If, +however, you sit idle, with an interest that stops short at applause +and acclamation, and retires into the background when any action is +required, I can imagine no oratory, which, without action on your part, +will be able to save your country. + + +FOOTNOTES + +[1] See Third Philippic §§ 59 sqq. + +[2] See Introduction to First Philippic. + +[3] [Greek: est_o d_e.] + + + + +THE THIRD PHILIPPIC (Or. IX) + +[_Introduction_. The Third Philippic seems to have been delivered in +the late spring or early summer of 341 B. C., about two months after +the Speech on the Chersonese, which apparently had little positive +result, though it probably prevented the recall and prosecution of +Diopeithes. The immediate occasion of the Third Philippic was a request +from the forces in the Chersonese for supplies. The general situation +is the same as at the date of the last speech, but the danger to +Byzantium is more pressing. Demosthenes now takes the broad ground of +Panhellenic policy, and formally proposes to send envoys throughout +Greece, to unite all the Greek states against Philip, as well as to +send immediate reinforcements and supplies to the Chersonese. + +Many critics, ancient and modern, have regarded this as the greatest of +all Demosthenes' political orations. The lessons of history (from the +speaker's point of view) are repeated and enforced by the citation of +instance after instance. The tone of the speech, while less varied than +that of the last, is grave and intense. The passage (§§ 36 ff.) in +which the orator contrasts the spirit of Athenian political life in the +past with that of his own day is one of the most impressive in all his +works, and the nobility of his appeal to the traditional ideals of +Athenian policy has been universally recognized even by his most severe +critics. + +The speech is found in the MSS. in two forms, of which the shorter +omits a number of passages[1] which the longer includes, though there +are signs of an imperfect blending of the two versions in certain +places. It seems probable that both versions are due to Demosthenes, +and the speech may have been more than once revised by him before +publication or republication. In which form it was delivered there is +not sufficient evidence to show.] + + +{1} Many speeches are made, men of Athens, at almost every meeting of +the Assembly, with reference to the aggressions which Philip has been +committing, ever since he concluded the Peace, not only against +yourselves but against all other peoples; and I am sure that all would +agree, however little they may act on their belief, that our aim, both +in speech and in action, should be to cause him to cease from his +insolence and to pay the penalty for it. And yet I see that in fact the +treacherous sacrifice of our interests has gone on, until what seems an +ill-omened saying may, I fear, be really true--that if all who came +forward desired to propose, and you desired to carry, the measures +which would make your position as pitiful as it could possibly be, it +could not (so I believe), be made worse than it is now. {2} It may be +that there are many reasons for this, and that our affairs did not +reach their present condition from any one or two causes. But if you +examine the matter aright, you will find that the chief responsibility +rests with those whose aim is to win your favour, not to propose what +is best. Some of them, men of Athens, so long as they can maintain the +conditions which bring them reputation and influence, take no thought +for the future [and therefore think that you also should take none]; +while others, by accusing and slandering those who are actively at +work,[n] are simply trying to make the city spend its energies in +punishing the members of its own body, and so leave Philip free to say +and do what he likes. {3} Such political methods as these, familiar to +you as they are, are the real causes of the evil. And I beg you, men of +Athens, if I tell you certain truths outspokenly, to let no resentment +on your part fall upon me on this account. Consider the matter in this +light. In every other sphere of life, you believe that the right of +free speech ought to be so universally shared by all who are in the +city, that you have extended it both to foreigners and to slaves; and +one may see many a servant in Athens speaking his mind with greater +liberty than is granted to citizens in some other states: but from the +sphere of political counsel you have utterly banished this liberty. {4} +The result[n] is that in your meetings you give yourselves airs and +enjoy their flattery, listening to nothing but what is meant to please +you, while in the world of facts and events, you are in the last +extremity of peril. If then you are still in this mood to-day, I do not +know what I can say; but if you are willing to listen while I tell you, +without flattery, what your interest requires, I am prepared to speak. +For though our position is very bad indeed, and much has been +sacrificed, it is still possible, even now, if you will do your duty, +to set all right once more. {5} It is a strange thing, perhaps, that I +am about to say, but it is true. The worst feature in the past is that +in which lies our best hope for the future. And what is this? It is +that you are in your present plight because you do not do any part of +your duty, small or great; for of course, if you were doing all that +you should do, and were still in this evil case, you could not even +hope for any improvement. As it is, Philip has conquered your indolence +and your indifference; but he has not conquered Athens. You have not +been vanquished--you have never even stirred. {6} [Now if it was +admitted by us all that Philip was at war with Athens, and was +transgressing the Peace, a speaker would have to do nothing but to +advise you as to the safest and easiest method of resistance to him. +But since there are some who are in so extraordinary a frame of mind +that, though he is capturing cities, though many of your possessions +are in his hands, and though he is committing aggressions against all +men, they still tolerate certain speakers, who constantly assert at +your meetings that it is some of _us_ who are provoking the war, it is +necessary to be on our guard and come to a right understanding on the +matter. {7} For there is a danger lest any one who proposes or advises +resistance should find himself accused of having brought about the war.] + +[Well, I say this first of all, and lay it down as a principle, that if +it is open to us to deliberate whether we should remain at peace or +should go to war ...] + +{8} Now if it is possible for the city to remain at peace--if the +decision rests with us (that I may make this my starting-point)--then, +I say that we ought to do so, and I call upon any one who says that it +is so to move his motion, and to act and not to defraud us.[n] But if +another with weapons in his hands and a large force about him holds out +to you the _name_ of peace, while his own acts are acts of war, what +course remains open to us but that of resistance? though if you wish to +profess peace in the same manner as he, I have no quarrel with you. {9} +But if any man's conception of peace is that it is a state in which +Philip can master all that intervenes till at last he comes to attack +ourselves, such a conception, in the first place, is madness; and, in +the second place, this peace that he speaks of is a peace which you are +to observe towards Philip, while he does not observe it towards you: +and this it is--this power to carry on war against you, without being +met by any hostilities on your part--that Philip is purchasing with all +the money that he is spending. + +{10} Indeed, if we intend to wait till the time comes when he admits +that he is at war with us, we are surely the most innocent persons in +the world. Why, even if he comes to Attica itself, to the very +Peiraeus, he will never make such an admission, if we are to judge by +his dealings with others. {11} For, to take one instance, he told the +Olynthians, when he was five miles from the city, that there were only +two alternatives--either they must cease to live in Olynthus, or he to +live in Macedonia: but during the whole time before that, whenever any +one accused him of any such sentiments, he was indignant and sent +envoys to answer the charge. Again, he marched into the Phocians' +country, as though visiting his allies:[n] it was by Phocian envoys +that he was escorted on the march; and most people in Athens contended +strongly that his crossing the Pass would bring no good to Thebes. {12} +Worse still, he has lately seized Pherae[n] and still holds it, though +he went to Thessaly as a friend and an ally. And, latest of all, he +told those unhappy citizens of Oreus[n] that he had sent his soldiers +to visit them and to make kind inquiries; he had heard that they were +sick, and suffering from faction, and it was right for an ally and a +true friend to be present at such a time. {13} Now if, instead of +giving them warning and using open force, he deliberately chose to +deceive these men, who could have done him no harm, though they might +have taken precautions against suffering any themselves, do you imagine +that he will make a formal declaration of war upon you before he +commences hostilities, and that, so long as you are content to be +deceived? {14} Impossible! For so long as you, though you are the +injured party, make no complaint against him, but accuse some of your +own body, he would be the most fatuous man on earth if _he_ were to +interrupt your strife and contentions with one another--to bid you turn +upon himself, and so to cut away the ground from the arguments by which +his hirelings put you off, when they tell you that _he_ is not at war +with Athens. + +{15} In God's name, is there a man in his senses who would judge by +words, and not by facts, whether another was at peace or at war with +him? Of course there is not. Why, from the very first, when the Peace +had only just been made, before those who are now in the Chersonese had +been sent out, Philip was taking Serrhium[n] and Doriscus, and +expelling the soldiers who were in the castle of Serrhium and the +Sacred Mountain, where they had been placed by your general. {16} But +what was he doing, in acting thus? For he had sworn to a Peace.[n] And +let no one ask, 'What do these things amount to? What do they matter to +Athens?' For whether these acts were trifles which could have no +interest for you is another matter; but the principles of religion[n] +and justice, whether a man transgress them in small things or great, +have always the same force. What? When he is sending mercenaries into +the Chersonese, which the king and all the Hellenes have acknowledged +to be yours; when he openly avows that he is going to the rescue, and +states it in his letter, what is it that he is doing? {17} He tells +you, indeed, that he is not making war upon you. But so far am I from +admitting that one who acts in this manner is observing the Peace which +he made with you, that I hold that in grasping at Megara, in setting up +tyrants in Euboea, in advancing against Thrace at the present moment, +in pursuing his machinations in the Peloponnese, and in carrying out +his entire policy with the help of his army, he is violating the Peace +and is making war against you;--unless you mean to say that even to +bring up engines to besiege you is no breach of the Peace, until they +are actually planted against your walls. But you will not say this; for +the man who is taking the steps and contriving the means which will +lead to my capture is at war with me, even though he has not yet thrown +a missile or shot an arrow. {18} Now what are the things which would +imperil your safety, if anything should happen?[n] The alienation of +the Hellespont, the placing of Megara and Euboea in the power of the +enemy, and the attraction of Peloponnesian sympathy to his cause. Can I +then say that one who is erecting such engines of war as these against +the city is at peace with you? {19} Far from it! For from the very day +when he annihilated the Phocians--from that very day, I say, I date the +beginning of his hostilities against you. And for your part, I think +that you will be wise if you resist him at once; but that if you let +him be, you will find that, when you wish to resist, resistance itself +is impossible. Indeed, so widely do I differ, men of Athens, from all +your other advisers, that I do not think there is any room for +discussion to-day in regard to the Chersonese or Byzantium. {20} We +_must_ go to their defence, and take every care that they do not suffer +[and we must send all that they need to the soldiers who are at present +there]. But we _have_ to take counsel for the good of all the Hellenes, +in view of the grave peril in which they stand. And I wish to tell you +on what grounds I am so alarmed at the situation, in order that if my +reasoning is correct, you may share my conclusions, and exercise some +forethought for yourselves at least, if you are actually unwilling to +do so for the Hellenes as a whole; but that if you think that I am +talking nonsense, and am out of my senses, you may both now and +hereafter decline to attend to me as though I were a sane man. + +{21} The rise of Philip to greatness from such small and humble +beginnings; the mistrustful and quarrelsome attitude of the Hellenes +towards one another; the fact that his growth out of what he was into +what he is was a far more extraordinary thing than would be his +subjugation of all that remains, when he has already secured so +much;--all this and all similar themes, upon which I might speak at +length, I will pass over. {22} But I see that all men, beginning with +yourselves, have conceded to him the very thing which has been at issue +in every Hellenic war during the whole of the past. And what is this? +It is the right to act as he pleases --to mutilate and to strip the +Hellenic peoples, one by one, to attack and to enslave their cities. +{23} For seventy-three years[n] you were the leading people of Hellas, +and the Spartans for thirty years save one;[n] and in these last times, +after the battle of Leuctra,[n] the Thebans too acquired some power: +yet neither to you nor to Thebes nor to Sparta was such a right ever +conceded by the Hellenes, as the right to do whatever you pleased. Far +from it! {24} First of all it was your own behaviour--or rather that of +the Athenians of that day--which some thought immoderate; and all, even +those who had no grievance against Athens, felt bound to join the +injured parties, and to make war upon you. Then, in their turn, the +Spartans, when they had acquired an empire and succeeded to a supremacy +like your own, attempted to go beyond all bounds and to disturb the +established order[n] to an unjustifiable extent; and once more, all, +even those who had no grievance against them, had recourse to war. {25} +Why mention the others? For we ourselves and the Spartans, though we +could originally allege no injury done by the one people to the other, +nevertheless felt bound to go to war on account of the wrongs which we +saw the rest suffering. And yet all the offences of the Spartans in +those thirty years of power, and of your ancestors in their seventy +years, were less, men of Athens, than the wrongs inflicted upon the +Greeks by Philip, in the thirteen years, not yet completed, during +which he has been to the fore. Less do I say? {26} They are not a +fraction of them. [A few words will easily prove this.] I say nothing +of Olynthus, and Methone, and Apollonia, and thirty-two cities in the +Thracian region,[n] all annihilated by him with such savagery, that a +visitor to the spot would find it difficult to tell that they had ever +been inhabited. I remain silent in regard to the extirpation of the +great Phocian race. But what is the condition of Thessaly? Has he not +robbed their very cities of their governments,[n] and set up +tetrarchies, that they may be enslaved, not merely by whole cities, but +by whole tribes at a time? {27} Are not the cities of Euboea even now +ruled by tyrants, and that in an island that is neighbour to Thebes and +Athens? Does he not write expressly in his letters, 'I am at peace with +those who choose to obey me'? And what he thus writes he does not fail +to act upon; for he is gone to invade the Hellespont; he previously +went to attack Ambracia;[n] the great city of Elis[n] in the +Peloponnese is his; he has recently intrigued against Megara;[n] and +neither Hellas nor the world beyond it is large enough to contain the +man's ambition. {28} But though all of us, the Hellenes, see and hear +these things, we send no representatives to one another to discuss the +matter; we show no indignation; we are in so evil a mood, so deep have +the lines been dug which sever city from city, that up to this very day +we are unable to act as either our interest or our duty require. {29} +We cannot unite; we can form no combination for mutual support or +friendship; but we look on while the man grows greater, because every +one has made up his mind (as it seems to me) to profit by the time +during which his neighbour is being ruined, and no one cares or acts +for the safety of the Hellenes. For we all know that Philip is like the +recurrence or the attack of a fever or other illness, in his descent +upon those who fancy themselves for the present well out of his reach. +{30} And further, you must surely realize that all the wrongs that the +Hellenes suffered from the Spartans or ourselves they at least suffered +at the hands of true-born sons of Hellas; and (one might conceive) it +was as though a lawful son, born to a great estate, managed his affairs +in some wrong or improper way;--his conduct would in itself deserve +blame and denunciation, but at least it could not be said that he was +not one of the family, or was not the heir to the property. {31} But +had it been a slave or a supposititious son that was thus ruining and +spoiling an inheritance to which he had no title, why, good Heavens! +how infinitely more scandalous and reprehensible all would have +declared it to be. And yet they show no such feeling in regard to +Philip, although not only is he no Hellene, not only has he no kinship +with Hellenes, but he is not even a barbarian from a country that one +could acknowledge with credit;--he is a pestilent Macedonian, from +whose country it used not to be possible to buy even a slave of any +value. + +{32} And in spite of this, is there any degree of insolence to which he +does not proceed? Not content with annihilating cities, does he not +manage the Pythian games,[n] the common meeting of the Hellenes, and +send his slaves to preside over the competition in his absence? [Is he +not master of Thermopylae, and of the passes which lead into Hellenic +territory? Does he not hold that district with garrisons and +mercenaries? Has he not taken the precedence in consulting the oracle, +and thrust aside ourselves and the Thessalians and Dorians and the rest +of the Amphictyons, though the right is not one which is given even to +all of the Hellenes?] {33} Does he not write to the Thessalians to +prescribe the constitution under which they are to live? Does he not +send one body of mercenaries to Porthmus, to expel the popular party of +Eretria, and another to Oreus, to set up Philistides as tyrant? And yet +the Hellenes see these things and endure them, gazing (it seems to me) +as they would gaze at a hailstorm--each people praying that it may not +come their way, but no one trying to prevent it. Nor is it only his +outrages upon Hellas that go unresisted. {34} No one resists even the +aggressions which are committed against himself. Ambracia and Leucas +belong to the Corinthians--he has attacked them: Naupactus to the +Achaeans--he has sworn to hand it over to the Aetolians: Echinus[n] to +the Thebans--he has taken it from them, and is now marching against +their allies the Byzantines--is it not so? {35} And of our own +possessions, to pass by all the rest, is not Cardia, the greatest city +in the Chersonese, in his hands? Thus are we treated; and we are all +hesitating and torpid, with our eyes upon our neighbours, distrusting +one another, rather than the man whose victims we all are. But if he +treats us collectively in this outrageous fashion, what do you think he +will do, when he has become master of each of us separately? + +{36} What then is the cause of these things? For as it was not without +reason and just cause that the Hellenes in old days were so prompt for +freedom, so it is not without reason or cause that they are now so +prompt to be slaves. There was a spirit, men of Athens, a spirit in the +minds of the people in those days, which is absent to-day--the spirit +which vanquished the wealth of Persia, which led Hellas in the path of +freedom, and never gave way in face of battle by sea or by land; a +spirit whose extinction to-day has brought universal ruin and turned +Hellas upside down. What was this spirit? [It was nothing subtle nor +clever.] {37} It meant that men who took money from those who aimed at +dominion or at the ruin of Hellas were execrated by all; that it was +then a very grave thing to be convicted of bribery; that the punishment +for the guilty man was the heaviest that could be inflicted; that for +him there could be no plea for mercy, nor hope of pardon. {38} No +orator, no general, would then sell the critical opportunity whenever +it arose--the opportunity so often offered to men by fortune, even when +they are careless and their foes are on their guard. They did not +barter away the harmony between people and people, nor their own +mistrust of the tyrant and the foreigner, nor any of these high +sentiments. {39} Where are such sentiments now? They have been sold in +the market and are gone; and those have been imported in their stead, +through which the nation lies ruined and plague-stricken--the envy of +the man who has received his hire; the amusement which accompanies his +avowal; [the pardon granted to those whose guilt is proved;] the hatred +of one who censures the crime; and all the appurtenances of corruption. +{40} For as to ships, numerical strength, unstinting abundance of funds +and all other material of war, and all the things by which the strength +of cities is estimated, every people can command these in greater +plenty and on a larger scale by far than in old days. But all these +resources are rendered unserviceable, ineffectual, unprofitable, by +those who traffic in them. + +{41} That these things are so to-day, you doubtless see, and need no +testimony of mine: and that in times gone by the opposite was true, I +will prove to you, not by any words of my own, but by the record +inscribed by your ancestors on a pillar of bronze, and placed on the +Acropolis [not to be a lesson to themselves--they needed no such record +to put them in a right mind--but to be a reminder and an example to you +of the zeal that you ought to display in such a cause]. {42} What then +is the record? 'Arthmius,[n] son of Pythonax, of Zeleia, is an outlaw, +and is the enemy of the Athenian people and their allies, he and his +house.' Then follows the reason for which this step was taken--'because +he brought the gold from the Medes into the Peloponnese.' {43} Such is +the record. Consider, in Heaven's name, what must have been the mind of +the Athenians of that day, when they did this, and their conception of +their position. They set up a record, that because a man of Zeleia, +Arthmius by name, a slave of the King of Persia (for Zeleia is in +Asia), as part of his service to the king, had brought gold, not to +Athens, but to the Peloponnese, he should be an enemy of Athens and her +allies, he and his house, and that they should be outlaws. {44} And +this outlawry is no such disfranchisement as we ordinarily mean by the +word. For what would it matter to a man of Zeleia, that he might have +no share in the public life of Athens? But there is a clause in the Law +of Murder, dealing with those in connexion with whose death the law +does not allow a prosecution for murder [but the slaying of them is to +be a holy act]: 'And let him die an outlaw,' it runs. The meaning, +accordingly, is this--that the slayer of such a man is to be pure from +all guilt. {45} They thought, therefore, that the safety of all the +Hellenes was a matter which concerned themselves--apart from this +belief, it could not have mattered to them whether any one bought or +corrupted men in the Peloponnese; and whenever they detected such +offenders, they carried their punishment and their vengeance so far as +to pillory their names for ever. As the natural consequence, the +Hellenes were a terror to the foreigner, not the foreigner to the +Hellenes. It is not so now. Such is not your attitude in these or in +other matters. {46} But what is it? [You know it yourselves; for why +should I accuse you explicitly on every point? And that of the rest of +the Hellenes is like your own, and no better; and so I say that the +present situation demands our utmost earnestness and good counsel.[n]] +And what counsel? Do you bid me tell you, and will you not be angry if +I do so? + +[_He reads from the document_.] + +{47} Now there is an ingenuous argument, which is used by those who +would reassure the city, to the effect that, after all, Philip is not +yet in the position once held by the Spartans, who ruled everywhere +over sea and land, with the king for their ally, and nothing to +withstand them; and that, none the less, Athens defended herself even +against them, and was not swept away. Since that time the progress in +every direction, one may say, has been great, and has made the world +to-day very different from what it was then; but I believe that in no +respect has there been greater progress or development than in the art +of war. {48} In the first place, I am told that in those days the +Spartans and all our other enemies would invade us for four or five +months--during, that is, the actual summer--and would damage Attica +with infantry and citizen-troops, and then return home again. And so +old-fashioned were the men of that day--nay rather, such true +citizens--that no one ever purchased any object from another for money, +but their warfare was of a legitimate and open kind. {49} But now, as I +am sure you see, most of our losses are the result of treachery, and no +issue is decided by open conflict or battle; while you are told that it +is not because he leads a column of heavy infantry[n] that Philip can +march wherever he chooses, but because he has attached to himself a +force of light infantry, cavalry, archers, mercenaries, and similar +troops. {50} And whenever, with such advantages,[n] he falls upon a +State which is disordered within, and in their distrust of one another +no one goes out in defence of its territory, he brings up his engines +and besieges them. I pass over the fact that summer and winter are +alike to him--that there is no close season during which he suspends +operations. {51} But if you all know these things and take due account +of them, you surely must not let the war pass into Attica, nor be +dashed from your seat through looking back to the simplicity of those +old hostilities with Sparta. You must guard against him, at the +greatest possible distance, both by political measures and by +preparations; you must prevent his stirring from home, instead of +grappling with him at close quarters in a struggle to the death. {52} +For, men of Athens, we have many natural advantages for a war,[n] if we +are willing to do our duty. There is the character of his country, much +of which we can harry and damage, and a thousand other things. But for +a pitched battle he is in better training than we. + +{53} Nor have you only to recognize these facts, and to resist him by +actual operations of war. You must also by reasoned judgement and of +set purpose come to execrate those who address you in his interest, +remembering that it is impossible to master the enemies of the city, +until you punish those who are serving them in the city itself. {54} +And this, before God and every Heavenly Power--this you will not be +able to do; for you have reached such a pitch of folly or distraction +or--I know not what to call it; for often has the fear actually entered +my mind, that some more than mortal power may be driving our fortunes +to ruin--that to enjoy their abuse, or their malice, or their jests, or +whatever your motive may chance to be, you call upon men to speak who +are hirelings, and some of whom would not even deny it; and you laugh +to hear their abuse of others. {55} And terrible as this is, there is +yet worse to be told. For you have actually made political life safer +for these men, than for those who uphold your own cause. And yet +observe what calamities the willingness to listen to such men lays up +in store. I will mention facts known to you all. + +{56} In Olynthus, among those who were engaged in public affairs, there +was one party who were on the side of Philip, and served his interests +in everything; and another whose aim was their city's real good, and +the preservation of their fellow citizens from bondage. Which were the +destroyers of their country? which betrayed the cavalry, through whose +betrayal Olynthus perished? Those whose sympathies were with Philip's +cause; those who, while the city still existed brought such dishonest +and slanderous charges against the speakers whose advice was for the +best, that, in the case of Apollonides at least, the people of Olynthus +was even induced to banish the accused. + +{57} Nor is this instance of the unmixed evil wrought by these +practices in the case of the Olynthians an exceptional one, or without +parallel elsewhere. For in Eretria,[n] when Plutarchus and the +mercenaries had been got rid of, and the people had control of the city +and of Porthmus, one party wished to entrust the State to you, the +other to entrust it to Philip. And through listening mainly, or rather +entirely, to the latter, these poor luckless Eretrians were at last +persuaded to banish the advocates of their own interests. {58} For, as +you know, Philip, their ally, sent Hipponicus with a thousand +mercenaries, stripped Porthmus of its walls, and set up three +tyrants--Hipparchus, Automedon, and Cleitarchus; and since then he has +already twice expelled them from the country when they wished to +recover their position [sending on the first occasion the mercenaries +commanded by Eurylochus, on the second, those under Parmenio]. + +{59} And why go through the mass of the instances? Enough to mention +how in Oreus Philip had, as his agents, Philistides, Menippus, +Socrates, Thoas, and Agapaeus--the very men who are now in possession +of the city--and every one knew the fact; while a certain Euphraeus,[n] +who once lived here in Athens, acted in the interests of freedom, to +save his country from bondage. {60} To describe the insults and the +contumely with which he met would require a long story; but a year +before the capture of the town he laid an information of treason +against Philistides and his party, having perceived the nature of their +plans. A number of men joined forces, with Philip for their paymaster +and director, and haled Euphraeus off to prison as a disturber of the +peace. {61} Seeing this, the democratic party in Oreus, instead of +coming to the rescue of Euphraeus, and beating the other party to +death, displayed no anger at all against them, and agreed with a +malicious pleasure that Euphraeus deserved his fate. After this the +conspirators worked with all the freedom they desired for the capture +of the city, and made arrangements for the execution of the scheme; +while any of the democratic party, who perceived what was going on, +maintained a panic-stricken silence, remembering the fate of Euphraeus. +So wretched was their condition, that though this dreadful calamity was +confronting them, no one dared open his lips, until all was ready and +the enemy was advancing up to the walls. Then the one party set about +the defence, the other about the betrayal of the city. {62} And when +the city had been captured in this base and shameful manner, the +successful party governed despotically: and of those who had been their +own protectors, and had been ready to treat Euphraeus with all possible +harshness, they expelled some and murdered others; while the good +Euphraeus killed himself, thus testifying to the righteousness and +purity of his motives in opposing Philip on behalf of his countrymen. + +{63} Now for what reason, you may be wondering, were the peoples of +Olynthus and Eretria and Oreus more agreeably disposed towards Philip's +advocates than towards their own? The reason was the same as it is with +you--that those who speak for your true good can never, even if they +would, speak to win popularity with you; they are constrained to +inquire how the State may be saved: while their opponents, in the very +act of seeking popularity, are co-operating with Philip. {64} The one +party said, 'You must pay taxes;' the other, 'There is no need to do +so.' The one said, 'Go to war, and do not trust him;' the other, +'Remain at peace,'--until they were in the toils. And--not to mention +each separately--I believe that the same thing was true of all. The one +side said what would enable them to win favour; the other, what would +secure the safety of their State. And at last the main body of the +people accepted much that they proposed--not now from any such desire +for gratification, nor from ignorance, but as a concession to +circumstances, thinking that their cause was now wholly lost. {65} It +is this fate, I solemnly assure you, that I dread for you, when the +time comes that you make your reckoning, and realize that there is no +longer anything that can be done. May you never find yourselves, men of +Athens, in such a position! Yet in any case, it were better to die ten +thousand deaths, than to do anything out of servility towards Philip +[or to sacrifice any of those who speak for your good]. A noble +recompense did the people in Oreus receive, for entrusting themselves +to Philip's friends, and thrusting Euphraeus aside! {66} and a noble +recompense the democracy of Eretria, for driving away your envoys, and +surrendering to Cleitarchus! They are slaves, scourged and butchered! A +noble clemency did he show to the Olynthians, who elected Lasthenes to +command the cavalry, and banished Apollonides! {67} It is folly, and it +is cowardice, to cherish hopes like these, to give way to evil +counsels, to refuse to do anything that you should do, to listen to the +advocates of the enemy's cause, and to fancy that you dwell in so great +a city that, whatever happens, you will not suffer any harm. {68} Aye, +and it is shameful to exclaim after the event, 'Why, who would have +expected this? Of course, we ought to have done, or not to have done, +such and such things!' The Olynthians could tell you of many things, to +have foreseen which in time would have saved them from destruction. So +too could the people of Oreus, and the Phocians, and every other people +that has been destroyed. {69} But how does that help them now? So long +as the vessel is safe, be it great or small, so long must the sailor +and the pilot and every man in his place exert himself and take care +that no one may capsize it by design or by accident: but when the seas +have overwhelmed it, all their efforts are in vain. {70} So it is, men +of Athens, with us. While we are still safe, with our great city, our +vast resources, our noble name, what are we to do? Perhaps some one +sitting here has long been wishing to ask this question. Aye, and I +will answer it, and will move my motion; and you shall carry it, if you +wish. We ourselves, in the first place, must conduct the resistance and +make preparation for it--with ships, that is, and money, and soldiers. +For though all but ourselves give way and become slaves, we at least +must contend for freedom. {71} And when we have made all these +preparations ourselves, and let them be seen, then let us call upon the +other states for aid, and send envoys to carry our message [in all +directions--to the Peloponnese, to Rhodes, to Chios, to the king; for +it is not unimportant for his interests either that Philip should be +prevented from subjugating the world]; that so, if you persuade them, +you may have partners to share the danger and the expense, in case of +need; and if you do not, you may at least delay the march of events. +{72} For since the war is with a single man, and not against the +strength of a united state, even delay is not without its value, any +more than were those embassies[n] of protest which last year went round +the Peloponnese, when I and Polyeuctus, that best of men, and +Hegesippus and the other envoys went on our tour, and forced him to +halt, so that he neither went to attack Acarnania, nor set out for the +Peloponnese. {73} But I do not mean that we should call upon the other +states, if we are not willing to take any of the necessary steps +ourselves. It is folly to sacrifice what is our own, and then pretend +to be anxious for the interests of others--to neglect the present, and +alarm others in regard to the future. I do not propose this. I say that +we must send money to the forces in the Chersonese, and do all that +they ask of us; that we must make preparation ourselves, while we +summon, convene, instruct, and warn the rest of the Hellenes. That is +the policy for a city with a reputation such as yours. {74} But if you +fancy that the people of Chalcis or of Megara will save Hellas, while +you run away from the task, you are mistaken. They may well be content +if they can each save themselves. The task is yours. It is the +prerogative that your forefathers won, and through many a great peril +bequeathed to you. {75} But if each of you is to sit and consult his +inclinations, looking for some way by which he may escape any personal +action, the first consequence will be that you will never find any one +who will act; and the second, I fear, that the day will come when we +shall be forced to do, at one and the same time, all the things we wish +to avoid. + +{76} This then is my proposal, and this I move. If the proposal is +carried out, I think that even now the state of our affairs may be +remedied. But if any one has a better proposal to make, let him make +it, and give us his advice. And I pray to all the gods that whatever be +the decision that you are about to make, it may be for your good. + + +FOOTNOTES + +[1] These are printed in square brackets in the translation. + + + + +ON THE CROWN (Or. XVIII) + +[_Introduction_. The advice given by Demosthenes in the Third Philippic +(spoken before the middle of 341) was in the main followed. He himself +was sent almost immediately to Byzantium, where he renewed the alliance +between that city and Athens, and at the same time entered into +relations with Abydos and the Thracian princes. Rhodes, and probably +Chios and Cos, were also conciliated, and an embassy was sent to the +King of Persia to ask for aid against Philip. The king appears to have +sent assistance to Diopeithes, and it is also stated (not on the best +authority) that he sent large sums of money to Demosthenes and +Hypereides. Demosthenes further succeeded, in conjunction with Callias +of Chalcis, in organizing a league against Philip, which included +Corinth, Megara, Corcyra, and the Acarnanians, and which at least +supplied a considerable number of men and some funds. The cities of +Euboea, most of which had been in the hands of Philip's party, were +also formed into a confederacy, in alliance with Athens, under the +leadership of Chalcis; Philistides was expelled from Oreus, about July +341, by the allied forces under Cephisophon; and later in the summer, +Phocion drove Cleitarchus from Eretria. On the motion of Aristonicus, +the Athenians voted Demosthenes a golden crown, which was conferred on +him in the theatre at the Great Dionysia in March 340. The arrest of +Anaxinus of Oreus, and his condemnation as a spy, acting in Philip's +interest, must have occurred about the same time. Not long afterwards +Demosthenes succeeded in carrying out a complete reorganization of the +trierarchic system, by which he made the burden of the expense vary +strictly according to property, and secured a regular and efficient +supply of ships, money, and men. + +In the meantime (in 341 or 340) the island of Peparethus was attacked +by Philip's ships, in revenge for the seizure of the Macedonian +garrison in Halonnesus by the Peparethians: and the Athenian admirals +were ordered to retaliate. Philip himself had been pursuing his course +in Thrace; and on the rejection of his request to Byzantium for an +alliance, he laid siege (late in 340) to Perinthus (which lay on his +way to Byzantium), sending part of his forces through the Chersonese. +Aided by Byzantine and Persian soldiers, Perinthus held out, till at +last Philip took off most of his forces and besieged Byzantium itself. +He had shortly before this sent to Athens an express declaration of +war, and received a similar declaration from her, the formal excuse for +which was found in the recent seizure by his ships of some Athenian +merchant-vessels. But with help from Athens, Chios, Rhodes, and Cos, +the Byzantines maintained the defence. Philip's position became +serious; but he managed by a ruse to get his ships away into the open +sea, and even to do some damage to the Athenian settlers in the +Chersonese. In the winter he withdrew from Byzantium, and in 339 made +an incursion into Scythia; but, returning through the country of the +Triballi, he sustained some loss, and was severely wounded. Later in +the year a new Sacred War which had arisen gave him a convenient +opportunity for the invasion of Greece. + +At the meeting of the Amphictyonic Council in the autumn of 340,[1] +Aeschines was one of the representatives of Athens. The Athenians had +recently offended Thebes by re-gilding and dedicating in the restored +temple at Delphi fifty shields, with an inscription stating that they +were spoil 'taken from the Medes and the Thebans, when they fought +against the Hellenes' (probably at Plataeae in 479). The Locrians of +Amphissa intended (according to Aeschines' account) to propose that the +Council should fine Athens fifty talents. Aeschines rose to state the +case for Athens; but a delegate from Amphissa forbade all mention of +the Athenians, and demanded their exclusion from the temple, on the +ground of their alliance with the accursed Phocians. Aeschines retorted +by charging the Amphisseans with cultivating and building upon the +sacred plain of Cirrha--acts forbidden for all time in 586 B.C.--and +roused the Council to such indignation that they gathered a body of men +and destroyed the harbour and the unlawful buildings of Cirrha; but +they were severely handled by the Amphisseans, and the Council now +voted that the Amphictyonic states should send representatives, to +discuss the question of war against Amphissa, to a meeting to be held +at Thermopylae before the spring meeting of the Council. To this +preliminary meeting, the Athenians (though inclined to view Aeschines' +performance with favour), on the advice of Demosthenes, sent no +representatives; nor did the Thebans (the allies of Amphissa). War was +declared by the Amphictyons against Amphissa; but Cottyphus, the +Thessalian, who had been appointed general, made little headway, and +(at the spring or the autumn meeting of the Council) declared that the +Amphictyonic states must either send men and money, or else make Philip +their general. Philip was, of course, at once appointed; but instead of +proceeding against Amphissa, marched to Elateia and fortified it. This +caused the greatest alarm at Athens. Demosthenes was immediately +dispatched to Thebes, where he succeeded, by what appear to have been +liberal and judicious proposals, in making an alliance between Thebes +and Athens, in spite of the attempts of Philip's envoys to counteract +his influence. Euboea, Megara, Corinth, and other members of the league +also sent help. Philip himself called upon his own friends in the +Peloponnese for aid, and at last moved towards Amphissa. Demosthenes +seems now to have succeeded in applying the festival-money to purposes +of war, and with the aid of Lycurgus, who became Controller of the +Festival Fund, to have amassed a large sum for the use of the State. At +the Dionysia of 338 he was again crowned, on the proposal of Demomeles +and Hypereides. The allies at first won some successes and refortified +some of the Phocian towns, but afterwards unfortunately divided their +forces, and so enabled Philip to defeat the two divisions separately, +and to destroy Amphissa. Philip's proposals of peace found supporters +both in Thebes and in Athens, but were counteracted by Demosthenes. +Late in the summer of 338, the decisive battle was fought at +Chaeroneia, and resulted in the total rout of the allies. Demosthenes +himself was one of the fugitives. Philip placed a Macedonian garrison +in Thebes, restored his exiled friends to power there, established a +Council of Three Hundred, and (through them) put to death or banished +his enemies. He also gave Orchomenus, Thespiae, and Plataeae their +independence. After a moment of panic, the Athenians, led by +Demosthenes, Lycurgus, and Hypereides, proceeded to take all possible +measures for the defence of the city, while private munificence +supplied the treasury. Demosthenes himself superintended the repair of +the fortifications, and went on a mission to secure a supply of corn. +But Philip, instead of marching upon Athens, sent a message by Demades, +whom he had taken prisoner at Chaeroneia; and the Assembly, in reply, +instructed Demades, Aeschines, and Phocion to ask Philip to release his +Athenian prisoners. Philip released them without ransom, and sent +Antipater and Alexander (with the ashes of the Athenian dead) to offer +terms of peace. By the 'Peace of Demades', concluded while Demosthenes +was still absent, the alliance between Athens and Philip was renewed; +the independence of Athens was guaranteed; Oropus was taken from Thebes +and restored to Athens; and she was permitted to retain Salamis, Samos, +Delos, and probably Lemnos and Imbros. On the other hand, she lost all +her possessions on the Hellespont and in the Chersonese, and promised +to join the league which Philip intended to form for the invasion of +Persia. Demosthenes was selected by the Assembly to deliver the funeral +oration upon those who fell at Chaeroneia; and although the Macedonian +party attacked him repeatedly in the law-courts, he was always +acquitted. Philip paid a long visit to the Peloponnese, in the course +of which he placed a Macedonian garrison in Corinth, ravaged Laconia, +giving parts of it to his allies, the Argives and Arcadians, and +announced his plans for the invasion of Persia at the head of the +Greeks; he then returned to Macedonia. + +In 337 Demosthenes was again Commissioner of Fortifications, as well as +Controller of the Festival Fund--the most important office in the +State. He not only performed his work most efficiently, but gave +considerable sums for public purposes out of his private fortune; and +early in 336 Ctesiphon proposed, and the Council resolved, that he +should once more be crowned at the Dionysia. But before the proposal +could be brought before the Assembly, Aeschines indicted Ctesiphon for +its alleged illegality. The trial did not take place until late in the +summer of 330. We do not know the reason for so long a delay, but +probably the events of the intervening time were such as to render the +state of public feeling unfavourable to Aeschines. In 336 Philip was +assassinated, and was succeeded by Alexander. In 335 Alexander +destroyed Thebes, which had revolted, and sold its inhabitants into +slavery. He also demanded from Athens the surrender of Demosthenes and +other anti-Macedonian politicians and generals, but was persuaded to be +content with the banishment of Charidemus and Ephialtes, and the +promise of the prosecution of Demosthenes for using subsidies from +Persia to help Thebes--a prosecution which was allowed to drop. From +334 onwards Alexander was pursuing his conquests in the East, and we +know practically nothing of the history of Athens until the trial of +Ctesiphon came on in 330. + +Aeschines alleged against Ctesiphon (1) that it was illegal to propose +to crown any one who had not passed his examination before the Board of +Auditors at the end of his term of office; and that Demosthenes, who +had been Commissioner of Fortifications and Controller of the Festival +Fund, was still in this position: (2) that it was illegal to proclaim +the grant of a crown at the Dionysia, except in the case of crowns +conferred by foreign states: (3) that it was illegal to insert untrue +statements in the public records, and that the language in which +Ctesiphon's decree described the political career of Demosthenes was +untrue. On the first point Aeschines was almost certainly right: +Demosthenes' defence is sophistical, and all that could really be said +was that the rule had often been broken before. On the second point, +certainty is impossible: the most probable view (though it also has its +difficulties) is that there were two inconsistent laws, and that one of +them permitted the proclamation in the theatre, if expressly voted by +the people; but the alleged illegality had certainly been often +committed. The third point, which raised the question of the value to +Athens of Demosthenes' whole political life, was that upon which the +case really turned; and it is to this that Demosthenes devotes the +greater part of his speech, breaking up his reply into convenient +stages by discussions (of a far less happy description) of the other +counts of the indictment, and of the character and career of Aeschines. +As in the Speech on the Embassy, certain facts are misrepresented, and +there are passages which are in bad taste; but Demosthenes proves +beyond doubt his unswerving loyalty to the high ideal of policy which +he had formed for his country, and it is with good reason that parts of +this speech have always been felt to reach a height of eloquence which +has never been surpassed. + +The jury acquitted Ctesiphon: and Aeschines, failing to obtain a fifth +part of the votes, and thus incurring a heavy fine and the loss of some +of the rights of a citizen, left Athens, and lived most of the +remainder of his life at Rhodes. + +The following is an analysis of the speech in outline:-- + + + I. Introduction (§§ 1-8). + II. Defence against charges irrelevant to the indictment (§§ 9-52). + (1) Introduction (§ 9). + (2) Postponement of reply to charges against his private life + (§§ 10, 11). + (3) Reply to charges against his public life (§§ 12-52). + (a) Criticism of Aeschines' method of attack (§§ 12-16). + (b) Reply in reference to the Peace of Philocrates (§§ 17-52). + III. Defence against the indictment itself (§§ 53-125). + (1) Introduction (§§ 53-9). + (2) Defence of his policy B.C. 346-340 (§§ 60-109). + (3) The alleged illegality of crowning him before he had passed + his audit (§§ 110-19). + (4) The alleged illegality of the proclamation in the theatre + (§§ 120, 121). + (5) Conclusion, including criticism of Aeschines' method of attack + (§§ 122-5). + + IV. Aeschines' life and character (§§ 126-59). + (1) Introduction (§§ 126-8). + (2) Parentage and early life of Aeschines (§§ 129-31). + (3) Aeschines' connexion with Antiphon, Python, Anaxinus, and + others (§§ 132-8). + (4) Aeschines' part in stirring up the war against Amphissa in + 339 (§§ 139-59). + + V. Demosthenes' own policy in 339 and 338 (§§ 160-226). + (1) Narrative and defence of the alliance with Thebes (§§ 160-95). + (2) Why did not Aeschines protest at the time? (§§ 196-8). + (3) Defence of his policy as true to the spirit of Athenian history + (§§ 199-210). + (4) Narrative and defence, continued (§§ 211-22). + (5) Further criticism of Aeschines' method of attack (§§ 223-6). + + VI. Replies to various arguments of Aeschines (§§ 227-96). + (1) Aeschines' comparison of the inquiry to the examination of + a balance-sheet (§§ 227-31). + (2) A proper inquiry would show that Demosthenes had increased + the resources of Athens (§§ 232-7). + (3) Reply to the charge of saddling Athens with an undue share + of the expense of the war (§§ 238-43). + (4) Reply to the charge of responsibility for the defeat of Chaeroneia + (§§ 244-7). + (5) Vindication of his policy after the battle of Chaeroneia + (§§ 248-51). + (6) Reply to Aeschines' remarks about the harm done to Athens + by Demosthenes' bad fortune (§§ 252-75). + (a) General remarks (§§ 252-5). + (b) The fortune of Demosthenes (§§ 257, 258). + (c) The fortune of Aeschines (§§ 259-64). + (d) Comparison of the two (§§ 265, 266). + (e) Demosthenes' use of his fortune for purposes of public and + private munificence (§§ 267-9). + (f) Demosthenes not responsible for the misfortunes of Athens + (§§ 270-5). + (7) Reply to Aeschines' warning against Demosthenes' cleverness + (§§ 276-90). + (a) Comparison of the use made of their talents by the two + orators (§§ 276-84). + (b) The choice of Demosthenes, not Aeschines, to deliver the + Funeral Oration (§§ 285-90). + (8) Aeschines' feelings about the defeat of Chaeroneia (§§ 291-3). + (9) The part played by traitors in recent history (§§ 294-6). + + VII. Epilogue (§§ 297-324). + (1) Demosthenes' incorruptibility (§§ 297, 298). + (2) Demosthenes' measures for the protection of Athens (§§ 299-305). + (3) Comparison of the services of the two orators to Athens + (§§ 306-13). + (4) Reply to the comparison of Demosthenes with the men of old, + by a final comparison of the two orators (§§ 314-23). + (5) Peroration (§ 324).] + + +{1} I pray first, men of Athens, to every god and goddess, that the +goodwill, which I ever feel towards this city and towards all of you, +may in equal measure be vouchsafed to me by you at this present trial: +and secondly--a prayer which especially touches yourselves, your +consciences, and your reputation--that the gods may put it into your +minds not to take counsel of my adversary[n] in regard to the spirit in +which you ought to hear me (for that would surely be a cruel thing), +{2} but of the laws and of your oath; wherein besides all other +precepts of justice, this also is written--that you shall listen to +both sides with a like mind. And this means, not only that you should +have formed no prejudice, and should accord equal goodwill to each, but +also that you should give leave to every man who pleads before you to +adopt that order, and make that defence, upon which he has resolved and +fixed his choice. + +{3} I am in many respects at a disadvantage in the present controversy, +as compared with Aeschines; and particularly, men of Athens, in two +points of importance. The first is that I am not contending for the +same stake as he. It is not the same thing for me to lose your goodwill +now, as it is for him to fail to win his case; since for me--but I +would say nothing unpleasant [n]* at the opening of my address--I say +only that Aeschines can well afford to risk this attack upon me. The +second disadvantage lies in the natural and universal tendency of +mankind to hear invective and denunciation with pleasure, and to be +offended with those who praise themselves. {4} And of the two courses +in question, that which contributes to men's pleasure has been given to +Aeschines, and that which annoys (I may say) every one is left for me. +If, to avoid giving such annoyance, I say nothing of all that I myself +have done, it will be thought that I am unable to clear myself of the +charges against me, or to show the grounds upon which I claim to +deserve distinction. If, on the other hand, I proceed to speak of my +past acts and my political life, I shall often be compelled to speak of +myself. I will endeavour, then, to do this as modestly as possible; and +for all that the necessities of the case compel me to say, the blame +must in fairness be borne by the prosecutor, who initiated a trial of +such a kind as this. + +{5} I think, men of Athens, that you would all admit that this present +trial equally concerns myself and Ctesiphon, and demands no less +earnest attention from me than from him. For while it is a painful and +a grievous thing for a man to be robbed of anything, particularly if it +is at the hands of an enemy that this befalls him, it is especially so, +when he is robbed of your goodwill and kindness, just in proportion as +to win these is the greatest possible gain. {6} And because such is the +issue at stake in the present trial, I request and entreat you all +alike to give me, while I make my defence upon the charges that have +been brought against me, a fair hearing, as you are commanded to do by +the laws--those laws to which their original maker, your well-wisher +and the People's friend, Solon, thought fit to give the sanction not of +enactment only, but also of an oath on the part of those who act as +judges: {7} not because he distrusted you (so at least it seems to me), +but because he saw that a defendant cannot escape from the imputations +and the slanders which fall with special force from the prosecutor, +because he is the first to speak, unless each of you who sit in +judgement, keeping his conscience pure in the sight of God, will +receive the pleadings of the later speaker also with the same favour, +and will thus, because his attention has been given equally and +impartially to both sides, form his decision upon the case in its +entirety. + +{8} And now, when I am about, as it seems, to render an account of my +whole private life and public career, I would once more invoke the aid +of the gods; and in the presence of you all I pray, first, that the +goodwill which I ever feel towards this city and towards all of you, +may in equal measure be vouchsafed to me by you at this trial; and +secondly, that whatsoever judgement upon this present suit will conduce +to your public reputation, and the purity of each man's conscience, +that judgement they may put it into all your minds to give. + +{9} Now if Aeschines had confined his charges to the subject of the +indictment, I too, in making my defence, would have dealt at once with +the actual resolution of the Council. But since he has devoted no less +a portion of his speech to the relation of other matters, and for the +most part has spoken against me falsely, I think it is necessary, and +at the same time just, that I should deal briefly, men of Athens, with +these, in order that none of you may be led by irrelevant arguments to +listen less favourably to my pleas in answer to the indictment itself. + +{10} As for his slanderous vituperation of my private life, mark how +straightforward and how just is the reply that I make. If you know me +as the man that he charged me with being (for my life has been spent +nowhere but in your own midst), do not even suffer me to speak--no, not +though my whole public career has been one of transcendent merit--but +rise and condemn me without delay. But if, in your judgement and +belief, I am a better man than Aeschines, and come of better men; if I +and mine are no worse than any other respectable persons (to use no +offensive expression); then do not trust him even in regard to other +points, for it is plain that all that he said was equally fictitious; +but once more accord to me to-day the goodwill which throughout the +past you have so often displayed towards me in previous trials. {11} +Knave as you are,[n] Aeschines, you were assuredly more fool than +knave, when you thought that I should dismiss all that I had to say +with regard to my past acts and political life, and should turn to meet +the abuse that fell from you. I shall not do so; I am not so +brain-sick; but I will review the falsehoods and the calumnies which +you uttered against my political career; and then, if the court desires +it, I will afterwards refer to the ribald language that has been so +incontinently used. + +{12} The offences charged against me are many; and for some of them the +laws assign heavy and even the most extreme penalties. But I will tell +you what is the motive which animates the present suit. It gives play +to the malice of a personal enemy, to his insolence, his abuse, his +contumelies, and every expression of his hostility: and yet, assuming +that the charges and the imputations which have been made are true, it +does not enable the State[n] to exact a penalty that is adequate, or +nearly adequate, to the offences. {13} For it is not right to seek to +debar another from coming before the people[n] and receiving a hearing, +nor to do so in a spirit of malice and envy. Heaven knows, it is +neither straightforward, nor citizen-like, nor just, men of Athens! If +the crimes by which he saw me injuring the city were of such a +magnitude as he just now so theatrically set forth, he should have had +recourse to the punishments enjoined by the laws at the time of the +crimes themselves. If he saw me so acting as to deserve impeachment, he +should have impeached me, and so brought me to trial before you; if he +saw me proposing illegal measures, he should have indicted me for their +illegality. For surely, if he can prosecute Ctesiphon on my account, he +would not have failed to indict me in person, had he thought that he +could convict me. {14} And further, if he saw me committing any of +those other crimes against you, which he just now slanderously +enumerated, or any other crimes whatsoever, there are laws which deal +with each, and punishments, and lawsuits and judgements involving +penalties that are harsh and severe: to all of these he could have had +recourse; and from the moment when it was seen that he had acted so, +and had conducted his hostilities against me on that plan, his present +accusation of me would have been in line with his past conduct. {15} +But as it is, he has forsaken the straight path of justice; he has +shrunk from all attempts to convict me at the time; and after all these +years, with the imputations, the jests, the invectives, that he has +accumulated, he appears to play his part. So it is, that though his +accusations are against me, it is Ctesiphon that he prosecutes; and +though he sets his quarrel with me in the forefront of the whole suit, +he has never faced me in person to settle the quarrel, and it is +another whom we see him trying to deprive of his civil rights. {16} Yet +surely, besides everything else that may be pleaded on behalf of +Ctesiphon, this, I think, may surely be most reasonably urged--that we +ought in justice to have brought our own quarrel to the test by +ourselves, instead of avoiding all conflict with one another, and +looking for a third party to whom we could do harm. Such iniquity +really passes all bounds. + +{17} From this one may see the nature of all his charges alike, +uttered, as they have been, without justice or regard for truth. Yet I +desire also to examine them severally, and more particularly the false +statements which he made against me in regard to the Peace and the +Embassy, when he ascribed to me[n] the things which he himself had done +in conjunction with Philocrates. And here it is necessary, men of +Athens, and perhaps appropriate,[n] that I should remind you of the +state of affairs subsisting during that period, so that you may view +each group of actions in the light of the circumstances of the time. + +{18} When the Phocian war had broken out[n] (not through any action of +mine, for I had not yet entered public life), your own attitude, in the +first place, was such, that you wished for the preservation of the +Phocians, although you saw that their actions were unjustifiable; while +you would have been delighted at anything that might happen to the +Thebans, against whom you felt an indignation that was neither +unreasonable nor unfair; for they had not used their good fortune at +Leuctra with moderation. And, in the second place, the Peloponnese was +all disunited: those who detested the Spartans [n] were not strong +enough to annihilate them, and those who had previously governed with +the support of Sparta [n] were no longer able to maintain their control +over their cities; but both these and all the other states were in a +condition of indeterminate strife and confusion. {19} When Philip saw +this (for it was not hard to see), he tried, by dispensing money to the +traitors whom each state contained, to throw them all into collision +and stir up one against another; and thus, amid the blunders and +perversity of others, he was making his own preparations, and growing +great to the danger of all. And when it became clear to all that the +then overbearing (but now unhappy) Thebans, distressed by the length of +the war, would be forced to fly to you for aid,[n] Philip, to prevent +this--to prevent the formation of any union between the cities--made +offers of peace to you, and of assistance to them. {20} Now what was it +that helped him, and enabled him to find in you his almost willing +dupes? It was the baseness (if that is the right name to use), or the +ignorance, or both, of the rest of the Hellenes, who, though you were +engaged in a long and continuous war, and that on behalf of the +interests of all, as has been proved by the event, never assisted you +either with money or with men, or in any other way whatsoever. And in +your just and proper indignation with them, you listened readily to +Philip. It was for these reasons, therefore, and not through any action +of mine, that the Peace which we then conceded was negotiated; and any +one who investigates the matter honestly will find that it is the +crimes and the corrupt practices of these men, in the course of the +negotiations, that are responsible for our position to-day. {21} It is +in the interests of truth that I enter into all these events with this +exactitude and thoroughness; for however strong the appearance of +criminality in these proceedings may be, it has, I imagine, nothing to +do with me. The first man to suggest or mention the Peace was +Aristodemus[n] the actor; and the person who took the matter up and +moved the motion, and sold his services for the purpose, along with +Aeschines, was Philocrates of Hagnus--your partner, Aeschines, not +mine, even if you split your sides with lying; while those who +supported him, from whatever motive (for of that I say nothing at +present), were Eubulus and Cephisophon. I had no part in the matter +anywhere. {22} And yet, although the facts are such as with absolute +truth I am representing them to be, he carried his effrontery so far as +to dare to assert that I was not only responsible for the Peace, but +had also prevented the city from acting in conjunction with a general +assembly of the Hellenes in making it. What? and you--oh! how can one +find a name that can be applied to you?--when you saw me (for you were +there) preventing the city from taking this great step and forming so +grand an alliance as you just now described, did you once raise a +protest or come forward to give information and to set forth the crimes +with which you now charge me? {23} If I had covenanted with Philip for +money that I would prevent the coalition of the Hellenes, your only +course was to refuse to keep silence--to cry aloud, to protest, to +reveal the fact to your fellow countrymen. On no occasion did you do +this: no such utterance of yours was ever heard by any one. In fact +there was no embassy away at the time on a mission to any Hellenic +state; the Hellenes had all long ago been tried and found wanting;[n] +and in all that he has said upon this matter there is not a single +sound word. {24} And, apart from that, his falsehoods involve the +greatest calumnies upon this city. For if you were at one and the same +time convoking the Hellenes with a view to war, and sending ambassadors +yourselves to Philip to discuss peace, it was a deed for a +Eurybatus,[n] not a task for a state or for honest men, that you were +carrying out. But that is not the case; indeed it is not. For what +could possibly have been your object in summoning them at that moment? +Was it with a view to peace? But they all had peace already. Or with a +view to war? But you were yourselves discussing peace. It is therefore +evident that neither was it I that introduced or was responsible for +the Peace in its original shape, nor is one of all the other falsehoods +which he told of me shown to be true. + +{25} Again, consider the course of action which, when the city had +concluded the Peace, each of us now chose to adopt. For from this you +will know who it was that co-operated with Philip throughout, and who +it was that acted in your interest and sought the good of the city. As +for me, I proposed, as a member of the Council, that the ambassadors +should sail as quickly as possible to any district in which they should +ascertain Philip to be, and receive his oath from him. {26} But even +when I had carried this resolution, they would not act upon it. What +did this mean, men of Athens? I will inform you. Philip's interest +required that the interval before he took the oath should be as long as +possible; yours, that it should be as short as possible. And why? +Because you broke off all your preparations for the war, not merely +from the day when he took the oath, but from the day when you first +hoped that Peace would be made; and for his part, this was what he was +all along working for; for he thought (and with truth) that whatever +places he could snatch from Athens before he took the oath, would +remain securely his, since no one would break the Peace for their sake. +{27} Foreseeing and calculating upon this, men of Athens, I proposed +this decree--that we should sail to any district in which Philip might +be, and receive his oath as soon as possible, in order that the oaths +might be taken while the Thracians, your allies, were still in +possession of those strongholds[n] of which Aeschines just now spoke +with contempt--Serrhium, Myrtenum, and Ergiske; and that Philip might +not snatch from us the keys of the country and make himself master of +Thrace, nor obtain an abundant supply of money and of soldiers, and so +proceed without difficulty to the prosecution of his further designs. +{28} And now, instead of citing or reading this decree he slanders me +on the ground that I thought fit, as a member of the Council, to +introduce the envoys. But what should I have done? Was I to propose +_not_ to introduce those who had come for the express purpose of +speaking with you? or to order the lessee of the theatre not to assign +them seats? But they would have watched the play from the threepenny +seats,[n] if this decree had not been proposed. Should I have guarded +the interests of the city in petty details, and sold them wholesale, as +my opponents did? Surely not. (_To the clerk_.) Now take this decree, +which the prosecutor passed over, though he knew it well, and read it. + +{29} [_The decree of Demosthenes is read_.] + +{30} Though I had carried this decree, and was seeking the good not of +Philip, but of the city, these worthy ambassadors paid little heed to +it, but sat idle in Macedonia for three whole months,[n] until Philip +arrived from Thrace, after subduing the whole country; when they might, +within ten days, or equally well[n] within three or four, have reached +the Hellespont, and saved the strongholds, by receiving his oath before +he could seize them. For he would not have touched them when we were +present; or else, if he had done so, we should have refused to +administer the oath to him; and in that case he would have failed to +obtain the Peace: he would not have had both the Peace and the +strongholds as well. + +{31} Such was Philip's first act of fraud, during the time of the +Embassy, and the first instance of venality on the part of these wicked +men; and over this I confess that then and now and always I have been +and am at war and at variance with them. Now observe, immediately after +this, a second and even greater piece of villainy. {32} As soon as +Philip had sworn to the Peace, after first gaining possession of Thrace +because these men did not obey my decree, he obtained from them--again +by purchase--the postponement of our departure from Macedonia, until +all should be in readiness for his campaign against the Phocians; in +order that, instead of our bringing home a report of his intentions and +his preparations for the march, which would make you set out and sail +round to Thermopylae with your war-ships as you did before,[n] you +might only hear our report of the facts when he was already on this +side of Thermopylae, and you could do nothing. {33} And Philip was +beset with such fear and such a weight of anxiety, lest in spite of his +occupation of these places, his object should slip from his grasp, if, +before the Phocians were destroyed, you resolved to assist them, that +he hired this despicable creature, not now in company with his +colleagues, but by himself alone, to make to you a statement and a +report of such a character that owing to them all was lost. {34} But I +request and entreat you, men of Athens, to remember throughout this +whole trial, that, had Aeschines made no accusation that was not +included in the indictment, I too would not have said a word that did +not bear upon it; but since he has had recourse to all kinds of +imputation and slander at once, I am compelled also to give a brief +answer to each group of charges. {35} What then were the statements +uttered by him that day, in consequence of which all was lost? 'You +must not be perturbed,' he said, 'at Philip's having crossed to this +side of Thermopylae; for you will get everything that you desire, if +you remain quiet; and within two or three days you will hear that he +has become the friend of those whose enemy he was, and the enemy of +those whose friend he was, when he first came. For,' said he, 'it is +not phrases that confirm friendships' (a finely sententious +expression!) 'but identity of interest; and it is to the interest of +Philip and of the Phocians and of yourselves alike, to be rid of the +heartless and overbearing demeanour of the Thebans.' {36} To these +statements some gave a ready ear, in consequence of the tacit +ill-feeling towards the Thebans at the time. What then followed--and +not after a long interval, but immediately? The Phocians were +overthrown; their cities were razed to the ground; you, who had +believed Aeschines and remained inactive, were soon afterwards bringing +in your effects from the country; while Aeschines received his gold; +and besides all this, the city reaped the ill-will of the Thebans and +Thessalians, while their gratitude for what had been done went to +Philip. {37} To prove that this is so, (_to the clerk_) read me both +the decree of Callisthenes,[n] and Philip's letter. (_To the jury_.) +These two documents together will make all the facts plain. (_To the +clerk_.) Read. + +{38} [_The decree of Callisthenes is read_.] + +Were these the hopes, on the strength of which you made the Peace? Was +this what this hireling promised you? {39} (_To the clerk_.) Now read +the letter which Philip sent after this. + +[_Philip's letter is read_.] + +{40} You hear how obviously, in this letter sent to you, Philip is +addressing definite information to his own allies. 'I have done these +things,' he tells them, 'against the will of the Athenians, and to +their annoyance; and so, men of Thebes and Thessaly, if you are wise, +you will regard them as enemies, and will trust me.' He does not write +in those actual terms, but that is what he intends to indicate. By +these means he so carried them away, that they did not foresee or +realize any of the consequences, but allowed him to get everything into +his own power: and that is why, poor men, they have experienced their +present calamities. {41} But the man who helped him to create this +confidence, who co-operated with him, who brought home that false +report and deluded you, he it is who now bewails the sufferings of the +Thebans and enlarges upon their piteousness--he, who is himself the +cause both of these and of the misery in Phocis, and of all the other +evils which the Hellenes have endured. Yes, it is evident that you are +pained at what has come to pass, Aeschines, and that you are sorry for +the Thebans, when you have property in Boeotia[n] and are farming the +land that was theirs; and that I rejoice at it--I, whose surrender was +immediately demanded by the author of the disaster! {42} But I have +digressed into subjects of which it will perhaps be more convenient to +speak presently. I will return to the proofs which show that it is the +crimes of these men that are the cause of our condition to-day. + +For when you had been deceived by Philip, through the agency of these +men, who while serving as ambassadors had sold themselves and made a +report in which there was not a word of truth--when the unhappy +Phocians had been deceived and their cities annihilated--what followed? +{43} The despicable Thessalians and the slow-witted Thebans regarded +Philip as their friend, their benefactor, their saviour. Philip was +their all-in-all. They would not even listen to the voice of any one +who wished to express a different opinion. You yourselves, though you +viewed what had been done with suspicion and vexation, nevertheless +kept the Peace; for there was nothing else that you could have done. +And the other Hellenes, who, like yourselves, had been deluded and +disappointed of their hopes,[n] also kept the Peace, and gladly;[n] +since in a sense they also were remotely aimed at by the war. {44} For +when Philip was going about and subduing the Illyrians and Triballi and +some of the Hellenes as well, and bringing many large forces into his +own power, and when some of the members of the several States were +taking advantage of the Peace to travel to Macedonia, and were being +corrupted--Aeschines among them--at such a time all of those whom +Philip had in view in thus making his preparations were really being +attacked by him. {45} Whether they failed to realize it is another +question, which does not concern me. For I was continually uttering +warnings and protests, both in your midst and wherever I was sent. But +the cities were stricken with disease: those who were engaged in +political and practical affairs were taking bribes and being corrupted +by the hope of money; while the mass of private citizens either showed +no foresight, or else were caught by the bait of ease and leisure from +day to day; and all alike had fallen victims to some such delusive +fancy, as that the danger would come upon every one but themselves, and +that through the perils of others they would be able to secure their +own position as they pleased. {46} And so, I suppose, it has come to +pass that the masses have atoned for their great and ill-timed +indifference by the loss of their freedom, while the leaders in +affairs, who fancied that they were selling everything except +themselves, have realized that they had sold themselves first of all. +For instead of being called friends and guest-friends, as they were +called at the time when they were taking their bribes, they now hear +themselves called flatterers, and god-forsaken, and all the other names +that they deserve. {47} For no one, men of Athens, spends his money out +of a desire to benefit the traitor; nor, when once he has secured the +object for which he bargains, does he employ the traitor to advise him +with regard to other objects: if it were so, nothing could be happier +than a traitor. But it is not so, of course. Far from it! When the +aspirant after dominion has gained his object, he is also the master of +those who have sold it to him: and because then he knows their +villainy, he then hates and mistrusts them, and covers them with +insults. {48} For observe--for even if the time of the events is past, +the time for realizing truths like these is ever present to wise men. +Lasthenes[n] was called his 'friend'; but only until he had betrayed +Olynthus. And Timolaus;[n] but only until he had destroyed Thebes. And +Eudicus and Simus[n] of Larissa; but only until they had put Thessaly +in Philip's power. And now, persecuted as they are, and insulted, and +subjected to every kind of misery, the whole inhabited world has become +filled with such men. And what of Aristratus[n] at Sicyon? what of +Perillus[n] at Megara? Are they not outcasts? {49} From these instances +one can see very clearly, that it is he who best protects his own +country and speaks most constantly against such men, that secures for +traitors and hirelings like yourselves, Aeschines, the continuance of +your opportunities for taking bribes. It is the majority of those who +are here, those who resist your will, that you must thank for the fact +that you live and draw your pay; for, left to yourselves, you would +long ago have perished. + +{50} There is still much that I might say about the transactions of +that time, but I think that even what I have said is more than enough. +The blame rests with Aeschines, who has drenched me with the stale +dregs[n] of his own villainy and crime, from which I was compelled to +clear myself in the eyes of those who are too young to remember the +events; though perhaps you who knew, even before I said a single word, +of Aeschines' service as a hireling, may have felt some annoyance as +you listened. {51} He calls it, forsooth, 'friendship' and +'guest-friendship'; and somewhere in his speech just now he used the +expression, 'the man who casts in my teeth my guest-friendship with +Alexander.' _I_ cast in your teeth your guest-friendship with +Alexander? How did you acquire it? How came you to be thought worthy of +it? Never would I call you the guest-friend of Philip or the friend of +Alexander--I am not so insane--unless you are to call harvesters and +other hired servants the friends and guest-friends of those who have +hired them. [But that is not the case, of course. Far from it!] {52} +Nay, I call you the hireling, formerly of Philip, and now of Alexander, +and so do all who are present. If you disbelieve me, ask them--or +rather I will ask them for you. Men of Athens, do you think of +Aeschines as the hireling or as the guest-friend of Alexander? You hear +what they say. + +{53} I now wish, without more delay, to make my defence upon the +indictment itself, and to go through my past acts, in order that +Aeschines may hear (though he knows them well) the grounds on which I +claim to have a right both to the gifts which the Council have +proposed, and even to far greater than these. (_To the clerk_.) Now +take the indictment and read it. + +{54, 55} [The indictment is read.] + +{56} These, men of Athens, are the points in the resolution which the +prosecutor assails; and these very points will, I think, afford me my +first means of proving to you that the defence which I am about to +offer is an absolutely fair one. For I will take the points of the +indictment in the very same order as the prosecutor: I will speak of +each in succession, and will knowingly pass over nothing. {57} Any +decision upon the statement that I 'consistently do and say what is +best for the People, and am eager to do whatever good I can', and upon +the proposal to vote me thanks for this, depends, I consider, upon my +past political career: for it is by an investigation of my career that +either the truth and the propriety, or else the falsehood, of these +statements which Ctesiphon has made about me will be discovered. {58} +Again, the proposal to crown me, without the addition of the clause +'when he has submitted to his examination', and the order to proclaim +the award of the crown in the theatre, must, I imagine, stand or fall +with my political career; for the question is whether I deserve the +crown and the proclamation before my fellow countrymen or not. At the +same time I consider myself further bound to point out to you the laws +under which the defendant's proposal could be made. In this honest and +straightforward manner, men of Athens, I have determined to make my +defence; and now I will proceed to speak of my past actions themselves. +{59} And let no one imagine that I am detaching my argument from its +connexion with the indictment, if I break into a discussion of +international transactions. For it is the prosecutor who, by assailing +the clause of the decree which states that I do and say what is best, +and by indicting it as false, has rendered the discussion of my whole +political career essentially germane to the indictment; and further, +out of the many careers which public life offers, it was the department +of international affairs that I chose; so that I have a right to derive +my proofs also from that department. + +{60} I will pass over all that Philip snatched from us and secured, in +the days before I took part in public life as an orator. None of these +losses, I imagine, has anything to do with me. But I will recall to +you, and will render you an account of all that, from the day when I +entered upon this career, he was _prevented_ from taking, when I have +made one remark. {61} Philip, men of Athens, had a great advantage in +his favour. For in the midst of the Hellenic peoples--and not of some +only, but of all alike--there had sprung up a crop of +traitors--corrupt, god-forsaken men--more numerous than they have ever +been within the memory of man. These he took to help and co-operate +with him; and great as the mutual ill-will and dissensions of the +Hellenes already were, he rendered them even worse, by deceiving some, +making presents to others, and corrupting others in every way; and at a +time when all had in reality but one interest--to prevent his becoming +powerful--he divided them into a number of factions. {62} All the +Hellenes then being in this condition, still ignorant of the growing +and accumulating evil, you have to ask yourselves, men of Athens, what +policy and action it was fitting for the city to choose, and to hold me +responsible for this; for the person who assumed that responsibility in +the State was myself. {63} Should she, Aeschines, have sacrificed her +pride and her own dignity? Should she have joined the ranks of the +Thessalians and Dolopes,[n] and helped Philip to acquire the empire of +Hellas, cancelling thereby the noble and righteous deeds of our +forefathers? Or, if she should not have done this (for it would have +been in very truth an atrocious thing), should she have looked on, +while all that she saw would happen, if no one prevented it--all that +she realized, it seems, at a distance--was actually taking place? {64} +Nay, I should be glad to ask to-day the severest critic of my actions, +which party he would have desired the city to join--the party which +shares the responsibility for the misery and disgrace which has fallen +upon the Hellenes (the party of the Thessalians and their supporters, +one may call it), or the party which looked on while these calamities +were taking place, in the hope of gaining some advantage for +themselves--in which we should place the Arcadians and Messenians and +Argives. {65} But even of these, many--nay, all--have in the end fared +worse than we. For if Philip had departed immediately after his +victory, and gone his way; if afterwards he had remained at peace, and +had given no trouble whatever to any of his own allies or of the other +Hellenes; then there would have been some ground for blaming and +accusing those who had opposed his plans. But if he has stripped them +all alike of their dignity, their paramountcy, and their +independence--nay, even of their free constitutions,[n] wherever he +could do so--can it be denied that the policy which you adopted on my +advice was the most glorious policy possible? + +{66} But I return to my former point. What was it fitting for the city +to do, Aeschines, when she saw Philip establishing for himself a +despotic sway over the Hellenes? What language should have been used, +what measures proposed, by the adviser of the people at Athens (for +that it was at Athens makes the utmost difference), when I knew that +from the very first, up to the day when I myself ascended the platform, +my country had always contended for pre-eminence, honour, and glory, +and in the cause of honour, and for the interests of all, had +sacrificed more money and lives than any other Hellenic people had +spent for their private ends: {67} when I saw that Philip himself, with +whom our conflict lay, for the sake of empire and absolute power, had +had his eye knocked out, his collar-bone broken, his hand and his leg +maimed, and was ready to resign any part of his body that Fortune chose +to take from him, provided that with what remained he might live in +honour and glory? {68} And surely no one would dare to say that it was +fitting that in one bred at Pella, a place then inglorious and +insignificant, there should have grown up so lofty a spirit that he +aspired after the empire of Hellas, and conceived such a project in his +mind; but that in you, who are Athenians, and who day by day in all +that you hear and see behold the memorials of the gallantry of your +forefathers, such baseness should be found, that you would yield up +your liberty to Philip by your own deliberate offer and deed. {69} No +man would say this. One alternative remained, and that, one which you +were bound to take--that of a righteous resistance to the whole course +of action by which he was doing you injury. You acted thus from the +first, quite rightly and properly; while I helped by my proposals and +advice during the time of my political activity, and I do not deny it. +But what ought I to have done? For the time has come to ask you this, +Aeschines, and to dismiss everything else. {70} Amphipolis, Pydna, +Poteidaea, Halonnesus--all are blotted from my memory. As for Serrhium, +Doriscus, the sack of Peparethus, and all the other injuries inflicted +upon the city, I renounce all knowledge of their ever having +happened--though you actually said that _I_ involved my countrymen in +hostility by talking of these things, when the decrees which deal with +them were the work of Eubulus and Aristophon[n] and Diopeithes,[n] and +not mine at all--so glibly do you assert anything that suits your +purpose! {71} But of this too I say nothing at present. I only ask you +whether Philip, who was appropriating Euboea,[n] and establishing it as +a stronghold to command Attica; who was making an attempt upon Megara, +seizing Oreus, razing the walls of Porthmus, setting up Philistides as +tyrant at Oreus and Cleitarchus at Eretria, bringing the Hellespont +into his own power, besieging Byzantium, destroying some of the cities +of Hellas, and restoring his exiled friends to others--whether he, I +say, in acting thus, was guilty of wrong, violating the truce and +breaking the Peace, or not? Was it fit that one of the Hellenes should +arise to prevent it, or not? {72} If it was not fit--if it was fit that +Hellas should become like the Mysian booty[n] in the proverb before +men's eyes, while the Athenians had life and being, then I have lost my +labour in speaking upon this theme, and the city has lost its labour in +obeying me: then let everything that has been done be counted for a +crime and a blunder, and those my own! But if it was right that one +should arise to prevent it, for whom could the task be more fitting +than for the people of Athens? That then, was the aim of _my_ policy; +and when I saw Philip reducing all mankind to servitude, I opposed him, +and without ceasing warned and exhorted you to make no surrender. + +{73} But the Peace, Aeschines, was in reality broken by Philip, when he +seized the corn-ships, not by Athens. (_To the clerk_.) Bring the +decrees themselves, and the letter of Philip, and read them in order. +(_To the jury_.) For they will make it clear who is responsible, and +for what. + +{74} [_A decree is read_.] + +{75} This decree then was proposed by Eubulus, not by me; and the next +by Aristophon; he is followed first by Hegesippus, and he by Aristophon +again, and then by Philocrates, then by Cephisophon, and then by all of +them. But I proposed no decree upon this subject. (_To the clerk_.) +Read. + +[_Decrees are read_.] + +{76} As then I point to these decrees, so, Aeschines, do you point to a +decree of any kind, proposed by me, which makes me responsible for the +war. You cannot do so: for had you been able, there is nothing which +you would sooner have produced. Indeed, even Philip himself makes no +charge against me as regards the war, though he complains of others. +(_To the clerk_.) Read Philip's letter itself. + +{77, 78} [_Philip's letter is read_.] + +{79} In this letter he has nowhere mentioned the name of Demosthenes, +nor made any charge against me. Why is it then that, though he +complains of others, he has not mentioned my own actions? Because, if +he had written anything about me, he must have mentioned his own acts +of wrong; for it was these acts upon which I kept my grip, and these +which I opposed. First of all, when he was trying to steal into the +Peloponnese, I proposed the embassy to the Peloponnese;[n] then, when +he was grasping at Euboea, the embassy to Euboea;[n] then the +expedition--not an embassy any more--to Oreus,[n] and that to Eretria, +when he had established tyrants in those cities. {80} After that I +dispatched all the naval expeditions, in the course of which the +Chersonese and Byzantium and all our allies were saved. In consequence +of this, the noblest rewards at the hands of those who had benefited by +your action became yours--votes of thanks, glory, honours, crowns, +gratitude; while of the victims of his aggression, those who followed +your advice at the time secured their own deliverance, and those who +neglected it had the memory of your warnings constantly in their minds, +and regarded you not merely as their well-wishers, but as men of wisdom +and prophetic insight; for all that you foretold has come to pass. {81} +And further, that Philistides would have given a large sum to retain +Oreus, and Cleitarchus to retain Eretria, and Philip himself, to be +able to count upon the use of these places against you, and to escape +all exposure of his other proceedings and all investigation, by any one +in any place, of his wrongful acts--all this is not unknown to any one, +least of all to you, Aeschines. {82} For the envoys sent at that time +by Cleitarchus and Philistides lodged at your house, when they came +here, and you acted as their patron.[n] Though the city rejected them, +as enemies whose proposals were neither just nor expedient, to you they +were friends. None of their attempts succeeded, slander me though you +may, when you assert that I say nothing when I receive money, but cry +out when I spend it. That, certainly, is not _your_ way: for you cry +out with money in your hands, and will never cease, unless those +present cause you to do so by taking away your civil rights[n] to-day. +{83} Now on that occasion, gentlemen, you crowned me for my conduct. +Aristonicus proposed a decree whose very syllables were identical with +those of Ctesiphon's present proposal; the crown was proclaimed in the +theatre; and this was already the second proclamation[n] in my honour: +and yet Aeschines, though he was there, neither opposed the decree, nor +indicted the mover. (_To the clerk_.) Take this decree also and read it. + +{84} [_The decree of Aristonicus is read_.] + +{85} Now is any of you aware of any discredit that attached itself to +the city owing to this decree? Did any mockery or ridicule ensue, such +as Aeschines said must follow on the present occasion, if I were +crowned? But surely when proceedings are recent and well known to all, +then it is that, if they are satisfactory, they meet with gratitude, +and if they are otherwise, with punishment. It appears, then, that on +that occasion I met with gratitude, not with blame or punishment. + +{86} Thus the fact that, up to the time when these events took place, I +acted throughout as was best for the city, has been acknowledged by the +victory of my advice and my proposals in your deliberations, by the +successful execution of the measures which I proposed, and the award of +crowns in consequence of them to the city and to myself and to all, and +by your celebration of sacrifices to the gods, and processions, in +thankfulness for these blessings. + +{87} When Philip had been expelled from Euboea--and while the arms +which expelled him were yours, the statesmanship and the decrees (even +though some of my opponents may split their sides) were mine--he +proceeded to look for some other stronghold from which he could +threaten the city. And seeing that we were more dependent than any +other people upon imported corn, and wishing to get our corn-trade into +his power, he advanced to Thrace. First, he requested the Byzantines, +his own allies, to join him in the war against you; and when they +refused and said (with truth) that they had not made their alliance +with him for such a purpose, he erected a stockade against the city, +brought up his engines, and proceeded to besiege it. {88} I will not +ask again what you ought to have done when this was happening; it is +manifest to all. But who was it that went to the rescue of the +Byzantines, and saved them? Who was it that prevented the Hellespont +from falling into other hands at that time? It was you, men of +Athens--and when I say 'you', I mean this city. And who was it that +spoke and moved resolutions and acted for the city, and gave himself up +unsparingly to the business of the State? It was I. {89} But of the +immense benefit thus conferred upon all, you no longer need words of +mine to tell you, since you have had actual experience of it. For the +war which then ensued, apart from the glorious reputation that it +brought you, kept you supplied with the necessaries of life in greater +plenty and at lower prices than the present Peace, which these worthy +men are guarding to their country's detriment, in their hopes of +something yet to be realized. May those hopes be disappointed! May they +share the fortune which you, who wish for the best, ask of the gods, +rather than cause you to share that upon which their own choice is +fixed! (_To the clerk_.) Read out to the jury the crowns awarded to the +city in consequence of her action by the Byzantines and by the +Perinthians. + +{90, 91} [_The decree of the Byzantines is read_.] + +{92} Read out also the crowns awarded by the peoples of the Chersonese. + +[_The decree of the peoples of the Chersonese is read_.] + +{93} Thus the policy which I had adopted was not only successful in +saving the Chersonese and Byzantium, in preventing the Hellespont from +falling at that time into the power of Philip, and in bringing honours +to the city in consequence, but it revealed to the whole world the +noble gallantry of Athens and the baseness of Philip. For all saw that +he, the ally of the Byzantines, was besieging them--what could be more +shameful or revolting? {94} and on the other hand, it was seen that +you, who might fairly have urged many well-founded complaints against +them for their inconsiderate conduct[n] towards you at an earlier +period, not only refused to remember your grudge and to abandon the +victims of aggression, but actually delivered them; and in consequence +of this, you won glory and goodwill on all hands. And further, though +every one knows that you have crowned many public men before now, no +one can name any but myself--that is to say, any public counsellor and +orator--for whose merits the city has received a crown. + +{95} In order to prove to you, also, that the slanders which he uttered +against the Euboeans and Byzantines, as he recalled to you any +ill-natured action that they had taken towards you in the past, are +disingenuous calumnies, not only because they are false (for this, I +think, you may all be assumed to know), but also because, however true +they might be, it was still to your advantage to deal with the +political situation as I have done, I desire to describe, and that +briefly, one or two of the noble deeds which this city has done in your +own time. For an individual and a State should strive always, in their +respective spheres, to fashion their future conduct after the highest +examples that their past affords. {96} Thus, men of Athens, at a time +when the Spartans were masters of land and sea,[n] and were retaining +their hold, by means of governors and garrisons, upon the country all +round Attica--Euboea, Tanagra, all Boeotia, Megara, Aegina, Ceos, and +the other islands--and when Athens possessed neither ships nor walls, +you marched forth to Haliartus, and again, not many days later, to +Corinth, though the Athenians of that day might have borne a heavy +grudge against both the Corinthians and the Thebans for the part they +had played in reference to the Deceleian War.[n] {97} But they bore no +such grudge. Far from it! And neither of these actions, Aeschines, was +taken by them to help benefactors; nor was the prospect before them +free from danger. Yet they did not on that account sacrifice those who +fled to them for help. For the sake of glory and honour they were +willing to expose themselves to the danger; and it was a right and a +noble spirit that inspired their counsels. For the life of all men must +end in death, though a man shut himself in a chamber and keep watch; +but brave men must ever set themselves to do that which is noble, with +their joyful hope for their buckler, and whatsoever God gives, must +bear it gallantly. {98} Thus did your forefathers, and thus did the +elder among yourselves: for, although the Spartans were no friends or +benefactors of yours, but had done much grievous wrong to the city, +yet, when the Thebans, after their victory at Leuctra, attempted to +annihilate them, you prevented it, not terrified by the strength or the +reputation which the Thebans then enjoyed, nor reckoning up what the +men had done to you, for whom you were to face this peril. {99} And +thus, as you know, you revealed to all the Hellenes, that whatever +offences may be committed against you, though under all other +circumstances you show your resentment of them, yet if any danger to +life or freedom overtakes the transgressors, you will bear no grudge +and make no reckoning. Nor was it in these instances only that you were +thus disposed. For once more, when the Thebans were appropriating +Euboea,[n] you did not look on while it was done; you did not call to +mind the wrong which had been done to you in the matter of Oropus[n] by +Themison and Theodorus: you helped even these; and it was then that the +city for the first time had voluntary trierarchs, of whom I was one.[n] +But I will not speak of this yet. {100} And although to save the island +was itself a noble thing to do, it was a yet nobler thing by far, that +when their lives and their cities were absolutely in your power, you +gave them back, as it was right to do, to the very men who had offended +against you, and made no reckoning, when such trust had been placed in +you, of the wrongs which you had suffered. I pass by the innumerable +instances which I might still give--battles at sea, expeditions [by +land, campaigns] both long ago and now in our day; in all of which the +object of the city has been to defend the freedom and safety of the +other Hellenic peoples. {101} And so, when in all these striking +examples I had beheld the city ever ready to strive in defence of the +interests of others, what was I likely to bid her do, what action was I +likely to recommend to her, when the debate to some extent concerned +her own interests? 'Why,' you would say, 'to remember her grudge +against those who wanted deliverance, and to look for excuses for +sacrificing everything!' And who would not have been justified in +putting me to death, if I had attempted to bring shame upon the city's +high traditions, though it were only by word? The deed itself you would +never have done, I know full well; for had you desired to do it, what +was there to hinder you? Were you not free so to act? Had you not these +men here to propose it? + +{102} I wish now to return to the next in succession of my political +acts; and here again you must ask yourselves, what was the best thing +for the city? For, men of Athens, when I saw that your navy was +breaking up, and that, while the rich were obtaining exemption on the +strength of small payments,[n] citizens of moderate or small means were +losing all that they had; and further, that in consequence of these +things the city was always missing her opportunities; I enacted a law +in accordance with which I compelled the former--the rich--to do their +duty fairly; I put an end to the injustice done to the poor, and (what +was the greatest service of all to the State) I caused our preparations +to be made in time. {103} When I was indicted for this, I appeared +before you at the ensuing trial, and was acquitted; the prosecutor +failed to obtain the necessary fraction of the votes. But what sums do +you think the leaders of the Taxation-Boards, or those who stood second +or third, offered me, to induce me, if possible, not to enact the law, +or at least to let it drop and lie under sworn notice of +prosecution?[n] They offered sums so large, men of Athens, that I +should hesitate to mention them to you. It was a natural course for +them to take. {104} For under the former laws it was possible for them +to divide their obligation between sixteen persons, paying little or +nothing themselves, and grinding down their poorer fellow citizens: +while by my law each must pay down a sum calculated in proportion to +his property; and a man came to be charged with two warships, who had +previously been one of sixteen subscribers to a single one (for they +used now to call themselves no longer captains of their ships, but +subscribers). Thus there was nothing that they were not willing to +give, if only the new plan could be brought to nothing, and they could +escape being compelled to do their duty fairly. (_To the clerk_.) {105} +Now read me, first, the decree[n] in accordance with which I had to +meet the indictment; and then the lists of those liable under the +former law, and under my own, respectively. Read. + +[_The decree is read_.] + +{106} Now produce that noble list. + +[_A list is read_.] + +Now produce, for comparison with this, the list under my own law. + +[_A list is read_.] + +Was this, think you, but a trifling assistance which I rendered to the +poor among you? {107} Would the wealthy have spent but a trifling sum +to avoid doing their duty fairly? I am proud not only of having refused +all compromise upon the measure, not only of having been acquitted when +I was indicted, but also of having enacted a law which was beneficial, +and of having given proof of it in practice. For throughout the war the +armaments were equipped under my law, and no trierarch ever laid the +suppliants' branch[n] before you in token of grievance, nor took +sanctuary at Munychia; none was imprisoned by the Admiralty Board; no +warship was abandoned at sea and lost to the State, or left behind here +as unseaworthy. Under the former laws all these things used to happen; +{108} and the reason was that the obligation rested upon the poor, and +in consequence there were many cases of inability to discharge it. I +transferred the duties of the trierarchy from the poor to the rich; and +therefore every duty was properly fulfilled. Aye, and for this very +reason I deserve to receive praise--that I always adopted such +political measures as brought with them accessions of glory and honour +and power to the city. No measure of mine is malicious, harsh, or +unprincipled; none is degrading or unworthy of the city. The same +spirit will be seen both in my domestic and my international policy. +{109} For just as in home affairs I did not set the favour of the rich +above the rights of the many, so in international affairs I did not +embrace the gifts and the friendship of Philip, in preference to the +common interests of all the Hellenes. + +It still remains for me, I suppose, to speak about the proclamation, +and about my examination. {110} The statement that I acted for the +best, and that I am loyal to you throughout and eager to do you good +service, I have proved, I think, sufficiently, by what I have said. At +the same time I am passing over the most important parts of my +political life and actions; for I conceive that I ought first to render +to you in their proper order my arguments in regard to the alleged +illegality itself: which done, even if I say nothing about the rest of +my political acts, I can still rely upon that personal knowledge of +them which each of you possesses. + +{111} Of the arguments which the prosecutor jumbled together in utter +confusion with reference to the laws accompanying his indictment,[n] I +am quite certain that you could not follow the greater part, nor could +I understand them myself; but I will simply address you +straightforwardly upon the question of right. So far am I from claiming +(as he just now slanderously declared) to be free from the liability to +render an account, that I admit a life-long liability to account for +every part of my administration and policy. {112} But I do not admit +that I am liable for one single day--you hear me, Aeschines?--to +account for what I have given to the People as a free-will offering out +of my private estate; nor is any one else so liable, not even if he is +one of the nine archons. What law is so replete with injustice and +churlishness, that when a man has made a present out of his private +property and done an act of generosity and munificence, it deprives him +of the gratitude due to him, hales him before a court of disingenuous +critics, and sets them to audit accounts of sums which he himself has +given? There is no such law. If the prosecutor asserts that there is, +let him produce it, and I will resign myself and say no more. {113} But +the law does not exist, men of Athens; this is nothing but an +informer's trick on the part of Aeschines, who, because I was +Controller of the Festival Fund when I made this donation, says, +'Ctesiphon proposed a vote of thanks to him when he was still liable to +account.' The vote of thanks was not for any of the things for which I +was liable to account; it was for my voluntary gift, and your charge is +a misrepresentation. 'Yes,' you say, 'but you were also a Commissioner +of Fortifications.' I was, and thanks were rightly accorded me on the +very ground that, instead of charging the sums which I spent, I made a +present of them. A statement of account, it is true, calls for an audit +and scrutineers; but a free gift deserves gratitude and thanks; and +that is why the defendant proposed this motion in my favour. {114} That +this principle is not merely laid down in the laws, but rooted in your +national character, I shall have no difficulty in proving by many +instances. Nausicles,[n] to begin with, has often been crowned by you, +while general, for sacrifices which he had made from his private funds. +Again, when Diotimus[n] gave the shields, and Charidemus[n] afterwards, +they were crowned. And again, Neoptolemus here, while still director of +many public works, has received honours for his voluntary gifts. It +would really be too bad, if any one who held any office must either be +debarred thereby from making a present to the State, or else, instead +of receiving due gratitude, must submit accounts of the sums given. +{115} To prove the truth of my statements, (_to the clerk_) take and +read the actual decrees which were passed in honour of these persons. +Read. + +{116} [_Two decrees are read_.] + +{117} Each of these persons, Aeschines, was accountable as regards the +office which he held, but not as regards the services for which he was +crowned. Nor am I, therefore; for I presume that I have the same rights +as others with reference to the same matters. I made a voluntary gift. +For this I receive thanks; for I am not liable to account for what I +gave. I was holding office. True, and I have rendered an account of my +official expenditure, but not of what I gave voluntarily. Ah! but I +exercised my office iniquitously! What? and you were there, when the +auditors brought me before them, and did not accuse me? + +{118} Now that the court may see that the prosecutor himself bears me +witness that I was crowned for services of which I was not liable to +render an account, (_to the clerk_) take and read the decree which was +proposed in my honour, in its entirety. (_To the jury_.) The points +which he has omitted to indict in the Council's resolution will show +that the charges which he does make are deliberate misrepresentations. +(_To the clerk_.) Read. + +[_The decree is read_.] + +{119} My donations then, were these, of which you have not made one the +subject of indictment. It is the reward for these, which the Council +states to be my due, that you attack. You admit that it was legal to +accept the gifts offered, and you indict as illegal the return of +gratitude for them. In Heaven's name, what must the perfect scoundrel, +the really heaven-detested, malignant being be like? Must he not be a +man like this? + +{120} But as regards the proclamation in the theatre, I pass by the +fact that ten thousand persons have been thus proclaimed on ten +thousand different occasions, and that my own name has often been so +proclaimed before. But, in Heaven's name, Aeschines, are you so +perverse and stupid, that you cannot grasp the fact that the recipient +of the crown feels the same pride wherever the crown is proclaimed, and +that it is for the benefit of those who confer it that the proclamation +is made in the theatre? For those who hear are stimulated to do good +service to the State, and commend those who return gratitude for such +service even more than they commend the recipient of the crown. That is +why the city has enacted this law. (_To the clerk_.) Take the law +itself and read it. + +[_The law is read_.] + +{121} Do you hear, Aeschines, the plain words of the law? 'Except such +as the People or the Council shall resolve so to proclaim. But let +these be proclaimed.' Why, wretched man, do you lay this dishonest +charge? Why do you invent false arguments? Why do you not take +hellebore[n] to cure you? What? Are you not ashamed to bring a case +founded upon envy, not upon any crime--to alter some of the laws, and +to leave out parts of others, when they ought surely, in justice, to be +read entire to those who have sworn to give their votes in accordance +with the laws? {122} And then, while you act in this way, you enumerate +the qualities which should be found in a friend of the People, as if +you had contracted for a statue, and discovered on receiving it that it +had not the features required by the contract; or as if a friend of the +People was known by a definition, and not by his works and his +political measures! And you shout out expressions, proper and improper, +like a reveller on a cart[n]--expressions which apply to you and your +house, not to me. I will add this also, men of Athens. {123} The +difference between abuse and accusation is, I imagine, that an +accusation is founded upon crimes, for which the penalties are assigned +by law; abuse, upon such slanders as their own character leads enemies +to utter about one another. And I conceive that our forefathers built +these courts of law, not that we might assemble you here and revile one +another with improper expressions suggested by our adversary's private +life, but that we might convict any one who happens to have committed +some crime against the State. {124} Aeschines knew this as well as I; +and yet he chose to make a ribald attack instead of an accusation. At +the same time, it is not fair that he should go off without getting as +much as he gives, even in this respect; and when I have asked him one +question, I will at once proceed to the attack. Are we to call you, +Aeschines, the enemy of the State, or of myself? Of myself, of course. +What? And when you might have exacted the penalty from me, on behalf of +your fellow countrymen, according to the laws--at public examinations, +by indictment, by all other forms of trial--did you always omit to do +so? {125} And yet to-day, when I am unassailable upon every ground--on +the ground of law, of lapse of time, of the statutable limit,[n] of the +many previous trials which I have undergone upon every charge, without +having once been convicted of any crime against you to this day--and +when the city must necessarily share to a greater or smaller degree in +the glory of acts which were really acts of the people, have you +confronted me upon such an issue as this? Take care lest, while you +profess to be _my_ enemy, you prove to be the enemy of your fellow +countrymen! + +{126} Since then I have shown you all what is the vote which religion +and justice demand of you, I am now obliged, it would seem, by the +slanders which he has uttered (though I am no lover of abuse) to reply +to his many falsehoods by saying just what is absolutely necessary +about himself, and showing who he is, and whence he is sprung, that he +so lightly begins to use bad language, pulling to pieces certain +expressions of mine, when he has himself used expressions which any +respectable man would have shrunk from uttering; {127} for if the +accuser were Aeacus or Rhadamanthus or Minos,[n] instead of a +scandal-monger,[n] an old hand in the marketplace,[n] a pestilent +clerk, I do not believe that he would have spoken thus, or produced +such a stock of ponderous phrases, crying aloud, as if he were acting a +tragedy, 'O Earth and Sun and Virtue,'[n] and the like; or again, +invoking 'Wit and Culture, by which things noble and base are discerned +apart'--for, of course, you heard him speaking in this way. {128} Scum +of the earth! What have you or yours to do with virtue? How should +_you_ discern what is noble and what is not? Where and how did you get +your qualification to do so? What right have _you_ to mention culture +anywhere? A man of genuine culture would not only never have asserted +such a thing of himself, but would have blushed to hear another do so: +and those who, like you, fall far short of it, but are tactless enough +to claim it, succeed only in causing distress to their hearers, when +they speak--not in seeming to be what they profess. + +{129} But though I am not at a loss to know what to say about you and +yours, I am at a loss to know what to mention first. Shall I tell +first[n] how your father Tromes was a slave in the house of Elpias, who +kept an elementary school near the temple of Theseus, and how he wore +shackles and a wooden halter? Or how your mother, by celebrating her +daylight nuptials in her hut near the shrine of the Hero of the +Lancet,[n] was enabled to rear you, her beautiful statue, the prince of +third-rate actors? But these things are known to all without my telling +them. Shall I tell how Phormio, the ship's piper, the slave of Dion of +Phrearrii, raised her up out of this noble profession? But, before God +and every Heavenly Power, I shudder lest in using expressions which are +fitly applied to you, I may be thought to have chosen a subject upon +which it ill befits myself to speak. {130} So I will pass this by, and +will begin with the acts of his own life; for they were not like any +chance actions,[n] but such as the people curses. For only +lately--lately, do I say? only yesterday or the day before--did he +become at once an Athenian and an orator, and by the addition of two +syllables converted his father from Tromes into Atrometus, and gave his +mother the imposing name of Glaucothea,[n] when every one knows that +she used to be called Empusa[n]--a name which was obviously given her +because there was nothing that she would not do or have done to her; +for how else should she have acquired it? {131} Yet, in spite of this, +you are of so ungrateful and villainous a nature, that though, thanks +to your countrymen, you have risen from slavery to freedom, and from +poverty to wealth, far from feeling gratitude to them, you devote your +political activity to working against them as a hireling. I will pass +over every case in which there is any room for the contention that he +has spoken in the interests of the city, and will remind you of the +acts which he was manifestly proved to have done for the good of her +enemies. + +{132} Which of you has not heard of Antiphon,[n] who was struck off the +list of citizens,[n] and came into the city in pursuance of a promise +to Philip that he would burn the dockyards? I found him concealed in +the Peiraeus, and brought him before the Assembly; but the malignant +Aeschines shouted at the top of his voice, that it was atrocious of me, +in a democratic country, to insult a citizen who had met with +misfortune, and to go to men's houses without a decree;[n] and he +obtained his release. {133} And unless the Council of Areopagus had +taken notice of the matter, and, seeing the inopportuneness of the +ignorance which you had shown, had made a further search for the man, +and arrested him, and brought him before you again, a man of that +character would have been snatched out of your hands, and would have +evaded punishment, and been sent out of the country by this pompous +orator. As it was, you tortured and executed him--and so ought you also +to have treated Aeschines. {134} The Council of Areopagus knew the part +which he had played in this affair; and for this reason, when, owing to +the same ignorance which so often leads you to sacrifice the public +interests, you elected him[n] to advocate your claims in regard to the +Temple of Delos, the Council (since you had appointed it to assist you +and entrusted it with full authority to act in the matter) immediately +rejected Aeschines as a traitor, and committed the case to Hypereides. +When the Council took this step, the members took their votes from the +altar,[n] and not one vote was given for this abominable man. {135} To +prove that what I say is true, (_to the clerk_) call the witnesses who +testify to it. + +[_The witnesses are called_.] + +{136} Thus when the Council rejected him from the office of advocate, +and committed the case to another, it declared at the same time that he +was a traitor, who wished you ill. + +Such was one of the public appearances of this fine fellow, and such +its character--so like the acts with which he charges me, is it not? +Now recall a second. For when Philip sent Python of Byzantium,[n] and +with him envoys from all his allies, in the hope of putting the city to +shame and showing her to be in the wrong, I would not give way before +the torrent of insolent rhetoric which Python poured out upon you, but +rose and contradicted him, and would not betray the city's rights, but +proved the iniquity of Philip's actions so manifestly, that even his +own allies rose up and admitted it. But Aeschines supported Python; he +gave testimony in opposition to his country, and that testimony false. + +{137} Nor was this sufficient for him; for again after this he was +detected going to meet Anaxinus[n] the spy in the house of Thrason. But +surely one who met the emissary of the enemy alone and conferred with +him, must himself have been already a born spy and an enemy of his +country. To prove the truth of what I say, (_to the clerk_) call the +witnesses to these facts. + +[_The witnesses are called_.] + +{138} There are still an infinite number of things which I might relate +of him; but I pass them over. For the truth is something like this. I +could still point to many instances in which he was found to be serving +our enemies during that period, and showing his spite against me. But +you do not store such things up in careful remembrance, to visit them +with the indignation which they deserve; but, following a bad custom, +you have given great freedom to any one who wishes to trip up the +proposer of any advantageous measure by dishonest charges--bartering, +as you do, the advantage of the State for the pleasure and +gratification which you derive from invective; and so it is always +easier and safer to be a hireling in the service of the enemy, than a +statesman who has chosen to defend your cause. + +{139} To co-operate with Philip before we were openly at war with him +was --I call Earth and Heaven to witness--atrocious enough. How could +it be otherwise--against his own country? Nevertheless, concede him +this, if you will, concede him this. But when the corn-ships had been +openly plundered, and the Chersonese was being ravaged, and the man was +on the march against Attica; when the position of affairs was no longer +in doubt, and war had begun; what action did this malignant mouther of +verses ever do for your good? He can point to none. There is not a +single decree, small or great, with reference to the interests of the +city, standing in the name of Aeschines. If he asserts that there is, +let him produce it in the time allotted to me. But no such decree +exists. In that case, however, only two alternatives are possible: +either he had no fault to find at the time with my policy, and +therefore made no proposal contrary to it; or else he was seeking the +advantage of the enemy, and therefore refrained from bringing forward +any better policy than mine. + +{140} Did he then abstain from speaking, as he abstained from proposing +any motion, when any mischief was to be done? On the contrary, no one +else had a chance of speaking. But though, apparently, the city could +endure everything else, and he could do everything else unobserved, +there was one final deed which was the culmination of all that he had +done before. Upon this he expended all that multitude of words, as he +went through the decrees relating to the Amphisseans, in the hope of +distorting the truth. But the truth cannot be distorted. It is +impossible. Never will you wash away the stain of your actions there! +You will not say enough for that! + +{141} I call upon all the gods and goddesses who protect this land of +Attica, in the presence of you all, men of Athens; and upon Apollo of +Pytho, the paternal deity[n] of this city, and I pray to them all, that +if I should speak the truth to you--if I spoke it at that very time +without delay, in the presence of the people, when first I saw this +abominable man setting his hand to this business (for I knew it, I knew +it at once),--that then they may give me good fortune and life: but if, +to gratify my hatred or any private quarrel, I am now bringing a false +accusation against this man, then they may take from me the fruition of +every blessing. + +{142} Why have I uttered this imprecation with such vehemence and +earnestness? Because, although I have documents, lying in the public +archives, by which I will prove the facts clearly; although I know that +you remember what was done; I have still the fear that he may be +thought too insignificant a man to have done all the evil which he has +wrought--as indeed happened before, when he caused the ruin of the +unhappy Phocians by the false report which he brought home. {143} For +the war at Amphissa, which was the cause of Philip's coming to Elateia, +and of one being chosen[n] commander of the Amphictyons, who overthrew +the fortunes of the Hellenes--_he_ it is who helped to get it up; he, +in his sole person, is to blame for disasters to which no equal can be +found. I protested at the time, and cried out, before the Assembly, +'You are bringing war into Attica, Aeschines--an Amphictyonic War.' But +a packed group of his supporters refused to let me speak, while the +rest were amazed, and imagined that I was bringing a baseless charge +against him, out of personal animosity. {144} But what the true nature +of these proceedings was, men of Athens--why this plan was contrived, +and how it was executed--you must hear from me to-day, since you were +prevented from doing so at the time. You will behold a business +cunningly organized; you will advance greatly in your knowledge of +public affairs; and you will see what cleverness there was in Philip. + +{145} Philip had no prospect of seeing the end of the war with you, or +ridding himself of it, unless he could make the Thebans and Thessalians +enemies of Athens. For although the war was being wretchedly and +inefficiently conducted by your generals, he was nevertheless suffering +infinite damage from the war itself and from the freebooters. The +exportation of the produce of his country and the importation of what +he needed were both impossible. {146} Moreover, he was not at that time +superior to you at sea, nor could he reach Attica, if the Thessalians +would not follow him, or the Thebans give him a passage through their +country; and although he was overcoming in the field the generals whom +you sent out, such as they were (for of this I say nothing), he found +himself suffering from the geographical conditions themselves, and from +the nature of the resources[n] which either side possessed. {147} Now +if he tried to encourage either the Thessalians or the Thebans to march +against you in order to further his own quarrel, no one, he thought, +would pay any attention to him; but if he adopted their own common +grounds of action and were chosen commander, he hoped to find it easier +to deceive or to persuade them, as the case might be. What then does he +do? He attempts (and observe with what skill) to stir up an +Amphictyonic War, and a disturbance in connexion with the meeting of +the Council. {148} For he thought that they would at once find that +they needed his help, to deal with these. Now if one of his own or his +allies' representatives on the Council[n] brought the matter forward, +he thought that both the Thebans and the Thessalians would regard the +proceeding with suspicion, and that all would be on their guard: but if +it was an Athenian, sent by you, his adversaries, that did so, he would +easily escape detection--as, in fact, happened. {149}* How then did he +manage this? He hired Aeschines. No one, I suppose, either realized +beforehand what was going on or guarded against it--that is how such +affairs are usually conducted here; Aeschines was nominated a delegate +to the Council; three or four people held up their hands for him, and +he was declared elected. But when, bearing with him the prestige of +this city, he reached the Amphictyons, he dismissed and closed his eyes +to all other considerations, and proceeded to perform the task for +which he had been hired. He composed and recited a story, in attractive +language, of the way in which the Cirrhaean territory had come to be +dedicated; {150} and with this he persuaded the members of the Council, +who were unused to rhetoric and did not foresee what was about to +happen, that they should resolve to make the circuit of the +territory,[n] which the Amphisseans said they were cultivating because +it was their own, while he alleged that it was part of the consecrated +land. The Locrians were not bringing any suit against us, or taking any +such action as (in order to justify himself) he now falsely alleges. +You may know this from the following consideration. It was clearly +impossible[n] for the Locrians to bring a suit against Athens to an +actual issue, without summoning us. Who then served the summons upon +us? Before what authority was it served? Tell us who knows: point to +him. You cannot do so. It was a hollow and a false pretext of which you +thus made a wrongful use. {151} While the Amphictyons were making the +circuit of the territory in accordance with Aeschines' suggestion, the +Locrians fell upon them and came near to shooting them all down with +their spears; some of the members of the Council they even carried off +with them. And now that complaints and hostilities had been stirred up +against the Amphisseans, in consequence of these proceedings, the +command was first held by Cottyphus, and his force was drawn from the +Amphictyonic Powers alone. But since some did not come, and those who +came did nothing, the men who had been suborned for the +purpose--villains of long standing, chosen from the Thessalians and +from the traitors in other States--took steps with a view to entrusting +the affair to Philip, as commander, at the next meeting of the Council. +{152} They had adopted arguments of a persuasive kind. Either, they +said, the Amphictyons must themselves contribute funds, maintain +mercenaries, and fine those who refused to do so; or they must elect +Philip. To make a long story short, the result was that Philip was +appointed. And immediately afterwards, having collected a force and +crossed the Pass, ostensibly on his way to the territory of Cirrha, he +bids a long farewell to the Cirrhaeans and Locrians, and seizes +Elateia. {153} Now if the Thebans had not changed their policy at once, +upon seeing this, and joined us, the trouble would have descended upon +the city in full force, like a torrent in winter. As it was, the +Thebans checked him for the moment; chiefly, men of Athens, through the +goodwill of some Heavenly Power towards us; but secondarily, so far as +it lay in one man's power, through me also. (_To the clerk_.) Now give +me the decrees in question, and the dates of each proceeding; (_to the +jury_) that you may know what trouble this abominable creature stirred +up, unpunished. (_To the clerk_.) Read me the decrees. + +{154} [_The decrees of the Amphictyons are read_.] + +{155} (_To the clerk_.) Now read the dates of these proceedings. (_To +the jury_.) They are the dates at which Aeschines was delegate to the +Council. (_To the clerk_.) Read. + +[_The dates are read_.] + +{156} Now give me the letter which Philip sent to his allies in the +Peloponnese, when the Thebans failed to obey his summons. For from +this, too, you may clearly see that he concealed the real reason for +his action--the fact that he was taking measures against Hellas and the +Thebans and yourselves--and pretended to represent the common cause and +the will of the Amphictyons. And the man who provided him with all +these occasions and pretexts was Aeschines. (_To the clerk_.) Read. + +{157} [_Philip's letter is read_.] + +{158} You see that he avoids the mention of his own reasons for action, +and takes refuge in those provided by the Amphictyons. Who was it that +helped him to prepare such a case? Who put such pretexts at his +disposal? Who is most to blame for the disasters that have taken place? +Is it not Aeschines? And so, men of Athens, you must not go about +saying that Hellas has suffered such things as these at the hands of +one man.[n] I call Earth and Heaven to witness, that it was at the +hands, not of one man, but of many villains in each State. {159} And of +these Aeschines is one; and, had I to speak the truth without any +reserve, I should not hesitate to describe him as the incarnate curse +of all alike--men, regions or cities--that have been ruined since then. +For he who supplied the seed is responsible for the crop. I wonder that +you did not turn away your eyes at the very sight of him: but a cloud +of darkness seems to hang between you and the truth. + +{160} I find that in dealing with the measures taken by Aeschines for +the injury of his country, I have reached the time when I must speak of +my own statesmanship in opposition to these measures; and it is fair +that you should listen to this, for many reasons, but above all because +it will be a shameful thing, if, when I have faced the actual realities +of hard work for you, you will not even suffer the story of them to be +told. {161} For when I saw the Thebans, and (I may almost say) +yourselves as well, being led by the corrupt partisans of Philip in +either State to overlook, without taking a single precaution against +it, the thing which was really dangerous to both peoples and needed +their utmost watchfulness--the unhindered growth of Philip's power; +while, on the contrary, you were quite ready to entertain ill-feeling +and to quarrel with one another; I kept unceasing watch to prevent +this. Nor did I rely only on my own judgement in thinking that this was +what your interest required. {162} I knew that Aristophon, and +afterwards Eubulus, always wished to bring about this friendly union, +and that, often as they opposed one another in other matters, they +always agreed in this. Cunning fox! While they lived, you hung about +them and flattered them; yet now that they are dead, you do not see +that you are attacking them. For your censure of my policy in regard to +Thebes is far more a denunciation of them than of me, since they were +before me in approving of that alliance. {163} But I return to my +previous point--that it was when Aeschines had brought about the war at +Amphissa, and the others, his accomplices, had effectually helped him +to create the ill-feeling against the Thebans, that Philip marched +against us. For it was to render this possible that their attempt to +throw the two cities into collision was made; and had we not roused +ourselves a little before it was too late, we should never have been +able to regain the lost ground; to such a length had these men carried +matters. What the relations between the two peoples already were, you +will know when you have heard these decrees and replies. (_To the +clerk_.) Take these and read them. + +{164, 165} [_The decrees are read_.] + +{166} (_To the clerk_.) Now read the replies. + +{167} [_The replies are read_.] + +{168} Having established such relations between the cities, through the +agency of these men, and being elated by these decrees and replies, +Philip came with his army and seized Elateia, thinking that under no +circumstances whatever should we and the Thebans join in unison after +this. And though the commotion which followed in the city is known to +you all, let me relate to you briefly just the bare facts. + +{169} It was evening, and one had come to the Prytanes[n] with the news +that Elateia had been taken. Upon this they rose up from supper without +delay; some of them drove the occupants out of the booths in the +market-place and set fire to the wicker-work;[n] others sent for the +generals and summoned the trumpeter; and the city was full of +commotion. On the morrow, at break of day, the Prytanes summoned the +Council to the Council-Chamber, while you made your way to the +Assembly; and before the Council had transacted its business and passed +its draft-resolution,[n] the whole people was seated on the +hill-side.[n] {170} And now, when the Council had arrived, and the +Prytanes had reported the intelligence which they had received, and had +brought forward the messenger, and he had made his statement, the +herald proceeded to ask, 'Who wishes to speak?' But no one came +forward; and though the herald repeated the question many times, still +no one rose, though all the generals were present, and all the orators, +and the voice of their country was calling for some one to speak for +her deliverance. For the voice of the herald, uttered in accordance +with the laws, is rightly to be regarded as the common voice of our +country. {171} And yet, if it was for those to come forward who wished +for the deliverance of the city, all of you and all the other Athenians +would have risen, and proceeded to the platform, for I am certain that +you all wished for her deliverance. If it was for the wealthiest, the +Three Hundred[n] would have risen; and if it was for those who had both +these qualifications--loyalty to the city and wealth--then those would +have risen, who subsequently made those large donations; for it was +loyalty and wealth that led them so to do. {172} But that crisis and +that day called, it seems, not merely for a man of loyalty and wealth, +but for one who had also followed the course of events closely from the +first, and had come to a true conclusion as to the motive and the aim +with which Philip was acting as he was. For no one who was unacquainted +with these, and had not scrutinized them from an early period, was any +the more likely, for all his loyalty and wealth, to know what should be +done, or to be able to advise you. {173} The man who was needed was +found that day in me. I came forward and addressed you in words which I +ask you to listen to with attention, for two reasons--first, because I +would have you realize that I was the only orator or politician who did +not desert his post as a loyal citizen in the hour of danger, but was +found there, speaking and proposing what your need required, in the +midst of the terror; and secondly, because by the expenditure of a +small amount of time, you will be far better qualified for the future +in the whole art of political administration. {174} My words then were +these: 'Those who are unduly disturbed by the idea that Philip can +count upon the support of Thebes do not, I think, understand the +present situation. For I am quite sure that, if this were so, we should +have heard of his being, not at Elateia, but on our own borders. At the +same time, I understand quite well, that he has come to prepare the way +for himself at Thebes. {175} Listen,' I said, 'while I tell you the +true state of affairs. Philip already has at his disposal all the +Thebans whom he could win over either by bribery or by deception; and +those who have resisted him from the first and are opposing him now, he +has no chance of winning. What then is his design and object in seizing +Elateia? He wishes, by making a display of force in their neighbourhood +and bringing up his army, to encourage and embolden his own friends, +and to strike terror into his enemies, that so they may either concede +out of terror what they now refuse, or may be compelled. {176} Now,' I +said, 'if we make up our minds at the present moment to remember any +ill-natured action which the Thebans may have done us, and to distrust +them on the assumption that they are on the side of our enemies, we +shall be doing, in the first place, just what Philip would pray for: +and further, I am afraid that his present opponents may then welcome +him, that all may philippize[n] with one consent, and that he and they +may march to Attica together. If, however, you follow my advice, and +give your minds to the problem before us, instead of to contentious +criticism of anything that I may say, I believe that I shall be able to +win your approval for my proposals, and to dispel the danger which +threatens the city. {177} What then must you do? You must first +moderate your present alarm, and then change your attitude, and be +alarmed, all of you, for the Thebans. They are far more within the +reach of disaster than we: it is they whom the danger threatens first. +Secondly, those who are of military age, with the cavalry, must march +to Eleusis,[n] and let every one see that you yourselves are in arms; +in order that those who sympathize with you in Thebes may be enabled to +speak in defence of the right, with the same freedom that their +opponents enjoy, when they see that, just as those who are trying to +sell their country to Philip have a force ready to help them at +Elateia, so those who would struggle for freedom have you ready at hand +to help them, and to go to their aid, if any one attacks them. {178} +Next I bid you elect ten envoys, and give them full authority, with the +generals, to decide the time of their own journey to Thebes, and to +order the march of the troops. But when the envoys arrive in Thebes, +how do I advise that they should handle the matter? I ask your special +attention to this. They must require nothing of the Thebans--to do so +at such a moment would be shameful; but they must undertake that we +will go to their aid, if they bid us do so, on the ground that they are +in extreme peril, and that we foresee the future better than they; in +order that, if they accept our offer and take our advice, we may have +secured our object, and our action may wear an aspect worthy of this +city; or, if after all we are unsuccessful, the Thebans may have +themselves to blame for any mistakes which they now make, while we +shall have done nothing disgraceful or ignoble.' {179} When I had +spoken these words, and others in the same strain, I left the platform. +All joined in commending these proposals; no one said a word in +opposition; and I did not speak thus, and then fail to move a motion; +nor move a motion, and then fail to serve as envoy; nor serve as envoy, +and then fail to persuade the Thebans. I carried the matter through in +person from beginning to end, and gave myself up unreservedly to meet +the dangers which encompassed the city. (_To the clerk_.) Bring me the +resolution which was then passed. + +{180} But now, Aeschines, how would you have me describe your part, and +how mine, that day? Shall I call myself, as you would call me by way of +abuse and disparagement, _Battalus_?[n] and you, no ordinary hero even, +but a real stage-hero, _Cresphontes_ or _Creon_,[n] or--the character +which you cruelly murdered at Collytus[n]--_Oenomaus_? Then I, Battalus +of Paeania, proved myself of more value to my country in that crisis +than Oenomaus of Cothocidae. In fact you were of no service on any +occasion, while I played the part which became a good citizen +throughout. (_To the clerk_.) Read this decree. + +{181-7} [_The decree of Demosthenes is read_.] + +{188} This was the first step towards our new relations with Thebes, +and the beginning of a settlement. Up to this time the cities had been +inveigled into mutual hostility, hatred, and mistrust by these men. But +this decree caused the peril that encompassed the city to pass away +like a cloud. It was for an honest citizen, if he had any better plan +than mine, to make it public at the time, instead of attacking me now. +{189} The true counsellor and the dishonest accuser, unlike as they are +in everything, differ most of all in this: the one declares his opinion +before the event, and freely surrenders himself as responsible, to +those who follow his advice, to Fortune, to circumstances, to any +one.[n] The other is silent when he ought to speak, and then carps at +anything untoward that may happen. {190} That crisis, as I have said, +was the opportunity for a man who cared for his country, the +opportunity for honest speaking. But so much further than I need will I +go, that if any one can _now_ point to any better course--or any course +at all except that which I chose--I admit my guilt. If any one has +discovered any course to-day, which would have been for our advantage, +had we followed it at the time, I admit that it ought not to have +escaped me. But if there neither is nor was such a possibility; if even +now, even to-day, no one can mention any such course, what was the +counsellor of the people to do? Had he not to choose the best of the +plans which suggested themselves and were feasible? {191} This I did. +For the herald asked the question, Aeschines, 'Who wishes to speak?' +not 'Who wishes to bring accusations about the past?' nor 'Who wishes +to guarantee the future?' And while you sat speechless in the Assembly +throughout that period, I came forward and spoke. Since, however, you +did not do so then, at least inform us now, and tell us what words, +which should have been upon my lips, were left unspoken, what precious +opportunity, offered to the city, was left unused, by me? What alliance +was there, what course of action, to which I ought, by preference, to +have guided my countrymen? + +{192} But with all mankind the past is always dismissed from +consideration, and no one under any circumstances proposes to +deliberate about it. It is the future or the present that make their +call upon a statesman's duty. Now at that time the danger was partly in +the future, and partly already present; and instead of cavilling +disingenuously at the results, consider the principle of my policy +under such circumstances. For in everything the final issue falls out +as Heaven wills; but the principle which he follows itself reveals the +mind of the statesman. {193} Do not, therefore, count it a crime on my +part, that Philip proved victorious in the battle. The issue of that +event lay with God, not with me. But show me that I did not adopt every +expedient that was possible, so far as human reason could calculate; +that I did not carry out my plan honestly and diligently, with +exertions greater than my strength could bear; or that the policy which +I initiated was not honourable, and worthy of Athens, and indeed +necessary: and then denounce me, but not before. {194} But if the +thunderbolt [or the storm] which fell has proved too mighty, not only +for us, but for all the other Hellenes, what are we to do? It is as +though a ship-owner, who had done all that he could to ensure safety, +and had equipped the ship with all that he thought would enable her to +escape destruction, and had then met with a tempest in which the +tackling had been strained or even broken to pieces, were to be held +responsible for the wreck of the vessel. 'Why,' he would say, 'I was +not steering the ship'--just as I was not the general[n]--'I had no +power over Fortune: she had power over everything.' But consider and +observe this point. {195} If it was fated that we should fare as we +did, even when we had the Thebans to help us in the struggle, what must +we have expected, if we had not had even them for our allies, but they +had joined Philip?--and this was the object for which Philip +employed[n] every tone that he could command. And if, when the battle +took place, as it did, three days' march from Attica, the city was +encompassed by such peril and terror, what should we have had to +expect, if this same disaster had occurred anywhere within the borders +of our own country? Do you realize that, as it was, a single day, and a +second, and a third gave us the power to rally, to collect our forces, +to take breath, to do much that made for the deliverance of the city: +but that had it been otherwise--it is not well, however, to speak of +things which we have not had to experience, thanks to the goodwill of +one of the gods, and to the protection which the city obtained for +herself in this alliance, which you denounce. + +{196} The whole of this long argument, gentlemen of the jury, is +addressed to yourselves and to the circle of listeners outside the bar; +for to this despicable man it would have been enough to address a +short, plain sentence. If to you alone, Aeschines, the future was +clear, before it came, you should have given warning, when the city was +deliberating upon the subject; but if you had no such foreknowledge, +you have the same ignorance to answer for as others. Why then should +you make these charges against me, any more than I against you? {197} +For I have been a better citizen than you with regard to this very +matter of which I am speaking--I am not as yet talking of anything +else--just in so far as I gave myself up to the policy which all +thought expedient, neither shrinking from nor regarding any personal +risk; while you neither offered any better proposals than mine (for +then they would not have followed mine), nor yet made yourself useful +in advancing mine in any way. What the most worthless of men, the +bitterest enemy of the city, would do, you are found to have done, when +all was over; and at the same time as the irreconcilable enemies of the +city, Aristratus in Naxos, and Aristoleos in Thasos, are bringing the +friends of Athens to trial, Aeschines, in Athens itself, is accusing +Demosthenes. {198} But surely one who treasured up[n] the misfortunes +of the Hellenes, that he might win glory from them for himself, +deserved to perish rather than to stand as the accuser of another; and +one who has profited by the very same crisis as the enemies of the city +cannot possibly be loyal to his country. You prove it, moreover, by the +life you live, the actions you do, the measures you take --and the +measures, too, that you do not take. Is anything being done which seems +advantageous to the city? Aeschines is speechless. Has any obstruction, +any untoward event occurred? There you find Aeschines, like a rupture +or a sprain, which wakes into life, so soon as any trouble overtakes +the body. + +{199} But since he bears so hardly upon the results, I desire to say +what may even be a paradox; and let no one, in the name of Heaven, be +amazed at the length to which I go, but give a kindly consideration to +what I say. Even if what was to come was plain to all beforehand; even +if all foreknew it; even if you, Aeschines, had been crying with a loud +voice in warning and protestation--you who uttered not so much as a +sound; even then, I say, it was not right for the city to abandon her +course, if she had any regard for her fame, or for our forefathers, or +for the ages to come. {200} As it is, she is thought, no doubt, to have +failed to secure her object--as happens to all alike, whenever God +wills it: but then, by abandoning in favour of Philip her claim to take +the lead of others, she must have incurred the blame of having betrayed +them all. Had she surrendered without a struggle those claims in +defence of which our forefathers faced every imaginable peril, who +would not have cast scorn upon you, Aeschines--upon you, I say; not, I +trust, upon Athens nor upon me? {201} In God's name, with what faces +should we have looked upon those who came to visit the city, if events +had come round to the same conclusion as they now have--if Philip had +been chosen as commander and lord of all, and we had stood apart, while +others carried on the struggle to prevent these things; and that, +although the city had never yet in time past preferred an inglorious +security to the hazardous vindication of a noble cause? {202} What +Hellene, what foreigner, does not know, that the Thebans, and the +Spartans, who were powerful still earlier, and the Persian king would +all gratefully and gladly have allowed Athens to take what she liked +and keep all that was her own, if she would do the bidding of another, +and let another take the first place in Hellas? {203} But this was not, +it appears, the tradition of the Athenians; it was not tolerable; it +was not in their nature. From the beginning of time no one had ever yet +succeeded in persuading the city to throw in her lot with those who +were strong, but unrighteous in their dealings, and to enjoy the +security of servitude. Throughout all time she has maintained her +perilous struggle for pre-eminence, honour, and glory. {204} And this +policy you look upon as so lofty, so proper to your own national +character, that, of your forefathers also, it is those who have acted +thus that you praise most highly. And naturally. For who would not +admire the courage of those men, who did not fear to leave their +land[n] and their city, and to embark upon their ships, that they might +not do the bidding of another; who chose for their general Themistocles +(who had counselled them thus), and stoned Cyrsilus to death, when he +gave his voice for submission to a master's orders--and not him alone, +for your wives stoned his wife also to death. {205} For the Athenians +of that day did not look for an orator or a general who would enable +them to live in happy servitude; they cared not to live at all, unless +they might live in freedom. For every one of them felt that he had come +into being, not for his father and his mother alone, but also for his +country. And wherein lies the difference? He who thinks he was born for +his parents alone awaits the death which destiny assigns him in the +course of nature: but he who thinks he was born for his country also +will be willing to die, that he may not see her in bondage, and will +look upon the outrages and the indignities that he must needs bear in a +city that is in bondage as more to be dreaded than death. + +{206} Now were I attempting to argue that _I_ had induced you to show a +spirit worthy of your forefathers, there is not a man who might not +rebuke me with good reason. But in fact, I am declaring that such +principles as these are your own; I am showing that _before_ my time +the city displayed this spirit, though I claim that I, too, have had +some share, as your servant, in carrying out your policy in detail. +{207} But in denouncing the policy as a whole, in bidding you be harsh +with me, as one who has brought terrors and dangers upon the city, the +prosecutor, in his eagerness to deprive me of my distinction at the +present moment, is trying to rob you of praises that will last +throughout all time. For if you condemn the defendant on the ground +that my policy was not for the best, men will think that your own +judgement has been wrong, and that it was not through the unkindness of +fortune that you suffered what befell you. {208} But it cannot,[n] it +cannot be that you were wrong, men of Athens, when you took upon you +the struggle for freedom and deliverance. No! by those who at Marathon +bore the brunt of the peril--our forefathers. No! by those who at +Plataeae drew up their battle-line, by those who at Salamis, by those +who off Artemisium fought the fight at sea, by the many who lie in the +sepulchres where the People laid them, brave men, all alike deemed +worthy by their country, Aeschines, of the same honour and the same +obsequies--not the successful or the victorious alone! And she acted +justly. For all these have done that which it was the duty of brave men +to do; but their fortune has been that which Heaven assigned to each. +{209} Accursed, poring pedant![n] if you, in your anxiety to deprive me +of the honour and the kindness shown to me by my countrymen, recounted +trophies and battles and deeds of long ago--and of which of them did +this present trial demand the mention?--what spirit was I to take upon +me, when I mounted the platform, I who came forward to advise the city +how she should maintain her pre-eminence? Tell me, third-rate actor! +The spirit of one who would propose things unworthy of this people? +{210} I should indeed have deserved to die! For you too, men of Athens, +ought not to judge private suits and public in the same spirit. The +business transactions of everyday life must be viewed in the light of +the special law and practice associated with each; but the public +policy of statesmen must be judged by the principles that your +forefathers set before them. And if you believe that you should act +worthily of them, then, whenever you come into court to try a public +suit, each of you must imagine that with his staff[n] and his ticket +there is entrusted to him also the spirit of his country. + +{211} But I have entered upon the subject of your forefathers' +achievements, and have passed over certain decrees and transactions. I +desire, therefore, to return to the point from which I digressed. + +When we came to Thebes, we found envoys there from Philip, and from the +Thessalians and his other allies--our friends in terror, his full of +confidence. And to show you that I am not saying this now to suit my +own purpose, read the letter which we, your envoys, dispatched without +delay. {212} The prosecutor, however, has exercised the art of +misrepresentation to so extravagant a degree, that he attributes to +circumstances, not to me, any satisfactory result that was achieved; +but for everything that fell out otherwise, he lays the blame upon me +and the fortune that attends me. In his eyes, apparently, I, the +counsellor and orator, have no share in the credit for what was +accomplished as the result of oratory and debate; while I must bear the +blame alone for the misfortunes which we suffered in arms, and as a +result of generalship. What more brutal, more damnable +misrepresentation can be conceived? (_To the clerk_.) Read the letter. + +[_The letter is read_.] + +{213} When they had convened the Assembly, they gave audience to the +other side first, on the ground that they occupied the position of +allies; and these came forward and delivered harangues full of the +praises of Philip and of accusations against yourselves, recalling +everything that you had ever done in opposition to the Thebans. The sum +of it all was that they required the Thebans to show their gratitude +for the benefits which they had received from Philip, and to exact the +penalty for the injuries they had received from you, in whichever way +they preferred--either by letting them march through their country +against you, or by joining them in the invasion of Attica; and they +showed (as they thought) that the result of the course which they +advised would be that the herds and slaves and other valuables of +Attica would find their way into Boeotia; while the result of what (as +they alleged) you were about to propose would be that those of Boeotia +would be plundered in consequence of the war. {214} They said much +more, but all tending to the same effect. As for our reply, I would +give my whole life to tell it you in detail; but I fear lest, now that +those times have gone by, you may feel as if a very deluge[n] had +overwhelmed all, and may regard anything that is said on the subject as +vanity and vexation. But hear at least what we persuaded them to do, +and their answer to us. (_To the clerk_.) Take this and read it. + +[_The answer of the Thebans is read_.] + +{215} After this they invited and summoned you; you marched; you went +to their aid; and (to pass over the events which intervened) they +received you in so friendly a spirit that while their infantry and +cavalry were encamped outside the walls,[n] they welcomed your troops +into their houses, within the city, among their children and wives, and +all that was most precious to them. Three eulogies did the Thebans +pronounce upon you before the world that day, and those of the most +honourable kind--the first upon your courage, the second upon your +righteousness, the third upon your self-control. For when they chose to +side with you in the struggle, rather than against you, they judged +that your courage was greater, and your requests more righteous, than +Philip's; and when they placed in your power what they and all men +guard most jealously, their children and wives, they showed their +confidence in your self-control. {216} In all these points, men of +Athens, your conduct proved that their judgement had been correct. For +the force came into the city; but no one made a single complaint--not +even an unfounded complaint--against you; so virtuously did you conduct +yourselves. And twice you fought by their side, in the earliest +battles-the battle by the river[n] and the winter-battle[n]--and showed +yourselves, not only irreproachable, but even admirable, in your +discipline, your equipment, and your enthusiasm. These things called +forth expressions of thanks to you from other states, and sacrifices +and processions to the gods from yourselves. {217} And I should like to +ask Aeschines whether, when all this was happening, and the city was +full of pride and joy and thanksgiving, he joined in the sacrifices and +the rejoicing of the multitude, or whether he sat at home grieving and +groaning and angry at the good fortune of his country. If he was +present, and was seen in his place with the rest, surely his present +action is atrocious--nay, even impious--when he asks you, who have +taken an oath by the gods, to vote to-day that those very things were +not excellent, of whose excellence he himself on that day made the gods +his witnesses. If he was not present, then surely he deserves to die +many times, for grieving at the sight of the things which brought +rejoicing to others. (_To the clerk_.) Now read these decrees also. + +[_The decrees ordering sacrifices are read_.] + +{218} Thus we were occupied at that time with sacrifices, while the +Thebans were reflecting how they had been saved by our help; and those +who, in consequence of my opponents' proceedings, had expected that +they would themselves stand in need of help, found themselves, after +all, helping others, in consequence of the action they took upon my +advice. But what the tone of Philip's utterance was, and how greatly he +was confounded by what had happened, you can learn from his letter, +which he sent to the Peloponnese. (_To the clerk_.) Take these and read +them: (_to the jury_) that you may know what was effected by my +perseverance, by my travels, by the hardships I endured, by all those +decrees of which Aeschines spoke so disparagingly just now. + +{219} You have had, as you know, many great and famous orators, men of +Athens, before my time--Callistratus himself, Aristophon, Cephalus, +Thrasybulus, and a vast number of others. Yet not one of these ever +gave himself up entirely to the State for any purpose: the mover of a +decree would not serve as ambassador, the ambassador would not move the +decree. Each left himself, at one and the same time, some respite from +work, and somewhere to lay the blame,[n] in case of accidents. {220} +'Well,' some one may say, 'did _you_ so excel them in force and +boldness, as to do everything yourself?' I do not say that. But so +strong was my conviction of the seriousness of the danger that had +overtaken the city, that I felt that I ought not to give my personal +safety any place whatever in my thoughts; it was enough for a man to do +his duty and to leave nothing undone. {221} And I was convinced with +regard to myself--foolishly perhaps, but still convinced--that no mover +would make a better proposal, no agent would execute it better, no +ambassador would be more eager or more honest in his mission, than I. +For these reasons, I assigned every one of these offices to myself. +(_To the clerk_.) Read Philip's letters. + +[_Philip's letters are read_.] + +{222} To this condition, Aeschines, was Philip reduced by my +statesmanship. This was the tone of his utterances, though before this +he used to threaten the city with many a bold word. For this I was +deservedly crowned by those here assembled, and though you were +present, you offered no opposition; while Diondas, who indicted the +proposer, did not obtain the necessary fraction of the votes. (_To the +clerk_.) Read me these decrees, (_to the jury)_ which escaped +condemnation, and which Aeschines did not even indict. + +[_The decrees are read_.] + +{223} These decrees, men of Athens, contain the very same syllables, +the very same words, as those which Aristonicus previously employed in +his proposal, and which Ctesiphon, the defendant, has employed now; and +Aeschines neither prosecuted the proposer of them himself, nor +supported the person who indicted him. Yet surely, if the charges which +he is bringing against me to-day are true, he would have had better +reason then for prosecuting Demomeles (the proposer of the decree) and +Hypereides, than he has for prosecuting Ctesiphon. And why? {224} +Because Ctesiphon can refer you to them--to the decision of the courts, +to the fact that Aeschines himself did not accuse them, though they had +moved exactly what he has moved now, to the prohibition by law of +further prosecution in such cases, and to many other facts: whereas +then the case would have been tried on its merits, before the defendant +had got the advantage of any such precedent. {225} But of course it was +impossible then for Aeschines to act as he has acted now--to select out +of many periods of time long past, and many decrees, matters which no +one either knew or thought would be mentioned to-day; to misrepresent +them, to change the dates, to put false reasons for the actions taken +in place of the true, and so appear to have a case. {226} At the time +this was impossible. Every word spoken then must have been spoken with +the truth in view, at no distance of time from the events, while you +still remembered all the facts and had them practically at your +fingers' ends. For that reason he evaded all investigation at the time; +and he has come before you now, in the belief (I fancy) that you will +make this a contest of oratory, instead of an inquiry into our +political careers, and that it is upon our eloquence, not upon the +interests of the city, that you will decide. + +{227} Yes, and he ingeniously suggests that you ought to disregard the +opinion which you had of each of us when you left your homes and came +into court; and that just as, when you draw up an account in the belief +that some one has a balance, you nevertheless give way when you find +that the counters all disappear[n] and leave nothing over, so now you +should give your adhesion to the conclusion which emerges from the +argument. Now observe how inherently rotten everything that springs +from dishonesty seems to be. {228} By his very use of this ingenious +illustration he has confessed that to-day, at all events, our +respective characters are well established--that I am known to speak +for my country's good, and he to speak for Philip. For unless that were +your present conception of each of us, he would not have sought to +change your view. {229} And further, I shall easily show you that it is +not fair of him to ask you to alter this opinion--not by the use of +counters--that is not how a political reckoning is made--but by briefly +recalling each point to you, and treating you who hear me both as +auditors of my account and witnesses to the facts. For that policy of +mine which he denounces caused the Thebans, instead of joining Philip, +as all expected them to do, in the invasion of our country, to range +themselves by our side and stay his progress. {230} It caused the war +to take place not in Attica, but on the confines of Boeotia, eighty +miles from the city. Instead of our being harried and plundered by +freebooters from Euboea, it gave peace to Attica from the side of the +sea throughout the war. Instead of Philip's taking Byzantium and +becoming master of the Hellespont, it caused the Byzantines to join us +in the war against him. {231} Can such achievements, think you, be +reckoned up like counters? Are we to cancel them out,[n] rather than +provide that they shall be remembered for all time? I need not now add +that it fell to others to taste the barbarity which is to be seen in +every case in which Philip got any one finally into his power; while +you reaped (and quite rightly) the fruits of the generosity which he +feigned while he was bringing within his grasp all that remained. But I +pass this over. + +{232} Nay, I will not even hesitate to say, that one who wished to +review an orator's career straightforwardly and without +misrepresentation, would not have included in his charges such matters +as you just now spoke of--making up illustrations, and mimicking words +and gestures. Of course the fortune which befell the Hellenes--surely +you see this?--was entirely due to my using this word instead of that, +or waving my hand in one direction rather than the other! {233} He +would have inquired, by reference to the actual facts, what resources +and what forces the city had at her command when I entered political +life; what I subsequently collected for her when I took control; and +what was the condition of our adversaries. Then if I had diminished our +forces, he would have proved that the fault lay at my door; but if I +had greatly increased them, he would have abstained from deliberate +misrepresentation. But since you have avoided such an inquiry, I will +undertake it; and do you, gentlemen, observe whether my argument is +just. + +{234} The military resources of the city included the islanders--and +not all, but only the weakest. For neither Chios nor Rhodes nor Corcyra +was with us. Their contribution in money came to 45 talents, and these +had been collected in advance.[n] Infantry and cavalry, besides our +own, we had none. But the circumstance which was most alarming to us +and most favourable to our enemies was that these men had contrived +that all our neighbours should be more inclined to enmity than to +friendship--the Megareans, the Thebans, and the Euboeans. {235} Such +was the position of the city at the time; and what I say admits of no +contradiction. Now consider the position of Philip, with whom our +conflict lay. In the first place, he held absolute sway over his +followers--and this for purposes of war is the greatest of all +advantages. Next, his followers had their weapons in their hands +always. Then he was well off for money, and did whatever he resolved to +do, without giving warning of it by decrees, or debating about it in +public, or being put on trial by dishonest accusers, or defending +himself against indictments for illegality, or being bound to render an +account to any one. He was himself absolute master, commander, and lord +of all. {236} But I who was set to oppose him--for this inquiry too it +is just to make--what had I under my control? Nothing! For, to begin +with, the very right to address you--the only right I had--you extended +to Philip's hirelings in the same measure as to me; and as often as +they defeated me--and this frequently happened, whatever the reason on +each occasion--so often you went away leaving a resolution recorded in +favour of the enemy. {237} But in spite of all these disadvantages, I +won for you the alliance of the Euboeans, Achaeans, Corinthians, +Thebans, Megareans, Leucadians, and Corcyreans, from whom were +collected--apart from their citizen-troops--15,000 mercenaries and +2,000 cavalry. {238} And I instituted a money-contribution, on as large +a scale as I could. But if you refer,[n] Aeschines, to what was fair as +between ourselves and the Thebans or the Byzantines or the Euboeans--if +at this time you talk to us of equal shares--you must be ignorant, in +the first place, of the fact that in former days also, out of those +ships of war, three hundred [n] in all, which fought for the Hellenes, +Athens provided two hundred, and did not think herself unfairly used, +or let herself be seen arraigning those who had counselled her action, +or taking offence at the arrangement. It would have been shameful. No! +men saw her rendering thanks to Heaven, because when a common peril +beset the Hellenes, she had provided double as much as all the rest to +secure the deliverance of all. {239} Moreover, it is but a hollow +benefit that you are conferring upon your countrymen by your dishonest +charges against me. Why do you tell them _now_, what course they ought +to have taken? Why did you not propose such a course at the time (for +you were in Athens, and were present) if it was possible in the midst +of those critical times, when we had to accept, not what we chose, but +what circumstances allowed; since there was one at hand, bidding +against us, and ready to welcome those whom we rejected, and to pay +them into the bargain. + +{240} But if I am accused to-day, for what I have actually done, what +if at the time I had haggled over these details, and the other states +had gone off and joined Philip, and he had become master at once of +Euboea and Thebes and Byzantium? What do you think these impious men +would then have done? {241} What would they have said? Would they not +have declared that the states had been surrendered? that they had been +driven away, when they wished to be on your side? 'See,' they would +have said (would they not?), 'he has obtained through the Byzantines +the command of the Hellespont and the control of the corn trade of +Hellas; and through the Thebans a trying border war has been brought +into Attica; and owing to the pirates who sail from Euboea, the sea has +become unnavigable,' and much more in addition. {242} A villainous +thing, men of Athens, is the dishonest accuser always--villainous, and +in every way malignant and fault-finding! Aye, and this miserable +creature is a fox by nature, that has never done anything honest or +gentlemanly--a very tragical ape, a clodhopping Oenomaus, a counterfeit +orator! {243} Where is the profit to your country from your cleverness? +Do you instruct us now about things that are past? It is as though a +doctor, when he was paying his visits to the sick, were to give them no +advice or instructions to enable them to become free from their +illness, but, when one of his patients died and the customary +offerings[n] were being paid him, were to explain, as he followed to +the tomb, 'if this man had done such and such things, he would not have +died.' Crazy fool! Do you tell us this _now_? + +{244} Nor again will you find that the defeat--if you exult at it, when +you ought to groan, accursed man!--was determined by anything that was +within my control. Consider the question thus. In no place to which I +was sent by you as ambassador, did I ever come away defeated by the +ambassadors of Philip--not from Thessaly nor from Ambracia, not from +the Illyrians nor from the Thracian princes, not from Byzantium nor +from any other place, nor yet, on the last occasion, from Thebes. But +every place in which his ambassadors were defeated in argument, he +proceeded to attack and subdue by force of arms. {245} Do you then +require those places at _my_ hands? Are you not ashamed to jeer at a +man as a coward, and in the same breath to require him to prove +superior, by his own unaided efforts, to the army of Philip--and that +with no weapons to use but words? For what else was at my disposal? I +could not control the spirit of each soldier, or the fortune of the +combatants, or the generalship displayed, of which, in your perversity, +you demand an account from me. {246} No; but every investigation that +can be made as regards those duties for which an orator should be held +responsible, I bid you make. I crave no mercy. And what are those +duties? To discern events in their beginnings, to foresee what is +coming, and to forewarn others. These things I have done. Again, it is +his duty to reduce to the smallest possible compass, wherever he finds +them, the slowness, the hesitation, the ignorance, the contentiousness, +which are the errors inseparably connected with the constitution of all +city-states; while, on the other hand, he must stimulate men to unity, +friendship, and eagerness to perform their duty. All these things I +have done, and no one can discover any dereliction of duty on my part +at any time. {247} If one were to ask any person whatever, by what +means Philip had accomplished the majority of his successes, every one +would reply that it was by means of his army, and by giving presents +and corrupting those in charge of affairs. Now I had no control or +command of the forces: neither, then, does the responsibility for +anything that was done in that sphere concern me. And further, in the +matter of being or not being corrupted by bribes, I have defeated +Philip. For just as the bidder has conquered one who accepts his money, +if he effects his purchase, so one who refuses to accept it [and is not +corrupted] has conquered the bidder. In all, therefore, in which I am +concerned, the city has suffered no defeat. + +{248} The justification, then, with which I furnished the defendant for +such a motion as he proposed with regard to me, consisted (along with +many other points) of the facts which I have described, and others like +them. I will now proceed to that justification which all of you +supplied. For immediately after the battle, the People, who knew and +had seen all that I did, and now stood in the very midst of the peril +and terror, at a moment when it would not have been surprising if the +majority had shown some harshness towards me--the People, I say, in the +first place carried my proposals for ensuring the safety of the city; +and all the measures undertaken for its protection--the disposition of +the garrisons, the entrenchments, the funds for the +fortifications--were all provided for by decrees which I proposed. And, +in the second place, when the People chose a corn-commissioner, out of +all Athens they elected me. {249} Subsequently all those who were +interested in injuring me combined, and assailed me with indictments, +prosecutions after audit, impeachments, and all such proceedings--not +in their own names at first, but through the agency of men behind whom, +they thought, they would best be screened against recognition. For you +doubtless know and remember that during the early part of that period I +was brought to trial every day; and neither the desperation of +Sosicles, nor the dishonest misrepresentations of Philocrates,[n] nor +the frenzy of Diondas and Melantus, nor any other expedient, was left +untried by them against me. And in all these trials, thanks to the gods +above all, but secondarily to you and the rest of the Athenians, I was +acquitted--and justly; for such a decision is in accordance both with +truth and with the credit of jurors who have taken their oath, and +given a verdict in conformity with it. {250} So whenever I was +impeached, and you absolved me and did not give the prosecutor the +necessary fraction of the votes, you were voting that my policy was the +best. Whenever I was acquitted upon an indictment, it was a proof that +my motion and proposals were according to law. Whenever you set your +seal to my accounts at an audit, you confessed in addition that I had +acted throughout with uprightness and integrity. And this being so, +what epithet was it fitting or just that Ctesiphon should apply to my +actions? Was it not that which he saw applied by the People, and by +juries on their oath, and ratified by Truth in the judgement of all men? + +{251} 'Yes,' he replies, 'but Cephalus'[n] boast was a noble one--that +he had never been indicted at all.' True, and a happy thing also it was +for him. But why should one who has often been tried, but has never +been convicted of crime, deserve to incur criticism any the more on +that account? Yet in truth, men of Athens, so far as Aeschines is +concerned, I too can make this noble boast that Cephalus made. For he +has never yet preferred or prosecuted any indictment against me; so +that by you at least, Aeschines, I am admitted to be no worse a citizen +than Cephalus. + +{252} His want of feeling and his malignity may be seen in many ways, +and not least in the remarks which he made about fortune. For my part, +I think that, as a rule, when one human being reproaches another with +his fortune, he is a fool. For when he who thinks himself most +prosperous and fancies his fortune most excellent, does not know +whether it will remain so until the evening, how can it be right to +speak of one's fortune, or to taunt another with his? But since +Aeschines adopts a tone of lofty superiority upon this as upon many +other subjects, observe, men of Athens, how much more truthful and more +becoming in a human being my own remarks upon Aeschines' fortune will +be. {253} I believe that the fortune of this city is good; and I see +that the God of Dodona also declares this to you through his oracle. +But I think that the prevailing fortune of mankind as a whole to-day is +grievous and terrible. For what man, Hellene or foreigner, has not +tasted abundance of evil at this present time? {254} Now the fact that +we chose the noblest course, and that we are actually better off than +those Hellenes who expected to live in prosperity if they sacrificed +us, I ascribe to the good fortune of the city. But in so far as we +failed, in so far as everything did not fall out in accordance with our +wishes, I consider that the city has received the share which was due +to us of the fortune of mankind in general. {255} But my personal +fortune, and that of every individual among us, ought, I think, in +fairness to be examined with reference to our personal circumstances. +That is my judgement with regard to fortune, and I believe (as I think +you also do) that my judgement is correct and just. But Aeschines +asserts that my personal fortune has more influence than the fortune of +the city as a community--the insignificant and evil more than the good +and important! How can this be? + +{256} If, however, you determine at all costs to scrutinize my fortune, +Aeschines, then compare it with your own; and if you find that mine is +better than yours, then cease to revile it. Examine it, then, from the +very beginning. And, in Heaven's name, let no one condemn me for any +want of good taste. For I neither regard one who speaks insultingly of +poverty, nor one who prides himself on having been brought up in +affluence, as a man of sense. But the slanders and misrepresentations +of this unfeeling man oblige me to enter upon a discussion of this +sort; and I will conduct it with as much moderation as the facts allow. + +{257} I then, Aeschines, had the advantage as a boy of attending the +schools which became my position, and of possessing as much as one who +is to do nothing ignoble owing to poverty must possess. When I passed +out of boyhood, my life corresponded with my upbringing--I provided +choruses and equipped warships; I paid the war-tax; I neglected none of +the paths to distinction in public or private life, but gave my +services both to my country and my friends; and when I thought fit to +enter public life, the measures which I decided to adopt were of such a +character that I have been crowned many times both by my country and by +many other Hellenic peoples, while not even you, my enemies, attempt to +say that my choice was not at least an honourable one. {258} Such is +the fortune which has accompanied my life, and though I might say much +more about it, I refrain from doing so, in my anxiety not to annoy any +one by the expression of my pride. And you--the lofty personage, the +despiser of others--what has been your fortune when compared with +this?--the fortune, thanks to which you were brought up as a boy in the +depths of indigence, in close attendance upon the school along with +your father, pounding up the ink, sponging down the forms, sweeping the +attendants' room,[n] occupying the position of a menial, not of a +free-born boy! {259} Then, when you became a man, you used to read out +the books[n] to your mother at her initiations, and help her in the +rest of the hocus-pocus, by night dressing the initiated[n] in +fawnskins, drenching them from the bowl, purifying them and wiping them +down with the clay and the bran, and (when they were purified) bidding +them stand up and say, 'The ill is done, the good begun,' priding +yourself upon raising the shout of joy more loudly than any one had +ever done before--and I can believe it, for, when his voice is so loud, +you dare not imagine that his shout is anything but superlatively fine. +{260} But by day you used to lead those noble companies through the +streets, men crowned with fennel and white poplar,[n] throttling the +puff-adders and waving them over your head, crying out 'Euoe, +Saboe,'[n] and dancing to the tune of 'Hyes Attes, Attes +Hyes'--addressed by the old hags as leader, captain, ivy-bearer, +fan-bearer, and so on; and as the reward of your services getting sops +and twists and barley-bannocks! Who would not congratulate himself with +good reason on such things, and bless his own fortune? {261} But when +you were enrolled among your fellow parishioners,[n] by whatever means +(for of that I say nothing)--when, I say, you _were_ enrolled, you at +once selected the noblest of occupations, that of a clerk and servant +to petty magistrates. {262} And when at length you escaped from this +condition also, after yourself doing all that you impute to others, you +in no way--Heaven knows!--disgraced your previous record by the life +which you subsequently lived; for you hired yourself out to the actors +Simylus and Socrates--the Roarers, they were nicknamed --and played as +a third-rate actor, collecting figs[n] and bunches of grapes and +olives, like a fruiterer gathering from other peoples' farms, and +getting more out of this than out of the dramatic competitions in which +you were competing for your lives; for there was war without truce or +herald between yourselves and the spectators; and the many wounds you +received from them make it natural for you to jeer at the cowardice of +those who have had no such experiences. {263} But I will pass over all +that might be accounted for by your poverty, and proceed to my charges +against your character itself. For you chose a line of political action +(when at length it occurred to you to take up politics too), in +pursuance of which, when your country's fortune was good, you lived the +life of a hare, in fear and trembling, always expecting a thrashing for +the crimes which lay on your conscience; whereas all have seen your +boldness amid the misfortunes of others. {264} But when a man plucks up +courage at the death of a thousand of his fellow citizens, what does he +deserve to suffer at the hands of the living? I have much more to say +about him, but I will leave it unsaid. It is not for me, I think, to +mention lightly all the infamy and disgrace which I could prove to be +connected with him, but only so much as it is not discreditable to +myself to speak of. + +{265} And now review the history of your life and of mine, side by +side--good temperedly, Aeschines, not unkindly: and then ask these +gentlemen which fortune, of the two, each of them would choose. You +taught letters; I attended school. You conducted initiations; I was +initiated. You were a clerk; I a member of the Assembly: you, a +third-rate actor, I a spectator of the play. You used to be driven from +the stage, while I hissed. Your political life has all been lived for +the good of our enemies, mine for the good of my country. {266} To pass +over all besides, even on this very day, I am being examined with +regard to my qualification for a crown--it is already admitted that I +am clear of all crimes; while you have already the reputation of a +dishonest informer, and for you the issue at stake is whether you are +to continue such practices, or to be stopped once for all, through +failing to obtain a fifth part of the votes. A good fortune indeed--can +you not see?--is that which has accompanied your life, that you should +denounce mine! + +{267} And now let me read to you the evidence of the public burdens +which I have undertaken; and side by side with them, do you, Aeschines, +read the speeches which you used to murder-- + + 'I leave the abysm of death and gates of gloom,'[n] + +and + + 'Know that I am not fain ill-news to bring'; + +and 'evil in evil wise',[n] may you be brought to perdition, by the +gods above all, and then by all those here present, villainous citizen, +villainous third-rate actor that you are. (_To the clerk_.) Read the +evidence. + +[_The evidence is read_.] + +{268} Such was I in my relation to the State. And as to my private +life, unless you all know that I was open-hearted and generous and at +the disposal of all who had need of me, I am silent; I prefer to tell +you nothing, and to produce no evidence whatever, to show whether I +ransomed some from the enemy, or helped others to give their daughters +in marriage, or rendered any such services. {269} For my principle may +perhaps be expressed thus. I think that one who has received a kindness +ought to remember it all his life; but that the doer of the kindness +should forget it once for all; if the former is to behave like a good +man, the latter like one free from all meanness. To be always recalling +and speaking of one's own benefactions is almost like upbraiding the +recipients of them. I will do nothing of the kind, and will not be led +into doing so. Whatever be the opinion that has been formed of me in +these respects, with that I am content. + +{270} But I desire to be rid of personal topics, and to say a little +more to you about public affairs. For if, Aeschines, you can mention +one of all those who dwell beneath the sun above us, Hellene or +foreigner, who has not suffered under the absolute sway, first of +Philip, and now of Alexander, so be it! I concede that it is my fortune +or misfortune, whichever you are pleased to call it, that has been to +blame for everything. {271} But if many of those who have never once +even seen me or heard my voice have suffered much and terribly--and not +individuals alone, but whole cities and nations--how much more just and +truthful it is to regard the common fortune (as it seems to be) of all +mankind, and a certain stubborn drift of events in the wrong direction, +as the cause of these sufferings. {272} Such considerations, however, +you discard. You impute the blame to me, whose political life has been +lived among my own fellow countrymen--and that, though you know that +your slander falls in part (if not entirely) upon all of them, and +above all upon yourself. For if, when I took part in the discussion of +public affairs, I had had absolute power, it would have been possible +for all of you, the other orators, to lay the blame on me. {273} But if +you were present at every meeting of the Assembly; if the city always +brought forward questions of policy for public consideration; if at the +time my policy appeared the best to every one, and above all to you +(for it was certainly from no goodwill that you relinquished to me the +hopes, the admiration, the honours, which all attached themselves to my +policy at that time, but obviously because the truth was too strong for +you, and you had nothing better to propose); then surely you are guilty +of monstrous iniquity, in finding fault to-day with a policy, than +which, at the time, you could propose nothing better. {274} Among all +the rest of mankind, I observe that some such principles as the +following have been, as it were, determined and ordained. If a man +commits a deliberate crime, indignation and punishment are ordained +against him. If he commits an involuntary mistake, instead of +punishment, he is to receive pardon. If, without crime or mistake, one +who has given himself up wholly to that which seems to be for the +advantage of all has, in company with all, failed to achieve success, +then it is just, not to reproach or revile such a man, but to +sympathize with him. {275} Moreover, it will be seen that all these +principles are not so ordained in the laws alone. Nature herself has +laid them down in her unwritten law, and in the moral consciousness of +mankind. Aeschines, then, has so far surpassed all mankind in brutality +and in the art of misrepresentation, that he actually denounces me for +things which he himself mentioned under the name of misfortunes. + +{276} In addition to everything else, as though he had himself always +spoken straightforwardly and in loyalty, he bade you keep your eyes on +me carefully, and make sure that I did not mislead or deceive you. He +called me 'a clever speaker', 'a wizard', 'a sophist', and so on: just +as if it followed that when a man had the first word and attributed his +own qualities to another, the truth was really as he stated, and his +hearers would not inquire further who he himself was, that said such +things. But I am sure that you all know this man, and are aware that +these qualities belong to him far more than to me. And again, {277} I +am quite sure that my cleverness--yes, let the word pass; though I +observe that the influence of a speaker depends for the most part on +his audience; for in proportion to the welcome and the goodwill which +you accord to each speaker is the credit which he obtains for +wisdom;--I am sure, I say, that if I too possess any such skill, you +will all find it constantly fighting on your behalf in affairs of +State, never in opposition to you, never for private ends; while the +skill of Aeschines, on the contrary, is employed, not only in upholding +the cause of the enemy, but in attacking any one who has annoyed him or +come into collision with him anywhere. He neither employs it uprightly, +nor to promote the interests of the city. {278} For a good and +honourable citizen ought not to require from a jury, who have come into +court to represent the interests of the community, that they shall give +their sanction to his anger, or his enmity, or any other such passion; +nor ought he to come before you to gratify such feelings. It were best +that he had no such passions in his nature at all; but if they are +really inevitable, then he should keep them tame and subdued. Under +what circumstances, then, should a politician and an orator show +passion? {279} When any of the vital interests of his country are at +stake; when it is with its enemies that the People has to deal: those +are the circumstances. For then is the opportunity of a loyal and +gallant citizen. But that when he has never to this day demanded my +punishment, either in the name of the city or in his own, for any +public--nor, I will add, for any private--crime, he should have come +here with a trumped-up charge against the grant of a crown and a vote +of thanks, and should have spent so many words upon it--that is a sign +of personal enmity and jealousy and meanness, not of any good quality. +{280} And that he should further have discarded every form of lawsuit +against myself, and should have come here to-day to attack the +defendant, is the very extremity of baseness. It shows, I think, +Aeschines, that your motive in undertaking this suit was your desire, +not to exact vengeance for any crime, but to give a display of rhetoric +and elocution. Yet it is not his language, Aeschines, that deserves our +esteem in an orator, nor the pitch of his voice, but his choice of the +aims which the people chooses, his hatred or love of those whom his +country loves or hates. {281} He whose heart is so disposed will always +speak with loyal intent; but he who serves those from whom the city +foresees danger to herself, does not ride at the same anchor as the +People, and therefore does not look for safety to the same quarter. But +I do, mark you! For I have made the interests of my countrymen my own, +and have counted nothing as reserved for my own private advantage. +What? {282} You have not done so either? How can that be, when +immediately after the battle you went your way as an ambassador to +Philip, the author of the calamities which befell your country at that +time; and that, despite the fact that until then you always denied this +intimacy[n] with him, as every one knows? But what is meant by a +deceiver of the city? Is it not one who does not say what he thinks? +Upon whom does the herald justly pronounce the curse? Is it not upon +such a man as this? With what greater crime can one charge a man who is +an orator, than that of saying one thing and thinking another? Such a +man you have been found to be. {283} And after this do you open your +mouth, or dare to look this audience in the face? Do you imagine that +they do not know who you are? or that the slumber of forgetfulness has +taken such hold upon them all, that they do not remember the speeches +which you used to deliver during the war, when you declared with +imprecations and oaths that you had nothing to do with Philip, and that +I was bringing this accusation against you, when it was not true, to +satisfy my personal enmity? {284} But so soon as the news of the battle +had come, you thought no more of all this, but at once avowed and +professed that you stood on a footing of friendship and +guest-friendship with him; though these were nothing but your +hireling-service under other names; for upon what honest or equal basis +could Aeschines, the son of Glaucothea the tambourine--player,[n] enjoy +the guest-friendship, or the friendship, or the acquaintance of Philip? +I cannot see. In fact, you had been hired by him to ruin the interests +of these your countrymen. And yet, though your own treason has been so +plainly detected--though you have been an informer against yourself +after the event--you still revile me, and reproach me with crimes of +which, you will find, any one is more guilty than I. + +{285} Many a great and noble enterprise, Aeschines, did this city +undertake and succeed in, inspired by me; and she did not forget them. +It is a proof of this, that when, immediately after the event, the +People had to elect one who should pronounce the oration over the dead, +and you were nominated, they did not elect you, for all your fine +voice, nor Demades, who had just negotiated the Peace, nor Hegemon,[n] +nor any other member of your party: they elected me. And when you and +Pythocles[n] came forward in a brutal and shameless fashion, God knows! +and made the same charges against me as you are making again to-day, +and abused me, the People elected me even more decidedly. {286} And the +reason you know well; but I will tell it you nevertheless. They knew +for themselves both the loyalty and zeal which inspired my conduct of +affairs, and the iniquity of yourself and your friends. For what you +denied with oaths when our cause was prosperous, you admitted in the +hour of the city's failure; and those, accordingly, who were only +enabled by the misfortunes of their country to express their views +without fear, they decided to have been enemies of their own for a long +while, though only then did they stand revealed.{287} And further, they +thought that one who was to pronounce an oration over the dead, and to +adorn their valour, should not have come beneath the same roof, nor +shared the same libation,[n] as those who were arrayed against them; +that he should not there join with those who with their own hands had +slain them, in the revel[n] and the triumph-song over the calamities of +the Hellenes, and then come home and receive honour--that he should not +play the mourner over their fate with his voice, but should grieve for +them in his heart. What they required they saw in themselves and in me, +but not in you; and this was why they appointed me, and not any of you. +{288} Nor, when the people acted thus, did the fathers and brothers of +the slain, who were then publicly appointed to conduct the funeral, act +otherwise. For since (in accordance with the ordinary custom) they had +to hold the funeral-feast in the house of the nearest of kin, as it +were, to the slain, they held it at my house, and with reason; for +though by birth each was more nearly akin to his dead than I, yet none +stood nearer to them all in common. For he who had their life and their +success most at heart, had also, when they had suffered what I would +they had not, the greatest share of sorrow for them all. + +(_To the clerk _) {289} Read him the epitaph which the city resolved to +inscribe above them at the public cost; (_to Aeschines_) that even by +these very lines, Aeschines, you may know that you are a man destitute +of feeling, a dishonest accuser, an abominable wretch! + + + _The Inscription_.[n] + + These for their country, fighting side by side, + By deeds of arms dispelled the foemen's pride. + heir lives they saved not, bidding Death make clear-- + Impartial Judge!--their courage or their fear. + For Greece they fought, lest, 'neath the yoke brought low, + In thraldom she th' oppressor's scorn should know. + Now in the bosom of their fatherland + After their toil they rest--'tis God's command. + 'Tis God's alone from failure free to live;[n] + Escape from Fate to no man doth He give. + +{290} Do you hear, Aeschines [in these very lines], 'Tis God's alone +from failure free to live'? Not to the statesman has he ascribed the +power to secure success for those who strive, but to the gods. Why +then, accursed man, do you revile _me_, for our failure, in words which +I pray the gods to turn upon the heads of you and yours? + +{291} But, even after all the other lying accusations which he has +brought against me, the thing which amazed me most of all, men of +Athens, was that when he mentioned what had befallen the city, he did +not think of it as a loyal and upright citizen would have thought. He +shed no tears; he felt no emotion of sorrow in his heart: he lifted up +his voice, he exulted, he strained his throat, evidently in the belief +that he was accusing me, though in truth he was giving us an +illustration, to his own discredit, of the utter difference between his +feelings and those of others, at the painful events which had taken +place. {292} But surely one who professes, as Aeschines professes now, +to care for the laws and the constitution, ought to show, if nothing +else, at least that he feels the same griefs and the same joys as the +People, and has not, by his political profession, ranged himself on the +side of their opponents. That you have done the latter is manifest +today, when you pretend that the blame for everything is mine, and that +it is through me that the city was plunged in trouble: though it was +not through my statesmanship or my policy, gentlemen, {293} that you +began to help the Hellenes: for were you to grant me this--that it was +through me that you had resisted the dominion which was being +established over the Hellenes--you would have granted me a testimonial +which all those that you have given to others together could not equal. +But neither would I make such an assertion; for it would be unjust to +you; nor, I am sure, would you concede its truth: and if Aeschines were +acting honestly, he would not have been trying to deface and +misrepresent the greatest of your glories, in order to satisfy his +hatred towards me. + +{294} But why do I rebuke him for this, when he has made other lying +charges against me, which are more outrageous by far? For when a man +charges me--I call Heaven and Earth to witness!--with philippizing, +what will he not say? By Heracles and all the gods, if one had to +inquire truthfully, setting aside all calumny and all expression of +animosity, who are in reality the men upon whose heads all would +naturally and justly lay the blame for what has taken place, you would +find that it was those in each city who resemble Aeschines, not those +who resemble me. {295} For they, when Philip's power was weak and quite +insignificant--when we repeatedly warned and exhorted you and showed +you what was best--they, to satisfy their own avarice, sacrificed the +interests of the community, each group deceiving and corrupting their +own fellow citizens, until they brought them into bondage. Thus the +Thessalians were treated by Daochus, Cineas, and Thrasydaeus; the +Arcadians by Cercidas, Hieronymus and Eucampidas; the Argives by +Myrtis, Teledamus, and Mnaseas; the Eleans by Euxitheus, Cleotimus and +Aristaechmus; the Messenians by the sons of the godforsaken +Philiadas--Neon and Thrasylochus; the Sicymians by Aristratus and +Epichares; the Corinthians by Deinarchus and Demaretus; the Megareans +by Ptoeodorus, Helixus and Perillus; the Thebans by Timolaus, +Theogeiton, and Anemoetas; the Euboeans by Hipparchus and Sosistratus. +{296} Daylight will fail me before the list of the traitors is +complete. All these, men of Athens, are men who pursue the same designs +in their own cities, as my opponents pursue among you--abominable men, +flatterers, evil spirits, who have hacked the limbs each of his own +fatherland, and like boon companions have pledged away their freedom, +first to Philip and now to Alexander; men whose measure of happiness is +their belly, and their lowest instincts; while as for freedom, and the +refusal to acknowledge any man as lord--the standard and rule of good +to the Hellenes of old--they have flung it to the ground. + +{297} Of this shameful and notorious conspiracy and wickedness--or +rather (to speak with all earnestness, men of Athens), of this treason +against the freedom of the Hellenes--Athens has been guiltless in the +eyes of all men, in consequence of my statesmanship, as I have been +guiltless in your eyes. And do you then ask me for what merits I count +myself worthy to receive honour? I tell you that at a time when every +politician in Hellas had been corrupted--beginning with +yourself--[firstly by Philip, and now by Alexander], {298} no +opportunity that offered, no generous language, no grand promises, no +hopes, no fears, nor any other motive, tempted or induced me to betray +one jot of what I believed to be the rights and interests of the city; +nor, of all the counsel that I have given to my fellow countrymen, up +to this day, has any ever been given (as it has by you) with the scales +of the mind inclining to the side of gain, but all out of an upright, +honest, uncorrupted soul. I have taken the lead in greater affairs than +any man of my own time, and my administration has been sound and honest +throughout all. {299} That is why I count myself worthy of honour. But +as for the fortifications and entrenchments, for which you ridiculed +me, I judge them to be deserving, indeed, of gratitude and +commendation--assuredly they are so--but I set them far below my own +political services. Not with stones, nor with bricks, did I fortify +this city. Not such are the works upon which I pride myself most. But +would you inquire honestly wherein my fortifications consist? You will +find them in munitions of war, in cities, in countries, in harbours, in +ships, in horses, and in men ready to defend my fellow countrymen. +{300} These are the defences I have set to protect Attica, so far as by +human calculation it could be done; and with these I have fortified our +whole territory--not the circuit of the Peiraeus or of the city alone. +Nor in fact, did _I _prove inferior to Philip in calculations--far from +it!--or in preparations for war; but the generals of the +confederacy,[n] and their forces, proved inferior to him in fortune. +Where are the proofs of these things? They are clear and manifest. I +bid you consider them. + +{301} What was the duty of a loyal citizen--one who was acting with +all forethought and zeal and uprightness for his country's good? Was it +not to make Euboea the bulwark of Attica on the side of the sea, and +Boeotia on that of the mainland, and on that of the regions towards the +Peloponnese, our neighbours[n] in that direction? Was it not to provide +for the corn-trade, and to ensure that it should pass along a +continuously friendly coast all the way to the Peiraeus? {302} Was it +not to preserve the places which were ours--Proconnesus, the +Chersonese, Tenedos--by dispatching expeditions to aid them, and +proposing and moving resolutions accordingly; and to secure the +friendship and alliance of the rest--Byzantium, Tenedos, Euboea? Was it +not to take away the greatest of the resources which the enemy +possessed, and to add what was lacking to those of the city? {303} All +this has been accomplished by my decrees and by the measures which I +have taken; and all these measures, men of Athens, will be found by any +one who will examine them without jealousy, to have been correctly +planned, and executed with entire honesty: the opportunity for each +step was not, you will find, neglected or left unrecognized or thrown +away by me, and nothing was left undone, which it was within the power +and the reasoning capacity of a single man to effect. But if the might +of some Divine Power, or the inferiority of our generals, or the +wickedness of those who were betraying your cities, or all these things +together, continuously injured our whole cause, until they effected its +overthrow, how is Demosthenes at fault? {304} Had there been in each of +the cities of Hellas one man, such as I was, as I stood at my own post +in your midst--nay, if all Thessaly and all Arcadia had each had but +one man animated by the same spirit as myself--not one Hellenic people, +either beyond or on this side of Thermopylae, would have experienced +the evils which they now suffer. {305} All would have been dwelling in +liberty and independence, free from all fears, secure and prosperous, +each in their own land, rendering thanks for all these great blessings +to you and the rest of the Athenian people, through me. But that you +may know that in my anxiety to avoid jealousy, I am using language +which is far from adequate to the actual facts, (_to the clerk_) read +me this; and take and recite the list of the expeditions sent out in +accordance with my decrees. + +[_The list of expeditions is read]_ + +{306} These measures, and others like them, Aeschines, were the +measures which it was the duty of a loyal and gallant citizen to take. +If they were successful, it was certain that we should be indisputably +the strongest power, and that with justice as well as in fact: and now +that they have resulted otherwise, we are left with at least an +honourable name. No man casts reproach either upon the city, or upon +the choice which she made: they do but upbraid Fortune, who decided the +issue thus. {307} It was not, God knows, a citizen's duty to abandon +his country's interests, to sell his services to her opponents, and +cherish the opportunities of the enemy instead of those of his country. +Nor was it, on the one hand, to show his malice against the man who had +faced the task of proposing and moving measures worthy of the city, and +persisting in that intention; while, on the other hand, he remembered +and kept his eyes fixed upon any private annoyance which another had +caused him: nor was it to maintain a wicked and festering inactivity, +as you so often do. {308} Assuredly there is an inactivity that is +honest and brings good to the State--the inactivity which you,[n] the +majority of the citizens, observe in all sincerity. But that is not the +inactivity of Aeschines. Far from it! He, on the contrary, retires just +when he chooses, from public life (and he often chooses to do so), that +he may watch for the moment when you will be sated with the continual +speeches of the same adviser, or when fortune has thrown some obstacle +in your path, or some other disagreeable event has happened (for in the +life of man many things are possible); and then, when such an +opportunity comes, suddenly, like a gale of wind, out of his retirement +he comes forth an orator, with his voice in training, and his phrases +and his sentences collected; and these he strings together lucidly, +without pausing for breath, though they bring with them no profit, no +accession of anything good, but only calamity to one or another of his +fellow citizens, and shame to all alike. {309} Surely, Aeschines, if +all this practice and study sprang from an honest heart, resolved to +pursue the interests of your country, the fruits of it should have been +noble and honourable and profitable to all--alliances of cities, +supplies of funds, opening of ports,[n] enactment of beneficial laws, +acts of opposition to our proved enemies. {310} It was for all such +services that men looked in bygone days; and the past has offered, to +any loyal and gallant citizen, abundant opportunities of displaying +them: but nowhere in the ranks of such men will you ever be found to +have stood--not first, nor second, nor third, nor fourth, nor fifth, +nor sixth, nor in any position whatsoever; at least, not in any matters +whereby your country stood to gain. {311} For what alliance has the +city gained by negotiations of yours? What assistance, what fresh +access of goodwill or fame? What diplomatic or administrative action of +yours has brought new dignity to the city? What department of our home +affairs, or our relations with Hellenic and foreign states, over which +you have presided, has shown any improvement? Where are your ships? +Where are your munitions of war? Where are your dockyards? Where are +the walls that you have repaired? Where are your cavalry? Where in the +world _is_ your sphere of usefulness? What pecuniary assistance have +you ever given, as a good and generous fellow citizen,[n] either to +rich or poor? {312} 'But, my good sir, 'you say, 'if I have done none +of these things, I have at least given my loyalty and goodwill.' Where? +When? Why, even at a time when all who ever opened their lips upon the +platform contributed voluntarily to save the city, till, last of all, +Aristonicus gave what he had collected to enable him to regain his +civil rights--even then, most iniquitous of men! you never came forward +or made any contribution whatever: and assuredly it was not from +poverty, when you had inherited more than five talents out of the +estate of your father-in-law Philo, and had received two talents +subscribed by the leaders of the Naval Boards,[n] for your damaging +attack upon my Naval Law.[n] {313} But I will say no more about this, +lest by passing from subject to subject I should break away from the +matter in hand. It is at least plain that your failure to contribute +was not due to your poverty, but to your anxiety to do nothing in +opposition to those whose interest is the guide of your whole public +life. On what occasions, then, do your spirit and your brilliancy show +themselves? When something must be done to injure your fellow +countrymen--then your voice is most glorious, your memory most perfect; +then you are a prince of actors, a Theocrines[n] on the tragic stage! + +{314} Again, you have recalled the gallant men of old, and you do well +to do so. Yet it is not just, men of Athens, to take advantage of the +good feeling which you may be relied upon to entertain towards the +dead, in order to examine me before you by their standard, and compare +me, who am still living amongst you, with them. {315} Who in all the +world does not know that against the living there is always more or +less of secret jealousy, while none, not even their enemies, hate the +dead any more? And am I, in spite of this law of nature, to be judged +and examined to-day by the standard of those who were before me? By no +means! It would be neither just nor fair, Aeschines. But let me be +compared with yourself, or with any of those who have adopted the same +policy as yourself, and are still alive. {316} And consider this also. +Which of these alternatives is the more honourable? Which is better for +the city?--that the good services done by men of former +times--tremendous, nay even beyond all description though they may +be--should be made an excuse for exposing to ingratitude and contumely +those that are rendered to the present generation? or that all who act +in loyalty should have a share in the honours and the kindness which +our fellow citizens dispense? {317} Aye, and (if I must say this after +all) the policy and the principles which I have adopted will be found, +if rightly viewed, to resemble and to have the same aims as those of +the men who in that age received praise; while yours resemble those of +the dishonest assailants of such persons in those days. For in their +time also there were obviously persons who disparaged the living and +praised the men of old, acting in the same malicious way as yourself. +{318} Do you say then, that I am in no way like them? But are you like +them, Aeschines? or your brother? or any other orator of the present +day? For my part, I should say, 'None.' Nay, my good sir--to use no +other epithet--compare the living with the living, their +contemporaries, as men do in every other matter, whether they are +comparing poets or choruses or competitors in the games. {319} Because +Philammon was not so powerful as Glaucus of Carystus[n] and some other +athletes of former times, he did not leave Olympia uncrowned: but +because he fought better than all who entered against him, he was +crowned and proclaimed victor. Do you likewise examine me beside the +orators of the day--beside yourself, beside any one in the world that +you choose. {320} I fear no man's rivalry. For, while the city was +still free to choose the best course, and all alike could compete with +one another in loyalty to their country, I was found the best adviser +of them all. It was by my laws, by my decrees, by my diplomacy, that +all was effected. Not one of your party appeared anywhere, unless some +insult was to be offered to your fellow countrymen. But when there +happened, what I would had never happened--when it was not statesmen +that were called to the front, but those who would do the bidding of a +master, those who were anxious to earn wages by injuring their country, +and to flatter a stranger--then, along with every member of your party, +you were found at your post, the grand and resplendent owner of a +stud;[n] while I was weak, I confess, yet more loyal to my fellow +countrymen than you. {321} Two characteristics, men of Athens, a +citizen of a respectable character (for this is perhaps the least +invidious phrase that I can apply to myself) must be able to show: when +he enjoys authority, he must maintain to the end the policy whose aims +are noble action and the pre-eminence of his country: and at all times +and in every phase of fortune he must remain loyal. For this depends +upon his own nature; while his power and his influence are determined +by external causes. And in me, you will find, this loyalty has +persisted unalloyed. For mark this. {322} Not when my surrender was +demanded, not when I was called to account before the Amphictyons, not +in face either of threats or of promises, not when these accursed men +were hounded on against me like wild beasts, have I ever been false to +my loyalty towards you. For from the very first, I chose the straight +and honest path in public life: I chose to foster the honour, the +supremacy, the good name of my country, to seek to enhance them, and to +stand or fall with them. {323} I do not walk through the market, +cheerful and exultant over the success of strangers, holding out my +hand and giving the good tidings to any whom I expect to report my +conduct yonder, but shuddering, groaning, bowing myself to the earth, +when I hear of the city's good fortune, as do these impious men, who +make a mock of the city --not remembering that in so doing they are +mocking themselves--while they direct their gaze abroad, and, whenever +another has gained success through the failure of the Hellenes, belaud +that state of things, and declare that we must see that it endures for +all time. + +{324} Never, O all ye gods, may any of you consent to their desire! If +it can be, may you implant even in these men a better mind and heart. +But if they are verily beyond all cure, then bring them and them alone +to utter and early destruction, by land and sea. And to us who remain, +grant the speediest release from the fears that hang over us, and +safety that naught can shake! + + +FOOTNOTES + +[1] Some writers suppose that it was at the meeting in the spring of +339. The evidence is not conclusive, but appears to point to the date +given here. + + + + +NOTES + + +ON THE NAVAL BOARDS + +§ 1. _who praise your forefathers_. The advocates of war with Persia +had doubtless appealed to the memory of Marathon and Salamis, and the +old position of Athens as the champion of Greece against Persia. + +§ 10, 11. The argument is this: 'If a war with Persia needed a special +kind of force, we could not prepare for it without being detected: but +as all wars need the same kind of force, our preparations need rouse no +suspicion in Persia particularly.' + +_acknowledged foes_: i.e. probably Thebes, or the revolted allies of +Athens, with whom a disadvantageous peace had, perhaps, just been made. +It is not, however, impossible that Philip also is in the orator's +mind; for though at the time he was probably engaged in war with the +Illyrians and Paeonians, his quarrel with Athens in regard to +Amphipolis had not been settled. The Olynthians may also be thought of. +(See Introd. to Phil. I and Olynthiacs.) + +§ 12. _rhapsodies_. The rhapsodes who went about Greece reciting Homer +and other poets had lost the distinction they once enjoyed, and +'rhapsody' became a synonym for idle declamation. + +§ 14. _a bold speech_: i.e. a demand for instant war, helped out by +rhetorical praises of the men of old. + +§ 16. _unmarried heiresses and orphans_. These would be incapable of +discharging the duties of the trierarchy, though their estates were +liable for the war-tax. Partners were probably exempted, when none of +them possessed so large a share in the common property as would render +him liable for trierarchy. + +_property outside Attica_. According to the terms made by Athens with +her allies when the 'Second Delian League' was formed in 378, Athens +undertook that no Athenian should hold property in an allied State. But +this condition had been broken, and the multiplication of Athenian +estates [Greek: _kl_erhouchiai_] in allied territories had been one of +the causes of the war with the allies. + +_unable to contribute_: e. g. owing to no longer possessing the estate +which he had when the assessment was made. + +§ 17. _to associate, &c_. The sections which contained a very rich man +were to have poor men included in it, so that the total wealth of every +section might be the same, and the distribution of the burden between +the sections fair. + +§ 18. _the first hundred, &c_. Demosthenes thinks of the fleet as +composed, according to need, of 100, 200, or 300 vessels, and treats +each hundred as a separate squadron, to be separately divided among the +Boards. + +_by lot_. In this and other clauses of his proposal, Demosthenes +stipulates for the use of the lot ([Greek: _sunkl_er_osai_], [Greek: +epikl_erosai]) to avoid all unfair selection. It is only in the +distribution of duties among the smaller sections within each Board +that assignment by arrangement ([Greek: _apodounai_], a word suggesting +distribution according to fitness or convenience) is to be allowed. + +§ 19. _taxable capital_ ([Greek: _tim_ema_]). The war-tax and the +trierarchic burdens were assessed on a valuation of the contributor's +property. Upon this valuation of his taxable capital he paid the +percentage required. (The old view that he was taxed not upon his +capital, as valued, but upon a fraction of it varying with his wealth, +rests upon an interpretation of passages in the Speeches against +Aphobus, which is open to grave question.) The total amount of the +single valuations was the 'estimated taxable capital of the country' +([Greek: _tim_ema t_es ch_oras_]). This, in the case of the trierarchy, +would be the aggregate amount of the valuations of the 1,200 wealthiest +men, viz. 6,000 talents. (Of course the capital taxable for the war-tax +would be considerably larger. Even at a time when the prosperity of +Attica was much lower, in 378-377 B.C., it was nearly 6,000 talents, +according to Polybius, ii. 62. 6.) + +§ 20. A tabular statement will make this plain:-- + + _Persons _Total capital taxable + _Ships_. responsible_. for each ship_. + + 100 12 60 tal. + 200 6 30 " + 300 4 20 " + +The percentage payable on the taxable capital was of course higher, the +larger the number of ships required. Each ship appears to have cost on +the average a talent to equip. The percentages in the three cases +contained in the table would therefore be 1-2/3, 3-1/3, and 5, +respectively. (Compare § 27.) + +§ 21. _fittings ... in arrear_. Apparently former trierarchs had not +always given back the fittings of their vessels, which had either been +provided at the expense of the State, or lent to the trierarchs by the +State. + +§ 23. _wards_ ([Greek: _trittyes_]). The trittys or ward was one-third +of a tribe. + +§ 25. _you see ... city_. The Assembly met on the Pnyx, whence there +was a view of the Acropolis and of the greater part of the ancient city. + +_prophets_. The Athenian populace seems always to have been liable to +the influence of soothsayers, who professed to utter oracles from the +gods, particularly when war was threatening. This was so (e. g.) at the +time of the Peloponnesian War (Thucyd. ii. 8, v. 26), and the +soothsayer is delightfully caricatured by Aristophanes in the _Birds_ +and elsewhere. + +§ 29. _two hundred ships ... one hundred were Athenian_. In the Speech +on the Crown, § 238, Demosthenes gives the numbers as 300 and 200. +Perhaps a transcriber at an early stage in the history of the text +accidentally wrote HH (the symbol for 200) instead of HHH, in the case +of the first number, and a later scribe then 'corrected' the second +number into H instead of HH. The numbers given by Herodotus are 378 and +180, and, for the Persian ships, 1,207. + +§ 31. _against Egypt_, which was now in rebellion against Artaxerxes. +Orontas, Satrap of Mysia, was more or less constantly in revolt during +this period. + +§ 32. _even more certainly_ [Greek: _palai_]: lit. 'long ago'. The +transition from temporal to logical priority is paralleled in certain +uses of other temporal adverbs, e.g. [Greek: _euthys_] (Aristotle, +_Poet_. v), and [Greek: _schol_e_] (of which, as Weil notes, [Greek: +_palai_] is the exact opposite). + +§ 34. _sins against Hellas_. This refers to the support given to the +Persian invaders by Thebes in the Persian Wars (Herod. viii. 34). + + +FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS + +§ 4. _Plataeae_ (which had been overthrown by the enemies of Athens in +the course of the Peloponnesian War, but rebuilt, with the aid of +Sparta, in 378) was destroyed by Thebes in 373-372. About the same time +Thebes destroyed Thespiae, which, like Plataeae, was well-disposed +towards Athens; and in 370 the Thebans massacred the male population of +Orchomenus, and sold the women and children into slavery. + +§ 11. _Oropus_ had sometimes belonged to Thebes and sometimes to +Athens. In 366 it was taken from Athens by Themison, tyrant of Eretria +(exactly opposite Oropus, on the coast of Euboea), and placed in the +hands of Thebes until the ownership should be decided. Thebes retained +it until it was restored to Athens by Philip in 338. + +§ 12. _when all the Peloponnesians, &c_. The reference seems to be to +the year 370, shortly after the battle of Leuctra, when the +Peloponnesian States sought the protection of Athens against Sparta, +and, being refused, became allies of Thebes (Diodorus xv. 62). In 369 +Athens made an alliance with Sparta. + +§ 14. _saved the Spartans_. See last note. Athens also assisted the +Spartans at Mantineia in 362. + +_the Thebans_. In 378 and the following years Athens assisted Thebes +against the Spartans under Agesilaus and Cleombrotus. + +_the Euboeans_. In 358 or 357 Euboea succeeded in obtaining freedom +from the domination of Thebes by the aid of Athenian troops under +Timotheus. + +§ 16. _Triphylia_, a district between Elis and Messenia, was the +subject of a long-standing dispute between the Eleans and the +Arcadians, and seems to have been in the hands of the latter since +(about) 368. + +_Tricaranum_, a fortress in the territory of Phlius, had been seized by +the Argives in 369, and used as a centre from which incursions were +made into Phliasian territory. + +§ 20. _allies of Thebes_: in order to preserve the balance of power +between Thebes and Sparta. + +§ 21. _the Theban confederacy_. The reference is particularly to the +Arcadian allies of Thebes, but the wider expression perhaps suggests a +general policy of a more ambitious kind. + +§ 22. _you, I think, know_. He refers to the older members of the +Assembly, who would remember the tyrannical conduct of Sparta during +the period of her supremacy (the first quarter of the fourth century +B.C.). + +§ 27. _pillars_. The terms of an alliance were usually recorded upon +pillars erected by each State on some site fixed by agreement or custom. + +§ 28. _in the war_: i.e. the 'Sacred War', against the Phocians. + + +FOR THE FREEDOM OF THE RHODIANS + +§ 3. _now it will be seen_: i.e. if you come to a right decision, and +help the Rhodians. + +§ 5. _the Egyptians_. See Speech on Naval Boards, § 31 n. + +§ 6. _to advise you_: i.e. in the Speech on the Naval Boards (see +especially §§ 10, 11 of that Speech). + +§ 9. _Ariobarzanes_, Satrap of the Hellespont, joined in the general +revolt of the princes of Asia Minor against Persia in 362, at first +secretly (as though making war against other satraps) but afterwards +openly. Timotheus was sent to help him, on the understanding that he +must not break the Peace of Antalcidas (378 B.C.), according to which +the Greek cities in Asia were to belong to the king, but the rest were +to be independent (except that Athens was to retain Lemnos, Imbros, and +Scyros). When Ariobarzanes broke out in open revolt, Timotheus could +not help him without breaking the first provision; but the Persian +occupation tion of Samos was itself a violation of the second, and he +was therefore justified in relieving the town. + +§ 11. _while he is in her neighbourhood_. Artaxerxes almost certainly +went in person to Egypt about this time. (That he went before 346 is +proved by Isocrates, _Philippus_, § 101; and he was no doubt expected +to go, even before he went.) The alternative rendering, 'since he is +still to be a neighbouring power to herself,' is less good, since he +would be this, whether he conquered Egypt or not. + +§ 14. _Rhodians who are now in possession_: i.e. the oligarchs, who +held the town with the help of Caria. + +_some of their fellow-citizens_: i.e. some of the democratic party. + +§ 15. _official patron_ ([Greek: _proxenos_]). The 'official patron' of +another State in Athens was necessarily an Athenian, and so differed +from the modern consul, whom he otherwise resembled in many ways (cf. +Phillipson, _International Law and Custom of Ancient Greece and Rome_, +vol. i, pp. 147-56). + +§ 17. _publicly provided_: i.e. in treaties between the States. + +§ 22. _when our democracy_, &c.: i.e. in 404, when, at the conclusion +of the Peloponnesian War, the tyranny of the Thirty was established, +and a very large number of democratic citizens were driven into exile. +The Argives refused the Spartan demand for the surrender of some of +these to the Thirty (Diodorus xiv. 6). + +§ 23. _one who is a barbarian-aye, and a woman_ ([Greek: _barbaron +anthr_opon kai tauta gynaika_]). This has been taken to refer (1) to +Artaxerxes and Artemisia. But [Greek: _kai tauta_] cannot be simply +[Greek: _pros tont_o_], and [Greek: _kai tauta gynaika_] must refer to +the same person as [Greek: _barbaron anthr_opon_]; (2) to Artaxerxes +alone, the words [Greek: _kai tauta gynaika_] being a gratuitous insult +such as it was customary for Athenians to level at any Persian; (3) to +Artemisia alone, [Greek: anthr_opos] being feminine here as often. It +is not possible to decide certainly between (2) and (3). Artemisia is +more prominent in the speech than the king, but it is the king who is +referred to in the next sentence. + +§ 24. _rendered Athens weak_. The success of Sparta in the +Peloponnesian War was rendered possible, to a great extent, by the +supply of funds from Persia. In 401 Cyrus made his famous expedition +against Artaxerxes II, and Clearchus (with other generals) commanded +the Greek troops which assisted him. The death of Cyrus in the battle +of Cunaxa in 401 put an end to his rebellion. + +§ 25. _rights of the rest of the world_. Weil suggests that it may have +been argued that to intervene in Rhodian affairs would be to break the +treaty made with the allies in 355 (about), at the end of the Social +War, whereby their independence was guaranteed. + +§ 26. _Chalcedon_ was on the Asiatic shore of the Bosporus, and +therefore by the Peace of Antalcidas belonged to the king (see n. on § +9). By the same treaty, Selymbria, on the north coast of the Propontis, +ought to have been independent. The Byzantines, who had obtained their +independence of Athens in the Social War, were extending their +influence greatly at this time. + +§ 27. _the treaty_: again the Peace of Antalcidas. + +_even if there actually are such advisers_: or, 'even if any one +actually asserts the existence of such persons.' + +§ 29. _two treaties_. The first must be the Peace of Callias (444 +B.C.), the terms of which are given in the Speech on the Embassy, § +273. The second was the Peace of Antalcidas. + +§ 30. _the knowledge of what is right_. The parallel passage in § 1 +seems to confirm this rendering, rather than the alternative, 'the +intention to do what is right.' + +§ 33. _oligarchical_. This expression is partly directed at those who, +in opposing the exiled democrats, supported the oligarchs of Rhodes; +and it may be partly explained by the fact that the policy of Eubulus, +who wished to avoid all interferences which might lead to war, was +particularly satisfactory to the wealthier classes in Athens. But it +was a common practice to accuse an opponent of anti-democratic +sentiments, and of trying to get the better of the people by +illegitimate means (cf. Speech on Embassy, § 314, &c.). + +§ 35. Cf. Speech on Naval Boards, § 41. + + +THE FIRST PHILIPPIC + +§ 3. _the war with Sparta_. Probably the Boeotian War (378-371 B.C.), +when Athens supported Thebes against Sparta. + +_in defence of the right_. The attempt of the Spartans to conquer +Boeotia was a violation of the Peace of Antalcidas (see n. on Speech +for Rhodians, § 6). But Demosthenes' expression may be quite general in +its meaning. + +§ 4. _tribes_. Probably refers especially to the Thracians (see Introd. +to the Speech). The Paeonian and Illyrian chieftains also made alliance +with Athens in 356. + +§ 17. _to Euboea_. See Speech for Megalopolitans, § 14 n. + +_to Haliartus_: in 395, when Athens sent a force to aid the Thebans +against the Spartans under Lysander. (For other allusions see Introd. +to the Speech.) + +§ 19. _paper-armies_ ([Greek: epistolimaious ... dynameis]): lit. +'armies existing in dispatches.' + +§ 24. _Athens once maintained_, &c. The reference is to the Corinthian +war of 394-387 B.C. The Athenian general Iphicrates organized a +mercenary force of peltasts in support of Corinth, and did great damage +to Sparta; he was succeeded in the command by Chabrias. Nothing more is +certainly known of Polystratus than is told us here, though he may be +referred to in the Speech against Leptines, § 84, as receiving honours +from Athens. + +_to Artabazus_. In 356 Chares was sent to oppose the revolted allies of +Athens, but being short of funds, assisted Artabazus in his rebellion +against Persia, and was richly rewarded. (See Introd. to Speech on +Naval Boards.) + +§ 25. _spectators of these mysteries of generalship_ ([Greek: epoptai +t_on ] [Greek: *_strat_egoumen_on_]). The word [Greek: _epopt_es_] is +chiefly used of spectators of the mysteries, and is here applied +sarcastically to the citizens whom Demosthenes desires to see what has +hitherto been a hidden thing from them--the conduct of their generals. + +§ 26. _ten captains and generals, &c_. There was one general ([Greek: +_strat_egos_]) and one captain ([Greek: _taxiarchos_]) of infantry, and +one general of cavalry ([Greek: _phylarchos_]), for each of the ten +tribes. There were two regular masters of the horse ([Greek: +_hipparchoi_]), and a third appointed for the special command of the +Athenian troops in Lemnos. The generals ([Greek: _strat_egoi_]) had +various civil duties, among them the organization of the military +processions at the Panathenaea and other great festivals. + +§ 27. _Menelaus_. Either a Macedonian chieftain, who had assisted the +Athenian commander Timotheus against Poteidaea in 364, and probably +received Athenian citizenship; or else Philip's half-brother Menelaus. +But there is no evidence that the latter ever served in the Athenian +forces, and probably the former is meant. + +§ 31. _Etesian winds_. These blow strongly from the north over the +Aegean from July to September. + +§ 33. _the whole force in its entirety_. So with Butcher's punctuation. +But it is perhaps better to place a comma after [Greek: _dynamin_], and +translate, 'after making ready ... soldiers, ships, cavalry--the entire +force complete--you bind them,' &c. + +§ 34. See Introd. to the Speech. Geraestus was the southernmost most +point of Euboea. The 'sacred trireme', the Paralus, when conveying the +Athenian deputation to the Festival of Delos, put in on its way at +Marathon, where there was an altar of the Delian Apollo, to offer +sacrifice. + +§ 35. The festival of the Panathenaea was managed by the Athlothetae, +who were appointed by lot, and consequently could not be specially +qualified; whereas the stewards ([Greek: _epimel_etai_]) who assisted +the Archon in the management of the Dionysia, were at this time +elected, presumably on the ground of their fitness. + +_an amount of trouble_ ([Greek: _ochlon_]). Possibly 'a larger crowd'. +But there is no point in mentioning the crowd; the point lies in the +pains taken; and Thucyd. vi. 24 ([Greek: _upo tou ochl_odous t_es +parhaskeu_es_]) confirms the rendering given. + +§ 36. The choregus paid the expenses of a chorus at the Dionysiac (and +certain other) festivals. The gymnasiarchs, or stewards of the games, +managed the games and torch-races which formed part of the Panathenaea +and many other festivals. The offices were imposed by law upon men who +possessed a certain estate, but any one who felt that another could +bear the burden better might challenge him either to perform the duty +or to exchange property with him. (See Appendix to Goodwin's edition of +Demosthenes' Speech against Meidias.) + +_independent freedmen_: lit. 'dwellers apart,' i.e. freedmen who no +longer lived with the master whose slaves they had been. + +§ 43. _empty ships_. If these are the ships referred to in Olynth. III, +Section 4, the date of the First Philippic must be later than October +351 B.C. + +§ 46. _promises_. The 'promises of Chares' became almost proverbial. + +§ 47. _examination_, or 'audit'. A general, like every other +responsible official, had to report his proceedings, at the end of his +term of office, to a Board of Auditors, and might be prosecuted before +a jury by any one who was dissatisfied with his report. + +§ 48. _negotiating with Sparta, &c_. As a matter of fact, Philip had +evidently come to an understanding with Thebes by this time; but he may +have caused some such rumours to be spread, in order to get rid of any +possible opposition from Sparta. The 'breaking-up of the free states' +probably refers to the desire of Sparta to destroy Megalopolis, which +was in alliance with Thebes. + +_sent ambassadors to the king_. Arrian, ii. 14, mentions a letter of +Darius to Alexander, recalling how Philip had been in friendship and +alliance with Artaxerxes Ochus. It is possible, therefore, that the +rumour to which Demosthenes alludes had some foundation. + + +THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC + +(_Note_.--Most of the allusions in the Olynthiacs are explained by the +Introduction to the First Philippic.) + +§ 4. _power over everything, open or secret_. The translation generally +approved, 'power to publish or conceal his designs,' is hardly +possible. The [Greek: kai] in the phrase [Greek: rh_eta kai aporr_eta] +(or [Greek: arr_eta]) cannot be taken disjunctively here, when it is +always conjunctive in this phrase elsewhere, the whole phrase being +virtually equivalent to 'everything whatever'. + +§ 5. _how he treated_, &c. The scholiast says that Philip killed the +traitors at Amphipolis first, saying that if they had not been faithful +to their own countrymen, they were not likely to be faithful to +himself; and that the traitors at Pydna, finding that they were not +likely to be spared, took sanctuary, and having been persuaded to +surrender themselves on promise of their lives, were executed +nevertheless. Neither story is confirmed by other evidence. + +§ 8. _in aid of the Euboeans_: in 358 or 357. See Speech for +Megalopolitans, § 14 n. + +§ 13. _Magnesia_. There seems to have been a town of the same name as +the district. + +_attacked the Olynthians_. This refers to the short invasion of 351 +(see vol. i, p. 70), not to that which is the subject of the Olynthiacs. + +_Arybbas_ was King of the Molossi, and uncle of Philip's wife, +Olympias. Nothing is known of this expedition against him. He was +deposed by Philip in 343. (See vol. ii, p. 3.) + +§ 17. _these towns_: the towns of the Chalcidic peninsula, over which +Olynthus had acquired influence. This sentence shows that Olynthus +itself had not yet been attacked. + +§ 26. _But, my good Sir_, &c. This must be the objection of an +imaginary opponent. It can hardly be taken (as seems to be intended by +Butcher) as Demosthenes' reply to the question, 'Or some other power?' +('But, my good Sir, the other power will not want to help him.') There +is, however, much to be said for Sandys's punctuation, [Greek: _ean m_e +bo_eth_es_eth umeis _e allos tis_], 'unless you or some other power go +to their aid.' After the death of Onomarchus in 352, the Phocians were +incapable of withstanding invasion without help. + + +THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC + +§ 14. _Timotheus, &c_. In 364 an Athenian force under Timotheus invaded +the territory of the Olynthian League, and took Torone, Poteidaea, and +other towns, with the help of Perdiccas, King of Macedonia. + +_ruling dynasty_: i.e. the dynasty of Lycophron and Peitholaus at +Pherae. (See Introd. to First Philippic.) + +§ 28. _this war_: i.e. the war with Philip generally. The reference is +supposed to be to the conduct of Chares in 356 (cf. Phil. I, Section 24 +ii.), though in fact it was against the revolted allies, not against +Philip, that he had been sent. Sigeum was a favourite resort of Chares, +and it is conjectured that he may have obtained possession of Lampsacus +and Sigeum (both on the Asiatic shore of the Hellespont) in 356. The +explanation of the conduct of the generals is to be found in the fact +that in Asia Minor they could freely appropriate prizes of war and +plunder, since under the terms of the Peace of Antalcidas, Athens could +claim nothing in Asia for her own. + +§ 29. _taxes by Boards_. Each of the Boards constituted in 378-377 for +the collection of the war-tax (see vol. i, p. 31) had a leader or +chairman ([Greek: __hegem_on_]), one of the 300 richest men in Athens, +whose duty it was to advance the sums required by the State, recovering +them afterwards from the other members of the Boards. Probably the +Three Hundred were divided equally among the 100 Boards, a leader, a +'second', and a 'third' (Speech on Crown, § 103) being assigned to +each. The 'general' here perhaps corresponds to the 'second'. + + +THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC + +§ 4. _two or three years ago_ (lit. 'this is the third or fourth year +since). It was in November 352 B.C. If the present Speech was delivered +before November 349, not quite three years would have elapsed. (The +Greek words, [Greek: triton _he tetarton etos touti], must, on the +analogy of the Speech against Meidias, § 13, against Stephanus, II. § +13, and against Aphobus, I. § 24, &c., mean 'two or three', not 'three +or four years ago'). The vagueness of the expression is more likely to +be due to the date of the Third Olynthiac being not far short of three +years from that of the siege of Heraeon Teichos, than to the +double-dating (on the one hand by actual lapse of time, and on the +other by archon-years--from July to July--or by military campaigning +seasons) which most commentators assume to be intended here, but which +seems to me over-subtle and unlike Demosthenes. + +_that year_: i.e. the archonship of Aristodemus, which ran from July +352 B.C. to July 351. + +§ 5. _the mysteries_. These were celebrated from the 14th to the 27th +of Boedromion (late in September). + +_Charidemus_, of Oreus in Euboea, was a mercenary leader who had served +many masters at different times--Athens, Olynthus, Cotys, and +Cersobleptes--and had played most of them false at some time or other. +But he was given the citizenship in 357 for the part which he had taken +in effecting the cession of the Chersonese to Athens, and was a +favourite with the people. He was sent on the occasion here referred to +with ten ships, for which he was to find mercenary soldiers. + +§ 6. _with might ... power_. A quotation, probably from the text of the +treaty of alliance between Athens and Olynthus. + +§ 8. _funds of the Phocians are exhausted_. The Phocian leader +Phalaecus had been using the temple-treasures of Delphi, but they were +now exhausted. + +§ 10. _a Legislative Commission_: i.e. a Special Commission on the +model of the regular Commission which was appointed annually from the +jurors for the year (if the Assembly so decreed), and before which +those who wished to make or to oppose changes in the laws appeared, the +proceedings taking the form of a prosecution and defence of the laws in +question. The Assembly itself did not legislate, though it passed +decrees, which had to be consistent with the existing laws. As regards +legislation, it merely decided whether in any given year alterations in +the laws should or should not be allowed. + +§ 11. _malingerers_. The scholiast says that the choregi were persuaded +to choose persons as members of their choruses, in order to enable them +to escape military service, choreutae being legally exempted. Other +exemptions also existed. + +§ 12. _persons who proposed them_. This can only refer to Eubulus and +his party. + +§ 20. _Corinthians and Megareans_. From the pseudo-Demosthenic Speech +on the Constitution ([Greek: _pe_ri suntaxe_os_]) and from Philochorus +(quoted in the Scholia of Didymus upon that Speech) it appears that the +Athenians had in 350 invaded Megara, under the general Ephialtes, and +forced the Megareans to agree to a delimitation of certain land sacred +to the two goddesses of Eleusis, which the Megareans had violated, +perhaps for some years past (see Speech against Aristocrates, § 212). A +scholiast also refers to the omission by Corinth to invite the +Athenians to the Isthmian games, in consequence of which the Athenians +sent an armed force to attend the games. Probably this was also a +recent occurrence, and due to an understanding between Corinth and +Megara. + +§ 21. _my own namesake_: i.e. Demosthenes, who was a distinguished +general during the Peloponnesian War, and perished in the Sicilian +expedition. + +§ 24. _for forty-five years_: i.e. between the Persian and +Peloponnesian Wars, 476-431 B.C. + +_the king_: i.e. Perdiccas II, who, however, took the side of Sparta +shortly after the beginning of the Peloponnesian War. He died in 413. +(The date of the beginning of his reign is unknown, but he did not +become sole king of the whole of Macedonia until 436.) + +§ 27. _Spartans had been ruined_: sc. by the battles of Leuctra (in +371) and Mantineia (in 362). + +_Thebans had their hands full_, owing to the war with the Phocians, +from 356 onwards. + +§ 28. _in the war_, when Athens joined Thebes against Sparta (in 378). +'The allies' are those members of the Second Delian League (formed in +378) who had been lost in the Social War which ended in or about 355, +when Athens was at peace with Thebes and Sparta. (See Introduction, +vol. i, p. 9.) + +§ 31. _procession at the Boedromia_. The Boedromia was a festival held +in September in honour of Apollo and Artemis Agrotera, Probably a +procession was not a regular part of the festival at this time. The +importance which the populace attached to such processions is +illustrated by the Speech against Timocrates, § 161. + +§ 34. _is it then paid service, &c_.: almost, 'do you then suggest that +we should _earn_ our money?' + +§ 35. _adding or subtracting_: sc. from the sums dispensed by the State +to the citizens. + +_somebody's mercenaries_. The reference is probably to the successes of +Charidemus when first sent (see Introd. to Olynthiacs). + + +ON THE PEACE + +§ 5. _disturbances in Euboea_. Plutarchus of Eretria applied for +Athenian aid against Callias of Chalcis, who was attacking him with the +aid of Macedonian troops. Demosthenes was strongly opposed to granting +the request, but it was supported by Eubulus and Meidias, and a force +was sent under Phocion, probably early in 348 (though the chronology +has been much debated, and some place the expedition in 350 or 349). +Owing to the premature action or the treachery of Plutarchus at Tamynae +(where the Athenian army was attacked), Phocion had some difficulty in +winning a victory. Plutarchus afterwards seized a number of Athenian +soldiers, and Athens had actually to ransom them. Phocion's successor, +Molossus, was unsuccessful. When peace was made in the summer of 348, +the Euboeans became for the most part independent of Athens, and were +regarded with ill-feeling by Athens for some years. There is no proof +that the proposers of the expedition were bribed, as Demosthenes +alleges. + +§ 6. _Neoptolemus_. See Speech on Embassy, §§ 12, 315. + +§ 8. _public service_: i.e. as trierarch or choregus or gymnasiarch, +&c. See n. on Phil. I. § 36. + +§ 10. _there were some_ : i.e. Aeschines and his colleagues. (See +Introd.) + +_Thespiae and Plataeae_. See Speech for Megalopolitans, Section 4 n. + +§ 14. _self-styled Amphictyons_. The Amphictyonic Council represented +the ancient Amphictyonic League of Hellenic tribes (now differing +widely in importance, but equally represented on the Council), and was +supreme in all matters affecting the Temple of Apollo at Delphi. (See +n. on Speech on Crown, § 148.) The Council summoned by Philip was open +to criticism (1) because only certain members of it were present, of +whom the Thebans and Thessalians were the chief, (2) because Philip had +been given the vote of the dispossessed Phocians. + +§ 15. _however stupid, &c_. It had been conventional for over a century +to apply this adjective to the Boeotians, and therefore to the Thebans. +For a more favourable view, see W. Rhys Roberts, _Ancient Boeotians_, +chap. i. + +§ 16. _Oropus_. See Speech for Megalopolitans, § ii n. + +§ 18. _Argives, &c_. See Speech for Megalopolitans throughout (with +Introd.). + +_those whom they have exiled_: especially the refugees from Orchomenus +and Coroneia. See vol. i, p. 124. + +_Phocian fugitives_. The Amphictyonic Council had recently declared +that these had been guilty of sacrilege, and might be seized wherever +they might be. + +§ 20. _all that they themselves had toiled for_: i.e. the conquest of +the Phocians in the Sacred War. + +§ 22. _some persons_: i.e. Aeschines and others who tried to excuse +Philip's treatment of the Phocians to the Athenian people. + +§ 23. _admission ... Delphi_. The Phocians had formerly contrived their +exclusion from the Amphictyonic meeting and from the temple and oracle +of Delphi. The Council now restored them, and excluded the Phocians. + +§ 24. _refuse to submit_: reading [Greek: (_oud) otioun upomeinai_.] +The insertion of [Greek: _oude_] (after Cobet) seems necessary, [Greek: +_otioun upomeinai_] alone would mean 'face any risk', but this would be +contradicted by the next clause. To translate, 'who think that we +should face any risk, but do not see that the risk would be one of +war,' is to narrow the meaning of [Greek: _otioun_] unduly. + +§ 25. _Treaty of Peace_: i.e. the Peace of Philocrates. + +_Cardians_. The Athenians claimed Cardia (the key of the Chersonese on +the Thracian side) as an ally, though in fact it was expressly excluded +from the towns ceded to Athens by Cersobleptes in 357, and had made +alliance with Philip in 352. + +_prince of Caria_. See Speech for Rhodians (with Introd.). + +_drive our vessels to shore_: a regular form of ancient piracy (see +Speech on Chersonese, § 28). The Byzantines drove the Athenian +corn-ships into their own harbour. The victims were relieved of their +money or their corn. + +_shadow at Delphi_: i.e. the empty privilege (as Demosthenes here +chooses to represent it) of membership of the Amphictyonic League and +Council, now claimed by Philip. + + +THE SECOND PHILIPPIC + +§ 1. _sympathetic_: i.e. towards other Greek states, desirous of +securing independence. + +§ 2. _Alexander_, &c. Alexander of Macedon was sent by Mardonius, the +Persian commander, to offer Athens alliance with Persia on favourable +terms. Demosthenes has confused the order of events, and speaks as if +this message was brought before the battle of Salamis. The Athenians +left the city twice, before the battle of Salamis and before that of +Plataeae; it was after Salamis that Alexander was sent (Herod. viii. +140, &c.). + +§ 14. _fortify Elateia_. This would be a menace to Thebes (cf. Speech +on the Crown, §§ 174, 175). Elateia commands the road from Thermopylae +to Thebes. + +§ 19. _well-balanced_ ([Greek: _s_ophronousi_]), or 'free from +passion', i.e. not liable to be carried away by ambition or cupidity as +the Thebans were. This is different from mere 'good sense' ([Greek: +_syphronein, noun echea_]). For Theban 'stupidity', see Speech on +Peace, § 15 (and n.). + +§ 22. _Council of Ten_ ([Greek: _dekadarchian_]). It is clear that some +sort of oligarchical government, nominated by Philip, is referred to; +but the relation of this to the tetrarchies mentioned in the Speech on +the Chersonese, § 26, as established by Philip, is uncertain. These +corresponded to the four tribes or divisions of Thessaly (Thessaliotis, +Phthiotis, Pelasgiotis, Histiaeotis); and this is confirmed by a +statement in Theopompus' forty-fourth book, to which Harpocration (s.v. +[Greek: _dekadarchia_]) refers. Harpocration states that Philip did not +establish a decadarchy in Thessaly; and if he is right, then either (a) +Demosthenes purposely used an inaccurate word, in order to suggest to +the Messenians the idea of a government like that of the Councils of +Ten established some sixty years before by Sparta in the towns subject +to her; or (b) the text is wrong, and [Greek: _dekadarchian_] is a +misreading of [Greek: DARCHIAN], in which [Greek: D] was the numeral (= +4), and the whole stood for [Greek: _tetrarchian_]. As to (a), it is +difficult to suppose that the Messenians would not know what had +happened in Thessaly so well that the innuendo would fall flat. There +is no evidence that 'decadarchy' could be used simply as a synonym for +'oligarchy'. As to (b), the supposed corruption is possible; but then +we are left with [Greek: _tetrarchian_] where we should expect [Greek: +_tetrarchias_]: for there is no parallel to [Greek: _tetrarchia_] +(sing.) in the sense of 'a system of tetrarchies'. It is, however, +quite possible that Demosthenes was thinking especially of the +Thessalians of Pherae, and of the particular tetrarchy established over +them: and this seems on the whole the best solution. If, on the other +hand, Harpocration is wrong, the reference here may be to a Council of +Ten, either established previously to the tetrarchies, and superseded +by them, or else coexistent with and superior to them; in either case, +since the singular is used, this decadarchy must have been a single +government over the whole of Thessaly (or perhaps of the district about +Pherae only), not a number of Councils, one in each city or division of +Thessaly. (Theopompus' forty-fourth book probably dealt with 342 B.C., +two years after the present speech, though before the Speech on the +Chersonese; but we are not told that he assigned the establishment of +the tetrarchies to that year.) + +§ 25. _find yourselves slaves_: lit. 'find your master.' + +§ 28. _by yourselves_: i.e. in the absence of the ambassadors from +Philip and other States. + +_who conveyed the promises_: i.e. Ctesiphon, Aristodemus, and +Neoptolemus (see Speech on Embassy, §§ 12, 94, 315, &c.): but +Demosthenes has probably Aeschines also in view. + +§ 30. _water-drinker_. See Speech on Embassy, § 46. + +§ 32. _secure myself as good a hearing_. Most editions accept this +rendering of [Greek: _emaut_o logon poi_es-o_]. But though [Greek: +_logon didonai_] = 'grant a hearing,' and [Greek: _logon tychein_] = +'get a hearing,' [Greek: _logon eaut_o poiein_] is strange for 'secure +oneself a hearing', and the passage regularly quoted from the Speech +against Aristocrates, § 81, is not parallel, since [Greek: _tout_o_] in +that passage is not a reflexive pronoun, and [Greek: _logon pepoi_eke_] +almost = [Greek: _logon ded_oki_]. Possibly the text is corrupt, and we +should either read [Greek: _psogon_] (with H. Richards) or [Greek: +_emautou_] ('make you take as much account of me as of my opponents'). + +_further claim_: since an attack on the part of Demosthenes would +incite them to make out a plausible case for Philip once more, and so +earn his gratitude. + + +ON THE EMBASSY + +[The literal translation of the title is 'On the misconduct as +ambassador'.] + +§ 1. _drawing your lots_. The jurors who were to serve in each trial +were selected by lot out of the total number of jurors for the year. + +§ 2. _one of those_: i.e. Timarchus (see Introd.). + +_supremacy_. The sovereignty of the people was exercised to a great +extent through the law-courts, the jury being always large enough to be +fairly representative of popular opinion, though probably there was +generally a rather disproportionate preponderance of poorer men among +the jurors, the payment being insufficient to attract others. (See +Introduction, vol. i, pp. 18, 19, 23.) + +§ 11. _the Ten Thousand_: the General Assembly of the Arcadians at +Megalopolis. + +§ 13. _he came to me_, &c. Aeschines denies this, saying that it would +have been absurd, when he knew that Demosthenes and Philocrates had +acted together throughout (see Introd.). + +§ 16. _in the very presence_, &c.: contrast Speech on the Crown, + +§ 23 (and see n. there). Aeschines states that he was in fact replying +to inflammatory speeches made by orators who pointed to the Propylaea, +and appealed to the memory of ancestral exploits; and that he simply +urged that it was possible for the Athenians to copy the wisdom of +their forefathers without giving way to an unseasonable passion for +strife. + +§ 17. _had again acted_: i.e. as on the First Embassy, if the reading +is correct (or perhaps, 'had committed a fresh series of wrongful +acts'). But possibly [Greek: _peprhakot_on_] is right, 'had sold fresh +concessions' to Philip. + +§ 20. Aeschines replies that every one expected Philip to turn against +Thebes; and that for the rest, he was only reporting the gossip of the +Macedonian camp, where the representatives of many states were gathered +together, and not making promises at all. It is noteworthy, however, +that in the Speech on the Peace, § 10, shortly after the events in +question, when the speeches made would be fresh in every one's memory, +Demosthenes gives the same account of his opponent's assertions; and +Aeschines probably said something very like what is attributed to him. + +§ 21. _debt due to the god_: i.e. the value of the Temple-treasure of +Delphi, which the Phocians had plundered. + +§ 30. _for however contemptible_, &c. The argument seems to be this. +'You must not say that a man like Aeschines could not have brought +about such vast results. Athens may employ inferior men, but any one +who represents Athens has to deal with great affairs, and so his acts +may have great consequences. And again, although it may have been +Philip who actually ruined the Phocians, and although Aeschines could +never have done it alone, still he did his best to help.' + +§ 31. _the Town Hall_, or Prytaneum, where the Prytanes (the acting +Committee of the Council) met, and other magistrates had their offices. + +_Timagoras_ was accused (according to Xenophon) by his colleague Leon +of having conspired with Pelopidas of Thebes against the interests of +Athens, when on a mission to the court of Artaxerxes in 357. In § 137 +Demosthenes also states that he received large sums of money from +Artaxerxes. + +§ 36. Aeschines denies that he wrote the letter for Philip, and his +denial is fairly convincing. + +§ 40. _a talent_. According to Aristotle (_Eth. Nic_. v. 7) the +conventional amount payable as ransom was one mina per head. But from § +169 it appears that the Macedonians sometimes asked for more than this. + +_laudable ambition_: i.e. to get credit for having thought of the +ransom of the prisoners. + +§ 47. _handed in_: either to the Clerk or to the Proedroi (the +committee of Chairmen of the Assembly). + +§ 51. Aeschines states that Philip's invitation was declined because it +was suggested that Philip would keep the soldiers sent as hostages. + +§ 65. _on our way to Delphi_. Demosthenes had been one of the Athenian +representatives at the meeting of the Amphictyonic Council at Delphi +this year. + +_gave its vote_, &c. After the battle of Aegospotami at the end of the +Peloponnesian War, the representative of Thebes proposed to the +Spartans and their allies that Athens should be destroyed and its +inhabitants sold into slavery. + +§ 70. _read this law over_: i.e. that the herald might proclaim it +after him. + +§ 72. For the Spartans see § 76. The Phocians had treated the Athenians +badly when Proxenus was sent to Thermopylae (see Introd. to Speech on +Peace). Hegesippus may have opposed the acceptance of Philip's +invitation to the Athenians to join him. Aeschines (on the Embassy, §§ +137, 138) mentions no names in connexion with the refusal, but +represents it as the sacrifice of a unique opportunity of saving the +Phocians (cf. § 51 n.). + +§ 76. _deceit and cunning, and of nothing else_ ([Greek: _pasa +apat_e_]). The argument is, 'Aeschines will try to allege wrongful acts +on the part of the Phocians; but there was no time for such acts in the +five days; and this proves that there were no such acts to justify +their ruin, and that their overthrow was due to nothing but trickery.' +This is better than to translate '_every kind of_ deceit and trickery +was concocted for the ruin of the Phocians'; for this is not the point, +nor is it what would be inferred from the fact that there was only a +five-days' interval between the speech of Aeschines and the +capitulation of the Phocians. There is no need to emend to [Greek: _h_e +pasa apat_e_]. + +_on account of the Peace_: i.e. of the negotiations for the Peace, +before it was finally arranged. + +_all that they wished_: viz. the restoration of the Temple of Delphi to +their kinsmen, the Dorians of Mount Parnassus. + +§ 78. _four whole months_: in reality, three months and a few days. + +§ 81. _Phocian people_: i.e. those who were left in Phocis, as distinct +from the exiles just referred to. + +§ 86. _of Diophantus_. In 352, when Philip had been repulsed by +Onomarchus, Diophantus proposed that public thanksgivings should be +held (see Introd. to First Philippic). + +_of Callisthenes_: in 346, after the Phocians had surrendered to Philip. + +_the sacrifice to Heracles_: perhaps one of the two festivals which +were respectively held at Marathon and at Cynosarges. + +§ 99. _constitutional_: lit. 'an excuse for a citizen,' under a +constitution by which no one was compelled to enter public life, and +any one who did so without the requisite capacity had to take the +responsibility for his errors. + +§ 103. _impeached_. An impeachment was brought before the Council (or, +more rarely, the Assembly). The procedure was only applied to cases of +extraordinary gravity, and particularly to what would now be called +cases of treason. + +§ 114. _by torture_. The evidence of slaves might be given under +torture, in response to a challenge from one or other of the parties to +a suit. The most diverse opinions as to the value of such evidence are +expressed by the orators, according to the requirements of their case. +The consent of both sides was necessary; and in a very large number of +cases, one side or the other appears to have refused to allow evidence +to be taken in this way. + +_was going_: i.e. to Philip. + +§ 118. _accept his discharge_. There seems to be a play on two senses +of the verb [Greek: aphienai], viz. 'to discharge from the obligations +of a contract', and 'to acquit'. + +§ 120. _Why, this is the finest_, &c. The expression ([Greek: touto gar +esti to lamprhon]) recurs in § 279, a closely parallel passage, and +need not be regarded as an interpolation in either case. The +interpretation given seems slightly preferable, and is approved by +Weil. It is almost equally possible to translate the Greek by 'such is +the brilliant defence which he offers'; but perhaps this does not suit +§ 279 so well. + +_stand up_. Apparently Aeschines declined the invitation, which was +quite within the custom of the Athenian courts. Either of the principal +parties could ask the other questions, and have the answers taken down +as evidence. + +_cases that have all_, &c. The reference is to the prosecution of +Timarchus, when advanced in age, for offences committed in early youth. +There may also be an allusion to Aeschines' early career as an actor. + +§ 122. _declined on oath_. An elected official could refuse to serve, +if he took an oath that there was some good reason (such as illness) +for excusing him. + +§ 126. _though not elected_. Aeschines (on the Embassy, § 94) replies +that in fact the commission was renewed at a second meeting of the +Assembly, and that he was then well enough to go and was elected. (That +there was a second election of ambassadors is confirmed by Demosthenes' +own statement in § 172 of the present speech, that he himself was twice +elected and twice refused to serve.) + +§ 128. _Thesmothetae_: the six archons who did not hold the special +offices of archon eponymus, polemarch, or king archon. + +_Aeschines went_, &c. To have refused to be present would really have +been to make a political demonstration against Thebes, which would have +had perilous results. Aeschines defends himself on the ground that in +his view the Peace was no disadvantage to Athens, so that he might well +join in the honours paid to the Gods. + +§ 129. _Metroon_. The temple of the Great Mother (Cybele), which was +the Athenian record-office. + +_the name of Aeschines_: i.e. its removal from the list of ambassadors. + +§ 131. _in their interest_. If the words are not corrupt, the meaning +is probably 'in the interest of Philip and the Thebans'; or possibly, +'in reference to these matters.' + +§ 136. _as his informant_. The text is possibly corrupt, though as it +stands it might perhaps bear the meaning given, if [Greek: hyparchei] +were understood with [Greek: autos]. Others (with or without +emendation) take the sense to be 'to manage his business ... just as he +would manage it in person '. + +§ 137. For Timagoras see § 31 n. + +§ 144. _summon Philip's envoys_: i.e. in order to report the decision +of the Assembly, and so close the matter. + +§ 147. _ask him whether_, &c. The argument seems to be this 'if +Aeschines was the ambassador of a city which had been victorious +against Philip, the latter would naturally wish to buy easy terms of +peace; and Aeschines might undertake to procure such terms, without +committing a particularly heinous offence, since he would only be +getting some advantage for himself out of the general good fortune of +his country. But to secure advantages for himself at his country's +expense, when his country was already suffering disaster, would be far +worse. And as Aeschines complains that the generals had incurred +disaster, he convicts himself of the worse offence.' + +§ 148. The _Tilphossaeum_ was apparently a mountain near Lake Copais in +Boeotia. The town which Strabo calls Tilphusium may have been on the +mountain. Neones, or Neon, was a Phocian village; Hedyleion, a mountain +in Boeotia. + +§ 149. _Ah! he will say_, &c. Either the words are interpolated, or +there is a lacuna. The objection is nowhere refuted. + +§ 156. Doriscus, &c. The places mentioned did not really belong to +Athens, but to Cersobleptes, who was being assisted by Athenian troops, +so that, strictly speaking, Philip was within his rights; and in fact +(according to Aeschines), Cersobleptes and the Sacred Mountain were +taken by Philip the day before the Athenians and their allies swore to +the Peace at Athens. + +§ 162. _Eucleides_ had been sent to protest against Philip's attack +upon Cersobleptes in 346 (see vol. i, p. 122). Philip replied that he +had not yet been officially informed by the Athenian ambassadors of the +conclusion of the Peace, and was therefore not yet bound by it. + +§ 166. _procure their ransom_: i.e. from the various Macedonians who +had captured them, or to whom they had been given or sold. + +§ 176. _committed to writing_, &c. Formal evidence (as distinct from +the mere assertions of a speaker) was written down, and the witness was +asked to swear to it. A witness who was called upon might swear that he +had no knowledge of the matter in question ([Greek: _exomnysthai_]). By +writing down his evidence and swearing to it, Demosthenes took the risk +of prosecution for perjury. + +§ 180. _might be proved in countless ways_: or 'would need a speech of +infinite length '. But as [Greek: _kai_] and not [Greek: _de_] follows, +I slightly prefer the former rendering. (The latter is supported by the +Third Philippic, § 60, but there the next clause is connected by +[Greek: _de_].) + +_Ergophilus_ was heavily fined in 362 (see Speech against Aristocrates, +§ 104); Cephisodotus in 358 (ibid. § 167, and Aeschines against +Ctesiphon, § 52); Timomachus went into exile in 360 to escape +condemnation (against Aristocrates, § 115, &c.). Ergocles was perhaps +the friend of Thrasybulas (see Lysias, Orations xxviii, xxix), and may +have been condemned for his conduct in Thrace, as well as for +malversation at Halicarnassus. Dionysius is unknown. + +§ 187. _has got beyond_, &c.: an ironical way of saying that he has so +much overdone his application to himself of the title of (prospective) +'benefactor' of Athens, that another word (e.g. 'deceiver') would be +more appropriate. The word [Greek: _psychrhon_] is (at least by Greek +literary critics) applied to strong expressions out of place, and here +also, probably, of an exaggerated phrase which falls flat. This is +perhaps the best interpretation of a very difficult passage. + +§ 191. For Timagoras, see § 31 n. Tharrex and Smicythus are unknown. +Adeimantus was one of the generals at Aegospotami, the only Athenian +prisoner spared by Lysander, and on that account suspected of treason +by the Athenians, and prosecuted by Conon (called 'the elder', to +distinguish him from his grandson, who was a contemporary of +Demosthenes). + +§ 194. guest-friend. The term ([Greek: xenos]) was applied to the +relationship (more formal than that of simple friendship) between +citizens of different states, who were bound together by ties of +hospitality and mutual goodwill. + +§ 196. _the Thirty_: i.e. the 'Thirty Tyrants' who ruled Athens (with +the support of Sparta) for a few months in 403. See n. on § 277. + +§ 198. Aeschines warmly denies this story. He says that Demosthenes +tried to bribe Aristophanes of Olynthus to swear that it was true, and +that the woman was his own wife. He adds that the jury, on an appeal +from Eubulus, refused to let Demosthenes complete the story. + +§ 199. _initiations_: see Speech on Crown, §§ 259 ff., with notes. + +§ 200. _played the rogue_. The scholiast says that clerks were +sometimes bribed to alter the laws and decrees which they read to the +Court; and a magistrates' clerk had doubtless plenty of opportunities +for conniving at petty frauds. + +§ 204. _should not have been sworn to_. This is out of chronological +order as it stands, and emendations have been proposed, but +unnecessarily. + +§ 209. _would not have him for your representative_: in the question +about Athenian rights at Delos. See Introduction to the Speech. + +§ 213. _I have no further time, &c_.: lit. 'no one will pour water for +me' into the water-clock, by which all trials were regulated. + +§ 221. _consider_, &c. There is an anacoluthon in the Greek, which may +be literally translated, 'Consider, if, where I who am absolutely +guiltless was afraid of being ruined by them--what ought these men +themselves, the actual criminals, to suffer?' + +§ 222. _get money out of you_: i.e. to be bought off. + +§ 230. _choregus and trierarch_: see Introd. to Speech on Naval Boards, +and n. on Philippic I. § 36. + +§ 231. _all was well_ ([Greek: eupenespai]). The reading is almost +certainly wrong. Weil rightly demands some word contrasting with +[Greek: agnoein] ('did not understand his country') in the +corresponding clause. + +§ 237. _vase-cases_: i.e. boxes to contain bottles of oil or perfume +for toilet use. + +§ 245. _the cock-pit_. That this is the meaning seems to be proved by +the words of Aeschines (against Timarchus, § 53); otherwise the natural +translation would be 'to the bird-market'. Cocks were no doubt sold in +the bird-market; but Aeschines refers directly to cock-fighting, not to +the purchase of the birds. + +§ 246. _hack-writers_: lit. 'speech-writers,' who composed speeches for +litigants, and no doubt padded them out with quotations from poets, as +well as with rhetorical commonplaces. Demosthenes taunts Aeschines +particularly with ransacking unfamiliar plays, instead of those he knew +well. + +§ 249. _reared up... greatness_: or possibly, 'reared up all these sons +of hers.' + +_Hero-Physician_. See Speech on the Crown, § 129 n. + +_Round Chamber_, in the Prytaneum or Town Hall (see § 31 n.). + +§ 252. _at the risk of his own life_. He tried to avoid the risk by +feigning madness. Salamis was in the hands of the Megareans, and the +Athenians had become so weary of their unsuccessful attempts to recover +it, that they decreed the penalty of death upon any one who proposed to +make a fresh attempt. The verses, however, which are quoted in the +text, are probably derived not from the poem which Solon composed for +this purpose, but from another of his political poems. + +§ 255. _with a cap on your head_. Plutarch (Solon 82 c) says that +'Solon burst into the market-place suddenly, with a cap on his head'. +The cap was intended to suggest that he had just returned from Salamis, +since it was the custom to wear a cap only when on a journey, or in +case of illness (of. Plato, _Republic_, iii. 406_d_). There may +possibly be an allusion also to Aeschines' own alleged sickness (§ 136 +above), but this is very doubtful. The words more probably mean, +'however closely you copy Solon' (as you copied his attitude in +speaking), 'when you run about declaiming against me.' + +§ 257. _accepted the challenge_. At the examination before the Board of +Auditors (Logistae) the question was almost certainly put, whether any +one present wished to challenge the report of the ambassador under +examination. + +§ 259. _claim_ ([Greek: axioumenoi]): or, 'are thought worthy'; but the +first sense is much better in the parallel passage in § 295, and this +'middle' use seems to be sufficiently attested, though the active voice +is used in the same sense in § 338. + +§ 260. _paramount position_: i.e. among the tribes of North Greece +(Magnetes, Perrhaebi, &c.). + +§ 264. _concluded the war, &c_. In 383 B.C. In fact, however, they only +obtained peace by joining the Spartan alliance. + +§ 271. _Arthmius_: see Philippic III. § 42 (and note). + +§ 273. _Callias_, in 444 B.C. Cf. Speech for the Rhodians, § 29. The +Chelidonian Islands lay off the south coast of Lycia, the Cyanean rocks +at the northern mouth of the Bosporus. + +§ 277. _Epicrates_ was sent as ambassador to Persia early in the fourth +century, and received large presents. According to Plutarch he escaped +condemnation; but he may have been tried more than once. The comic +poets make fun of his long beard. + +_who brought the people back from the Peiraeus_. Thrasybulus occupied +the Peiraeus in 403, secured the expulsion of the Thirty Tyrants from +Athens, and restored the democracy. + +§ 278. _the decree_: i.e. the decree by which Epicrates and his +colleagues were condemned. + +§ 279. _for this is the splendid thing_: cf. § 120 n. + +§ 280. _exiled_ and _punished_. We should perhaps (with Weil) read +[Greek: _e] ('or') for [Greek: kai] ('and'). + +_descendant of Harmodius_: i.e. Proxenus, who had been only recently +condemned, and is therefore not named. + +§ 281. _another priestess_. According to the scholiast, the reference +is to Ninus, a priestess of Sabazios, who was prosecuted by Menecles +for making love-potions for young men. The connexion of this offence +with the meetings of the initiated is left to be understood. + +§ 282. _the burden undertaken_. Such burdens as the duties of choregus, +trierarch, &c., might be voluntarily undertaken, as they were by +Demosthenes (see n. on Philippic I. § 36). + +§ 287. _Cyrebion_, or 'Light-as-Chaff', was the nickname of Epicrates, +Aeschines' brother-in-law (not the Epicrates of § 277). _as a +reveller_, no doubt in some Dionysiac revel, in which it was not +considered decent to take part without a mask. (The original purpose of +masks, however, was not to conceal one's identity from motives of +shame, though Demosthenes suggests it as a motive here.) + +_were water flowing upstream_. A half-proverbial expression implying +that the world was being turned upside-down, when such a person could +prosecute for such offences. + +§ 290. _Hegesilaus_ was one of the generals sent to Euboea to help +Plutarchus; cf. Speech on the Peace, § 5 n. He was accused of abetting +Plutarchus in the deception which he practised upon Athens. For +Thrasybulus, cf. § 277. + +_the primary question_: i.e. of the guilt or innocence of the +defendant. If he was pronounced guilty, the question of sentence (or +damages) had to be argued and decided separately. + +§ 295. _claim to be_: cf. n. on § 259. + +_churning the butter_ ([Greek: etyrheue]): i.e. concocting the plot. +(For the metaphor cf. Aristophanes, _Knights_ 479.) + +§ 299. _Zeus and Dione_. These names show that the oracles referred to +were probably given at Dodona. + +§ 303. _oath of the young soldiers_. When the young Athenian came of +age, he received a shield and spear in the temple of Aglaurus, and +swore to defend his country and to uphold its constitution (cf. +Lycurgus, _Against Leocrates_, § 76). + +§ 314. _keeping step with Pythocles_, who was a tall man, while +Aeschines was short. + +§ 326. _Drymus and Panactum_ were on the border between Boeotia and +Attica. Nothing else is known of the expedition. + +§ 332. _Chares_. See nn. on Philippic I. §§ 24, 46; Olynthiac II. § 28, +and Introductions. + +§ 333. _of one of whom_, &c.: i.e. of Philip (see § 111 ff., and +Introd. to Speech on the Peace). + +§ 342. _Euthycrates_. See Introd. to Olynthiacs. + + +ON THE CHERSONESE + +§ 9. The argument is, 'if Philip is not committing hostilities so long +as he keeps away from Attica, Diopeithes is not doing so, so long as he +keeps away from Macedonia, and only operates in Thrace.' + +_drive the vessels_, &c. See Speech on the Peace, § 25 n. + +§ 14. _passing the time_: i.e. until a convenient season for an attack +arrives. + +_those who are on the spot_: i.e. in Thrace, and who had doubtless sent +messages to Athens. Others think that the words mean 'those who are +here from Thrace'. + +_Etesian winds_. See First Philippic, § 31 n. + +_infatuation_: i.e. hostility to Athens. + +§ 16. _punish the settlers_: i.e. those who were sent with Diopeithes +and demanded admission to Cardia. + +§ 18. _Chalcis_, in Euboea (see Introd.). + +§ 21. _keep our hands ... revenues_: a reference to the distributions +of Festival-Money (see Third Olynthiac, with Introduction and notes). + +_contributions of the allies_. This interpretation seems on the whole +better warranted than 'contributions promised to Diopeithes'. + +§ 24. _I consent to any penalty_: lit. *'I assess my own penalty at +anything'--a metaphor from the practice of the law-courts, which +allowed a convicted prisoner to propose an alternative penalty to that +suggested by the prosecutor. + +_Erythraeans_: Erythrae was on the coast of Asia Minor, opposite Chios. + +§ 25. _benevolences_: the same word as was used of the forced +contributions levied by English kings. + +§ 27. _surrendering_: i.e. to his soldiers, to be plundered (if the +phrase is meant to convey anything but a vague accusation). + +§ 28. _wax-tablet_: i.e. a summons. + +_so many ships_. The critics of Diopeithes must have proposed the +sending of a definite force to control him. + +§ 29. _a dispatch-boat_: lit. 'the _Paralus_'. This ship, and the +_Salaminia_, were the two vessels regularly employed on public errands. + +_spitefulness_: i.e. towards Diopeithes. + +§ 30. _Chares_: see references in n. on Speech on Embassy, § 332. + +_Aristophon_. The reference may be to his conduct as general in the +early days of the war with Philip about Amphipolis. His activity as a +statesman began as far back as 403, and he was one of the most +influential politicians in Athens from about 361 to 354. + +§ 31. _losing something_: _sc_. a scapegoat whom you could punish. + +§ 40. _Euthycrates_, &c. See Introd. to Olynthiacs. + +§ 44. _wretched hamlets_ ([Greek: kak_on]): lit. 'evils' or 'miseries'; +but the word is possibly corrupt. (The original reading may possibly +have been [Greek: kalyb_on].) According to the scholiast, Drongilum and +Cabyle are near Amphipolis and the Strymon; but others assign different +localities to them. Masteira is quite unknown. + +§ 45. _pit of destruction_ ([Greek: barhathrh_o]). This was literally +the pit into which the bodies of condemned criminals were thrown at +Athens. + +_silos_: underground store-houses for grain, such as were found in Ceos +not many years ago, and may still be in use. + +§ 46. _irremediable_ ([Greek: an_ekeston]). The reading of two good +manuscripts [Greek: aneikaston] (otherwise only known as a late Greek +word) may be correct. If so, it may mean 'unparalleled', or +'inexplicable'. + +§ 57. The meaning is, that by denouncing those who propose active +measures now, they are preparing the way in order to prosecute them so +soon as you find the war burdensome; whereas they should themselves be +prosecuted for letting things go as far as they have gone. + +§ 59. _Oreus_. See Introd. + +_Pheraeans_, in 344. See Introd. to Second Philippic; and cf. Third +Philippic, § 12. + +_compromise_. Slavery seems to be ironically regarded as a compromise +between activity and quiescence. + +§ 63. _robbed of at an earlier period_. The sense must either be this, +or else 'all that you have lost in open war '. In either case +emendation is required. + +§ 70. _trierarch and choregus_. Demosthenes was choregus in 348, and +trierarch in 363, 359, and 357. + +§ 74. _Timotheus_: in 358, when Athens liberated Euboea from the +Thebans. Cf. First Philippic, § 17, First Olynthiac, § 8. The effect of +Timotheus' speech was such that the expedition started within three +days. (Speech against Androtion, § 14.) + +§ 75. _best counsel that he can_. The text is probably corrupt; but +this was probably the sense of the original. + + +THE THIRD PHILIPPIC + +§ 2. _actively at work_: the reference is to Diopeithes (see Speech on +Chersonese, § 57). + +§§ 4, 5. Passages are repeated from the Speech on the Chersonese, § 4, +and First Philippic, § 2. + +§ 8. _not to defraud us_: i.e. by making statements which he is not +prepared to act upon. + +§ 11. _as though visiting his allies_. This is not true, though envoys +from the Phocians, as from most other Greek states of importance, were +in Philip's camp. With the whole passage, cf. Speech on Embassy, §§ 20 +ff. + +§ 12. _Pherae_. See Speech on Chersonese, § 59 n. For Oreus see Introd. +to Speech on Chersonese, and § 33 and 59 ff. of this Speech. + +§ 15. _Serrhium, &c_. See Introd. to Speech on Peace. + +_he had sworn to a Peace_. This is untrue; see Speech on Embassy, § +156, where it is part of the charge against Aeschines' party, that they +had enabled Philip to take these places _before_ he had sworn to the +Peace. + +§16. _religion_: with special reference here to the sanctity of the +oath. + +_into the Chersonese_: i.e. to help Cardia. The claim of Athens to +Cardia was not good, and it appears from the Speech of Hegesippus +against Halonnesus, § 2, that the Athenians had recognized the +independence of the town. + +§ 18. _if anything should happen_: e.g. the outbreak of open war, or +(more probably) a defeat. + +§ 23. _seventy-three years_: i.e. 476-404 B. c. + +_thirty years save one_: i.e. 404-376 B.C. (in the latter year Chabrias +defeated the Spartans off Naxos). + +_battle of Leucira_: in 371 B.C. + +§ 24. _disturb the established order_: i.e. by establishing +oligarchical governments in place of democracy. + +§ 26. _in the Thracian region_: strictly, in Chalcidice and the +neighbourhood. See Introd. to Olynthiacs. + +_robbed their very cities of their governments_. This is preferable to +the (grammatically) equally possible rendering, 'robbed them of their +constitutions and their cities,' as it suits the facts better. Philip +seems to have substituted tetrarchies for separate city-states. (See +Speech on Chersonese, §26, and Second Philippic, § 22 n.) + +§ 27. _Ambracia_. See Introd. to Speech on Chersonese. _Elis_: Introd. +to Speech on Embassy. _Megara_: Speech on Embassy, §§ 294, 295. + +§ 32. _Pythian games_. See Introd. to Speech on Peace. In 342 Philip +sent a deputy to preside in his name. + +§§ 33, 34. See Introd. to Speech on Chersonese. Echinus was a Theban +colony in Thessaly, on the north coast of the Malian Gulf. + +§ 42. _Arthmius_, &c. (cf. Speech on Embassy, §271). Zeleia was in the +Troad, near Cyzicus. Arthmius was apparently proxenus of Athens at +Zeleia, and as such had probably certain rights at Athens, of which the +decree deprived him; so that Demosthenes' remarks at the beginning of +§44 are slightly misleading. + +§ 46. At the end of this section two versions are imperfectly blended, +and it does not appear what were the contents of the document. Some +suppose that the insertion 'He reads from the document' is an early +conjectural interpolation. + +§ 49. _because be leads_, &c. Philip did, in fact, bring the Macedonian +heavy infantry to great perfection for the purposes of a pitched +battle, though the decisive action was generally that of the cavalry. +But the other troops which Demosthenes names would enable him to +execute rapid movements with success. The use of light-armed troops had +already been developed by the Athenian general, Iphicrates. + +§ 50. _with such advantages_: lit. 'under these conditions' (_not_ 'to +crown all', nor 'at the head of these troops'). + +§ 52. Contrast Speech on Naval Boards, Section 9. + +§§ 57 ff. See Introd. to Speech on Embassy. + +§ 59. Euphraeus had been a disciple of Plato, and an adviser of +Perdiccas, Philip's elder brother. It was he who recommended Perdiccas +to entrust the government of part of Macedonia to Philip, whom he +afterwards so strongly opposed. + +§ 72. _embassies_. See Introd. to Speech on Chersonese. + + +ON THE CROWN + +§ 1. _to take counsel_, &c. Aeschines had asked the jury to refuse +Demosthenes a hearing, or at least to require him to follow the same +order of treatment as himself. + +§ 3. _unpleasant_. Many render [Greek: duocheres] 'inauspicious', +'ill-omened'; but as we do not know exactly what was in Demosthenes' +mind, it is better not to give the word a meaning which it does not +bear elsewhere. It may, however, mean 'vexatious'. + +§ 11. _knave as you are_, &c. The assonance of the original might +perhaps be partly reproduced by rendering 'evil-minded as you are, it +was yet a very simple-minded idea that your mind conceived', &c. + +§ 12. _it does not enable the State_: lit. 'it is not possible for the +State.' The point is that the prosecution of Ctesiphon, while +expressing the malice of Aeschines towards Demosthenes, does not enable +the State to punish Demosthenes himself for his alleged offences, since +any penalty inflicted would fall on Ctesiphon. + +§ 13. _to debar another_, &c. This probably refers to the attempt to +deprive Demosthenes of a hearing, not (as some have thought) to the +attempt to get so heavy a fine inflicted upon Ctesiphon that he would +be unable to pay it, and would therefore lose his rights as a citizen. + +§ 17. _ascribed to me_, &c. Aeschines was anxious, in view of the +existing state of feeling at Athens, to disown his part in connexion +with the Peace of Philocrates; while Demosthenes undoubtedly assisted +Philocrates in the earlier of the negotiations and discussions which +led to the Peace. + +_appropriate_. 'The recapitulation of the history is not a mere +argumentative necessity, but has a moral fitness also; in fact, the +whole defence of Demosthenes resolves itself into a proof that he only +acted in the spirit of Athenian history' (Simcox). + +§ 18. _When the Phocian war bad broken out_: i.e. in 356-5. Demosthenes +made his first speech in the Assembly in 354. + +_those who detested the Spartans_: i.e. the Messenians and Arcadians. + +_those who had previously governed_, &c.: e.g. the oligarchies which +had governed with the help of Sparta in Phlius and Mantinea, and were +overthrown after the battle of Leuctra. + +§ 19. _would be forced_, &c. This is a misrepresentation, since Philip +and the Thebans had been in alliance for some time, and Thebes had no +such grounds for apprehending evil from Philip, as would make her apply +to Athens. + +§ 21. _Aristodemus_, &c. See Introd. to Speech on the Peace. As a +matter of fact, Demosthenes acted with Philocrates at least down to the +return of the First Embassy, and himself proposed to crown Aristodemus +for his services (Aeschines, On the Embassy, §§ 15-17). + +§ 23. _the Hellenes bad all_, &c. It is not easy to reconcile this +passage with § 16 of the Speech on the Embassy, from which it appears +that representatives of other states were present in Athens; but these +so-called envoys may have been private visitors, and in any case there +was no real hope of uniting Greece against Philip. + +§ 24. _Eurybatus_ is said to have been sent as an envoy by Croesus to +Cyrus, and to have turned traitor. The name came to be proverbial. + +§ 27. _those strongholds_. See Introd. to Speech on the Peace. + +§ 28. _But they would have watched_, &c. The passage has been taken in +several ways: (1) 'They would have had to watch,' &c., and this would +have been discreditable to Athens; (2) 'They would have watched,' &c., +i.e. they would not have been excluded, as you desired, in any case; +(3) 'But, you say, they would have paid two obols apiece,' and the city +would have gained this. The sentence which follows favours (3), but +perhaps (2) is best. The petty interests of the city would include +(from the point of view assumed by Aeschines) the abstention from +showing civility to the enemy's envoys. The two-obol (threepenny) seats +were the cheapest. + +§ 30. _three whole months_. In fact the ambassadors were only absent +from Athens about ten weeks altogether. + +_equally well_. The reading ([Greek: homoios]) is probably wrong; but +if it is right, this must be the meaning. + +§ 32. _as you did before_, in 352. See Introd. to First Philippic. + +§ 36. _decree of Callisthenes_. This ordered the bringing in of effects +from the country. See Speech on Embassy, §§ 86, 125. + +§ 41. _property in Boeotia_. See Speech on Embassy, § 145. + +§ 43. _their hopes_: sc. of the humiliation of Thebes. + +_and gladly_: i.e. they were glad to be free from a danger which +(though remotely) threatened themselves, as the next sentence explains. +I can see no good reason for taking the participle [Greek: +polemoumenoi] as concessive ('_although_ they also,' &c.). + +§ 48. For Lasthenes see Introd. to Olynthiacs. Timolaus probably +contrived the surrender of Thebes after the battle of Chaeroneia. +Eudicus is unknown. Simus invoked Philip's aid against the tyrants at +Pherae in 352 (see Introd, to First Philippic). Aristratus was tyrant +of Sicyon, and made alliance with Philip in 338. For Perillus, see +Speech on Embassy, Section 295. + +§ 50. _stale dregs_: strictly the remains, and especially the wine left +in the cups, from the previous night's feast; here the long-admitted +responsibility of Aeschines for the Peace of 346. + +§ 63. _Dolopes_: a small tribe living to the south-west of Thessaly. + +§ 65. _free constitutions_. This refers especially to the Thessalians, +who had been placed under tetrarchies (see Philippic III. § 26). + +§ 70. _Aristophon_. See Speech on Chersonese, § 30 n. Diopeithes is +perhaps Diopeithes of Sphettus (mentioned by Hypereides, Speech against +Euxenippus, § 39), not the general sent by Athens to the Chersonese. + +§ 71. For the events mentioned in this section, see Introd. to Speech +on the Embassy. + +§ 72. _Mysian booty_. A proverbial expression derived from the helpless +condition of Mysia (according to legend) in the absence of its king, +Telephus. + +§ 79. _to the Peloponnese_, in 344 (see Introd. to Second Philippic): +_to Euboea_ in 343-2 (see Introd. to Speech on Embassy); _to Oreus_, +&c., in 341 (see Introd. to this Speech). + +§ 82. _as their patron_, i.e. as consul (or official patron) of Oreus +in Athens. See n. on Speech for Rhodians, § 15. civil rights. See vol. +i, p. 52. + +§ 83. _this was already the second proclamation_: i.e. the proclamation +in accordance with the decree of Aristonicus. It is indeed just +possible that the reference is to the proposal of Ctesiphon, 'for this +is now the second proclamation,' &c. If so, we should have to assume +that the proclamation under the decree of Demomeles in 338 was +prevented by the disaster of Chaeroneia. But the first sentence of § +120 is against this (see Goodwin's edition _ad loc_.). + +§ 94. _inconsiderate conduct_: i.e. in joining the revolt of the +Athenian allies in 356. + +§ 96. _when the Spartans_, &c. The section refers to the events of 395. + +_Deceleian War_: i.e. the last part of the Peloponnesian War (413-404 +B.C.), when Deceleia (in Attica) was occupied by the Spartans. + +§ 99. _Thebans... Euboea_: in 358 or 357. See Speech for +Megalopolitans, § 14 n. + +§ 100. _Oropus_. See Speech for Megalopolitans, Section 11 n. + +_I was one_. Demosthenes was, in fact, co-trierarch with Philinus +(Speech against Meidias, § 161). + +§ 102. See Speech on Naval Boards (with Introd. and notes), and n. on +Olynthiac II, § 29. + +_obtaining exemption_. The undertaking of the trierarchy conferred +exemption from other burdens for the year, and (conversely) no one +responsible for another public burden need be trierarch. The leaders of +the Taxation Boards referred to in § 103 are probably not (as generally +supposed) the richest men in the _Naval_ Boards [Footnote: They may +indeed have been so, but it was in virtue of their function as leading +members of the Hundred Boards (for collecting the war tax) that they +were grouped together as the Three Hundred.] (responsible for +trierarchy), but those in the Hundred Boards responsible for the war +tax. In each of these Boards there was a leader, a 'second', and a +'third', and these, all together, are almost certainly identical with +the 'Three Hundred' responsible for advancing the sum due. When these +were already advancing the war tax, they became exempt from trierarchy, +and their poorer colleagues in the Naval Boards (to which of course +they also belonged) had to bear the burden without them. But under +Demosthenes' law the trierarchic payment was required from all alike, +in strict proportion to their valuation as entered for the purposes of +the war tax; and the Three Hundred (the leaders, seconds, and thirds) +were no longer exempted. (This explains their anxiety to get the law +shelved.) Even in years when they were not exempt, before Demosthenes' +law was passed, they only paid a very small share in proportion to +their wealth, since all the members of each Naval Board paid the same +sum. It appears, however, that (though the Three Hundred as such cannot +be shown to have had any office in connexion with the trierarchy) the +richer men in the Naval Boards arranged the contracts for the work of +equipment, and that when they had contracted that the work should be +done (e.g.) for a talent, they sometimes recovered the whole talent +from their poorer colleagues. (Speech against Meidias, § 155.) + +§ 103. _lie under sworn notice_, &c. ([Greek: en hupomosia]). One who +intended to indict the proposer of a law for illegality had probably to +give sworn notice of his intention, and the suggestion made to +Demosthenes was that when such notice had been given, he should let the +law drop. + +§ 105. _the decree_, &c.: i.e. either a decree suspending the law until +the indictment should be heard, or one ordering the trial on the +indictment to be held. + +§ 107. _no trierarch_, &c. A trierarch who thought the burden too heavy +for him could appeal against it by laying a branch on the altar in the +Pnyx, or by taking sanctuary in the Temple of Artemis at Munychia. A +dilatory or recalcitrant trierarch could be arrested by order of the +ten commissioners ([Greek: apostuleis]) who constituted a sort of +Admiralty Board. + +§ 111. _the laws_, &c. The laws alleged to have been violated were +copied out, and accompanied the indictment. With regard to the laws in +the present case, see Goodwin's edition, pp. 313-6. + +§ 114. _Nausides_ was sent to oppose Philip at Thermopylae in 352 (see +Introd. to First Philippic). Diotimus had a command at sea in 338, and +his surrender was demanded by Alexander in 335, as was also that of +Charidernus (see n. on Olynthiac III, § 5), who had now been a regular +Athenian general for many years, and had been sent to assist Byzantium +in 340 (see Speech against Aristocrates, _passim_). + +§ 121. _hellebore_: supposed in antiquity to cure madness. + +§ 122. _reveller on a cart_, e.g. on the second day of the Anthesteria, +when masked revellers rode in wagons and assailed the bystanders with +abusive language. Such ceremonial abuse was perhaps originally supposed +to have power to avert evil, and occurs in primitive ritual all over +the world. + +§ 125. _the statutable limit_. There was a limit of time (differing +according to the alleged offence) after which no action could be +brought. Demosthenes could not now be prosecuted for any of the +offences with which Aeschines charged him. + +§ 127. _Aeacus_, &c.: the judges of the dead in Hades, according to +popular legend. + +_scandal-monger_. The Greek word ([Greek: spermologos]) is used +primarily of a small bird that pecks up seeds, and hence of a person +who picks up petty gossip. (In Acts xvii. 18 it is the word which is +applied to St. Paul, and translated 'this babbler'.) + +_an old band in the market-place_: i.e. a rogue. A clerk would perhaps +often be found in the offices about the market-place; or the reference +may be to the market-place as a centre of gossip. + +_O Earth_, &c. Demosthenes quotes from the peroration of Aeschines' +speech. + +§ 129. The stories which Demosthenes retails in these sections deal +with a time which must have been forty or fifty years before the date +of this speech, and probably contain little truth, beyond the facts +that Aeschines' father was a schoolmaster (not a slave), and was +assisted by Aeschines himself; and that his mother was priestess of a +'thiasos' or voluntary association of worshippers of Dionysus-Sabazios, +among whose ceremonies was doubtless one symbolizing a marriage or +mystical union between the god and his worshippers. (Whether the form +of 'sacred marriage' which was originally intended to promote the +fertility of the ground by 'sympathetic magic' entered into the ritual +of Sabazios is doubtful.) Such a rite, though probably in fact quite +innocent, gave rise to suspicions, of which Demosthenes takes full +advantage; and the fact that well-known courtesans (such as Phryne and +perhaps Ninus) sometimes organized such 'mysteries' would lend colour +to the suspicions. + +_Hero of the Lancet_ ([Greek: to kalamit_e aer_oi]). The interpretation +is very uncertain (see Goodwin, pp. 339 ff.); and, according as [Greek: +kalamos] is taken in the sense of 'lancet', 'splints', or 'bow', +editors render the phrase 'hero of the lancet', 'hero of the splints', +'archer-hero' (identified by some with Toxaris, the Scythian physician, +whose arrival in Athens in Solon's time is described in Lucian's +[Greek: Skuth_es ae Proxenos]). That the Hero was a physician is shown +by the Speech on the Embassy, § 249. + +§ 130. _for they were not like_, &c. ([Greek: ouge gar h_onetuchen _en, +all ois hu daemos kataratai]). The meaning is quite uncertain. The most +likely interpretations are: (1) that given in the text, [Greek: a +bebioken] being understood as the subject of [Greek: _en], and [Greek: +_on etuchen] as = [Greek: tout_on a etuchen], i.e. 'not belonging to +the class of acts which were such as chance made them,' but acts of a +quite definite kind, viz. the kind which the People curses (through the +mouth of the herald at each meeting of the Assembly); (2) 'for he was +not of ordinary parents, but of such as the People curses'; the subject +of [Greek: _en] being Aeschines. But there is the difficulty that, with +this subject for [Greek: _en, _on etuchen] can only represent [Greek: +tout_on _on etuchen _on], whereas the sense required is [Greek: tout_on +oi etuchon], or (the regular idiom) [Greek: t_on tuchunt_on]; and the +sense is not so good, for the context [Greek: opse gar]) shows that the +clause ought to refer to the _acts_ of Aeschines about which he is +going to speak, not to his parentage, which the orator has done with. + +_Glaucothea_. Her real name is said to have been Glaucis. Glaucothea +was the name of a sea-nymph. The change of the father's name Tromes +('Trembler') to Atrometus ('Dauntless') would also betoken a rise in +the world. + +_Empusa_, or 'The Foul Phantom': a female demon capable of assuming any +shape. Obscene ideas were sometimes associated with her. + +§ 132. For Antiphon, see Introd. to Speech on the Embassy. + +_struck off the list_: at the revision of the lists in 346. (Each deme +revised the list of its own members, subject to an appeal to the +courts.) + +_without a decree_: i.e. a decree authorizing a domiciliary visit. + +§ 134. _when ... you elected him_. See Introd. to Speech on the Embassy. + +_from the altar_: a peculiarly solemn form of voting; it is mentioned +in the Speech against Macartatus, § 14. + +§ 136. _when Philip sent_, &c. See Introd. to Speech on the Embassy. + +§ 137. The ostensible purpose of Anaxinus' visit was to make purchases +for Olympias, Philip's wife. Aeschines states that Anaxinus had once +been Demosthenes' own host at Oreus. + +§ 141. _paternal deity_: as father of Ion, the legendary ancestor of +the Ionians, and so of the Athenians. + +§ 143. _and of one_, &c. I have followed the general consensus of +recent editors; but I do not feel at all sure that the antecedent of +[Greek: us] is not [Greek: polemos]. In that case we should translate, +'which led to Philip's coming to Elateia and being chosen commander of +the Amphictyons, and which overthrew,' &c. + +§ 146. _nature of the resources_, &c.: i.e. especially the possession +by Athens of a strong fleet. + +§ 148. _representatives on the Council_. The Amphictyonic Council was +composed of two representatives (Hieromnemones) from each of twelve +primitive tribes, of which the Thessalians, the Boeotians, the Ionians +(one of whose members was appointed by Athens), and the Dorians (one +member appointed by Sparta) were the chief, while some of the tribes +were now very obscure. There were also present delegates (Pylagori) +from various towns. These were not members of the Council, and had no +vote, but might speak. Athens sent three such delegates to each +meeting. (See Goodwin, pp. 338, 339.) + +§ 150. _make the circuit_, or 'beat the bounds'. The actual proceedings +(according to Aeschines' account, summarized in the Introd. to this +Speech) were much more violent. + +_It was clearly impossible_, &c. The argument is unconvincing. +Aeschines may have known of the intention of the Locrians without their +having served a formal summons. + +§ 158. _one man_: i.e. Philip. + +§ 169. _the Prytanes_: the acting Committee of the Council. + +_set fire to the wicker-work_: i.e. probably the hurdles, &c., of which +the booths were partly composed. Probably a bonfire was a +well-understood form of summons to an Assembly called in an emergency. + +_the draft-resolution_. See Introd., vol. i, p. 18. + +_on the hill-side_: i.e. on the Pnyx, the meeting-place of the Assembly. + +§ 171. _the Three Hundred_. See n. on § 102. + +§ 176. _philippize_. The word was coined during the wars with Philip, +on the analogy of 'medize'--the term used of the action of the traitors +who supported the invading Persians (Medes) early in the fifth century. + +§ 177. _to Eleusis_, which was on the most convenient (though not the +shortest) route for an army marching to Thebes. + +§ 180. _Battalus_: a nickname given to Demosthenes by his nurse on +account of the impediment in his speech from which he suffered in early +days, or of his general delicacy. Aeschines had tried to fix an obscene +interpretation upon it. + +_Creon_. See Speech on the Embassy, § 247. + +_at Collytus_: i.e. at the Rural Dionysia held in that deme. + +§ 189. _any one_: lit. 'any one who chooses,' i.e. to call him to +account. The expression ([Greek: ho boulomenos]) is apparently half +technical, as applied to a self-appointed prosecutor. (Cf. +Aristophanes, _Plutus_ 908 and 918.) + +§ 194. _the general_: i.e. at Chaeroneia. + +§ 195. _Philip employed_. Most editors say '_Aeschines_ employed'. But +this would require [Greek: outos] not [Greek: ekeinos], and § 218 also +supports the interpretation here given. + +§ 198. _treasured up_, &c. The suggestion seems to be that Aeschines +foresaw the disasters, but concealed his knowledge, 'storing them up' +in order to make a reputation out of them later. + +§ 204. _to leave their land_, &c.: i.e. at the time of Xerxes' invasion +in 480, when the Athenians abandoned the city and trusted to the +'wooden walls' of their ships. + +§ 208. On this magnificent passage, see the treatise _On the Sublime_, +chaps, xvi, xvii. + +§ 209. _poring pedant_: lit. 'one who stoops over writings'. Here used +perhaps with reference to Aeschines' having 'worked up' allusions to +the past for the purpose of his Speech, while he remained blind to the +great issues of the present. Many editors think that the reference is +to his earlier occupation as a schoolmaster or a clerk; but this is +perhaps less suitable to the context. + +§ 210. _staff...ticket_. The colour of the staff indicated the court in +which the juror was to sit; the ticket was exchanged for his pay at the +end of the day. + +§ 214. _a very deluge_. He is thinking, no doubt, of the disaster at +Chaeroneia and the destruction of Thebes. + +§ 215. _while their infantry_, &c. The Theban forces when prepared for +action would naturally camp outside the walls (see Olynth. I, § 27, +where Demosthenes similarly thinks of the Athenian army encamping +outside Athens). But although they were thus encamped outside, and had +left their wives and children unguarded within, they allowed the +Athenian soldiers to enter the city freely. + +§ 216. _the river_: probably the Cephisus. Both battles are otherwise +unknown. If one of them was in winter, it must have taken place not +long after the capture of Elateia, and several months before the battle +of Chaeroneia. + +§ 219. _somewhere to lay the blame_: or possibly, 'some opportunity of +recovering himself,' or 'some place of retreat'. But the interpretation +given (which is that of Harpocration) is supported by the use of +[Greek: anenenkein] in § 224. + +§ 227. _counters all disappear_. The calculation was made by taking +away, for each item of debt or expenditure, so many counters from the +total representing the sum originally possessed. When the frame (or +_abacus_) containing the counters was left clear, it meant that there +was no surplus. (The right reading, however, may be [Greek: an +kathair_osin], 'if the counters are decisive,' or [Greek: han +kathair_osin], 'whatever the counters prove, you concede.') + +§ 231. _cancel them out_ ([Greek: antanelein]): strictly, to strike +each out of the account in view of something on the opposite side (i.e. +in view of the alternative which you would have proposed). + +§ 234. _collected in advance_: i.e. Athens had been anticipating her +income. + +§ 238. _if you refer_, &c. Aeschines had accused Demosthenes of +saddling Athens with two-thirds of the expense of the war, and Thebes +with only one-third. + +_three hundred_, &c. See Speech on Naval Boards, § 29 n. + +§ 243. _customary offerings_, made at the tomb on the third and ninth +days after the death. + +§ 249. _Philocrates_: not Philocrates of Hagnus, the proposer of the +Peace of 346, but an Eleusinian. For Diondas, see § 222. The others are +unknown. + +§ 251. _Cephalus_. Cf. § 219. He was an orator and statesman of the +early part of the fourth century. (The best account of him is in +Beloch, _Attische Politik_, p. 117.) + +§ 258. _the attendants' room_. The 'attendants' are those who escorted +the boys to and from school--generally slaves. + +§ 259. _the books_, &c. Cf. § 129 and notes. The books probably +contained the formulae of initiation, or the hymns which were chanted +by some Dionysiac societies. The service described here is probably +that of the combined worship of Dionysus-Sabazios and the Great Mother +(Cybele). + +_dressing_, &c. The candidate for initiation was clothed in a +fawn-skin, and was 'purified' by being smeared with clay (while sitting +down, with head covered) and rubbed clean with bran, and after the +initiation was supposed to enter upon a new and higher life. It is +possible that the veiling and disguising with clay originally signified +a death to the old life, such as is the ruling idea in many initiations +of a primitive type. (Cf. Aristophanes, travesty of an +initiation-ceremony in the _Clouds_ 256.) + +§ 260. _fennel and white poplar_. These were credited with magical and +protective properties. + +_Euoe, Saboe_: the cry to Sabazios. One is tempted to render it by +'Glory! Hallelujah!' In fact, the Dionysiac 'thiasoi', or some of them, +had many features, good as well as bad, in common with the Salvation +Army. The cry 'Euoe, Saboe' is of Thracian origin; 'Hyes Attes' is +Phrygian. The serpents, the ivy, and the winnowing-fan figured in more +than one variety of Dionysiac service. It is not certain that for +'ivy-bearer' ([Greek: kittophorhos]) we should not read 'chest-bearer' +([Greek: kistophoros]) used with reference to the receptacle containing +sacred objects, of which we hear elsewhere in connexion with similar +rites. + +§ 261. _fellow-parishioners_; lit. 'members of your deme'. Each deme +kept the register of citizens belonging to it. Enrolment was possible +at the age of 18 years, and had to be confirmed by the Council. (See +Aristotle, _Constitution of Athens_, chap. xiii.) + +§ 262. _collecting figs_, &c. Two interpretations are possible: (1) +that the spectators in derision threw fruit--probably not of the +best--at Aeschines on the stage, and he gathered it up, as a fruiterer +collects fruit from various growers, and lived on it; or (2) that while +he was a strolling player, Aeschines used to rob orchards. Of these (1) +seems by far the better in the context. + +§ 267. _I leave the abysm_, &c. The opening of Euripides' _Hecuba_. The +line next quoted is unknown. 'Evil in evil wise' ([Greek: kakon +kak_os]) is found in a line of Lynceus, a fourth-century tragedian. + +§ 282. _denied this intimacy with him_: or possibly (with the +scholiast), 'declined this office.' + +§ 284. _the tambourine-player_. Such instruments were used in orgiastic +rites. + +§ 285. Hegemon and Pythocles were members of the Macedonian party, who +were put to death in 317 by order of the Assembly. (See Speech on +Embassy, §§ 215, 314.) + +§ 287. _same libation_: i.e. the same banquet. The libation preceded +the drinking. To 'go beneath the same roof' with a polluted person was +supposed to involve contamination. + +_in the revel_. Cf. Speech on the Embassy, § 128. The reference, +however, is here more particularly to Philip's revels after the battle +of Chaeroneia, in which, Demosthenes suggests, the Athenian envoys took +part. + +§ 289. The genuineness of the epitaph is doubtful. Line 2 is singularly +untrue. The text is almost certainly corrupt in places (e.g. ll. 3 and +10). + +_their lives_, &c. As the text stands, [Greek: aret_es] and [Greek: +deimatos] must be governed by [Greek: brab_e,], 'made Hades the judge +of their valour or their cowardice.' But this leaves [Greek: ouk +esa_osan psuchas] as a quasiparenthesis, very difficult to accept in so +simple and at the same time so finished a form of composition as the +epigram. There are many emendations. + +_'Tis God's_, &c. The line, [Greek: m_eden hamartein esti the_on kai +panta katorhthoun], is taken from Simonides' epitaph on the heroes of +Marathon. The sense of the couplet is plain from § 290; but [Greek: en +biot_e] in l. 10 is possibly corrupt. + +§ 300. _the confederacy_, i.e. Athens, Thebes, and their allies at +Chaeroneia. + +§ 301. _our neighbours_, especially Megara and Corinth. + +§ 308. _the inactivity which you_, &c.: i.e. abstention from taking a +prominent part in public life. + +§ 309. _opening of ports_: i.e. to Athenian commerce. + +§ 311. _What pecuniary assistance_, &c. Demosthenes is thinking of his +own services in ransoming prisoners, &c. Some editors translate, 'What +public financial aid have you ever given to rich or poor?' i.e. 'When +have you ever dispensed State funds in such a way as to benefit any +one?' It is impossible to decide with certainty between the two +alternatives; but the meanings of [Greek: politik_e] ('citizen-like', +'such as one would expect from a good fellow-citizen') and [Greek: +koin_e], which I assume, seem to be supported by §§ 13 and 268 +respectively. + +§ 312. _leaders of the Naval Boards_. See Introd. to Speech on Naval +Boards. + +_damaging attack_, &c. This probably refers to modifications introduced +on Aeschines' proposal into Demosthenes' Trierarchic Law of 340, not at +the time of its enactment, but after some experience of its working. +(See Aeschines, 'Against Ctesiphon,' § 222.) + +§ 313. Theocrines was a tragic actor, who was attacked in the +pseudo-Demosthenic Speech 'Against Theocrines'. Harpocration's +description of him as a 'sycophant', or dishonest informer, may be +merely an inference from the Speech. + +§ 318. _your brother_. See Speech on the Embassy, §§ 237, 249. It is +not known which brother is here referred to. + +§ 319. Philammon was a recent Olympic victor in the boxing match; +Glaucus, a celebrated boxer early in the fifth century. + +§ 320. _owner of a stud_. To keep horses was a sign of great wealth in +Athens. + + + + + INDEX + + Abdera, i. + Abydos, ii. + Acarnania, Acarnanians, ii. + Achaeans, ii. + Acropolis, i.; ii. + Adeimantus, i. + Admiralty Board ([Greek: apostoleis]), ii. + Aeacus, ii. + Aegina, ii. + Aeschines, i.; ii. + Aetolia, Aetolians, ii. + Agapaeus, ii. + Aglaurus, temple of, i.; ii. + Agyrrhius, i. + Alcidamas, i. + Alenadae, i. + Alexander (480 B.C.), i.; ii. + Alexander the Great, ii. + Amadocus, i. + Ambassadors, duties of, i. + Ambracia, ii. + Amphictyonic Council, + its constitution and functions, i.; ii. + from 346-343 B.C., i.; ii. + and the Amphissean War, ii. + Demosthenes at the, ii. + Amphipolis, i.; ii. + Amphissa, Amphissean War: + _see_ Amphictyonic Council. + Anaximenes, i. + Anaxinus, ii. + Androtion, i. + Anemoetas, ii. + Antalcidas: _see_ Peace. + Anthemus, i. + Antipater, i. + Antiphon, i.; ii. + Aphobetus, i. + Apollodorus, i. + Apollonia, ii. + Apollonides, + of Cardia, i. + of Olynthus, ii. + Apollophanes, i. + Arcadia, Arcadians, i.; ii. + (_See_ also Megalopolis.) + Areopagus, + Council of, i.; ii. + Argaeus, i. + Argives, Argos, i.; ii. + Ariobarzanes, i.; ii. + Aristaechmus, ii. + Aristides, i. + Aristocrates, i. + Aristodemus, i.; ii. + Aristoleos, ii. + Aristonicus, ii. + Aristophanes, ii. + Aristophon, i.; ii. + Aristotle, i. + Aristratus, + of Naxos, ii. + of Sicyon, ii. + Arrhidaeus, i. + Artabazus, i.; ii. + Artaxerxes, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Persia.) + Artemisia, i.; ii. + Artemisium, ii. + Arthmius, i.; ii. + Arybbas, i.; ii. + Asiatic Greeks, i.; ii. + Assembly, the Athenian, + its functions, character, and defects, i.; ii. + debates in, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Athenian People.) + Athenian People, + their indifference and procrastination, i.; ii. + their incalculability, i. + their traditions and traditional policy, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Assembly, Democracy.) + Atrestidas, i. + Atrometus, i.; ii. + Auditors, Board of (Logistae), i.; ii. + Automedon, ii. + + Balance of Power, principle of, i. + Battalus, ii. + Boedromia, i.; ii. + Boeotia, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Thebes.) + Boeotian War, ii. + Brougham, Lord; Preface; i. + Byzantium, i; ii. + + Cabyle, ii. + Callias + (Author of Peace), i. + (_See also _Peace.) + (of Chalcis), ii. + (public slave), i. + Callisthenes, i.; ii. + Callistratus, i.; ii. + Cardia, Cardians, i.; ii. + Caria, Prince of, i. + (_See also_ Artemisia, Mausolus.) + Ceos, ii. + Cephalus, ii. + Cephisodotus, i.; ii. + Cephisophon, ii. + Cercidas, ii. + Cersobleptes, i.; ii. + Chabrias, i.; ii. + Chaeroneia, battle of, ii. + Chalcedon, i.; ii. + Chalcidic League, i.; ii. + Chalcis, ii. + Chares, i.; ii. + Charidemus, i.; ii. + Chelidonian Islands, ii. + Chersonese, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Cardia.) + Chios, i.; ii. + Cineas, ii. + Cirrha, Cirrhaean plain, ii. + Clearchus, i.; ii. + Cleitarchus, i.; ii. + Cleophon, i. + Cleotimus, ii. + Collytus, ii. + Conon, i. + Corcyra, i.; ii. + Corinth, Corinthians, i.; ii. + Corn-supply, &c. (Athenian), i.; ii. + Coroneia, i.; ii. + Corsia, i. + Cos, i.; ii. + Cottyphus, ii. + Council, + of Areopagus. + (_See_ Areopagus.) + of Five Hundred, i.; ii. + Crenides, i. + Creon, i.; ii. + Cresphontes, ii. + Ctesiphon + (negotiator of Peace), i.; ii. + (indicted by Eubulus), i. + (proposer of Crown), ii. + Curse, public, i.; ii. + Cyanean Rocks, ii. + Cyprothemis, i. + Cyrebion, i.; ii. + Cyrsilus, ii. + Cyrus, i.; ii. + + Daochus, ii. + Dardani, i. + Deceleian War, ii. + Deinarchus, ii. + Delos, i.; ii. + Delphi, temple at, i.; ii. + Demades, i.; ii. + Demaretus, ii. + Democracy, + and Oligarchy, i. + and Tyranny, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Athenian People.) + Demomeles, ii. + Demosthenes (General), i.; ii. + Dercylus, i. + Diodorus, i. + Dion, ii. + Diondas, ii. + Dionysia, i.; ii. + Dionysius (General), i.; ii. + Dionysius of Halicarnassus, i. + Dionysus, ii. + Diopeithes + (General), ii. + (of Sphettus?), ii. + Diophantus, i.; ii. + Diotimus, ii. + Disunion of the Hellenes, i.; ii. + Dium, i. + Dodona, oracle of, ii. + Dolopes, ii. + Dorians of Parnassus, ii. + Doriscus, i.; ii. + Drongilum, ii. + Drymus, i. + + Echinus, ii. + Egypt, i; ii. + Elateia, i.; ii. + Election by lot, i. + Eleusis, ii. + Elis, i.; ii. + Elpias, ii. + Embassies to Peloponnesian States, ii. + Embassy, + the First, i. + the Second, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Peace of Philocrates.) + the Third, i.; ii. + Empusa, ii. + Ephialtes, ii. + Epichares, ii. + Epicrates, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Cyrebion). + Epirus, ii. + Eretria, i.; ii. + Ergiske, ii. + Ergocles, i.; ii. + Ergophilus, i.; ii. + Erythraeans, ii. + Etesian Winds, i.; ii. + Euboea, Euboeans, i.; ii. + Eubulus, i.; ii. + Eucleides, i.; ii. + Eudicus, ii. + Euphraeus, ii. + Eurybatus, ii. + Eurylochus, i. + Euripides, i. + Euthycles, i. + Euthycrates, i.; ii. + Execcstus, i. + + Festival Fund, i.; ii. + Financial System (Athenian), i.; ii. + (_See also_ Military System, Naval System.) + Fortifications, + Commissioner of, ii. + of Athens, ii. + Fortune, i.; ii. + Funeral Oration, after Chaeroneia, ii. + + Geraestus, i.; ii. + Getae, ii. + Glaucothea, i.; ii. + Glaucus, ii. + Gods, + and crime, i. + and perjury, i. + command issues of events, ii. + protect Athens, i.; ii. + Guest-friendship, ii. + + Haliartus, i.; ii. + Halonnesus, ii. + Halus, i. + Harmodius, i. + Hedyleum, i.; ii. + Hegemon, ii. + Hegesilaus, i.; ii. + Hegesippus, i.; ii. + Hellespont, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Chersonese, Thrace.) + Heracles, sacrifice to, i.; ii. + Heraeon Teichos, i.; ii. + Hero of the Lancet (Hero-Physician), i.; ii. + Hierax, i. + Hieronymus, i. + Hipparchus, ii. + Hipponicus, ii. + Hypereides, i.; ii. + + Iatrocles, i. + Illyria, Illyrians, i.; ii. + Imbros, i.; ii. + Iphicrates, i.; ii. + Isaeus, i. + Ischander, i. + Isocrates, i.; ii. + + Lacedaemon, Lacedaemonians. + (_See_ Sparta, Spartans.) + Lampsacus, i.; ii. + Lasthenes, i.; ii. + Larissa, i.; ii. + Law-Courts, supremacy of, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Trials.) + Legislative Commission, i.; ii. + Lemnos, i.; ii. + Leon, i.; ii. + Leptines, i. + Leucas, ii. + Leuctra, battle of, i.; ii. + Locrians, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Amphissa.) + Logistae. + (_See_ Auditors.) + Longinus, i. + Lycophron, i. + Lycurgus, ii. + + Macedonian Empire, i. + Magnesia, i.; ii. + Mantineia, + battle of, i.; ii. + oligarchy in, ii. + Marathon, i.; ii. + battle of, i.; ii. + Mardonius, ii. + Maroneia, i. + Masteira, ii. + Mausolus, i. + Mecyberna, i. + Megalopolis, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Arcadia.) + Megara, Megareans, i.; ii. + Meidias, ii. + Melantus, ii. + Menecles, ii. + Menelaus, i.; ii. + Menippus, ii. + Mercenaries, i.; ii. + Messene, Messenians, i.; ii. + Methone, i.; ii. + Metroon, i.; ii. + Military System (Athenian), i.; ii. + (_See also_ Mercenaries, Naval System.) + Miltiades, i. + Mnaseas, ii. + Moerocles, i. + Molon, i. + Molossi, ii. + Molossus, ii. + Minos, ii. + Mother, the Great, ii. + Mountain, Sacred, i.; ii. + Munychia, ii. + Murder, Law of, ii. + Myrtenum, ii. + Myrtis, ii. + 'Mysian booty,' ii. + Mysteries, the, ii. + Mytilene, i. + + Naval Boards, i.; ii. + Naval System (Athenian), i.; ii. + (_See also_ Financial System, Military System.) + Naupactus, ii. + Nausicles, ii. + Neapolis, i. + Neoptolemus, i.; ii. + (another?), ii. + Neon, ii. + Neones, i.; ii. + Nicaea, i.; ii. + Nicias + (General), i. + (another), i. + Ninus, ii. + + Oenomaus, ii. + Oligarchy, i.; ii. + Olympian games, i. + Olympias, ii. + Olynthus, Olynthians, i.; ii. + Onomarchus, i. + Orators, + corrupt and disloyal, i.; ii. + and Speech on the Crown, _passim_. + (_See also_ Traitors.) + difficulties and risks of, i.; ii. + duties of, i.; ii. + past and present Athenian, i.; ii. + position of, in Athens, i.; ii. + recriminations of, i.; ii. + seeking popularity, i.; ii. + Orchomenus, i.; ii. + Oreus, i.; ii. + Orontas, i.; ii. + Oropus, i.; ii. + Paeonians, i.; ii. + Pagasae, i. + Pammenes, i. + Panactum, i.; ii. + Panathenaea, i.; ii. + Pangaeus, Mount, i. + Parmenio, i. + Peace + of Antalcidas, i.; ii. + of Callias, i.; ii. + of Demades, ii. + of Philocrates, i.; ii. + Peitholaus, i. + Peiraeus, i.; ii. + Pella, i.; ii. + Pelopidas, ii. + Peparethus, ii. + Periander, Law of, i. + Perdiccas, ii. + Pericles, i. + Perillus, i.; ii. + Perinthus, i.; ii. + Persia, Persian King, i.; ii. + Phalaecus, i.; ii. + Pharsalus, i. + Pherae, Pheraeans, i.; ii. + Philammon, ii. + Philiadas, ii. + Philinus, ii. + Philip, + his advantages over Athens, i.; ii. + his army, ii. + his character, i.; ii. + his policy, i.; ii. + Philippi, i. + Philippopolis, ii. + Philo, i.; ii. + Philochares, i. + Philocrates + (author of Peace), i.; ii. + (another), ii. + Philonicus, i. + Philistides, ii. + Phlius, Phliasians, i.; ii. + Phocians, Phocis, i.; ii. + Phocion, i.; ii. + Phormio, ii. + Phryne, ii. + Phrynon, i. + Phyle, i. + Pirates, &c., ii. + Pittalacus, i. + Plataeae, i.; ii. + (battle of), ii. + Plutarchus, i.; ii. + Pnyx, ii. + Polyeuctus, ii. + Polystratus, i.; ii. + Porthmus, i.; ii. + Poteidaea, i.; ii. + Prisoners, ransom of, i.; ii. + Proconnesus, ii. + Proedroi, ii. + Prophets, i.; ii. + Proxenus, i.; ii. + Prytanes, i.; ii. + Ptoeodorus, i.; ii. + Pydna, i.; ii. + Pythian Games, i.; ii. + Pythocles, i.; ii. + Python, i.; ii. + + Rhadamanthus, ii. + Rhodes, Rhodians, i.; ii. + River, battle by the, ii. + Round Chamber, i.; ii. + + Sabazios. + (_See_ Dionysus.) + Sacred War, i. + (_See also_ Amphissean War.) + Salamis, Salaminians, i.; ii. + battle of, i.; ii. + Samos, i.; ii. + Satyrus, i. + Schools (Athenian), i.; ii. + Sciathus, i.; ii. + Scyros, i. + Scythia, ii. + Selymbria, i.; ii. + Serrhium, i.; ii. + Sicyon, ii. + Sigeum, i.; ii. + Simonides, ii. + Simus, ii. + Simylus, ii. + Smicythus, i.; ii. + Socrates + (of Oreus), ii. + (actor), ii. + Solon, i.; ii. + Sophocles, i. + Sosicles, ii. + Sosistratus, ii. + Sparta, Spartans, i.; ii. + Stageira, i. + Symmories. + (_See_ Naval Boards.) + + Tamynae, ii. + Tanagra, ii. + Taurosthenes, ii. + Taxation. + (_See_ Financial System.) + Teledamus, ii. + Tenedos, ii. + Tetrarchies, ii. + Tharrex, i.; ii. + Thasos, i. + Thebans, Thebes, i.; ii. + Themison, ii. + Themistocles, i.; ii. + Theocrines, ii. + Theodoras + (actor), i. + (of Oropus), ii. + Theogeiton, ii. + Theopompus, ii. + Theoric Fund. + (_See_ Festival Fund.) + Thermopylae, i.; ii. + Theseus, temple of, ii. + Thesmothetae, i.; ii. + Thessalians, Thessaly, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Magnesia, Pagasae, Pharsalus, Pherae.) + Thirty Tyrants, the, i.; ii. + Thoas, ii. + Thrace, Thracians, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Cersobleptes, Chersonese, Hellespont.) + Thrason, ii. + Thrasybulus, i.; ii. + Thrasydaeus, ii. + Thrasylochus, ii. + Thucydides, i. + Tigranes, i. + Tilphossaeum, i; ii. + 173. + Timagoras, i.; ii. + Timarchus, i.; ii. + Timocrates, i. + Timolaus, ii. + Timomachus, i. + Timotheus, i.; ii. + Torone, i.; ii. + Torture, i.; ii. + Traitors, i.; ii. + (_See also_ Orators, corruption of.) + Trials, Athenian (character and + procedure), i. + (_See also_ Law-Courts.) + Triballi, i.; ii. + Tricaranum, i.; ii. + Trierarchy. + (_See_ Naval Boards Naval System.) + Triphylia, i.; ii. + Tromes, ii. + + Walls, the, i. + Winter-battle, the, ii. + + Xenocleides, i. + Xenophron, i. + + Zeleia, i.; ii. + + + + + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Public Orations of Demosthenes, +volume 2, by Demosthenes + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PUBLIC ORATIONS DEMOSTHENES VOL II *** + +***** This file should be named 9061-8.txt or 9061-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/9/0/6/9061/ + +Produced by Anne Soulard, Jon Ingram and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team. + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will +be renamed. + +Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright +law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, +so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United +States without permission and without paying copyright +royalties. 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