initial commit of ebook 9060HEADmain

4 files changed, 13944 insertions, 0 deletions

diff --git a/old/7pbd110.txt b/old/7pbd110.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..935d560
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/7pbd110.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,6972 @@
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Public Orations of Demosthenes, volume 1
+by Demosthenes
+
+Copyright laws are changing all over the world. Be sure to check the
+copyright laws for your country before downloading or redistributing
+this or any other Project Gutenberg eBook.
+
+This header should be the first thing seen when viewing this Project
+Gutenberg file.  Please do not remove it.  Do not change or edit the
+header without written permission.
+
+Please read the "legal small print," and other information about the
+eBook and Project Gutenberg at the bottom of this file.  Included is
+important information about your specific rights and restrictions in
+how the file may be used.  You can also find out about how to make a
+donation to Project Gutenberg, and how to get involved.
+
+
+**Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts**
+
+**eBooks Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971**
+
+*****These eBooks Were Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers!*****
+
+
+Title: The Public Orations of Demosthenes, volume 1
+
+Author: Demosthenes
+
+Release Date: October, 2005 [EBook #9060]
+[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule]
+[This file was first posted on September 2, 2003]
+
+Edition: 10
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO Latin-1
+
+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PUBLIC ORATIONS OF ***
+
+
+
+
+Anne Soulard, Jon Ingram and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team.
+
+
+
+
+THE PUBLIC ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES
+IN TWO VOLUMES
+VOL I
+
+TRANSLATED BY
+ARTHUR WALLACE PICKARD
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+The translations included in this volume were written at various times during
+the last ten years for use in connexion with College Lectures, and a long
+holiday, for which I have to thank the Trustees of the Balliol College Endowment
+Fund, as well as the Master and Fellows of Balliol College, has enabled me to
+revise them and to furnish them with brief introductions and notes. Only those
+speeches are included which are generally admitted to be the work of
+Demosthenes, and the spurious documents contained in the MSS. of the Speech on
+the Crown are omitted. The speeches are arranged in chronological order, and the
+several introductions to them are intended to supply an outline of the history
+of the period, sufficient to provide a proper setting for the speeches, but not
+more detailed than was necessary for this purpose. No discussion of conflicting
+evidence has been introduced, and the views which are expressed on the character
+and work of Demosthenes must necessarily seem somewhat dogmatic, when given
+without the reasons for them. I hope, however, before long to treat the life of
+Demosthenes more fully in another form. The estimate here given of his character
+as a politician falls midway between the extreme views of Grote and Schaefer on
+the one hand, and Beloch and Holm on the other.
+
+I have tried to render the speeches into such English as a political orator of
+the present day might use, without attempting to impart to them any antique
+colouring, such as the best-known English translations either had from the first
+or have acquired by lapse of time. It is of the essence of political oratory
+that it is addressed to contemporaries, and the translation of it should
+therefore be into contemporary English; though the necessity of retaining some
+of the modes of expression which are peculiar to Greek oratory and political
+life makes it impossible to produce completely the appearance of an English
+orator's work. The qualities of Demosthenes' eloquence sometimes suggest rather
+the oratory of the pulpit than that of the hustings or that of Parliament and of
+the law-courts. I cannot hope to have wholly succeeded in my task; but it seemed
+to be worth undertaking, and I hope that the work will not prove to have been
+altogether useless.
+
+I have made very little use of other translations; but I must acknowledge a debt
+to Lord Brougham's version of the Speeches on the Chersonese and on the Crown,
+which, though often defective from the point of view of scholarship and based on
+faulty texts, are (together with his notes) very inspiring. I have also, at one
+time or another, consulted most of the standard German, French, and English
+editions of Demosthenes. I cannot now distinguish how much I owe to each; but I
+am conscious of a special debt to the editions of the late Professor Henri Weil,
+and of Sir J.E. Sandys, and (in the Speech on the Crown) to that of Professor
+W.W. Goodwin. I also owe a few phrases in the earliest speeches to Professor
+W.R. Hardie, whose lectures on Demosthenes I attended twenty years ago. My
+special thanks are due to my friend Mr. P.E. Matheson of New College, for his
+kindness in reading the proof-sheets, and making a number of suggestions, which
+have been of great assistance to me.
+
+The text employed has been throughout that of the late Mr. S.H. Butcher in the
+_Bibliotheca Classica Oxoniensis_. Any deviations from this are noted in their
+place.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+INTRODUCTION                                 i. 7
+
+LIST OF SPEECHES TRANSLATED
+
+Traditional Order                   In this Edition
+ORATION I. OLYNTHIAC I                       i. 87
+       II. OLYNTHIAC II                      i. 99
+      III. OLYNTHIAC III                     i. 109
+       IV. PHILIPPIC I                       i. 68
+        V. ON THE PEACE                      i. 120
+       VI. PHILIPPIC II                      i. 133
+     VIII. ON THE CHERSONESE                ii. 3
+       IX. PHILIPPIC III                    ii. 26
+      XIV. ON THE NAVAL BOARDS               i. 31
+       XV. FOR THE FREEDOM OF THE RHODIANS   i. 56
+      XVI. FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS            i. 45
+    XVIII. ON THE CROWN                     ii. 47
+      XIX. ON THE EMBASSY                    i. 144
+
+NOTES                                       ii. 149
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+
+Demosthenes, the son of Demosthenes of Paeania in Attica, a rich and highly
+respected factory-owner, was born in or about the year 384 B.C. He was early
+left an orphan; his guardians mismanaged his property for their own advantage;
+and although, soon after coming of age in 366, he took proceedings against them
+and was victorious in the law-courts, he appears to have recovered comparatively
+little from them. In preparing for these proceedings he had the assistance of
+Isaeus, a teacher and writer of speeches who was remarkable for his knowledge of
+law, his complete mastery of all the aspects of any case with which he had to
+do, and his skill in dealing with questions of ownership and inheritance.
+Demosthenes' speeches against his guardians show plainly the influence of
+Isaeus, and the teacher may have developed in his pupil the thoroughness and the
+ingenuity in handling legal arguments which afterwards became characteristic of
+his work.
+
+Apart from this litigation with his guardians, we know little of Demosthenes'
+youth and early manhood. Various stories have come down to us (for the most part
+not on the best authority), of his having been inspired to aim at an orator's
+career by the eloquence and fame of Callistratus; of his having overcome serious
+physical defects by assiduous practice; of his having failed, nevertheless,
+owing to imperfections of delivery, in his early appearances before the people,
+and having been enabled to remedy these by the instruction of the celebrated
+actor Satyrus; and of his close study of the _History_ of Thucydides. Upon the
+latter point the evidence of his early style leaves no room for doubt, and the
+same studies may have contributed to the skill and impressiveness with which, in
+nearly every oration, he appeals to the events of the past, and sums up the
+lessons of history. Whether he came personally under the influence either of
+Plato, the philosopher, or of Isocrates, the greatest rhetorical teacher of his
+time, and a political pamphleteer of high principles but little practical
+insight, is much more doubtful. The two men were almost as different in
+temperament and aims as it was possible to be, but Demosthenes' familiarity with
+the published speeches of Isocrates, and with the rhetorical principles which
+Isocrates taught and followed, can scarcely be questioned.
+
+In the early years of his manhood, Demosthenes undertook the composition of
+speeches for others who were engaged in litigation. This task required not only
+a very thorough knowledge of law, but the power of assuming, as it were, the
+character of each separate client, and writing in a tone appropriate to it; and,
+not less, the ability to interest and to rouse the active sympathy of juries,
+with whom feeling was perhaps as influential as legal justification. This part,
+however, of Demosthenes' career only concerns us here in so far as it was an
+admirable training for his later work in the larger sphere of politics, in which
+the same qualities of adaptability and of power both to argue cogently and to
+appeal to the emotions effectively were required in an even higher degree.
+
+At the time when Demosthenes' interest in public affairs was beginning to take
+an active form, Athens was suffering from the recent loss of some of her most
+powerful allies. In the year 358 B.C. she had counted within the sphere of her
+influence not only the islands of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros (which had been
+guaranteed to her by the Peace of Antalcidas in 387), but also the chief cities
+of Euboea, the islands of Chios, Cos, Rhodes, and Samos, Mytilene in Lesbos, the
+towns of the Chersonese, Byzantium (a city of the greatest commercial
+importance), and a number of stations on the south coast of Thrace, as well as
+Pydna, Potidaea, Methone, and the greater part of the country bordering upon the
+Thermaic Gulf. But her failure to observe the terms of alliance, laid down when
+the new league was founded in 378, had led to a revolt, which ended in 355 or
+354 in the loss to her of Chios, Cos, Rhodes, and Byzantium, and of some of the
+ablest of her own commanders, and left her treasury almost empty. About the same
+time Mytilene and Corcyra also took the opportunity to break with her. Moreover,
+her position in the Thermaic region was threatened first by Olynthus, at the
+head of the Chalcidic League, which included over thirty towns; and secondly by
+Philip, the newly-established King of Macedonia, who seemed likely to displace
+both Olynthus and Athens from their positions of commanding influence.[1]
+
+Nevertheless, Athens, though unable to face a strong combination, was probably
+the most powerful single state in Greece. In her equipment and capacity for
+naval warfare she had no rival, and certainly no other state could vie with her
+in commercial activity and prosperity. The power of Sparta in the Peloponnese
+had declined greatly. The establishment of Megalopolis as the centre of a
+confederacy of Arcadian tribes, and of Messene as an independent city commanding
+a region once entirely subject to Sparta, had seriously weakened her position;
+while at the same time her ambition to recover her supremacy kept alive a
+feeling of unrest throughout the Peloponnese. Of the other states of South
+Greece, Argos was hostile to Sparta, Elis to the Arcadians; Corinth and other
+less important cities were not definitely attached to any alliance, but were not
+powerful enough to carry out any serious movement alone. In North Greece,
+Thebes, though she lacked great leaders, was still a great power, whose
+authority throughout Boeotia had been strengthened by the complete or partial
+annihilation of Platacae, Thespiae, Orchomenus,[2] and Coroneia. In Athens the
+ill feeling against Thebes was strong, owing to the occupation by the Thebans of
+Oropus,[2] a frontier town which Athens claimed, and their treatment of the
+towns just mentioned, towards which the Athenians were kindly disposed. The
+Phocians, who had until recently been unwilling allies of Thebes, were now
+hostile and not insignificant neighbours, and about this time entered into
+relations with both Sparta and Athens. The subject of contention was the
+possession or control of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, which the Phocians had
+recently taken by force from the Delphians, who were supported by Thebes; and in
+the 'Sacred War' to which this act (which was considered to be sacrilege) gave
+rise in 355 B.C., the Thebans and Locrians fought against the Phocians in the
+name of the Amphictyonic Council, a body (composed of representatives of tribes
+and states of very unequal importance[3]) to which the control of the temple
+traditionally belonged. Thessaly appears to have been at this time more or less
+under Theban influence, but was immediately dominated by the tyrants of Pherae,
+though the several cities seem each to have possessed a nominally independent
+government. The Greek peoples were disunited in fact and unfitted for union by
+temperament. The twofold desire, felt by almost all the more advanced Greek
+peoples, for independence on the one hand, and for 'hegemony' or leadership
+among other peoples, on the other, rendered any effective combination
+impossible, and made the relations of states to one another uncertain and
+inconstant. While each people paid respect to the spirit of autonomy, when their
+own autonomy was in question, they were ready to violate it without scruple when
+they saw their way to securing a predominant position among their neighbours;
+and although the ideal of Panhellenic unity had been put before Greece by
+Gorgias and Isocrates, its realization did not go further than the formation of
+leagues of an unstable character, each subject, as a rule, to the more or less
+tyrannical domination of some one member.
+
+Probably the power which was most generally feared in the Greek world was that
+of the King of Persia. Several times in recent years (and particularly in 387
+and 367) he had been requested to make and enforce a general settlement of
+Hellenic affairs. The settlement of 387 (called the King's Peace, or the Peace
+of Antalcidas, after the Spartan officer who negotiated it) had ordained the
+independence of the Greek cities, small and great, with the exception of those
+in Asia Minor, which were to form part of the Persian Empire, and of Lemnos,
+Imbros, and Scyros, which were to belong to Athens as before. The attempt to
+give effect to the arrangement negotiated in 367 failed, and the terms of the
+Peace of Antalcidas, though it was still appealed to, when convenient, as a
+charter of liberty, also came to be disregarded. But there was always a sense of
+the possibility or the danger of provoking the great king to exert his strength,
+or at least to use his wealth, to the detriment of some or all of the Greek
+states; though at the moment of which we are speaking (about 355) the Persian
+Empire itself was suffering from recent disorders and revolutions, and the king
+had little leisure for interfering in the affairs of Greece.
+
+It was to the department of foreign and inter-Hellenic affairs that Demosthenes
+principally devoted himself. His earliest political speeches, however, were
+composed and delivered in furtherance of prosecutions for the crime of proposing
+illegal legislation. These were the speeches against Androtion (spoken by
+Diodorus in 355) and against Leptines (in 354). Both these were written to
+denounce measures which Demosthenes regarded as dishonest or unworthy of
+Athenian traditions. In the former he displays that desire for clean-handed
+administration which is so prominent in some of his later speeches; and in the
+prosecution of Leptines he shows his anxiety that Athens should retain her
+reputation for good faith. Both speeches, like those of the year 352 against
+Timocrates (spoken by Diodorus), and against Aristocrates (spoken by Euthycles),
+are remarkable for thoroughness of argument and for the skill which is displayed
+in handling legal and political questions, though, like almost all Athenian
+forensic orations, they are sometimes sophistical in argument.
+
+The first speech which is directly devoted to questions of external policy is
+that on the Naval Boards in 354; and this is followed within the next two years
+by speeches delivered in support of appeals made to Athens by the people of
+Megalopolis and by the exiled democratic party of Rhodes. From these speeches it
+appears that the general lines of Demosthenes' policy were already determined.
+He was in opposition to Eubulus, who, after the disastrous termination of the
+war with the allies, had become the leading statesman in Athens. The strength of
+Eubulus lay in his freedom from all illusion as to the position in which Athens
+stood, in his ability as a financier, and in his readiness to take any measures
+which would enable him to carry out his policy. He saw that the prime necessity
+of the moment was to recruit the financial and material strength of the city;
+that until this should be effected, she was quite incapable of carrying on war
+with any other power; and that she could only recover her strength through
+peace. In this policy he had the support of the well-to-do classes, who suffered
+heavily in time of war from taxation and the disturbance of trade. On the other
+hand, the sentiments of the masses were imperialistic and militant. We gather
+that there were plenty of orators who made a practice of appealing to the
+glorious traditions of the past and the claim always made by Athens to
+leadership among the Greek states. To buy off the opposition which his policy
+might be expected to encounter, Eubulus distributed funds freely to the people,
+in the shape of 'Festival-money', adopting the methods employed before him by
+demagogues, very different from himself, in order that he might override the
+real sentiments of the democracy; and in spite of the large amounts thus spent
+he did in fact succeed, in the course of a few years, in collecting a
+considerable sum without resorting to extraordinary taxation, in greatly
+increasing the navy and in enlarging the dockyards. For the success of this
+policy it was absolutely necessary to avoid all entanglement in war, except
+under the strongest compulsion. The appeals of the Megalopolitans and the
+Rhodians, to yield to which would probably have meant war with Sparta and with
+Persia, must be rejected. Even in dealing with Philip, who was making himself
+master of the Athenian allies on the Thermaic coast, the fact of the weakness of
+Athens must be recognized, and all idea of a great expedition against Philip
+must be abandoned for the present. At the same time, some necessary measures of
+precaution were not neglected. It was essential to secure the route to the
+Euxine, over which the Athenian corn-trade passed, if corn was not to be sold at
+famine prices. For this purpose, therefore, alliance was made with the Thracian
+prince, Cersobleptes; and when Philip threatened Heraeon Teichos on the
+Propontis, an expedition was prepared, and was only abandoned because Philip
+himself was forced to desist from his attempt by illness. Similarly, when Philip
+appeared likely to cross the Pass of Thermopylae in 352, an Athenian force was
+sent (on the proposal of Diophantus, a supporter of Eubulus) to prevent him. The
+failure of Eubulus and his party to give effective aid to Olynthus against
+Philip was due to the more pressing necessity of attempting to recover control
+of Euboea: it had clearly been their intention to save Olynthus, if possible.
+But when this had proved impossible, and the attempt to form a Hellenic league
+against Philip had also failed, facts had once more to be recognized; and, since
+Athens was now virtually isolated, peace must be made with Philip on the only
+terms which he would accept--that each side should keep what it _de facto_
+possessed at the time.
+
+Demosthenes was generally in opposition to Eubulus and his party, of which
+Aeschines (once an actor and afterwards a clerk, but a man of education and
+great natural gifts) was one of the ablest members. Demosthenes was inspired by
+the traditions of the past, but had a much less vague conception of the moral to
+be drawn from them than had the multitude. Athens, for him as for them, was to
+be the first state in Hellas; she was above all to be the protectress of
+democracy everywhere, against both absolutism and oligarchy, and the leader of
+the Hellenes in resistance to foreign aggression. But, unlike the multitude,
+Demosthenes saw that this policy required the greatest personal effort and
+readiness for sacrifice on the part of every individual; and he devotes his
+utmost energies to the task of arousing his countrymen to the necessary pitch of
+enthusiasm, and of effecting such reforms in administration and finance as, in
+his opinion, would make the realization of his ideal for Athens possible. In the
+speeches for the Megalopolitans and the Rhodians, the nature of this ideal is
+already becoming clear both in its Athenian and in its Panhellenic aspects. But
+so soon as it appeared that Philip, at the head of the half-barbarian
+Macedonians, and not Athens, was likely to become the predominant power in the
+Hellenic world, it was against Philip that all his efforts were directed; and
+although in 346 he is practically at one with the party of Eubulus in his
+recognition of the necessity of peace, he is eager, when the opportunity seems
+once more to offer itself, to resume the conflict, and, when it is resumed, to
+carry it through to the end.
+
+We have then before us the sharp antagonism of two types of statesmanship. The
+strength of the one lies in the recognition of actual facts, and the avoidance
+of all projects which seem likely, under existing circumstances, to fail. The
+other is of a more sanguine type, and believes in the power of enthusiasm and
+self-sacrifice to transform the existing facts into something better, and to win
+success against all odds. Statesmen of the former type are always attacked as
+unpatriotic and mean-spirited; those of the latter, as unpractical and reckless.
+There is truth and falsehood in both accusations: but since no statesman has
+ever combined all the elements of statesmanship in a perfect and just
+proportion, and since neither prudence and clear-sightedness, nor enthusiastic
+and generous sentiment, can ever be dispensed with in the conduct of affairs
+without loss, a larger view will attach little discredit to either type. While,
+therefore, we may view with regret some of the methods which both Demosthenes
+and Aeschines at times condescended to use in their conflicts with one another,
+and with no less regret the disastrous result of the policy which ultimately
+carried the day, we need not hesitate to give their due to both of the
+contending parties: nor, while we recognize that Eubulus and Phocion (his
+sturdiest supporter in the field and in counsel) took the truer view of the
+situation, and of the character of the Athenians as they were, need we (as it is
+now fashionable to do) denounce the orator who strove with unstinting personal
+effort and self-sacrifice to rouse the Athenians into a mood in which they could
+and would realize the ideal to which they, no less than he, professed their
+devotion.
+
+But the difficulties in the way of such a realization were wellnigh insuperable.
+Neither the political nor the military system of Athens was adapted to such a
+policy. The Sovereign Assembly, though capable of sensible and energetic action
+at moments of special danger, was more likely to be moved by feeling and
+prejudice than by businesslike argument, particularly at a time when the
+tendency of the best educated and most intelligent men was to withdraw from
+participation in public life; and meeting, as the Assembly did (unless specially
+summoned), only at stated intervals, it was incapable of taking such rapid,
+well-timed, and decisive action as Philip could take, simply because he was a
+single man, sole master of his own policy, and personally in command of his own
+forces. The publicity which necessarily attached to the discussions of the
+Assembly was a disadvantage at a time when many plans would better have been
+kept secret; and rapid modifications of policy, to suit sudden changes in the
+situation, were almost impossible. Again, while no subjects are so unsuited
+under any circumstances for popular discussion as foreign and military affairs,
+the absence in Athens of a responsible ministry greatly increased the
+difficulties of her position. It is true that the Controller of the Festival
+Fund (whose office gradually became more and more important) was now appointed
+for four years at a time, while all other offices were annual; and that he and
+his friends, and their regular opponents, were generally ready to take the lead
+in making proposals to the Council or the Assembly. But if they chose to remain
+silent, they could do so;[4] no one was bound to make any proposal at all; and,
+on the other hand, any one might do so. With such a want of system, far too much
+was left to chance or to the designs of interested persons. Moreover, the
+Assembly felt itself under no obligation to follow for any length of time any
+lead which might be given to it, or to maintain any continuity or consistency
+between its own decrees. In modern times, a minister, brought into power by the
+will of the majority of the people, can reckon for a considerable period upon
+the more or less loyal support of the majority for himself and his official
+colleagues. In Athens the leader of the moment had to be perpetually adapting
+himself afresh to the mood of the Assembly, and even to deceive it, in order
+that he might lead at all, or carry out the policy which, in his opinion, his
+country's need required. It is therefore a remarkable thing that both Eubulus
+and Demosthenes succeeded for many years in maintaining a line of action as
+consistent as that taken by practical men can ever be.
+
+The fact that the Council of Five Hundred, which acted as a standing committee
+of the people, and prepared business for the Assembly and was responsible for
+the details of measures passed by the Assembly in general form, was chosen by
+lot and changed annually, as did practically all the civil and the military
+officials (though the latter might be re-elected), was all against efficiency
+and continuity of policy.[5] After the system of election by lot, the most
+characteristic feature of the Athenian democracy was the responsibility of
+statesmen and generals to the law-courts.[6] Any citizen might accuse them upon
+charges nominally limited in scope, but often serving in reality to bring their
+whole career into question. Had it been certain that the courts would only
+punish incompetence or misconduct, and not failure as such, little harm would
+have resulted. But although there were very many acquittals in political trials,
+the uncertainty of the issue was so great, and the sentences inflicted upon the
+condemned so severe (commonly involving banishment at least), that the liability
+to trial as a criminal must often have deterred the statesman and the general
+from taking the most necessary risks; while the condemnation of the accused had
+usually the result of driving a really able man out of the country, and
+depriving his fellow countrymen of services which might be urgently required
+when they were no longer available.
+
+The financial system was also ill adapted for the purposes of a people
+constantly liable to war. The funds required for the bare needs of a time of
+peace seem indeed to have been sufficiently provided from permanent sources of
+income (such as the silver mines, the rent of public lands, court fees and
+fines, and various indirect taxes): but those needed for war had to be met by a
+direct tax upon property, levied _ad hoc_ whenever the necessity arose, and not
+collected without delays and difficulties. And although the equipment of ships
+for service was systematically managed under the trierarchic laws,[7] it was
+still subject to delays no less serious. There was no regular system of
+contribution to State funds, and no systematic accumulation of a reserve to meet
+military needs. The raising of money by means of loans at interest to the State
+was only adopted in Greece in a few isolated instances:[8] and the practice of
+annually distributing surplus funds to the people,[9] however necessary or
+excusable under the circumstances, was wholly contrary to sound finance.
+
+An even greater evil was the dependence of the city upon mercenary forces and
+generals, whose allegiance was often at the call of the highest bidder, and in
+consequence was seldom reliable. There is no demand which Demosthenes makes with
+greater insistence, than the demand that the citizens themselves shall serve
+with the army. At a moment of supreme danger, they might do so. But in fact
+Athens had become more and more an industrial state, and men were not willing to
+leave their business to take care of itself for considerable periods, in order
+to go out and fight, unless the danger was very urgent, or the interests at
+stake of vital importance; particularly now that the length of campaigns had
+become greater and the seasons exempted from military operations shorter. In
+many minds the spread of culture, and of the ideal of self-culture, had produced
+a type of individualism indifferent to public concerns, and contemptuous of
+political and military ambitions. Moreover, the methods of warfare had undergone
+great improvement; in most branches of the army the trained skill of the
+professional soldier was really necessary; and it was not possible to leave the
+olive-yard or the counting-house and become an efficient fighter without more
+ado. But the expensiveness of the mercenary forces; the violent methods by which
+they obtained supplies from friends and neutrals, as well as foes, if, as often
+happened, their pay was in arrear; and the dependence of the city upon the
+goodwill of generals and soldiers who could without much difficulty find
+employment under other masters, were evils which were bound to hamper any
+attempt to give effect to a well-planned and far-sighted scheme of action.
+
+It also resulted from the Athenian system of government that the general, while
+obviously better informed of the facts of the military situation than any one
+else could be, and at the same time always liable to be brought to trial in case
+of failure, had little influence upon policy, unless he could find an effective
+speaker to represent him. In the Assembly and in the law-courts (where the
+juries were large enough to be treated in the same manner as the Assembly
+itself) the orator who could win the people's ear was all powerful, and expert
+knowledge could only make itself felt through the medium of oratory.
+
+A constitution which gave so much power to the orator had grave disadvantages.
+The temptation to work upon the feelings rather than to appeal to the reason of
+the audience was very strong, and no charge is more commonly made by one orator
+against another than that of deceiving or attempting to deceive the people. It
+is, indeed, very difficult to judge how far an Athenian Assembly was really
+taken in by sophistical or dishonest arguments: but it is quite certain that
+such arguments were continually addressed to it; and the main body of the
+citizens can scarcely have had that first-hand knowledge of facts, which would
+enable them to criticize the orator's statements. Again, the oration appealed to
+the people as a performance, no less than as a piece of reasoning. Ancient
+political oratory resembled the oratory of the pulpit at the present day, not
+only because it appealed perpetually to the moral sense, and was in fact a kind
+of preaching; but also because the main difficulty of the ancient orator and the
+modern preacher was the same: for the Athenians liked being preached at, as the
+modern congregation 'enjoys' a good sermon, and were, therefore, almost equally
+immune against conversion. The conflicts of rival orators were regarded mainly
+as an entertainment. The speaker who was most likely to carry the voting (except
+when a great crisis had roused the Assembly to seriousness) was the one who
+found specious and apparently moral reasons for doing what would give the
+audience least trouble; and consequently one who, like Demosthenes, desired to
+stir them up to action and personal sacrifices, had always an uphill fight: and
+if he also at times 'deceived the people' or employed sophistical arguments in
+order to secure results which he believed to be for their good, we must remember
+the difficulty (which, in spite of the wide circulation of authentic
+information, is at least equally great at the present day) of putting the true
+reasons for or against a policy, before those who, whether from want of
+education or from lack of training in the subordination of feeling to thought,
+are not likely to understand or to listen to them. Nor, if we grant the
+genuineness of Demosthenes' conviction as to the desirability of the end for
+which he contended, can many statesmen be pointed out, who have not been at
+least as guilty as he in their choice of means. That he did not solve the
+problem, how to lead a democracy by wholly honest means, is the less to his
+discredit, in that the problem still remains unsolved.
+
+It should be added that with an audience like the Athenian, whose aesthetic
+sensitiveness was doubtless far greater than that of any modern assembly,
+delivery counted for much. Aeschines' fine voice was a real danger to
+Demosthenes, and Demosthenes himself spoke of delivery, or the skilled acting of
+his part, as the all-important condition of an orator's success. But it is clear
+that this can have been no advantage from the standpoint of the public interest.
+
+In the law-courts the drawbacks to which the commanding influence of oratory was
+liable were intensified. In the Assembly a certain amount of reticence and self-
+restraint was imposed by custom: an opponent could not be attacked by name or on
+purely personal grounds; and an appearance of impartiality was commonly assumed.
+But in the courts much greater play was allowed to feeling; and the arguments
+were often much more disingenuous, not only because the personal interests at
+stake made the speaker more unscrupulous, but also, perhaps, because the juries
+ordinarily included a larger proportion of the poorer, the idler, and the less-
+educated citizens than the Assembly. The legal question was often that to which
+the jury were encouraged to pay least attention, and the condemnation or
+acquittal of the accused was demanded upon grounds quite extraneous to the
+indictment. (The two court-speeches contained in these volumes afford abundant
+illustrations of this.) Personalities were freely admitted, of a kind which it
+is difficult to excuse and impossible to justify. To attempt to blacken the
+personal character of an opponent by false stories about his parentage and his
+youth, and by the ascription to him and his relations of nameless immoralities,
+is a very different thing from the assignment of wrong motives for his political
+actions, though even in purely political controversy the ancients far exceeded
+the utmost limits of modern invective. And this both Demosthenes and Aeschines
+do freely. There is also reason to suspect that some of the tales which each
+tells of the other's conduct, both while serving as ambassadors and on other
+occasions, may be fabrications. The descriptive passages for which such
+falsehoods gave an opening had doubtless their dramatic value in the oratorical
+performance: possibly they were even expected by the listeners; but their
+presence in the speeches does not increase our admiration either for the speaker
+or for his audience.
+
+All the force of Demosthenes' oratory was unable to defeat the great antagonist
+of his country. To Philip of Macedon failure was an inconceivable idea. Resident
+during three impressionable years of his youth at Thebes, he had there learned,
+from the example of Epaminondas, what a single man could do: and he proceeded to
+each of the three great tasks of his life--the welding of the rough Macedonians
+into one great engine of war, the unification of Greece under his own
+leadership, and the preparation for the conquest of the East by a united Greece
+and Macedonia--without either faltering in face of difficulties, or hesitating,
+out of any scrupulosity, to use the most effective means towards the end which
+he wished at the moment to achieve; though in fact the charges of bad faith made
+against him by Demosthenes are found to be exaggerated, when they are
+impartially examined. Philip intended to become master of Greece: Demosthenes
+realized this early, and, with all the Hellenic detestation of a master,
+resolved to oppose him to the end. Philip was, indeed, in spite of the barbarous
+traits which revealed themselves in him at times, not only gracious and
+courteous by nature, but a sincere admirer of Hellenic--in other words, of
+Athenian--culture; the relations between his house and the people of Athens had
+generally been friendly; and there was little reason to suppose that, if he
+conquered Athens, he would treat her less handsomely than in fact he did. Yet
+this could not justify one who regarded freedom as Demosthenes regarded it, in
+making any concession not extorted by the necessities of the situation: his duty
+and his country's duty, as he conceived it, was to defeat the enemy of Hellenic
+independence or to fall in the attempt. Nor was it for him to consider (as
+Isocrates might) whether or no Philip's plans had now developed into, or could
+be transformed into, a beneficent scheme for the conquest of the barbarian world
+by a united Hellas, if the union was to be achieved at the price of Athenian
+liberty. It is because, in spite of errors and of the questionable methods to
+which he sometimes stooped, Demosthenes devoted himself unflinchingly to the
+cause of freedom, for Athens and for the Hellenes as a whole, that he is
+entitled, not merely as an orator but as a politician, to the admiration which
+posterity has generally accorded him. It is, above all, by the second part of
+his career, when his policy of antagonism to Philip had been accepted by the
+people, and he was no longer in opposition but, as it were, in office, that
+Demosthenes himself claims to be justified; and Aeschines' attempt to invalidate
+the claim is for the most part unconvincing.
+
+It is not easy to describe in a few paragraphs the characteristics of
+Demosthenes as an orator. That he stands on the highest eminence that an orator
+has ever reached is generally admitted. But this is not to say that he was
+wholly free from faults. His contemporaries, as well as later Greek critics,
+were conscious of a certain artificiality in his eloquence. It was, indeed, the
+general custom of Athenian orators to prepare their speeches with great care:
+the speakers who, like Aeschines and Demades, were able to produce a great
+effect without preparation, and the rhetoricians who, like Alcidamas, thought of
+the studied oration as but a poor imitation of true eloquence, were only a small
+minority; and in general, not only was the arrangement of topics carefully
+planned, but the greatest attention was paid to the sound and rhythm of the
+sentences, and to the appropriateness and order of the words. The orator had
+also his collections of passages on themes which were likely to recur
+constantly, and of arguments on either side of many questions; and from these he
+selected such passages as he required, and adapted them to his particular
+purpose. The rhetorical teachers appear to have supplied their pupils with such
+collections; we find a number of instances of the repetition of the same passage
+in different speeches, and an abundance of arguments formed exactly on the model
+of the precepts contained in rhetorical handbooks.[10] Yet with all this art
+nothing was more necessary than that a speech should appear to be spontaneous
+and innocent of guile. There was a general mistrust of the 'clever speaker', who
+by study or rhetorical training had learned the art of arguing to any point, and
+making the worse cause appear the better. To have studied his part too
+carefully--even to have worked up illustrations from history and poetry--might
+expose the orator to suspicion.[11] Demosthenes, in spite of his frequent
+attempts to deprecate such suspicion, did not succeed wholly in keeping on the
+safe side. Aeschines describes him as a wizard and a sophist, who enjoyed
+deceiving the people or the jury. Another of his opponents levelled at him the
+taunt that his speeches 'smelt of the lamp'. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, one of
+the best of the ancient critics, says that the artificiality of Demosthenes and
+his master Isaeus was apt to excite suspicion, even when they had a good case.
+Nor can a modern reader altogether escape the same impression. Sometimes,
+especially in the earlier speeches to the Assembly, the argument seems unreal,
+the joints between the previously prepared commonplaces or illustrations and
+their application to the matter in hand are too visible, the language is
+artificially phrased, and wanting in spontaneity and ease. There are also parts
+of the court speeches in which the orator seems to have calculated out all the
+possible methods of meeting a particular case, and to be applying them in turn
+with more ingenuity than convincingness. An appearance of unreality also arises
+at times (again principally in the earlier speeches) from a certain want of
+imagination. He attributes feelings and motives to others, which they were
+really most unlikely to have entertained, and argues from them. Some of the
+sentiments which he expects Artaxerxes or Artemisia to feel (in the Speeches on
+the Naval Boards and for the Rhodians) were certainly not to be looked for in
+them. Similar misconceptions of the actual or possible sentiments of the
+Spartans appear in the Speech for the Megalopolitans, and of those of the
+Thebans in the Third Olynthiac (Sec. 15). The early orations against Philip also
+show some misunderstanding of his character. And if, in fact, Demosthenes lived
+his early years largely in solitary studiousness and was unsociable by
+disposition, this lack of a quick grasp of human nature and motives is quite
+intelligible. But this defect grew less conspicuous as his experience increased;
+and though even to the end there remained something of the sophist about him, as
+about all the disciples of the ancient rhetoric, the greatness of his best work
+is not seriously affected by this. For, in his greatest speeches, and in the
+greatest parts of nearly all his speeches, the orator is white-hot with genuine
+passion and earnestness; and all his study and preparation resulted, for the
+most part, not in an artificial product, but in the most convincing expression
+of his real feeling and belief; so that it was the man himself, and not the
+rhetorical practitioner that spoke.
+
+The lighter virtues of the orator are not to be sought for in him. In
+gracefulness and humour he is deficient: his humour, indeed, generally takes the
+grim forms of irony and satire, or verges on personality and bad taste. Few of
+his sentences can be imagined to have been delivered with a smile; and something
+like ferocity is generally not far below the surface. Pathos is seldom in him
+unmixed with sterner qualities, and is usually lost in indignation. But of
+almost every other variety of tone he has a complete command. The essential
+parts of his reasoning (even when it is logically or morally defective) are
+couched, as a rule, in a forcible and cogent form;[12] and he has a striking
+power of close, sustained, and at the same time lucid argumentation. His matter
+is commonly disposed with such skill that each topic occurs where it will tell
+most powerfully; and while one portion of a speech affords relief to another
+(where relief is needed, and particularly in the longer orations) all alike bear
+on the main issue or strengthen the orator's position with his audience.
+Historical allusions are not (as they often are by Aeschines and Isocrates)
+enlarged out of proportion to their importance, but are limited to what is
+necessary, in order to illustrate the orator's point or drive his lesson home.
+Add to these qualities his combination of political idealism with absolute
+mastery of minute detail; the intensity of his appeal to the moral sense and
+patriotism of his hearers; the impressiveness of his denunciation of political
+wrong; the vividness of his narrative, the rapid succession of his impassioned
+phrases, and some part of the secret of his power will be explained. For the
+rest, while there is in his writing every degree of fullness or brevity, there
+is no waste of words, no 'fine language' out of place. His language, indeed, is
+ordinarily simple--sometimes even colloquial; though in the arrangement of his
+words in their most telling order he shows consummate art, and his metaphors are
+often bold and sometimes even violent. In the use of the 'figures of speech' he
+excels; above all, in the use of antitheses (whether for the purpose of vivid
+contrast or of precise logical expression), and of the rhetorical question, used
+now in indignation, now in irony, now in triumphant conclusion of an argument:
+and at times there are master-strokes of genius, which defy all analysis, such
+as the great appeal to the men of Marathon in the Speech on the Crown.[13] He
+does not as a rule (and this is particularly true of the Speech on the Crown)
+cover the whole of the ground with the same adequacy; but so concentrates all
+his forces upon certain points as to be irresistible, and thus 'with thunder and
+lightning confounds'[14] the orators who oppose him. It is no wonder that some
+of the greatest of English orators, and notably of those of the eighteenth and
+early nineteenth centuries, borrow from him not only words and phrases, but
+inspiration and confidence in their cause, and look upon him as a model whom
+they may emulate, but cannot excel.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] See Introduction to First Philippic.
+
+[2] See notes on Speech for the Megalopolitans.
+
+[3] See note on Speech on the Crown, Sec. 140.
+
+[4] See Speech on the Crown, Sec.Sec. 170 ff.
+
+[5] See Zimmern, _The Greek Commonwealth_, pp. 159 ff., for an excellent short
+account of the constitution and functions of the Council. That the councillors
+themselves sat (for administrative purposes) in relays, changing ten times a
+year, was also against continuity.
+
+[6] See Speech on Embassy, Sec. 2 n.
+
+[7] See Introduction to Speech on Naval Boards, and Philippic I, Sec.Sec. 36, 37.
+
+[8] See Zimmern, _The Greek Commonwealth_, p. 205.
+
+[9] See Zimmern, _The Greek Commonwealth_, p. 205.
+
+[10] The 'Art' of Anaximenes is an interesting extant example of a fourth-
+century handbook for practical orators. The Rhetoric of Aristotle stands on a
+higher plane, but probably follows the lines laid down by custom in the
+rhetorical schools.
+
+[11] See Speech on Embassy, Sec. 246, and note.
+
+[12] He is especially fond of the dilemma, which is not indeed cogent in strict
+logic, but is peculiarly telling and effective in producing conviction in large
+audiences.
+
+[13] See [Longinus] 'On the Sublime', especially chap, xvi-xviii (English
+translation by A. O. Prickard in this series). This treatise should be read by
+all students of Demosthenes, especially chap. xii, xvi-xviii, xxxii, xxxiv,
+xxxix.
+
+[14] 'On the Sublime', chap. xxxiv.
+
+
+
+
+[TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE: The text for all notes marked [n] will be found at the end
+of the second volume.]
+
+
+
+
+ON THE NAVAL BOARDS (OR. XIV)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. The speech was delivered in 354 B.C. News had been brought to
+Athens that the Persian King Artaxerxes Ochus was making great military and
+naval preparations, and though these were, in fact, directed against his own
+rebellious subjects in Egypt, Phoenicia, and Cyprus, the Athenians had some
+ground for alarm: for, two years before this, Chares, in command of an Athenian
+fleet, had given assistance to Artabazus, Satrap of Ionia, who was in revolt
+against the king. The king had made a protest, and (late in 355) Athens had
+ordered Chares to withdraw his aid from Artabazus. A party in Athens now wished
+to declare war on Persia, and appealed strongly to Athenian traditions in favour
+of the proposal. Demosthenes opposes them, on the ground that it was not certain
+that the king was aiming at Athens at all, and that the disunion of the Hellenic
+peoples would render any such action unsafe: Athens had more dangerous enemies
+nearer home, and her finances were not in a condition for such a campaign. But
+he takes advantage of the interest aroused, to propose a reform of the
+trierarchic system, designed to secure a more efficient navy, and to remedy
+certain abuses in the existing method of equipping vessels for service.
+
+In earlier times, the duty of equipping and commanding each trireme was laid
+upon single citizens of means, the hull and certain fittings being found by the
+state. When, early in the fourth century, the number of wealthy men had
+diminished, each ship might be shared by two citizens, who commanded in turn. In
+357 a law was passed, on the proposal of Periander, transferring the
+responsibility from individuals to 'Symmories' or Boards. (The system had been
+instituted in a slightly different form for the collection of the war-tax in the
+archonship of Nausinicus, 378-7 B.C.) The collection of the sums required became
+the work of twenty Boards, formed by the subdivision of the 1,200 richest
+citizens: each contributor, whatever his property, paid the same share. The
+richer men thus got off with the loss of a very small proportion of their
+income, as compared with the poorer members of the Boards,[1] and in managing
+the business of the Boards they sometimes contrived to exact the whole sum from
+their colleagues, and to escape payment themselves. At the same time the duties
+of the several Boards and their members were not allocated with sufficient
+precision to enable the responsibility to be brought home in case of default;
+and the nominal Twelve Hundred had fallen to a much smaller number, on whom the
+burden accordingly fell with undue weight. Demosthenes' proposal provided for
+the distribution of the responsibility of equipping the vessels and providing
+the funds, in the most detailed manner, with a view to preventing all evasion;
+but it was not carried. In fact, it was not until 340 that he succeeded in
+reforming the trierarchy, and he then made the burden vary strictly with
+property. The proposal, however, to declare war upon Persia went no further.
+
+While, in this speech, Demosthenes is in accord with the policy of Eubulus, so
+far as concerns the avoidance of war with Persia, his proposals of financial
+reform would not be viewed with favour by the wealthy men who were Eubulus' firm
+supporters. Some of the themes which recur continually in later speeches are
+prominent in this--the futility of rhetorical appeals to past glories, without
+readiness for personal service, and the need of a thorough organization of the
+forces. While the speech shows rather too strongly the marks of careful
+preparation, and seldom rises to eloquence--the style, indeed, is often rather
+cramped and stiff, and the sentiments, especially at the beginning, artificially
+phrased--it is moderate and practical in tone, and shows a characteristic
+mastery of minute detail.]
+
+
+{1} Those who praise your forefathers,[n] men of Athens, desire, no doubt, to
+gratify you by their speeches; and yet I do not think that they are acting in
+the interests of those whom they praise. For the subject on which they attempt
+to speak is one to which no words can do justice; and so, although they thus win
+for themselves the reputation of capable speakers, the impression which they
+convey to their hearers of the merit of our forefathers is not adequate to our
+conception of it. For my part I believe that their highest praise is constituted
+by Time: for the time that has passed has been long, and still no generation has
+arisen, whose achievements could be compared with advantage to theirs. {2} As
+for myself, I shall attempt to point out the way in which, in my opinion, you
+can best make your preparations. For the truth is, that if all of us who propose
+to address you were to succeed in proving to you our rhetorical skill, there
+would not be the slightest improvement in your condition--I am sure of it; but
+if a single speaker were to come forward, whoever he might be, who could
+instruct and convince you as to the nature of the preparations which would meet
+the city's need, as to their extent, and the resources upon which we can draw
+for them, your present fears would instantly be dissolved. This I will attempt
+to do--if indeed it is in my power. But first I must briefly express my views as
+to our relations with the king.
+
+{3} I hold the king to be the common enemy of all the Hellenes; and yet I should
+not on that account urge you, alone and unsupported, to raise war against him.
+For I observe that there is no common or mutual friendship even among the
+Hellenes themselves: some have more faith in the king than in some other
+Hellenes. When such are the conditions, your interest requires you, I believe,
+to see to it that you only begin war from a fair and just cause, and to make all
+proper preparations: this should be the basis of your policy. {4} For I believe,
+men of Athens, that if it were made plain to the eyes and understandings of the
+Hellenes, that the king was making an attempt upon them, they would both fight
+in alliance with those who undertook the defence for them and with them, and
+would feel very grateful to them. But if we quarrel with him prematurely, while
+his intentions are still uncertain, I am afraid, men of Athens, that we may be
+forced to fight not only against the king, but also against those for whose
+benefit we are exercising such forethought. {5} For he will pause in the
+execution of his project, if indeed he has really resolved to attack the
+Hellenes, and will bribe some of them with money and offers of friendship; while
+they, desirous of bringing their private wars to a successful end, and animated
+only by such a spirit, will disregard the common safety of all. I urge you then,
+not to hurl the city needlessly into the midst of any such chaos of selfish
+passions. {6} Moreover, I see that the question of the policy to be adopted
+towards the king does not even stand on the same footing for the other Hellenes
+as for you. It is open, I think, to many of them to manage certain of their own
+interests as they please, and to disregard the rest of the Hellenes. But for you
+it is not honourable, even if you are the injured party, and are dealing with
+those who have injured you, to punish them so severely as to leave some of them
+to fall under the domination of the foreigner: {7} and this being so, we must
+take care, first, that we do not find ourselves involved in an unequal war, and
+secondly, that he, whom we believe to be plotting against the Hellenes, does not
+gain credit from the supposition that he is their friend. How then can this be
+achieved? It will be achieved if it is manifest to all that the forces of Athens
+have been overhauled and put in readiness, and if her intentions in regard to
+their use are plainly righteous. {8} But to those who take a bold line, and urge
+you, without any hesitation whatever, to go to war, my reply is this--that it is
+not difficult to win a reputation for bravery, when the occasion calls for
+deliberation; nor to prove yourself an accomplished orator, when danger is at
+the door: but to display your courage in the hour of danger, and, in debate, to
+have wiser advice to offer than others--that is the hard thing, and that is what
+is required of you. {9} For my part, men of Athens, I consider that the proposed
+war with the king would be a difficult undertaking for the city; while the
+decisive conflict in which the war would result would be an easier matter, and
+for this reason. Every war, I suppose, necessarily requires ships and money and
+the command of positions. All such advantages the king, I find, possesses more
+abundantly than we. But a conflict of forces requires nothing so much as brave
+men; and of these, I believe, the larger number is with us, and with those who
+share our danger. {10} For this reason I exhort you not to be the first, in any
+way whatever, to take up the war; but for the decisive struggle I think you
+ought to be ready and your preparations made. And further, if the forces[n] with
+which foreigners and Hellenes could respectively be repelled were really
+different in kind, the fact that we were arraying our forces against the king
+would naturally, it may be, admit of no concealment. {11} But since all military
+preparations are of the same character, and the main points of a force must
+always be the same--the means to repel enemies, to help allies, and to retain
+existing advantages--why, when we have our acknowledged foes,[n] do we seek to
+procure others? Let us rather prepare ourselves to meet the enemies whom we
+have, and we shall then repel the king also, if he takes the aggressive against
+us. {12} Suppose that you yourselves summon the Hellenes to your side now. If,
+when the attitude of some of them towards you is so disagreeable, you do not
+fulfil their demands, how can you expect that any one will listen to you? 'Why,'
+you say, 'we shall tell them that the king is plotting against them.' Good
+Heavens! Do you imagine that they do not foresee this themselves? Of course they
+do. But their fear of this does not yet outweigh the quarrels which some of them
+have against you and against each other. And so the tour of your envoys will end
+in nothing but their own rhapsodies.[n] {13} But if you wait, then, if the
+design which we now suspect is really on foot, there is not one of the Hellenes
+who stands so much upon his dignity that he will not come and beg for your aid,
+when he sees that you have a thousand cavalry, and infantry as many as any one
+can desire, and three hundred ships: for he will know that in these lies his
+surest hope of deliverance. Appeal to them now, and we shall be suppliants, and,
+if unsuccessful, rejected suppliants. Make your own preparations and wait, and
+then they will be the suppliants and we their deliverers; and we may rest
+assured that they will all come to us for help.
+
+{14} In thinking out these points and others like them, men of Athens, my object
+was not to devise a bold speech,[n] prolonged to no purpose: but I took the
+greatest pains to discover the means by which our preparations could be most
+effectively and quickly made; and therefore, if my proposal meets with your
+approval, when you have heard it, you ought, I think, to pass it. Now the first
+element in our preparation, men of Athens (and it is the most important), must
+be this: your minds must be so disposed, that every one of you will perform
+willingly and heartily any service that is required of him. {15} For you see,
+men of Athens, that whenever you have unanimously desired any object, and the
+desire has been followed by a feeling on the part of every individual, that the
+practical steps towards it were for himself to take, the object has never yet
+slipped from your grasp: but whenever the wish has had no further result than
+that each man has looked to his neighbour, expecting his neighbour to act while
+he himself does nothing, the object has never yet been attained. {16} But
+supposing you to be filled with the keenness that I have described, I am of
+opinion that we should make up the Twelve Hundred to their full number, and
+increase it to 2,000, by the addition of 800. For if you can display this total,
+then, when you have allowed for the unmarried heiresses and orphans,[n] for
+property outside Attica,[n] or held in partnership, and for any persons who may
+be unable to contribute,[n] you will, I believe, actually have the full 1,200
+persons available. {17} These you must divide into twenty boards, as at present,
+with sixty persons to each board; and each of these boards you must divide into
+five sections of twelve persons each, taking care in every case to associate
+with the richest man the poorest men,[n] to maintain the balance. Such is the
+arrangement of persons which I recommend, and my reason you will know when you
+have heard the nature of the entire system. {18} I pass to the distribution of
+the ships. You must provide a total complement of 300 ships, forming twenty
+divisions of fifteen ships apiece, and including in each division five of the
+first hundred vessels,[n] five of the second hundred, and five of the third
+hundred. Next, you must assign by lot[n] to each board of persons its fifteen
+ships, and each board must assign three ships to each of its sections. {19} This
+done, in order that you may have the payments also systematically arranged, you
+must divide the 6,000 talents (for that is the taxable capital[n] of the
+country) into 100 parts of sixty talents each. Five of each of these parts you
+must allot to each of the larger boards--the twenty--and each board must assign
+one of these sums of sixty talents to each of its sections; {20} in order that,
+if you need 100 ships,[n] there may be sixty talents to be taxed for the expense
+of each ship, and twelve persons responsible for it; if 200, thirty talents will
+be taxed to make up the cost, and six persons will be responsible; if 300, then
+twenty talents must be taxed to defray the expense, and four persons will be
+responsible. {21} In the same way, men of Athens, I bid you make a valuation
+according to the register of all those fittings of the ships which are in
+arrear,[n] divide them into twenty parts, and allot to each of the large boards
+one-twentieth of the debtors: these must then be assigned by each board in equal
+numbers to each of its sections, and the twelve persons composing each section
+must call up their share of the arrears, and provide, ready-equipped, the ships
+which fall to them. {22} Such is the plan by which, in my opinion, the expense,
+the ships, the trierarchs, and the recovery of the fittings could best be
+provided for and put into working order. I proceed to describe a simple and easy
+scheme for the manning of the vessels. I recommend that the generals should
+divide the whole space of the dockyards into ten, taking care to have in each
+space thirty slips for single vessels close together. This done they should
+apportion to each space two of the boards and thirty ships; and should then
+assign a tribe to each space by lot. {23} Each captain should divide into three
+parts the space which falls to his tribe, with the corresponding ships, and
+should allot these among the three wards[n] of each tribe, in such a way that if
+each tribe has one division of the entire docks, each ward will have a third of
+one of these divisions; and you will know, in case of need, first the position
+assigned to the tribe; next, that of the ward; and then the names of the
+trierarchs and their ships; each tribe will be answerable for thirty, and each
+ward for ten ships. If this system is put in train, circumstances as they arise
+will provide for anything that I may have overlooked to-day (for perhaps it is
+difficult to think of everything), and there will be a single organization for
+the whole fleet and every part of it.
+
+{24} But what of funds? What resources have we immediately at our command? The
+statement which I am about to make on this subject will no doubt be astonishing;
+but I will make it nevertheless; for I am convinced that upon a correct view of
+the facts, this statement alone will be proved true, and will be justified by
+the event. I say then, that this is not the time to discuss the financial
+question. We have large resources upon which, in case of necessity, we may
+honourably and rightly draw: but if we inquire for them now, we shall not
+believe that we can rely upon them even against the hour of need; so far shall
+we be from supplying them now. 'What then,' you will ask me, 'are these
+resources, which are non-existent now, but will be ours then? This is really
+like a riddle.' I will tell you. {25} Men of Athens, you see all this great
+city.[n] In this city there is wealth which will compare, I had almost said,
+with the united wealth of all other cities. But such is the disposition of those
+who own it, that if all your orators were to raise the alarm that the king was
+coming--that he was at the doors--that there was no possible escape; and if with
+the orators an equal number of prophets foretold the same thing; even then, far
+from contributing funds, they would show no sign[2] [and make no
+acknowledgement] of their possession of them. {26} If, however, they were to see
+in course of actual realization all the terrors with which at present we are
+only threatened in speeches, not one of them is so blind that he would not both
+offer his contribution, and be among the first to pay the tax. For who will
+prefer to lose his life and property, rather than contribute a part of his
+substance to save himself and the remainder of it? Funds, then, we can command,
+I am certain, if there is a genuine need of them, and not before; and
+accordingly I urge you not even to look for them now. For all that you would
+provide now, if you decided upon a levy, would be more ludicrous than nothing at
+all. {27} Suppose that we are told to pay 1 per cent. now; that gives you sixty
+talents. Two per cent. then--double the amount; that makes 120 talents. And what
+is that to the 1,200 camels which (as these gentlemen tell us) are bringing the
+king's money for him? Or would you have me assume a payment of one-twelfth, 500
+talents? Why, you would never submit to this; and if you paid the money down, it
+would not be adequate to the war. {28} You must, therefore, make all your other
+preparations, but allow your funds to remain for the present in the hands of
+their owners--they could nowhere be more safely kept for the use of the State;
+and then, if ever the threatened crisis arises, you will receive them as the
+voluntary gift of their possessors. This, men of Athens, is not only a possible
+course of action, but a dignified and a politic one. It is a course of action
+which is worthy to be reported to the ears of the king, and which would inspire
+him with no slight apprehension. {29} For he well knows that by two hundred
+ships, of which one hundred were Athenian,[n] his ancestors were deprived of one
+thousand; and he will hear that Athens alone has now equipped three hundred; so
+that, however great his infatuation, he could certainly not imagine it a light
+thing to make this country his foe. But if it is his wealth that suggests proud
+thoughts to his mind, he will find that in this respect too his resources are
+weaker than ours. {30} It is true that he is said to be bringing a great
+quantity of gold with him. But if he distributes this, he must look for more:
+for just so it is the way of springs and wells to give out, if large quantities
+are drawn from them all at once; whereas we possess, as he will hear, in the
+taxable capital of the country, resources which we defend against attack in a
+way of which those ancestors of his who sleep at Marathon can best tell him: and
+so long as we are masters of the country there is no risk of our resources being
+exhausted.
+
+{31} Nor again can I see any grounds for the fear, which some feel, lest his
+wealth should enable him to collect a large mercenary force. It may be that many
+of the Hellenes would be glad to serve under him against Egypt,[n] against
+Orontas,[n] or against certain other foreign powers--not from a wish that the
+king should conquer any such enemies, but because each desires individually to
+obtain some private means to relieve his present poverty. But I cannot believe
+that any Hellene would march against Hellas. Whither will he turn afterwards?
+Will he go to Phrygia and be a slave? {32} For the war with the foreigner is a
+war for no other stake than our country, our life, our habits, our freedom, and
+all that we value. Where is the wretch who would sacrifice self, parents,
+sepulchres, fatherland, for the sake of some short-lived gain? I do not believe
+that he exists. And indeed it is not even to the king's own interest to conquer
+the Hellenes with a mercenary force; for an army which has conquered us is, even
+more certainly,[n] stronger than he; and his intention is not to destroy us only
+that he may fall into the power of others: he wishes to rule, if it may be, over
+all the world; but if not, at least over those who are already his slaves.
+
+{33} It may be supposed that the Thebans will be on the king's side. Now this
+subject is one upon which it is hard to address you. For such is your hatred of
+them, that you cannot hear a good word about them, however true, without
+displeasure. And yet those who have grave questions to consider must not on any
+pretext pass over any profitable line of argument. {34} I believe, then, that so
+far are the Thebans from being likely ever to march with him against the
+Hellenes, that they would give a great deal, if they had it to give, for an
+opportunity of cancelling their former sins against Hellas.[n] But if any one
+does believe that the Thebans are so unhappily constituted, at least you are all
+aware, I presume, that if the Thebans take the part of the king, their enemies
+must necessarily take the part of the Hellenes.
+
+{35} My own belief is that our cause, the cause of justice, and its supporters,
+will prove stronger in every emergency than the traitor and the foreigner. And
+therefore I say that we need feel no excessive apprehension, and that we must
+not be led on into taking the first step towards war. Indeed, I cannot even see
+that any of the other Hellenes has reason to dread this war. {36} Are they not
+all aware, that so long as they thought of the king as their common foe, and
+were at unity with one another, they were secure in their prosperity; but that
+ever since they imagined that they could count upon the king as their friend,
+and fell to quarrelling over their private interests, they have suffered such
+evils as no malediction could have devised for them? Must we then dread a man
+whose friendship, thanks to Fortune and Heaven, has proved so unprofitable, and
+his enmity so advantageous? By no means! Let us not, however, commit any
+aggression, in view of our own interests, and of the disturbed and mistrustful
+spirit which prevails among the rest of the Hellenes. {37} Were it possible,
+indeed, to join forces with them all, and with one accord to attack the king in
+his isolation, I should have counted it no wrong even were we to take the
+aggressive. But since this is impossible, we must be careful to give the king no
+pretext for trying to enforce the claims of the other Hellenes against us. If
+you keep the peace, any such step on his part would arouse suspicion; but if you
+are the first to begin war, his hostility to you would make his desire to
+befriend your rivals appear natural enough. {38} Do not then lay bare the evil
+condition of Hellas, by calling the powers together when they will not obey, or
+undertaking a war which you will be unable to carry on. Keep the peace; take
+courage, and make your preparations. Resolve that the news which the king hears
+of you shall certainly not be that all Hellas, and Athens with it, in distress
+or panic or confusion. Far from it! {39} Let him rather know that if falsehood
+and perjury were not as disgraceful in Hellenic eyes as they are honourable in
+his, you would long ago have been on the march against him: and that though, as
+it is, your regard for yourselves forbids you to act thus, you are praying to
+all the gods that the same madness may seize him as once seized his ancestors.
+And if it occurs to him to reflect upon this, he will find that your
+deliberations are not conducted in any careless spirit. {40} He at least shares
+the knowledge that it was your wars with his own ancestors that raised Athens to
+the summit of prosperity and greatness; while the peaceful policy which she
+previously pursued never gave her such a superiority as she now enjoys over any
+single state in Hellas. Aye, and he sees that the Hellenes are in need of one
+who, whether intentionally or not, will reconcile them one to another; and he
+knows that if he were to stir up war, he himself would assume that character in
+relation to them; so that the news which he will hear of you will be
+intelligible and credible to him.
+
+{41} But I do not wish to trouble you, men of Athens, by unduly prolonging my
+speech. I will therefore recapitulate my advice and retire. I bid you prepare
+your forces with a view to the enemies whom you have. If the king or any other
+power attempts to do you injury, you must defend yourselves with these same
+forces. But you must not take the aggressive by word or deed; and you must take
+care that it is your deeds, and not your platform speeches, that are worthy of
+your forefathers. If you act thus, you will be consulting both your own
+interests and those of the speakers who are opposing me; since you will have no
+cause to be angry with them afterwards, because you have decided wrongly to-day.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] See Speech on Crown, Sec.Sec. 102 ff. and notes.
+
+[2] See Speech on Crown, Sec.Sec. 102 ff. and notes.
+
+
+
+
+FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS (OR. XVI)
+
+[_Introduction_. In 371 B.C. the Thebans under Epaminondas defeated the Spartans
+at Leuctra, and, assisted by Thebes, the Arcadians and Messenians threw off the
+Spartan yoke. The former founded Megalopolis as their common centre, the latter
+Messene. But after the death of Epaminondas in 362, Thebes was left without a
+leader; and when, in 355, she became involved in the 'Sacred War' with the
+Phocians, the new Peloponnesian states turned towards Athens, and Messene
+received a solemn promise of Athenian assistance, if ever she was attacked by
+Sparta. In 353 Thebes was suffering considerably from the Sacred War, and the
+Spartans made an ingenious attempt to recover their power, in the form of a
+proposal for the restoration of territory to its original owners. This meant
+that Athens would recover Oropus, which had been in the hands of Thebes since
+366, and had previously been the subject of a long-standing dispute; that
+Orchomenus, Thespiae, and Plataeae, which had all been overthrown by Thebes,
+would be restored; and that Elis and Phlius would also recover certain lost
+possessions. All these states would then be morally bound (so the Spartans
+thought) to help Sparta to reconquer Arcadia and Messenia.
+
+On the occasion of this speech (delivered in 353) the Megalopolitans had
+appealed to Athens, and an Arcadian and a Spartan embassy had each had an
+audience of the Assembly, and had each received strong support from Athenian
+speakers. The principal motives of the supporters of Sparta were their hostility
+to Thebes, and their desire not to break with the Spartans, whom Athens had
+assisted at Mantineia in 362 against the Thebans and Megalopolitans. Demosthenes
+supports the Arcadians, and lays great stress on the desirability of maintaining
+a balance of power between Sparta and Thebes, so that neither might become too
+strong. To allow Sparta to reconquer Arcadia, and, as the next step, Messenia,
+would be to render her too formidable; and to reject the proposal of Sparta
+would not preclude Athens from recovering Oropus and demanding the restoration
+of the Boeotian towns. But the promise of assistance to the Arcadians should be
+accompanied by a request for the termination of their alliance with Thebes.
+
+Demosthenes' advice was not followed. In fact Athens was hardly in a position to
+risk becoming entangled in a war with Sparta, particularly in view of the danger
+to her northern possessions from Philip. She therefore remained neutral, while
+the Thebans, relieved from the pressure of the Sacred War owing to the defeat of
+the Phocian leader Onomarchus by Philip, were able to send aid to Megalopolis. A
+truce between Sparta and Megalopolis was made about 350. It was, however, a
+result of the neutrality of Athens, that she was unable, a few years later, to
+secure the support of the Arcadians against Philip, whose allies they
+subsequently became.
+
+Lord Brougham describes the oration as 'one of extraordinary subtlety and
+address in handling delicate topics'; and, after quoting the passage in which
+Demosthenes urges the necessity of maintaining a balance of power between rival
+states, adds that 'this is precisely the language of modern policy'. At the same
+time, the speech has in places a somewhat academic and theoretical air: it is
+much occupied with the weighing of hypothetical considerations and obligations
+against one another: and though it enunciates some plain and reasonable
+political principles, and makes an honest attempt to satisfy those who wished to
+help the Arcadians, but at the same time desired to regain ground against
+Thebes, it is not always convincing, and the tone is more frankly opportunist
+than is usually the case with Demosthenes.]
+
+ {1} I think, men of Athens, that those who have spoken on the Arcadian side and
+those who have spoken on the Spartan, are alike making a mistake. For their
+mutual accusations and their attacks upon one another would suggest that they
+are not, like yourselves, Athenians, receiving the two embassies, but actually
+delegates of the two states. Such attacks it was for the two deputations to
+make. The duty of those who claim to advise you here was to discuss the
+situation impartially, and to inquire, in an uncontentious spirit, what course
+is best in your interests. {2} As it is, if one could alter the fact that they
+are known to us, and that they speak the dialect of Attica, I believe that many
+would imagine that those on the one side actually were Arcadians, and those on
+the other, Spartans. For my part, I see plainly enough the difficulty of
+offering the best advice. For you, like them, are deluded, in your desire for
+one extreme or the other: and one who endeavours to propose an intermediate
+course, which you will not have the patience to understand, will satisfy neither
+side and will forfeit the confidence of both. {3} But in spite of this, I shall
+prefer, for my own part, to risk being regarded as an idle chatterer (if such is
+really to be my lot), rather than to abandon my conviction as to what is best
+for Athens, and leave you to the mercy of those who would deceive you. And while
+I shall deal with all other points later, by your leave, I shall take for my
+starting-point, in explaining the course which I believe to be best, those
+principles which are admitted by all.
+
+{4} There can be no possible question that it is to the interest of the city
+that both the Spartans and these Thebans should be weak; and the present
+situation, if one may judge at all from what has constantly been asserted in
+your presence, is such, that if Orchomenus, Thespiae, and Plataeae[n] are re-
+established, Thebes becomes weak; and that if the Spartans can reduce Arcadia to
+subjection and destroy Megalopolis, Sparta will recover her former strength. {5}
+We must, therefore, take care not to allow the Spartans to attain a formidable
+degree of strength, before the Thebans have become insignificant, lest there
+should take place, unobserved by us, such an increase in the power of Sparta as
+would be out of proportion to the decrease in the power of Thebes which our
+interests demand. For it is, of course, out of the question that we should
+desire merely to substitute the rivalry of Sparta for that of Thebes: that is
+not the object upon which we are bent. Our object is rather that neither people
+shall be capable of doing us any injury. That is what will best enable us to
+live in security.
+
+{6} But, granted that this is what ought to be, still, we are told, it is a
+scandalous thing to choose for our allies the men against whom we were arrayed
+at Mantineia, and further, to help them against those whose perils we shared
+that day. I agree; but I think that we need to insert the condition, 'provided
+that the two parties are willing to act rightly.' {7} For if all alike prove
+willing to keep the peace, we shall not go to the aid of the Megalopolitans,
+since there will be no need to do so; and so there will be no hostility whatever
+on our part towards our former comrades in battle. They are already our allies,
+as they tell us; and now the Arcadians will become our allies as well. What more
+could we desire? {8} But suppose they act wrongfully and think fit to make war.
+In that case, if the question before us is whether we are to abandon Megalopolis
+to Sparta or not, then I say that, wrong though it is, I will acquiesce in our
+permitting this, and declining to oppose our former companions in danger. But if
+you all know that, after capturing Megalopolis, they will march against Messene,
+let me ask any of those who are now so harshly disposed towards Megalopolis to
+say what action he will _then_ advise. No answer will be given. {9} In fact you
+all know that, whether they advise it or not, we _must_ then go to the rescue,
+both because of the oath which we have sworn to the Messenians, and because our
+interests demand the continued existence of that city. Ask yourselves, then, on
+which occasion you can most honourably and generously interpose to check the
+aggressions of Sparta--in defence of Megalopolis, or in defence of Messene? {10}
+On the present occasion it will be understood that you are succouring the
+Arcadians, and are anxious that the Peace, which you fought for and risked your
+lives to win, may be secure. But if you wait, all the world will see plainly
+that it is not in the name of right that you desire the existence of Messene,
+but because you are afraid of Sparta. And while we should always seek and do the
+right, we should at the same time take good care that what is right shall also
+be advantageous.
+
+{11} Now an argument is used by speakers on the other side to the effect that we
+ought to attempt to recover Oropus,[n] and that if we make enemies of those who
+might come to our assistance against it we shall have no allies. I too say that
+we should try to recover Oropus. But the argument that the Spartans will be our
+enemies now, if we make alliance with those Arcadians who desire our friendship,
+is an argument which no one has less right even to mention, than those who
+induced you to help the Spartans when they were in danger. {12} Such was not
+their argument, when all the Peloponnesians came to you,[n] entreating you to
+support them in their campaign against Sparta, and they persuaded you to reject
+the entreaty, with the result that the Peloponnesians took the only remaining
+course and applied to Thebes--when they bade you contribute funds and imperil
+your lives for the deliverance of the Spartans. Nor, I presume, would you have
+been willing to protect them, had they warned you that you must expect no
+gratitude for their deliverance, unless, after saving them, you allowed them
+once more to do as they pleased and commit fresh aggressions. {13} And further,
+however antagonistic it may be to the designs of the Spartans, that we should
+make the Arcadians our allies, they are surely bound to feel a gratitude towards
+us for saving them when they were in the utmost extremity, which will outweigh
+their vexation at our preventing their present wrongdoing. Must they not then
+either assist us to recover Oropus, or else be regarded as the basest of
+mankind? For, by Heaven, I can see no other alternative.
+
+{14} I am astonished, also, to hear it argued that if we make the Arcadians our
+allies, and carry out my advice, it will seem as though Athens were changing her
+policy, and were utterly unreliable. I believe that the exact reverse of this is
+the case, men of Athens, and I will tell you why. I suppose that no one in the
+world can deny that when this city saved the Spartans,[n] and before them the
+Thebans,[n] and finally the Euboeans,[n] and subsequently made them her allies,
+she had one and the same end always in view. {15} And what was this? It was to
+deliver the victims of aggression. And if this is so, it is not we that should
+be changing, but those who refuse to adhere to the right; and it will be
+manifest that, although circumstances change from time to time with the
+ambitious designs of others, Athens does not change.
+
+{16} I believe that the Spartans are playing a very unscrupulous part. At
+present they tell us that the Eleans are to recover part of Triphylia,[n] and
+the Phliasians, Tricaranum;[n] other Arcadians are to recover their own
+possessions, and we ourselves are to recover Oropus--not that they have any
+desire to see every state enjoying its own--far from it!-- such generosity on
+their part would be late indeed in showing itself. {17} They wish rather to
+present the appearance of co-operating with each separate state in the recovery
+of the territory that it claims, in order that when they themselves march
+against Messene, all may take the field with them, and give them their hearty
+assistance, on pain of seeming to act unfairly, in refusing to return an
+equivalent for the support which each of them received from Sparta in regard to
+their own several claims. {18} My own view is that, even without the tacit
+surrender of some of the Arcadians to Sparta, we can recover Oropus, aided not
+only by the Spartans, if they are ready to act honourably, but by all who
+disapprove of allowing Thebes to retain what is not her own. But even if it were
+made quite plain to us, that without allowing Sparta to subdue the Peloponnese,
+we should not be able to take Oropus, I should still think it preferable, if I
+may dare to say so, to let Oropus go, rather than sacrifice Messene and the
+Peloponnese to Sparta. For our quarrel with them would not, I believe, be
+confined to this; since--I will not say what occurs to me; but there are many
+risks which we should run.
+
+{19} But, to pass on, it is a monstrous thing to use the hostile actions which,
+they say, the Megalopolitans committed against us, under the influence of
+Thebes, as a ground of accusation against them to-day; and, when they wish to be
+friends and so atone for their action by doing us good, to look askance at them,
+to seek for some way of avoiding their friendship, to refuse to recognize that
+in proportion to the zeal which my opponents can prove the Megalopolitans to
+have shown in supporting Thebes will be the resentment to which my opponents
+themselves will deservedly be exposed, for depriving the city of such allies as
+these, when they have appealed to you before appealing to Thebes. {20} Such a
+policy is surely the policy of men who wish to make the Arcadians for the second
+time the allies of others. And so far as one can forecast the future by
+calculation, I am sure, and I believe that most of you will agree with me, that
+if the Spartans take Megalopolis, Messene will be in peril; and if they take
+Messene also, then I predict that we shall find ourselves allies of Thebes.[n]
+{21} It is a far more honourable, a far better, course that we should ourselves
+take over the Theban confederacy,[n] refusing to leave the field open to the
+cupidity of the Spartans, than that we should be so afraid of protecting the
+allies of Thebes, as first to sacrifice them, and then to save Thebes itself;
+and, in addition, to be in a state of apprehension for our own safety. {22} For
+if the Spartans capture Megalopolis and become a great power once more, the
+prospect, as I conceive it, is not one which this city can view without alarm.
+For I can see that even now they are determining to go to war, not to prevent
+any evil which threatens them, but to recover their own ancient power: and what
+their aims were when they possessed that power, you, I think, know[n] perhaps
+better than I, and with that knowledge may well be alarmed.
+
+{23} Now I should be glad if the speakers who profess their hatred for Thebes on
+the one side, or for Sparta on the other, would tell me if their professed
+hatred is based on consideration for you and your interests, or whether the one
+party hates Thebes from an interest in Sparta, and the other Sparta from an
+interest in Thebes. If the latter is the case, you should not listen to either,
+but treat them as insane: but if the former, why this inordinate exaltation of
+one side or the other? {24} For it is possible, perfectly possible, to humiliate
+Thebes without rendering Sparta powerful. Indeed, it is by far the easier
+course; and I will try to tell you how it can be done. We all know that, however
+unwilling men may be to do what is right, yet up to a certain point they are
+ashamed not to do so, and that they withstand wrongdoers openly, particularly if
+there are any who receive damage through the wrong done: and we shall find that
+what ruins everything and is the source of all evil is the unwillingness to do
+what is right without reserve. {25} Now in order that no such obstacle may stand
+in the way of the humiliation of Thebes, let us demand the re-establishment of
+Thespiae, Orchomenus, and Plataeae, co-operating with their citizens ourselves,
+and requiring others to do so; for the principle of refusing to allow ancient
+cities to lie desolate is a right and honourable one. But let us at the same
+time decline to abandon Megalopolis and Messene to the aggressors, or to suffer
+the destruction of existing and inhabited cities, on the pretext of restoring
+Plataeae and Thespiae. {26} Then, if our policy is made plain to all, there is
+no one who will not wish to terminate the Thebans' occupation of territory not
+their own. But if it is not, not only will our designs be opposed by the
+Arcadians, in the belief that the restoration of these towns carries with it
+their own ruin, but we shall have troubles without end. For, honestly, where can
+we expect to reach an end, when we permit the annihilation of existing cities,
+and require the restoration of those that have been annihilated?
+
+{27} It is demanded by those whose speeches display the strongest appearance of
+fairness, that the Megalopolitans shall take down the pillars[n] which
+commemorate their alliance with Thebes, if they are to be trustworthy allies of
+Athens. The Megalopolitans reply that for them it is not pillars, but interest,
+that creates friendship; and that it is those who help them, that they consider
+to be their allies. Well, that may be their attitude. Nevertheless, my own view
+is, roughly speaking, this:--I say that we should simultaneously require the
+Megalopolitans to take down the pillars, and the Spartans to keep the peace: and
+that in the event of either side refusing to fulfil our request, we should at
+once take the part of those who are willing to fulfil it. {28} For if the
+Megalopolitans obtain peace, and yet adhere to the Theban alliance, it will be
+clear to all that they prefer the grasping policy of Thebes to that which is
+right. If, on the other hand, Megalopolis makes alliance frankly with us, and
+the Spartans then refuse to keep the peace, it will surely be clear to all that
+what the Spartans desire so eagerly is not the re-establishment of Thespiae, but
+an opportunity of subduing the Peloponnese while the Thebans are involved in the
+war.[n] {29} And I am surprised to find that there are some who are alarmed at
+the prospect of the enemies of Sparta becoming allies of Thebes, and yet see
+nothing to fear in the subjugation of these enemies by Sparta herself; whereas
+the experience of the past can teach us that the Thebans always use such allies
+against Sparta, while, when Sparta had them, she used to use them against us.
+
+{30} There is another point which I think you should consider. Suppose that you
+reject the overtures of the Megalopolitans. If they are annihilated and
+dispersed, Sparta can recover her power at once. If they actually survive--for
+things have happened before now beyond all hope--they will quite rightly be the
+firm allies of Thebes. But suppose you receive them. Then the immediate result,
+so far as they are concerned, is that they are saved by you: and as to the
+future, let us now transfer our calculation of possible risks to the case of the
+Thebans and Spartans. {31} If the Thebans are crushed, as they ought to be, the
+Spartans will not be unduly powerful, for they will always have these Arcadians
+at their doors to hold them in check. But if the Thebans actually recover and
+survive the attack, they will at least be weaker; for the Arcadians will have
+become our allies, and will owe their preservation to us. Thus on every ground
+it is to our interest not to sacrifice the Arcadians, nor to let them think that
+their deliverance, if they are really saved, is due to themselves, or to any
+other people than you.
+
+{32} And now, men of Athens, I solemnly declare that what I have said has been
+prompted by no personal feeling, friendly or hostile, towards either side. I
+have told you only what I believe to be expedient for you; and I exhort you not
+to sacrifice the people of Megalopolis, and to make it your rule, never to
+sacrifice a smaller power to a greater.
+
+
+
+
+FOR THE FREEDOM OF THE RHODIANS (OR. XV)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. Dionysius of Halicarnassus places the speech in 351 B.C. He is
+not always accurate, and the internal evidence has been thought by some to
+suggest a date perhaps two years earlier. The reasons, however, for this are not
+strong, and there has recently been a disposition to accept Dionysius' date.
+
+As the result of the Social War, Chios, Cos, Rhodes, and Byzantium had made
+themselves independent of Athens. They had been assisted by Mausolus, King of
+Caria, a vassal of Persia. After the termination of the war, a Carian garrison
+occupied Cos and Rhodes; the democratic constitution of Rhodes was overthrown
+and the democratic party driven into banishment, as the result of an oligarchic
+plot, which Mausolus had fostered. In 353 Mausolus died, and was succeeded by
+Artemisia, his sister and wife. The exiles appealed to Athens for restoration,
+and for the liberation of Rhodes from the Carian domination. It is evident that
+the feeling in Athens against the Rhodians was very strong, owing to their part
+in the late war, for which the democratic party had been responsible; and there
+was some fear of the possible consequences of offending Artemisia and perhaps
+becoming involved in war with Persia. Demosthenes, nevertheless, urges the
+people to assist them, and to forget their misconduct. He appeals to the
+traditional policy of Athens, as the saviour of the oppressed and protectress of
+democracies, and warns them of the danger which would threaten Athens herself,
+if the conversion of free constitutions into oligarchies were allowed to go
+unchecked. He takes a different view from that of his opponents of the probable
+attitude of Artemisia, and utters an impressive warning against corrupt and
+unpatriotic statesmen, which foreshadows his more vehement attacks in the
+orations against Philip.
+
+The appeal was unsuccessful, for in the speech on the Peace (Sec. 25) Demosthenes
+speaks of Cos and Rhodes as still subject to Caria.
+
+The speech is more eloquent than the last, and more outspoken. Political
+principles and ideals are enunciated with some confidence, and illustrated by
+striking examples from history. But there also appears for the first time that
+sense of the difficulty of rousing the Athenians to action of any kind, which is
+so strongly expressed in later speeches.]
+
+
+{1} It is, I think, your duty, men of Athens, when you are deliberating upon
+affairs of such importance, to grant freedom of speech to every one of your
+advisers. And for my part, I have never yet felt any difficulty in pointing out
+to you the best course; for I believe that, broadly speaking, you all know from
+the first what this is. My difficulty is to persuade you to act upon your
+knowledge. For when a measure is approved and passed by you, it is as far from
+execution as it was before you resolved upon it. {2} Well, you have to render
+thanks to Heaven for this, among other favours--that those who went to war with
+you not long ago, moved by their own insolent pride, now place their own hopes
+of preservation in you alone. Well may we rejoice at our present opportunity!
+For if your decision in regard to it is what it should be, you will find
+yourselves meeting the calumnies of those who are slandering this city with a
+practical and a glorious refutation. {3} For the peoples of Chios, Byzantium,
+and Rhodes accused us of entertaining designs against them; and on this ground
+they combined against us in the recent war. But now it will be seen[n] that,
+while Mausolus, who under the pretence of friendship towards Rhodes, directed
+and instigated their efforts, in reality robbed the Rhodians of their freedom;
+while their declared allies, Chios and Byzantium, never came to aid them in
+their misfortunes; {4} you, of whom they were afraid, and you alone, have been
+the authors of their salvation. And because all the world will have seen this,
+you will cause the popular party in every city to consider your friendship a
+guarantee of their own safety; nor could you reap any greater blessing than the
+goodwill which will thus be offered to you, spontaneously and without
+misgivings, upon every hand.
+
+{5} I notice, to my surprise, that those who urge us to oppose the king in the
+interest of the Egyptians,[n] are the very persons who are so afraid of him when
+it is the interest of the popular party in Rhodes that is in question. And yet
+it is known to every one that the Rhodians are Hellenes, while the Egyptians
+have a place assigned them in the Persian Empire. {6} I expect that some of you
+remember that, when you were discussing our relations with the king, I came
+forward and was the first to advise you[n] (though I had, I believe, no
+supporters, or one at the most), that you would show your good sense, in my
+opinion, if you did not make your hostility to the king the pretext of your
+preparations, but prepared yourselves against the enemies whom you already had;
+though you would resist him also, if he attempted to do you any injury. {7} Nor,
+when I spoke thus, did I fail to convince you, but you also approved of this
+policy. What I have now to say is the sequel to my argument on that occasion.
+For if the king were to call me to his side and make me his counsellor, I should
+give him the same advice as I gave you--namely, that he should fight in defence
+of his own possessions, if he were opposed by any Hellenic power, but should
+absolutely forego all claim to what in no way belongs to him. {8} If, therefore,
+you have made a general resolve, men of Athens, to retire from any place of
+which the king makes himself master, either by surprise or by the deception of
+some of the inhabitants, you have not resolved well, in my judgement: but if you
+are prepared, in defence of your rights, even to fight, if need be, and to
+endure anything that may be necessary, not only will the need for such a step be
+less, the more firmly your minds are made up, but you will also be regarded as
+showing the spirit which you ought to show.
+
+{9} To prove to you that I am not suggesting anything unprecedented in bidding
+you liberate the Rhodians, and that you will not be acting without precedent, if
+you take my advice, I will remind you of one of those incidents in the past
+which have ended happily for you. You once sent out Timotheus, men of Athens, to
+assist Ariobarzanes,[n] adding to your resolution the provision that he must not
+break our treaty with the king; and Timotheus, seeing that Ariobarzanes was now
+openly in revolt against the king, but that Samos was occupied by a garrison
+under Cyprothemis, who had been placed there by Tigranes, the king's viceroy,
+abandoned his intention of helping Ariobarzanes, but sat down before Samos,
+relieved it, and set it free. {10} And to this day no war has ever arisen to
+trouble you on account of this. For to enter upon a war for the purpose of
+aggrandizement is never the same thing as to do so in defence of one's own
+possessions. Every one fights his hardest to recover what he has lost; but when
+men endeavour to gain at the expense of others, it is not so. They desire to do
+this, if it is allowed them; but if they are prevented, they do not consider
+that their opponents have done them any wrong.
+
+{11} Now listen for a moment, and consider whether I am right or wrong, when I
+conclude that if Athens were actively at work, Artemisia herself would now not
+even oppose our action. If the king effects in Egypt all that he is bent upon, I
+believe that Artemisia would make every attempt to secure for him the continued
+possession of Rhodes--not from any goodwill towards him, but from the desire to
+be credited with a great service to him, while he is still in her
+neighbourhood,[n] and so to win from him as friendly a reception as possible.
+{12} But if he is faring as we are told, if all his attempts have failed, she
+will consider, and rightly, that the island can be of no further use to the
+king, except as a fortified post to command her own dominions--a security
+against any movement on her part. Accordingly she would prefer, I believe, that
+you should have it, without her openly surrendering it to you, rather than that
+he should occupy it. I think, therefore, that she would not even make an attempt
+to save it; or that if she actually did so, it would be but weakly and
+ineffectively. {13} For although I cannot, of course, profess to know what the
+king will do, I must insist that it is high time that it should be made clear,
+in the interests of Athens, whether he intends to lay claim to Rhodes or not:
+for if he does so, we have then to take counsel, not for the Rhodians alone, but
+for ourselves and for the Hellenes as a whole.
+
+{14} At the same time, even if the Rhodians who are now in possession[n] of the
+town held it by their own strength, I should never have urged you to take them
+for your allies, for all the promises in the world. For I observe that they took
+to their side some of their fellow citizens, to help them overthrow the
+democracy, and that, having done this, they turned and expelled them: and I do
+not think that men who failed to keep faith with either party would ever be
+trustworthy allies for yourselves. {15} And further, I should never have made my
+present proposal, had I been thinking only of the interests of the popular party
+in Rhodes. I am not their official patron,[n] nor have I a single personal
+friend among them; and even if both these things were otherwise, I should not
+have made this proposal, had I not believed it to be for your advantage. For as
+for the Rhodians, if I may use such an expression when I am pleading with you to
+save them, I share your joy[1] at what has happened to them. For it is because
+they grudged you the recovery of your rights that they have lost their own
+freedom; and that, instead of the equal alliance which they might have had with
+Hellenes, better than themselves, they are in bondage to foreigners and slaves,
+whom they have admitted to their citadels. {16} Indeed, if you resolve to go to
+their aid, I may almost say that this calamity has been good for them; for,
+Rhodians as they are, I doubt if they would ever have come to their right mind
+in prosperity; whereas actual experience has now taught them that folly
+generally leads to manifold adversities; and perhaps they will be wiser for the
+future. This lesson, I feel sure, will be no small advantage to them. I say then
+that you should endeavour to save these men, and should bear no malice,
+remembering that you too have been greatly deceived by conspirators against you,
+and yet would not admit that you deserved yourselves to suffer for such
+mistakes.
+
+Observe this also, men of Athens. {17} You have waged many wars both against
+democracies and against oligarchies; and of this no doubt you are as well aware
+as I. But I doubt whether any of you considers for what objects you are fighting
+in each case. What then are these objects? In fighting against a democracy, you
+are fighting either over some private quarrel, when the parties have failed to
+settle their disputes by the means publicly provided;[n] or you are contending
+for a piece of territory, or about a boundary, or for a point of honour, or for
+paramountcy. But in fighting against an oligarchy, it is not for any such
+objects--it is your constitution and your freedom that are at stake. {18} And
+therefore I should not hesitate to say that I believe it would be better for
+you, that all the Hellenic peoples should be democracies, and be at war with
+you, than that they should be governed by oligarchies, and be your friends. For
+with a free people you would have no difficulty, I believe, in making peace
+whenever you desired: but with an oligarchical State friendship itself cannot be
+safe. For there can be no goodwill between Few and Many--between those who seek
+for mastery, and those who have chosen the life of political equality.
+
+{19} It surprises me also that though Chios and Mytilene are ruled by
+oligarchies, and though now the Rhodians and all mankind, I may almost say, are
+being brought into the same bondage, no one considers that any danger threatens
+our own constitution also, or reflects that if every State is organized upon an
+oligarchic basis, it is not possible that your own democracy should be suffered
+to remain. For they know that no people but you could ever bring them forth into
+a state of liberty again; and they will wish to put an end to so likely a source
+of trouble to themselves. {20} As a rule we may regard wrongdoers as enemies
+only to those whom they have wronged. But when men destroy free constitutions
+and convert them into oligarchies, I say that you must think of them as the
+common enemies of all whose hearts are set on freedom. {21} Again, men of
+Athens, it is only right that you, a democracy yourselves, should show towards
+other democracies in distress the same spirit as you would expect them to show
+towards you, if any such calamity (which God forbid!) should happen to you. It
+may be said that the Rhodians are justly punished. If so, this is not the time
+to exult over them. When men are prosperous they should always be found taking
+thought how best to help the distressed; for the future is unknown to all men.
+
+{22} I have often heard it stated here in your presence, that when our democracy
+had met with disaster,[n] you were joined by certain others in your anxiety for
+its preservation. Of these I will only refer on the present occasion to the
+Argives, and that briefly. For I cannot desire that you, who enjoy the
+reputation of being always the saviours of the distressed, should prove inferior
+to the Argives in that work. These Argives, though their territory borders on
+that of the Spartans, whom they saw to be masters by land and sea, neither
+hesitated nor feared to display their goodwill towards you; but when envoys came
+from Sparta (so the story goes) to demand the persons of certain Athenian
+refugees, they even voted that unless the envoys departed before sunset, they
+should be adjudged public enemies. {23} If then the democracy of Argos in those
+days showed no fear of the might of the Spartan Empire, will it not be a
+disgrace if you, who are Athenians, are afraid of one who is a barbarian--aye,
+and a woman?[n] The Argives, moreover, could point to many defeats sustained at
+the hands of Sparta, while you have often defeated the king, and have not once
+proved inferior either to his servants or to himself. For if ever the king has
+gained any success against Athens, it has been by bribing the basest of the
+Hellenes to betray their countrymen; in no other way has he ever succeeded. {24}
+Indeed, even such success has done him no good. You will find that no sooner had
+he rendered Athens weak,[n] by the help of the Spartans, than he had to fight
+for his own kingdom against Clearchus and Cyrus. His successes, therefore, have
+not been won in the open field, nor have his plots brought him any good. Now
+some of you, I notice, are in the habit of speaking contemptuously of Philip, as
+though he were not worth reckoning with; while you dread the king, as a powerful
+enemy to any whom he chooses to oppose. But if we are not to defend ourselves
+against Philip, because he is so mean a foe, and are to give way in everything
+to the king, because he is so formidable, who is there, men of Athens, against
+whom we shall ever take the field?
+
+{25} Men of Athens, you have among you those who are particularly skilful in
+pleading with you the rights of the rest of the world; and I should be glad to
+give them this single piece of advice--that they should seek to plead your
+rights with the rest of the world,[n] and so set an example of duty. It is
+monstrous to instruct you about rights, without doing right oneself; and it is
+not right that a fellow citizen of yours should have studied all the arguments
+against you and none of those in your favour. {26} Ask yourselves, in God's
+name, why it is that there is no one in Byzantium to tell the Byzantines that
+they must not occupy Chalcedon,[n] which belongs to the king and formerly
+belonged to you, but upon which they had no sort of claim; or that they must not
+make Selymbria, once your ally, a contributory portion of the Byzantine state;
+or include the territory of Selymbria[n] within the Byzantine frontier, in
+defiance of the sworn treaty which ordains the independence of the cities? {27}
+Why was there no one to tell Mausolus, while he lived, and Artemisia after his
+death, that they must not occupy Cos and Rhodes and other Hellenic cities as
+well, which the king their master ceded to the Hellenes by the treaty,[n] and
+for the sake of which the Hellenes of those days faced many a peril and fought
+many a gallant fight? Even if there actually are such advisers[n] in both cases,
+at least it is not likely that they will find listeners. {28} For my part I
+believe that it is right to restore the exiled democracy of Rhodes. But even if
+it were not right, I think it would be proper to urge you to do it, when I
+consider the course taken by such speakers as these; and for this reason. If all
+the world, men of Athens, were bent upon doing right, it would be a disgrace to
+us if we alone were unwilling to do so: but when all the world is preparing
+itself in order to be able to commit wrong, then for us alone to abstain from
+every enterprise, on the plea of right, is no righteousness, to my mind, but
+cowardice. For I observe that the extent to which rights are admitted is always
+in proportion to the claimant's power at the moment. {29} I can illustrate this
+by an instance familiar to all of you. There are two treaties[n] between the
+Hellenes and the king. The first was made by our own city, and all men praise
+it; the second by the Spartans, and it is denounced by all. The rights defined
+in these two treaties are not the same. For whereas a common and equal share of
+private rights is given by law to weak and strong alike, in a settlement of
+international rights it is the stronger who legislate for the weaker.
+
+Well, you already know what the right course is.[n] {30} It remains to inquire
+how you can carry out your knowledge into action; and this will be possible, if
+you come to be regarded as public champions of universal liberty. But the great
+difficulty which you find in doing your duty is, to my mind, natural enough. All
+other men have only one conflict to face--the conflict with their declared foes;
+and when these are subdued, there is no further obstacle to their secure
+enjoyment of their happiness. {31} But for you there is a double conflict. In
+addition to that to which all men are liable, there is another which is harder,
+and which must be faced first: for you have to win the victory in your councils
+over those who are deliberately working in your midst against the interests of
+the city; and because, thanks to them, you can effect nothing that is demanded
+of you without a struggle, it is natural that you should often miss your mark.
+{32} The chief reason for the fearless adoption of such a course in public life
+by so many men is perhaps to be found in the benefits which they obtain from
+those who hire them. Yet at the same time, some of the blame may fairly be laid
+at your own doors. For you ought, men of Athens, to think of a man's post in
+public life as you think of his post in the army in the field. And how do you
+think of this? If a man leaves the post assigned to him by his general, you
+think that he deserves to be disfranchised and to lose all share in the
+privileges of a citizen. {33} And so when men desert the post of civil duty,
+committed to them by our forefathers, and follow an oligarchical[n] policy, they
+should forfeit the privilege of acting as advisers to yourselves. As it is,
+while you believe that those of your allies are best disposed towards you, who
+have sworn to have the same friends and foes as yourselves, the politicians in
+whom you place most faith are those whom you well know to have chosen the side
+of the enemies of Athens.
+
+{34} It is easy enough, however, to find reasons for accusing them and
+reproaching all of you. But to find words or actions which will enable us to
+rectify what is now amiss with us, is a task indeed. Moreover, the present is
+not, perhaps, the time for entering into every point: but if only you can
+confirm the policy which you have chosen by some suitable action, it may be that
+other conditions will each in turn show some improvement. {35} I think,
+therefore, that you ought to take this enterprise in hand with vigour, and to
+act worthily of your country. Remember with what delight you listen to the
+praises of your forefathers,[n] the recital of their deeds, the enumeration of
+their trophies. Consider then that your forefathers dedicated these trophies,
+not that you might gaze at them in idle wonder, but that you might imitate the
+actions of those who placed them there.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] [Greek: humin sygchair_o].
+
+
+
+
+THE FIRST PHILIPPIC (OR. IV)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. Philip became King of Macedonia in 359 B.C. Being in great
+difficulties both from external enemies and from internal division, he made
+peace with the Athenians, who were supporting the pretensions of Argaeus to the
+throne, in the hope of recovering (by agreement with Argaeus) the colony of
+Amphipolis on the Strymon, which they had lost in 424. Philip acknowledged the
+title of Athens to Amphipolis, and sent home the Athenian prisoners, whom he had
+captured among the supporters of Argaeus, without ransom. The Athenians,
+however, neglected to garrison Amphipolis. In 358 (the year in which Athens
+temporarily recovered her hold over Euboea, by compelling the Thebans to
+evacuate the island), Philip carried on a successful campaign against the
+Paeonian and Illyrian tribes, who were standing enemies of Macedonia. For the
+next three years Athens was kept occupied by the war with her allies, and Philip
+saw his opportunity. He besieged Amphipolis: when the citizens sent Hierax and
+Stratocles to ask Athens for help, he dispatched a letter promising the
+Athenians that he would give them Amphipolis when he had taken it; and a secret
+understanding was arrived at between Philip and the Athenian envoys sent to him,
+that Athens should give him Pydna (once a Macedonian town, but now an ally of
+Athens) in exchange. Athens, therefore, listened neither to Amphipolis nor to
+Olynthus, which had also made overtures to her. The Olynthians in consequence
+made a treaty with Philip, who gave them Anthemus and promised to help them
+against their old rival Poteidaea, a town in alliance with Athens. The
+Olynthians on their part agreed not to make peace with Athens except in
+conjunction with him. But Philip, when he had captured Amphipolis by a
+combination of siege and intrigue, did not give it up to Athens, and instead of
+waiting to receive Pydna from Athens, besieged and took it, aided once more by
+treachery from within. In 356 he took Poteidaea (in conjunction with the
+Olynthians, to whom he gave the town), the Athenians arriving too late to
+relieve it; and then pursued his conquests along the Thracian coast. Further
+inland he expelled the Thasians (allies of Athens) from Crenides and founded
+Philippi on the site, in the centre of the gold-mines of Mount Pangaeus, from
+which he henceforward derived a very large revenue; while the forests of the
+district provided him with timber for ship-building, of which he took full
+advantage: for in the next few years his ships made descents upon the Athenian
+islands of Lemnos and Imbros, plundered the Athenian corn-vessels off the coast
+of Euboea, and even landed a force at Marathon. In the latter part of 356 and in
+355 he was occupied with the conquest of the Paeonians and Illyrians, with whom
+Athens had made an alliance in 356. At the end of 355 he laid siege to Methone,
+the last Athenian port on the Thermaic gulf, and captured it in 354. (Some place
+the siege and capture of Methone in 354-3, but an inscription, C.I.G. II. 70,
+makes it at least probable that the siege had begun by the last month of 355.)
+In 353 Philip made his way to the Thracian coast, and conquered Abdera and
+Maroneia. At Maroneia we find him in company with Pammenes (his former host at
+Thebes), who had been sent by the Thebans to assist Artabazus in his revolt
+against the Persian king; and at the same place he received Apollonides of
+Cardia, the envoy of the Thracian prince Cersobleptes. On his way home his ships
+escaped from Chares, off Neapolis, by a ruse. In the same year he interfered in
+the affairs of Thessaly, where the Aleuadae of Larissa had invited his
+assistance against Lycophron and Peitholaus of Pherae, who had invoked the aid
+of the Phocians. (In opposing the Phocians, the antagonists of the Thebans in
+the Sacred War, Philip was also helping the Thebans themselves, and gaining
+credit as the opponent of the plunderers of the temple of Apollo at Delphi.)
+Onomarchus, the Phocian leader, twice defeated Philip, but was overthrown and
+slain in 352. Philip took Pherae and Pagasae (its port), occupied Magnesia, and,
+by means of promises, obtained financial aid from the Thessalians. The
+expedition sent by Athens to relieve Pagasae arrived too late; but when Philip,
+after putting down the tyrants of Pherae and arranging matters in Thessaly,
+advanced towards the Pass of Thermopylae, an Athenian force, sent on the advice
+of Diophantus and Eubulus, appeared in time to oblige him to retire to
+Macedonia. Late in the autumn of 352 we find him once more in Thrace. It was
+probably now that he assisted the peoples of Byzantium and Perinthus, together
+with Amadocus, a rival of Cersobleptes, against the latter; with the result that
+Cersobleptes was obliged to give up his son to Philip as a hostage. Philip had
+also made alliance with Cardia, which, like Byzantium, was on bad terms with
+Athens. He now laid siege to Heraeon Teichos, a fortress on the Propontis, but
+illness obliged him to suspend operations, and the rumour of his death prevented
+the Athenians from sending against him the expedition which they had resolved
+upon. (The retention of her influence in this region was essential for Athens,
+if her corn-supply was to be secure.) In 351, on recovering from his illness, he
+entered the territory of Olynthus, which, contrary to the agreement with him,
+had made peace with Athens in the previous year, apart from himself: but he did
+not at present pursue the invasion further. In October 351 Athens sent
+Charidemus to the Hellespont with ten ships, but no soldiers and little money.
+If these are the ships alluded to in Sec. 43 of the present Speech, the Speech must
+have been delivered after that date. Otherwise any date after Philip's incursion
+into the territory of Olynthus would suit the contents of the Speech, and many
+writers place it earlier in the year. The question of the relations of Athens
+with Philip had been brought forward; and Demosthenes, who had risen first to
+speak, proposes the creation of a large permanent fleet, and of a smaller force
+for immediate action, laying great stress on the necessity of sending Athenian
+citizens both to command and to form a substantial proportion of the troops,
+which, had so far been mostly mercenaries. The scheme was worked out in detail,
+both in its military and in its financial aspects, and supported with an
+eloquence and an earnestness which are far in advance of those displayed in the
+earlier speeches.
+
+The statement of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, that the Speech as we have it, is
+really a conflation of two speeches, of which the second (beginning at Sec. 30) was
+delivered in 347, is generally (and rightly) discredited.]
+
+
+{1} If some new subject were being brought before us, men of Athens, I would
+have waited until most of your ordinary advisers had declared their opinion; and
+if anything that they said were satisfactory to me, I would have remained
+silent, and only if it were not so, would I have attempted to express my own
+view. But since we find ourselves once more considering a question upon which
+they have often spoken, I think I may reasonably be pardoned for rising first of
+all. For if their advice to you in the past had been what it ought to have been,
+you would have had no occasion for the present debate.
+
+{2} In the first place, then, men of Athens, we must not be downhearted at our
+present situation, however wretched it may seem to be. For in the worst feature
+of the past lies our best hope for the future-in the fact, that is, that we are
+in our present plight because you are not doing your duty in any respect; for if
+you were doing all that you should do, and we were still in this evil case, we
+could not then even hope for any improvement. {3} In the second place, you must
+bear in mind (what some of you have heard from others, and those who know can
+recollect for themselves), how powerful the Spartans were, not long ago, and yet
+how noble and patriotic your own conduct was, when instead of doing anything
+unworthy of your country you faced the war with Sparta [n] in defence of the
+right. [n] Now why do I remind you of these things? It is because, men of
+Athens, I wish you to see and to realize, that so long as you are on your guard
+you have nothing to fear; but that if you are indifferent, nothing can be as you
+would wish: for this is exemplified for you both by the power of Sparta in those
+days, to which you rose superior because you gave your minds to your affairs;
+and by the insolence of Philip to-day, which troubles us because we care nothing
+for the things which should concern us. {4} If, however, any of you, men of
+Athens, when he considers the immense force now at Philip's command, and the
+city's loss of all her strongholds, thinks that Philip is a foe hard to conquer,
+I ask him (right though he is in his belief) to reflect also that there was a
+time when we possessed Pydna and Poteidaea and Methone; when all the surrounding
+country was our own, and many of the tribes [n] which are now on his side were
+free and independent, and more inclined to be friendly to us than to him. {5}
+Now if in those days Philip had made up his mind that it was a hard thing to
+fight against the Athenians, with all their fortified outposts on his own
+frontiers, while he was destitute of allies, he would have achieved none of his
+recent successes, nor acquired this great power. But Philip saw quite clearly,
+men of Athens, that all these strongholds were prizes of war, displayed for
+competition. He saw that in the nature of things the property of the absent
+belongs to those who are on the spot, and that of the negligent to those who are
+ready for toil and danger. {6} It is, as you know, by acting upon this belief,
+that he has brought all those places under his power, and now holds them--some
+of them by right of capture in war, others in virtue of alliances and friendly
+understandings; for every one is willing to grant alliance and to give attention
+to those whom they see to be prepared and ready to take action as is necessary.
+{7} If then, men of Athens, you also will resolve to adopt this principle to-
+day--the principle which you have never observed before--if each of you can
+henceforward be relied upon to throw aside all this pretence of incapacity, and
+to act where his duty bids him, and where his services can be of use to his
+country; if he who has money will contribute, and he who is of military age will
+join the campaign; if, in one plain word, you will resolve henceforth to depend
+absolutely on yourselves, each man no longer hoping that he will need to do
+nothing himself, and that his neighbour will do everything for him; then, God
+willing, you will recover your own; you will take back all that your indolence
+has lost, and you will have your revenge upon Philip. {8} Do not imagine that
+his fortune is built to last for ever, as if he were a God. He also has those
+who hate him and fear him, men of Athens, and envy him too, even among those who
+now seem to be his closest friends. All the feelings that exist in any other
+body of men must be supposed to exist in Philip's supporters. Now, however, all
+such feelings are cowed before him: your slothful apathy has taken away their
+only rallying point; and it is this apathy that I bid you put off to-day. {9}
+Mark the situation, men of Athens: mark the pitch which the man's outrageous
+insolence has reached, when he does not even give you a choice between action
+and inaction, but threatens you, and utters (as we are told) haughty language:
+for he is not the man to rest content in possession of his conquests: he is
+always casting his net wider; and while we procrastinate and sit idle, he is
+setting his toils around us on every side. {10} When, then, men of Athens, when,
+I say, will you take the action that is required? What are you waiting for? 'We
+are waiting,' you say, 'till it is necessary.' But what must we think of all
+that is happening at this present time? Surely the strongest necessity that a
+free people can experience is the shame which they must feel at their position!
+What? Do you want to go round asking one another, 'Is there any news?' Could
+there be any stranger news than that a man of Macedonia is defeating Athenians
+in war, and ordering the affairs of the Hellenes? {11} 'Is Philip dead?' 'No,
+but he is sick.' And what difference does it make to you? For if anything should
+happen to him, you will soon raise up for yourselves a second Philip, if it is
+thus that you attend to your interests. Indeed, Philip himself has not risen to
+this excessive height through his own strength, so much as through our neglect.
+I go even further. {12} If anything happened to Philip--if the operation of
+Fortune, who always cares for us better than we care for ourselves, were to
+effect this too for us--you know that if you were at hand, you could descend
+upon the general confusion and order everything as you wished; but in your
+present condition, even if circumstances offered you Amphipolis, you could not
+take it; for your forces and your minds alike are far away.
+
+{13} Well, I say no more of the obligation which rests upon you all to be
+willing and ready to do your duty; I will assume that you are resolved and
+convinced. But the nature of the armament which, I believe, will set you free
+from such troubles as these, the numbers of the force, the source from which we
+must obtain funds, and the best and quickest way, as it seems to me, of making
+all further preparations--all this, men of Athens, I will at once endeavour to
+explain when I have made one request of you. {14} Give your verdict on my
+proposal when you have heard the whole of it; do not prejudge it before I have
+done; and if at first the force which I propose appears unprecedented, do not
+think that I am merely creating delays. It is not those whose cry is 'At once',
+'To-day', whose proposals will meet our need; for what has already happened
+cannot be prevented by any expedition now. {15} It is rather he who can show the
+nature, the magnitude, and the financial possibility of a force which when
+provided will be able to continue in existence either until we are persuaded to
+break off the war, or until we have overcome the enemy; for thus only can we
+escape further calamity for the future. These things I believe I can show,
+though I would not stand in the way of any other speaker's professions. It is no
+less a promise than this that I make; the event will soon test its fulfilment,
+and you will be the judges of it.
+
+First then, men of Athens, I say that fifty warships must {16} at once be got in
+readiness: and next, that you must be in such a frame of mind that, if any need
+arises, you will embark in person and sail. In addition, you must prepare
+transports for half our cavalry, and a sufficient number of boats. {17} These, I
+think, should be in readiness to meet those sudden sallies of his from his own
+country against Thermopylae, the Chersonese, Olynthus, and any other place which
+he may select. For we must make him realize that there is a possibility of your
+rousing yourselves out of your excessive indifference, just as when once you
+went to Euboea,[n] and before that (as we are told) to Haliartus,[n] and
+finally, only the other day, to Thermopylae. {18} Such a possibility, even if
+you are unlikely to make it a reality, as I think you ought to do, is not one
+which he can treat lightly; and you may thus secure one of two objects. On the
+one hand, he may know that you are on the alert--he will in fact know it well
+enough: there are only too many persons, I assure you, in Athens itself, who
+report to him all that happens here: and in that case his apprehensions will
+ensure his inactivity. But if, on the other hand, he neglects the warning, he
+may be taken off his guard; for there will be nothing to hinder you from sailing
+to his country, if he gives you the opportunity. {19} These are the measures
+upon which I say you should all be resolved, and your preparations for them
+made. But before this, men of Athens, you must make ready a force which will
+fight without intermission, and do him damage. Do not speak to me of ten
+thousand or twenty thousand mercenaries. I will have none of your paper-armies.
+[n] Give me an army which will be the army of Athens, and will obey and follow
+the general whom you elect, be there one general or more, be he one particular
+individual, or be he who he may. {20} You must also provide maintenance for this
+force. Now what is this force to be? how large is it to be? how is it to be
+maintained? how will it consent to act in this manner? I will answer these
+questions point by point. The number of mercenaries--but you must not repeat the
+mistake which has so often injured you, the mistake of, first, thinking any
+measures inadequate, and so voting for the largest proposal, and then, when the
+time for action comes, not even executing the smaller one; you must rather carry
+out and make provision for the smaller measure, and add to it, if it proves too
+small--{21} the total number of soldiers, I say, must be two thousand, and of
+these five hundred must be Athenians, beginning from whatever age you think
+good: they must serve for a definite period--not a long one, but one to be fixed
+at your discretion--and in relays. The rest must be mercenaries. With these must
+be cavalry, two hundred in number, of whom at least fifty must be Athenians, as
+with the infantry; and the conditions of service must be the same. {22} You must
+also find transports for these. And what next? Ten swift ships of war. For as he
+has a fleet, we need swift-sailing warships too, to secure the safe passage of
+the army. And how is maintenance to be provided for these? This also I will
+state and demonstrate, as soon as I have given you my reasons for thinking that
+a force of this size is sufficient, and for insisting that those who serve in it
+shall be citizens.
+
+{23} The size of the force, men of Athens, is determined by the fact that we
+cannot at present provide an army capable of meeting Philip in the open field;
+we must make plundering forays, and our warfare must at first be of a predatory
+nature. Consequently the force must not be over-big--we could then neither pay
+nor feed it--any more than it must be wholly insignificant. {24} The presence of
+citizens in the force that sails I require for the following reasons. I am told
+that Athens once maintained a mercenary force in Corinth,[n] under the command
+of Polystratus, Iphicrates, Chabrias and others, and that you yourselves joined
+in the campaign with them; and I remember hearing that these mercenaries, when
+they took the field with you, and you with them, were victorious over the
+Spartans. But even since your mercenary forces have gone to war alone, it is
+your friends and allies that they conquer, while your enemies have grown more
+powerful than they should be. After a casual glance at the war to which Athens
+has sent them, they sail off to Artabazus,[n] or anywhere rather than to the
+war; and the general follows them naturally enough, for his power over them is
+gone when he can give them no pay. You ask what I bid you do. {25} I bid you
+take away their excuses both from the general and the soldiers, by supplying pay
+and placing citizen-soldiers at their side as spectators of these mysteries of
+generalship;[n] for our present methods are a mere mockery. Imagine the question
+to be put to you, men of Athens, whether you are at peace or no. 'At peace?' you
+would say; 'Of course not! We are at war with Philip.' {26} Now have you not all
+along been electing from among your own countrymen ten captains and generals,[n]
+and cavalry-officers, and two masters-of-the-horse? and what are they doing?
+Except the one single individual whom you happen to send to the seat of war,
+they are all marshalling your processions for you with the commissioners of
+festivals. You are no better than men modelling puppets of clay. Your captains
+and your cavalry-officers are elected to be displayed in the streets, not to be
+sent to the war. {27} Surely, men of Athens, your captains should be elected
+from among yourselves, and your master-of-the-horse from among yourselves; your
+officers should be your own countrymen, if the force is to be really the army of
+Athens. As it is, the master-of-the-horse who is one of yourselves has to sail
+to Lemnos; while the master-of-the-horse with the army that is fighting to
+defend the possessions of Athens is Menelaus.[n] I do not wish to disparage that
+gentleman; but whoever holds that office ought to have been elected by you.
+
+{28} Perhaps, however, while agreeing with all that I have said, you are mainly
+anxious to hear my financial proposals, which will tell you the amount and the
+sources of the funds required. I proceed, therefore, with these at once. First
+for the sum. The cost of the bare rations for the crews, with such a force, will
+be 90 talents and a little over--40 talents for ten swift ships, and 20 minae a
+month for each ship; and for the soldiers as much again, each soldier to receive
+rations to the value of 10 drachmae a month; and for the cavalry (two hundred in
+number, each to receive 30 drachmae a month) twelve talents. {29} It may be said
+that the supply of bare rations to the members of the force is an insufficient
+initial provision; but this is a mistake. I am quite certain that, given so
+much, the army will provide everything else for itself from the proceeds of war,
+without injury to a single Hellene or ally of ours, and that the full pay will
+be made up by these means. I am ready to sail as a volunteer and to suffer the
+worst, if my words are untrue. The next question then is of ways and means, in
+so far as the funds are to come from yourselves. I will explain this at once.
+
+[_A schedule of ways and means is read_.]
+
+{30} This, men of Athens, is what we have been able to devise; and when you put
+our proposals to the vote, you will pass them, if you approve of them; that so
+your war with Philip may be a war, not of resolutions and dispatches, but of
+actions.
+
+{31} I believe that the value of your deliberations about the war and the
+armament as a whole would be greatly enhanced, if you were to bear in mind the
+situation of the country against which you are fighting, remembering that most
+of Philip's plans are successfully carried out because he takes advantage of
+winds and seasons; for he waits for the Etesian winds[n] or the winter-season,
+and only attacks when it would be impossible for us to effect a passage to the
+scene of action. {32} Bearing this in mind, we must not carry on the war by
+means of isolated expeditions; we shall always be too late. We must have a
+permanent force and armament. As our winter-stations for the army we have
+Lemnos, Thasos, Sciathos, and the islands in that region, which have harbours
+and corn, and are well supplied with all that an army needs. And as to the time
+of year, whenever it is easy to approach the shore and the winds are not
+dangerous, our force can without difficulty lie close to the Macedonian coast
+itself, and block the mouths of the ports.
+
+{33} How and when he will employ the force is a matter to be determined, when
+the time comes, by the commander whom you put in control of it. What must be
+provided from Athens is described in the scheme which I have drafted. If, men of
+Athens, you first supply the sum I have mentioned, and then, after making ready
+the rest of the armament--soldiers, ships, cavalry--bind the whole force in its
+entirety,[n] by law, to remain at the seat of war; if you become your own
+paymasters, your own commissioners of supply, but require your general to
+account for the actual operations; {34} then there will be an end of these
+perpetual discussions of one and the same theme, which end in nothing but
+discussion: and in addition to this, men of Athens, you will, in the first
+place, deprive him of his chief source of supply. For what is this? Why, he
+carries on the war at the cost of your own allies, harrying and plundering those
+who sail the seas! And what will you gain besides this? You will place
+yourselves out of reach of disaster. It will not be as it was in the past, when
+he descended upon Lemnos and Imbros, and went off, with your fellow-citizens as
+his prisoners of war, or when he seized the vessels off Geraestus,[n] and levied
+an enormous sum from them; or when (last of all) he landed at Marathon, seized
+the sacred trireme,[n] and carried it off from the country; while all the time
+you can neither prevent these aggressions, nor yet send an expedition which will
+arrive when you intend it to arrive. {35} But for what reason do you think, men
+of Athens, do the festival of the Panathenaea and the festival of the
+Dionysia[n] always take place at the proper time, whether those to whom the
+charge of either festival is allotted are specially qualified persons or not--
+festivals upon which you spend larger sums of money than upon any armament
+whatsoever, and which involve an amount of trouble[n] and preparation, which are
+unique, so far as I know, in the whole world--; and yet your armaments are
+always behind the time--at Methone, at Pagasae, at Potidaea? {36} It is because
+for the festivals all is arranged by law. Each of you knows long beforehand who
+is to supply the chorus,[n] and who is to be steward of the games,[n] for his
+tribe: he knows what he is to receive, and when, and from whom, and what he is
+to do with it. No detail is here neglected, nothing is left indefinite. But in
+all that concerns war and our preparation for it, there is no organization, no
+revision, no definiteness. Consequently it is not until the news comes that we
+appoint our trierarchs and institute exchanges of property for them, and inquire
+into ways and means. When that is done, we first resolve that the resident
+aliens and the independent freedmen[n] shall go on board; then we change our
+minds and say that citizens shall embark; then that we will send substitutes;
+and while all these delays are occurring, the object of the expedition is
+already lost. {37} For we spend on preparation the time when we should be
+acting, and the opportunities which events afford will not wait for our slothful
+evasions; while as for the forces on which we think we can rely in the meantime,
+when the critical moment comes, they are tried and found wanting. And Philip's
+insolence has reached such a pitch, that he has sent such a letter as the
+following to the Euboeans.
+
+[_The letter is read_.]
+
+{38} The greater part of the statements that have been read are true, men of
+Athens; and they ought not to be true! but I admit that they may possibly be
+unpleasant to hear; and if the course of future events would pass over all that
+a speaker passes over in his speech, to avoid giving pain, we should be right in
+speaking with a view to your pleasure. But if attractive words, spoken out of
+season, bring their punishment in actual reality, then it is disgraceful to
+blind our eyes to the truth, to put off everything that is unpleasant, {39} to
+refuse to understand even so much as this, that those who conduct war rightly
+must not follow in the wake of events, but must be beforehand with them: for
+just as a general may be expected to lead his army, so those who debate must
+lead the course of affairs, in order that what they resolve upon may be done,
+and that they may not be forced to follow at the heels of events. {40} You, men
+of Athens, have the greatest power in the world-warships, infantry, cavalry,
+revenue. But none of these elements of power have you used as you ought, down to
+this very day. The method of your warfare with Philip is just that of barbarians
+in a boxing-match. Hit one of them, and he hugs the place; hit him on the other
+side, and there go his hands; but as for guarding, or looking his opponent in
+the face, he neither can nor will do it. {41} It is the same with you. If you
+hear that Philip is in the Chersonese, you resolve to make an expedition there;
+if he is at Thermopylae, you send one there; and wherever else he may be, you
+run up and down in his steps. It is he that leads your forces. You have never of
+yourselves come to any salutary decision in regard to the war. No single event
+do you ever discern before it occurs--before you have heard that something has
+happened or is happening. Perhaps there was room for this backwardness until
+now; but now we are at the very crisis, and such an attitude is possible no
+longer. {42} Surely, men of Athens, it is one of the gods--one who blushes for
+Athens, as he sees the course which events are taking--that has inspired Philip
+with this restless activity. If he were content to remain at peace, in
+possession of all that he has won by conquest or by forestalling us--if he had
+no further plans--even then, the record against us as a people, a record of
+shame and cowardice and all that is most dishonourable, would, I think, seem
+complete enough to some of you. But now he is always making some new attempt,
+always grasping after something more; and unless your spirit has utterly
+departed, his conduct will perhaps bring you out into the field. {43} It amazes
+me, men of Athens, that not one of you remembers with any indignation, that this
+war had its origin in our intention to punish Philip; and that now, at the end
+of it, the question is, how we are to escape disaster at his hands. But that he
+will not stay his progress until some one arrests it is plain enough. Are we
+then to wait for that? Do you think that all is right, when you dispatch nothing
+but empty ships and somebody's hopes? Shall we not embark? {44} Shall we not
+now, if never before, go forth ourselves, and provide at least some small
+proportion of Athenian soldiers? Shall we not sail to the enemy's country? But I
+heard the question, 'At what point on his coast are we to anchor?' The war
+itself, men of Athens, if you take it in hand, will discover his weak points:
+but if we sit at home listening to the mutual abuse and recriminations of our
+orators, you can never realize any of the results that you ought to realize.
+{45} I believe that whenever any portion of Athens is sent with the forces, even
+if the whole city does not go, the favour of Heaven and of Fortune fights on our
+side. But whenever you dispatch anywhere a general with an empty resolution and
+some platform-hopes to support him, then you achieve nothing that you ought to
+achieve, your enemies laugh at you, and your allies are in deadly fear of all
+such armaments. {46} It is impossible, utterly impossible, that any one man
+should be able to effect all that you wish for you. He can give undertakings and
+promises;[n] he can accuse this man and that; and the result is that your
+fortunes are ruined. For when the general is at the head of wretched, unpaid
+mercenaries, and when there are those in Athens who lie to you light-heartedly
+about all that he does, and, on the strength of the tales that you hear, you
+pass decrees at random, what _must_ you expect?
+
+{47} How then can this state of things be terminated? Only, men of Athens, when
+you expressly make the same men soldiers, witnesses of their general's actions,
+and judges at his examination[n] when they return home; for then the issue of
+your fortunes will not be a tale which you hear, but a thing which you will be
+on the spot to see. So shameful is the pass which matters have now reached, that
+each of your generals is tried for his life before you two or three times, but
+does not dare to fight in mortal combat with the enemy even once. They prefer
+the death of kidnappers and brigands to that of a general. {48} For it is a
+felon's death, to die by sentence of the court: the death of a general is to
+fall in battle with the enemy. Some of us go about saying that Philip is
+negotiating with Sparta[n] for the overthrow of the Thebans and the breaking up
+of the free states; others, that he has sent ambassadors to the king;[n] others,
+that he is fortifying cities in Illyria. {49} We all go about inventing each his
+own tale. I quite believe, men of Athens, that he is intoxicated with the
+greatness of his successes, and entertains many such visions in his mind; for he
+sees that there are none to hinder him, and he is elated at his achievements.
+But I do not believe that he has chosen to act in such a way that the most
+foolish persons in Athens can know what he intends to do; for no persons are so
+foolish as newsmongers. {50} But if we dismiss all such tales, and attend only
+to the certainty--that the man is our enemy, that he is robbing us of our own,
+that he has insulted us for a long time, that all that we ever expected any one
+to do for us has proved to be against us, that the future is in our own hands,
+that if we will not fight him now in his own country we shall perhaps be obliged
+to do so in ours--if, I say, we are assured of this, then we shall have made up
+our minds aright, and shall be quit of idle words. For you have not to speculate
+what the future may be: you have only to be assured that the future must be
+evil, unless you give heed and are ready to do your duty.
+
+{51} Well, I have never yet chosen to gratify you by saying anything which I
+have not felt certain would be for your good; and to-day I have spoken freely
+and without concealment, just what I believe. I could wish to be as sure of the
+good that a speaker will gain by giving you the best advice as of that which you
+will gain by listening to him. I should then have been far happier than I am. As
+it is, I do not know what will happen to me, for what I have said: but I have
+chosen to speak in the sure conviction that if you carry out my proposals, it
+will be for your good; and may the victory rest with that policy which will be
+for the good of all!
+
+
+
+
+THE OLYNTHIAC ORATIONS (OR. I-III)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. It has already been noticed that when Philip took Amphipolis in
+357 B.C., the Olynthians made overtures to the Athenians, with whom they had
+been at war for some years, and that, being rejected, they became allies of
+Philip, who gave them Anthemus and Poteidaea. In 352, alarmed at Philip's
+growing power, they once more applied to Athens. Peace was made, and
+negotiations began with regard to an alliance. In 351 Philip appeared in the
+territory of Olynthus. He did not, however, at once carry the invasion further,
+but took pains, during this year and the next, to foster a Macedonian party in
+the town. In 349 Philip virtually declared war on the Olynthians by demanding
+the surrender of his step-brother Arrhidaeus, who had taken refuge with them.
+The Olynthians again appealed to Athens; an alliance was made; Chares was sent
+with thirty ships and 2,000 mercenaries, but seems to have mismanaged the war by
+misfortune or by design. Probably he had been badly supplied with funds, and
+instead of helping Olynthus, resorted to acts of piracy to satisfy his men. The
+Macedonian troops proceeded to take Stageira and other towns of the Olynthian
+League, though Philip still professed to have no hostile intentions against
+Olynthus (see Phil. III, Sec. ii). Chares was recalled and put on his trial; and,
+probably in response to a further message from Olynthus, Charidemus was
+transferred thither from the Hellespont. With a considerable mercenary force at
+his disposal, Charidemus overran Pallene and Bottiaea, and did some damage to
+Philip's territory, but afterwards gave himself up to dissipation in Olynthus.
+In the meantime, some of the Thessalians had become restless under Philip's
+supremacy (see Olynth. I, Sec. 22, II, Sec. ii), and he was obliged to undertake an
+expedition to suppress the revolt, and to put down Peitholaus (who had
+apparently become tyrant of Pherae once more, though he had been expelled in
+352). But early in 348 he appeared in person in Chalcidice, and took one after
+another of the towns of the League, including Mecyberna the port of Olynthus,
+and Torone. He thrice defeated the Olynthians in battle, and at last obtained
+possession of Olynthus itself by the treachery of Euthycrates and Lasthenes, the
+commanders of the Olynthian cavalry.
+
+Athens had probably been occupied during the early part of the year [1] with an
+expedition which she sent (against the advice of Demosthenes) to help Plutarchus
+of Eretria to repel attacks which were partly, at least, instigated by Philip;
+and in consequence she had done little for Olynthus, though on a request of the
+Olynthians for cavalry, she had ordered some of those which had been sent to
+Euboea to go to Olynthus, and these may have been the Athenians whom Philip
+captured in that city. The seventeen ships, 2,000 infantry, and 300 cavalry (all
+citizens), which Athens dispatched under Chares in response to a last urgent
+appeal from Olynthus, were delayed by storms and arrived too late. Philip
+entirely destroyed Olynthus and thirty-two other towns, sold their inhabitants
+into slavery, brought the whole of Chalcidice within the Macedonian Empire, and
+celebrated his conquests by a festival in honour of the Olympian Zeus at Dium.
+
+The First Olynthiac Oration was delivered before Olynthus itself was attacked or
+any other towns actually taken (Olynth. I, Sec. 17); and both the First and Second
+before the discontent with Philip in Thessaly had taken an active form (I, Sec. 22,
+II, Sec. 7). Both, that is, belong to the summer of 349, and the situation implied
+is very much the same in both. The First was perhaps spoken when the Olynthians
+first appealed to Athens in that year, before the mission of Chares; the Second,
+to counteract the effect of something which had caused despondency in Athens
+(possibly the conduct of the Athenian generals, or the account given by other
+orators of Philip's power). In both Demosthenes urges the importance of
+resisting Philip while he is still far away, and of sending, not mercenaries,
+but a citizen-army; and while hinting at what he regards as the true solution of
+the financial difficulty, proposes a special war-tax. The solution which he
+thinks the right one is more explicitly described in the Third Olynthiac, spoken
+(probably [Footnote: See note on Olynth. III, Section 4]) in the autumn of the
+same year, and certainly at a time when the situation had become much more
+grave. The root of the financial difficulty lay in the existence of a law which
+prohibited (evidently under severe penalties, Olynth. III, Section 12) any
+proposal to devote to military purposes that portion of the revenues which
+constituted the 'Festival' or 'Theoric Fund', and was for the most part
+distributed to the citizens to enable them to take part in the public festivals,
+and so join in fulfilling what was no doubt a religious duty as well as a
+pleasure. This particular form of expenditure is stated to have been introduced
+by the demagogue Agyrrhius in 394, when it revived in an extended form a
+distribution of theatre money instituted late in the fifth century by Cleophon;
+but the special law in question appears to have been of recent date (Olynth.
+III, Section 12), and was almost certainly the work of Eubulus and his party.
+Demosthenes himself proposes an extraordinary Legislative Commission, to repeal
+the mischievous laws and leave the way clear for financial reform. At the same
+time he attacks the whole policy of Eubulus, charging him with distributing
+doles without regard to public service, adding to the amenities of Athens
+instead of maintaining her honour in war, and enriching her politicians while
+degrading her people. The main object of the speech was unsuccessful; and just
+about this time (though whether before or after the speech is disputed)
+Apollodorus proposed that the people should decide whether the surplus revenues
+should go to the Festival Fund, or be applied to military purposes, and was
+heavily fined for the illegality of the proposal.
+
+The Three Olynthiacs rank high among the Orations of Demosthenes. Some passages,
+indeed, show that he had hardly as yet appreciated the genius of Philip, or the
+unlikelihood of his making a false move either through over-confidence or
+because he had come to the end of his resources. But the noble patriotism of the
+speaker, the lofty tone of his political reflections, the clearness of his
+diagnosis of the evils of his time, and the fearlessness of his appeal for loyal
+and united self-sacrifice, are nowhere more conspicuous.]
+
+
+THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC
+
+{1} I believe, men of Athens, that you would give a great sum to know what
+policy, in reference to the matter which you are now considering, will best
+serve the interests of the city, and since that is so, you ought to be ready and
+eager to listen to those who desire to give you their advice. For not only can
+you hear and accept any useful proposals which a speaker may have thought out
+before he came here; but such, I conceive, is your fortune, that the right
+suggestion will often occur to some of those present on the spur of the moment;
+and out of all these suggestions it should be easy for you to choose the most
+advantageous course.
+
+{2} The present time, men of Athens, seems almost to cry aloud that you must
+take matters into your own hands yonder, if you have any interest in a
+successful termination of the crisis: and yet our attitude appears to be--I do
+not know what. My own opinion, at all events, is that you should at once resolve
+to send this assistance; that you should prepare for the departure of the
+expedition at the first possible moment--you must not fall victims to the same
+error as before--and that you should dispatch an embassy to announce our
+intention, and to be present at the scene of action. {3} For what we have most
+to fear is this--that he, with his unscrupulous cleverness in taking advantage
+of circumstances--now, it may be, by making concessions; now by uttering
+threats, which he may well seem likely to fulfil; now by misrepresenting
+ourselves and our absence from the scene--may turn and wrest to his own
+advantage some of the vital elements of our power. {4} And yet it may fairly be
+said, men of Athens, that our best hope lies in that very circumstance which
+renders Philip's power so hard to grapple with. The fact that the entire control
+over everything, open or secret,[n] is concentrated in the hands of a single
+man; that he is at one and the same time general, master, and treasurer; that he
+is always present in person with his army--all this is a great advantage, in so
+far as military operations must be prompt and well-timed. But as regards the
+compact which he would so gladly make with the Olynthians, the effect is just
+the reverse. {5} For the Olynthians know well that they are not fighting now for
+honour and glory, nor for a strip of territory, but to avert the devastation and
+enslavement of their country. They know how he treated[n] those who betrayed to
+him their city at Amphipolis, and those who received him at Pydna; and it is, I
+imagine, universally true that tyranny is a faithless friend to a free state,
+and that most of all, when they occupy adjoining territories. {6} With this
+knowledge, men of Athens, and with all the reflections that the occasion calls
+for in your minds, I say that now, if ever before, you must make your resolve,
+rouse all your energies, and give your minds to the war: you must contribute
+gladly, you must go forth in person, you must leave nothing undone. There is no
+longer any reason or excuse remaining, which can justify you in refusing to do
+your duty. {7} For every one was but recently harping on the desirability of
+exciting Olynthus to war with Philip; and this has now come to pass of itself,
+and in the way which most completely suits your interests. Had they taken up the
+war because you had persuaded them to do so, their alliance might perhaps have
+been precarious, and their resolution might only have carried them a certain
+way. But now their detestation of Philip is based upon grievances which affect
+themselves; and we may suppose that a hostility which is occasioned by their own
+fears and sufferings will be a lasting one. {8} Since, therefore, men of Athens,
+such an opportunity has been thrown in your way, you must not let it go, nor
+fall victims to the mistake from which you have often suffered before. If, for
+instance, when we had returned from our expedition in aid of the Euboeans,[n]
+and Hierax and Stratocles came from Amphipolis and stood upon this platform and
+urged us to sail and take over the city; if, I say, we had continued to display
+in our own interest the eagerness which we displayed in the deliverance of the
+Euboeans, you would have kept Amphipolis then, and we should have been free from
+all the trouble that we have had since. {9} And again, when news kept coming of
+the investment of Pydna, Poteidaea, Methone, Pagasae, and all the other places--
+I will not stay to enumerate them all--if we had acted at once, and had gone to
+the rescue of the first place attacked, with the energy which we ought to have
+shown, we should now have found Philip much less proud and difficult to deal
+with. As it is, we are always sacrificing the present, always fancying that the
+future will turn out well of itself; and so we have raised Philip to a position
+of such importance as no king of Macedonia has ever before attained. {10} And
+now an opportunity has come to Athens, in this crisis at Olynthus, as great as
+any of those former ones: and I believe, men of Athens, that one who was to draw
+up a true account of the blessings which have been given us by the gods, would,
+in spite of much that is not as it should be, find great cause for thankfulness
+to them; and naturally so. For our many losses in the war must in fairness be
+set down to our own indifference; but that we did not suffer such losses long
+ago, and that an alliance has presented itself to us, which, if we will only
+take advantage of it, will act as a counterpoise to them--all this I, for one,
+should set down as a favour due to their goodness towards us. But it is, I
+imagine, in politics, as it is in money-making. {11} If a man is able to keep
+all that he gets, he is abundantly grateful to Fortune; but if he loses it all
+before he is aware, he loses with it his memory of Fortune's kindness. So it is
+in politics. When men have not made a right use of their opportunities, they do
+not remember any good that heaven may actually have granted them: for it is by
+the ultimate issue that men estimate all that they have enjoyed before.
+Therefore, men of Athens, you must pay the very utmost heed to the future, that
+by the better use you make of it, you may wipe out the dishonour of the past.
+{12} But if you sacrifice these men also, men of Athens, and Philip in
+consequence reduces Olynthus to subjection, I ask any of you to tell me what is
+to prevent him from marching where he pleases. Is there a man among you, men of
+Athens, who considers or studies the steps by which Philip, weak enough at
+first, has become so strong? First he took Amphipolis, next Pydna, then again
+Poteidaea, and then Methone. Next he set foot in Thessaly. {13} Then when
+Pherae, Pagasae, Magnesia[n] were secured for his purposes, just as it suited
+him, he departed to Thrace. In Thrace, after expelling one prince and setting up
+another, he fell ill. When he grew easier again, he showed no inclination to
+take things easily, but at once attacked the Olynthians[n]--and I am passing
+over his campaigns against the Illyrians and the Paeonians, against Arybbas,[n]
+and in every possible direction.
+
+{14} Why, I may be asked, do I mention these things at the present moment? I
+wish you to understand, men of Athens, and to realize these two points: first,
+the unprofitableness of perpetually sacrificing your interests one by one; and,
+secondly, the restless activity which is a part of Philip's very being, and
+which will not allow him to content himself with his achievements and remain at
+peace. For if it is to be his fixed resolve, that he must always be aiming at
+something greater than he has yet attained; and ours, that we will never set
+ourselves resolutely to work; ask yourselves what you can expect to be the end
+of the matter. {15} In God's name, is there one of you so innocent as not to
+know that the war will be transferred from Olynthus to Attica, if we pay no
+heed? But if that happens, men of Athens, I fear that we shall be like men who
+light-heartedly borrow at a high rate of interest, and after a brief period of
+affluence, lose even their original estate; that like them we shall find that
+our carelessness has cost us dear; that through making pleasure our standard in
+everything, we shall find ourselves driven to do many of those unpleasant things
+which we wished to avoid, and shall find our position even in our own country
+imperilled.
+
+{16} I may be told that it is easy to criticize--any one can do that; but that a
+political adviser is expected to offer some practical proposal to meet the
+existing situation. Now I am well aware, men of Athens, that in the event of any
+disappointment, it is not upon those who are responsible that your anger falls,
+but upon those who have spoken last upon the subject in question. Yet I do not
+think that consideration for my own safety should lead me to conceal my
+conviction as to the course which your interests demand. {17} I say then that
+there are two things which you must do to save the situation. You must rescue
+these towns [n] for the Olynthians, and send troops to accomplish this: and you
+must damage Philip's country with your ships and with a second body of troops.
+{18} If you neglect either of these things, our campaign, I greatly fear, will
+be in vain. For suppose that you inflict damage on his country, and that he
+allows you to do so, while he reduces Olynthus; he will have no difficulty in
+repelling you when he returns. Suppose, on the other hand, that you only go to
+the help of Olynthus; he will see that he has nothing to fear at home, and so he
+will sit down before the town and remain at his task, until time enables him to
+get the better of the besieged. The expedition, therefore, must be large, and it
+must be in two parts.
+
+Such is my view with regard to the expedition. {19} As to the sources of supply,
+you have funds, men of Athens--funds larger than any one else in the world; but
+you appropriate these without scruple, just as you choose. Now if you will
+assign these to your troops, you need no further supplies: otherwise, not only
+do you need further supplies--you are destitute of supplies altogether. 'Well'
+(does someone say?), 'do you move that this money should form a war-fund?' I
+assure you that I make no such motion. {20} For while I do indeed believe that a
+force ought to be made ready [and that this money should form a war-fund], and
+that the receipt of money should be connected, as part of one and the same
+system, with the performance of duty; you, on the contrary, think it right to
+take the money, after your present fashion, for your festivals, and spare
+yourselves trouble. And therefore, I suppose, our only resource is a general
+tax--larger or smaller, according to the amount required. In any case, we need
+funds, and without funds nothing can be done that we ought to do. Various other
+sources of supply are suggested by different persons. Choose whichever you think
+best of these, and get to work, while you have the opportunity.
+
+{21} It is worth while to remember and to take into account the nature of
+Philip's position at this moment. For neither are his affairs at present in such
+good order, or in so perfectly satisfactory a state, as might appear to any but
+a careful observer; nor would he ever have commenced this present war, if he had
+thought that he would really have to fight. He hoped at first that by his mere
+advance he would carry all before him; and he has since discovered his mistake.
+This disappointment, then, is the first thing which disturbs him and causes him
+great despondency: {22} and next there is the disposition of the Thessalians,
+naturally inconstant as we know it has always been found by all men; and what it
+has always been, that, in the highest degree, Philip finds it now. For they have
+formally resolved to demand from him the restitution of Pagasae; they have
+prevented him from fortifying Magnesia, and I myself heard it stated that they
+intend even to refuse him the enjoyment of their harbour and market dues for the
+future. These, they say, should go to maintain the public administration of
+Thessaly, instead of being taken by Philip. But if he is deprived of these
+funds, the resources from which he must maintain his mercenaries will be reduced
+to the narrowest limits. {23} Nay, more: we must surely suppose that the
+chieftains of the Paeonians and Illyrians, and in fact all such personages--
+would prefer freedom to slavery; for they are not accustomed to obey orders, and
+the man, they say, is a bully. Heaven knows, there is nothing incredible in the
+statement. Unmerited success is to foolish minds a fountain-head of perversity,
+so that it is often harder for men to keep the good they have, than it was to
+obtain it. {24} It is for you then, men of Athens, to regard his difficulty as
+your opportunity, to take up your share of the burden with readiness, to send
+embassies to secure all that is required, to join the forces yourselves, and to
+stir up every one else to do so. Only consider what would happen, if Philip got
+such an opportunity to strike at us, and there was war on our frontier. Can you
+not imagine how readily he would march against us? Does it arouse no shame in
+you, that, when you have the opportunity, you should not dare to do to him even
+as much as you would have to suffer, were he able to inflict it?
+
+{25} There is a further point, men of Athens, which must not escape you. I mean
+that you have now to choose whether you are to carry on war yonder, or whether
+he is to do so in your own country. If the resistance of Olynthus is maintained,
+you will fight there and will inflict damage on Philip's territory, while you
+remain secure in the enjoyment of this land of your own which you now possess.
+But if Philip captures Olynthus, who is to hinder him from marching to Athens?
+The Thebans? {26} It seems, I fear, too bitter a thing to say; but they will be
+glad to join him in the invasion. The Phocians? They cannot protect their own
+country, unless you go to their aid, or some other power. 'But, my good Sir,'[n]
+you say, 'he will not want to march here.' And yet it would be one of the
+strangest things in the world, if, when he has the power, he does not carry out
+the threats, which he now blurts out in spite of the folly that they show. {27}
+But I suppose that I need not even point out how vast is the difference between
+war here and war in his country. For had you to camp outside the walls
+yourselves, for only thirty days, and to take from the country such things as
+men in camp must have--and I am assuming that there is no enemy in the country--
+I believe that the loss your farmers would suffer would exceed your whole
+expenditure on the war up to the present time. What then must we think will be
+the extent of our loss, if ever war comes to our doors? And besides the loss
+there is his insolence, and the shame of our position, which to right-minded men
+is as serious as any loss.
+
+{28} When you take a comprehensive view of these things you must all go to the
+rescue and stave the war off yonder; you who are well-to-do, in order that, with
+a small expense in defence of the great fortunes which you quite rightly enjoy,
+you may reap the benefit of the remainder without fear; you who are of military
+age, that you may gain your experience of war in Philip's country, and so become
+formidable guardians of a fatherland unspoiled; and your orators, that they may
+find it easy to render an account of their public life; for your judgement upon
+their conduct will itself depend upon the position in which you find yourselves.
+And may that be a happy one, on every ground!
+
+
+THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC
+
+{1} Many as are the occasions, men of Athens, on which we may discern the
+manifestation of the goodwill of Heaven towards this city, one of the most
+striking is to be seen in the circumstances of the present time. For that men
+should have been found to carry on war against Philip; men whose territory
+borders on his and who possess some power; men, above all, whose sentiments in
+regard to the war are such that they think of the proposed compact with him, not
+only as untrustworthy, but as the very ruin of their country--this seems to be
+certainly the work of a superhuman, a divine, beneficence. {2} And so, men of
+Athens, we must take care that we do not treat ourselves less well than
+circumstances have treated us. For it is a shameful thing--nay, it is the very
+depth of shame--to throw away openly, not only cities and places which were once
+in our power, but even the allies and the opportunities which have been provided
+for us by Fortune.
+
+{3} Now to describe at length the power of Philip, men of Athens, and to incite
+you to the performance of your duty by such a recital, is not, I think, a
+satisfactory proceeding; and for this reason--that while all that can be said on
+this subject tends to Philip's glory, it is a story of failure on our part. For
+the greater the extent to which his success surpasses his deserts, the greater
+is the admiration with which the world regards him; while, for your part, the
+more you have fallen short of the right use of your opportunities, the greater
+is the disgrace that you have incurred. {4} I will therefore pass over such
+considerations. For any honest inquirer must see that the causes of Philip's
+rise to greatness lie in Athens, and not in himself. Of the services for which
+he has to thank those whose policy is determined by his interest--services for
+which you ought to require their punishment--the present is not, I see, the
+moment to speak. But apart from these, there are things which may be said, and
+which it is better that you should all have heard--things which (if you will
+examine them aright) constitute a grave reproach against him; and these I will
+try to tell you.
+
+{5} If I called him perjured and faithless, without giving his actions in
+evidence, my words would be treated as idle abuse, and rightly: and it happens
+that to review all his actions up to the present time, and to prove the charge
+in every case, requires only a short speech. It is well, I think, that the story
+should be told, for it will serve two purposes; first, to make plain the real
+badness of the man's character; and secondly, to let those who are over-alarmed
+at Philip, as if he were invincible, see that he has come to the end of all
+those forms of deceit by which he rose to greatness, and that his career is
+already drawing to its close. {6} For I, too, men of Athens, should be regarding
+Philip with intense fear and admiration, if I saw that his rise was the result
+of a righteous policy. {7} But when I study and consider the facts, I find that
+originally, when certain persons wished to drive from your presence the
+Olynthians who desired to address you from this place, Philip won over our
+innocent minds by saying that he would deliver up Amphipolis to us, and by
+inventing the famous secret understanding; that he afterwards conciliated the
+Olynthians by seizing Poteidaea, which was yours, and injuring their former
+allies by handing it over to themselves; and that, last of all, he recently won
+over the Thessalians, by promising to give up Magnesia to them, and undertaking
+to carry on the war with the Phocians on their behalf. There is absolutely no
+one who has ever had dealings with him that he has not deluded; and it is by
+deceiving and winning over, one after another, those who in their blindness did
+not realize what he was, that he has risen as he has done. {8} And therefore,
+just as it was by these deceptions that he rose to greatness, in the days when
+each people fancied that he intended to do some service to themselves; so it is
+these same deceptions which should drag him down again, now that he stands
+convicted of acting for his own ends throughout. Such, then, is the crisis, men
+of Athens, to which Philip's fortunes have now come. If it is not so, let any
+one come forward and show me (or rather you) that what I say is untrue; or that
+those who have been deceived at the outset trust him as regards the future; or
+that those who have been brought into unmerited bondage would not gladly be
+free.
+
+{9} But if any of you, while agreeing with me so far, still fancies that Philip
+will maintain his hold by force, because he has already occupied fortified posts
+and harbours and similar positions, he is mistaken. When power is cemented by
+goodwill, and the interest of all who join in a war is the same, then men are
+willing to share the labour, to endure the misfortunes, and to stand fast. But
+when a man has become strong, as Philip has done, by a grasping and wicked
+policy, the first excuse, the least stumble, throws him from his seat and
+dissolves the alliance. {10} It is impossible, men of Athens, utterly
+impossible, to acquire power that will last, by unrighteousness, by perjury, and
+by falsehood. Such power holds out for a moment, or for a brief hour; it
+blossoms brightly, perhaps, with fair hopes; but time detects the fraud, and the
+flower falls withered about its stem. In a house or a ship, or any other
+structure, it is the foundations that must be strongest; and no less, I believe,
+must the principles, which are the foundation of men's actions, be those of
+truth and righteousness. Such qualities are not to be seen to-day in the past
+acts of Philip.
+
+{11} I say, then, that we should help the Olynthians; and the best and quickest
+method which can be proposed is the method which I approve. Further, we should
+send an embassy to the Thessalians--to some, to inform them of our intention; to
+others, to spur them on; for even now they have resolved to demand the
+restitution of Pagasae, and to make representations in regard to Magnesia. {12}
+Take care, however, men of Athens, that our envoys may not only have words to
+speak, but also actions of yours to point to. Let it be seen that you have gone
+forth in a manner that is worthy of Athens, and are already in action. Words
+without the reality must always appear a vain and empty thing, and above all
+when they come from Athens; for the more we seem to excel in the glib use of
+such language, the more it is distrusted by every one. {13} The change, then,
+which is pointed out to them must be great, the conversion striking. They must
+see you paying your contributions, marching to war, doing everything with a
+will, if any of them is to listen to you. And if you resolve to accomplish all
+this in very deed, as it should be accomplished, not only will the feeble and
+untrustworthy nature of Philip's alliances be seen, but the weakness of his own
+empire and power will also be detected.
+
+{14} The power and empire of Macedonia is, indeed, to speak generally, an
+element which tells considerably as an addition to any other power. You found it
+so when it helped you against the Olynthians in the days of Timotheus;[n] the
+Olynthians in their turn found its help of some value, in combination with their
+own strength, against Poteidaea; and it has recently come to the aid of the
+Thessalians, in their disordered and disturbed condition, against the ruling
+dynasty: and wherever even a small addition is made to a force, it helps in
+every way. {15} But in itself the Macedonian Empire is weak and full of manifold
+evils. Philip has in fact rendered his own tenure of it even more precarious
+than it naturally was, by these very wars and campaigns which might be supposed
+to prove his power. For you must not imagine, men of Athens, that Philip and his
+subjects delight in the same things. Philip has a passion for glory--that is his
+ambition; and he has deliberately chosen to risk the consequences of a life of
+action and danger, preferring the glory of achieving more than any King of
+Macedonia before him to a life of security. {16} But his subjects have no share
+in the honour and glory. Constantly battered about by all these expeditions, up
+and down, they are vexed with incessant hardships: they are not suffered to
+pursue their occupations or attend to their own affairs: for the little that
+they produce, as best they can, they can find no market, the trading stations of
+the country being closed on account of the war. {17} From these facts it is not
+difficult to discover the attitude of the Macedonians in general towards Philip;
+and as for the mercenaries and Infantry of the Guard who surround him, though
+they have the reputation of being a fine body of well-drilled warriors, I am
+told by a man who has been in Macedonia, and who is incapable of falsehood, that
+they are no better than any other body of men. {18} Granted that there may be
+experienced campaigners and fighters among them; yet, he tells me, Philip is so
+jealous of honour, that he thrusts all such men away from him, in his anxiety to
+get the credit of every achievement for himself; for in addition to all his
+other qualities, his jealousy is insurpassable. On the other hand, any generally
+temperate or upright man, who cannot endure the dissolute life there, day by
+day, nor the drunkenness and the lewd revels, is thrust on one side and counts
+for nothing. {19} Thus he is left with brigands and flatterers, and men who,
+when in their cups, indulge in dances of a kind which I shrink from naming to
+you now. And it is evident that this report is true; for men whom every one
+tried to drive out of Athens, as far viler than even the very juggler in the
+street--Callias the public slave and men like him, players of farces, composers
+of indecent songs, written at the expense of their companions in the hope of
+raising a laugh--these are the men he likes and keeps about him. {20} You may
+think that these are trivial things, men of Athens: but they are weighty, in the
+judgement of every right-minded man, as illustrations of the temper with which
+Philip is cursed. At present, I suppose, these facts are overshadowed by his
+continual prosperity. Success has a wonderful power of throwing a veil over
+shameful things like these. But let him only stumble, and then all these
+features in his character will be displayed in their true light. And I believe,
+men of Athens, that the revelation is not far off, if Heaven be willing and you
+desirous of it. {21} So long as a man is in good health, he is unconscious of
+any weakness; but if any illness comes upon him, the disturbance affects every
+weak point, be it a rupture or a sprain or anything else that is unsound in his
+constitution. And as with the body, so it is with a city or a tyrant. So long as
+they are at war abroad, the mischief is hidden from the world at large, but the
+close grapple of war on the frontier brings all to light.
+
+{22} Now if any of you, men of Athens, seeing Philip's good fortune, thinks that
+this makes him a formidable enemy to fight against, he reasons like a sensible
+man: for fortune weighs heavily in the scale--nay, fortune is everything, in all
+human affairs. And yet, if I were given the choice, it is the fortune of Athens
+that I should choose, rather than that of Philip, provided that you yourselves
+are willing to act even to a small extent as you should act. For I see that
+there are far more abundant grounds for expecting the goodwill of Heaven on your
+side than on his. {23} But here, of course, we are sitting idle; and one who is
+a sluggard himself cannot require his friends to help him, much less the gods.
+It is not to be wondered at that Philip, who goes on campaigns and works hard
+himself, and is always at the scene of action, and lets no opportunity go, no
+season pass, should get the better of us who delay and pass resolutions and ask
+for news; nor do I wonder at it. It is the opposite that would have been
+wonderful--if we, who do nothing that those who are at war ought to do, were
+successful against one who leaves nothing undone. {24} But this I do wonder at,
+that you who once raised your hand against Sparta, in defence of the rights of
+the Hellenes--you, who with opportunities often open to you for grasping large
+advantages for yourselves, would not take them, but to secure for others their
+rights spent your own fortunes in war-contributions, and always bore the brunt
+of the dangers of the campaign--that you, I say, are now shrinking from
+marching, and hesitating to make any contribution to save your own possessions;
+and that, though you have often saved the rest of the Hellenes, now all together
+and now each in their turn, you are sitting idle, when you have lost what was
+your own. {25} I wonder at this; and I wonder also, men of Athens, that none of
+you is able to reckon up the time during which you have been fighting with
+Philip, and to consider what you have been doing while all this time has been
+going by. Surely you must know that it is while we have been delaying, hoping
+that some one else would act, accusing one another, bringing one another to
+trial, hoping anew--in fact, doing practically what we are doing now--that all
+the time has passed. {26} And have you now so little sense, men of Athens, as to
+hope that the very same policy, which has made the position of the city a bad
+one instead of a good, will actually make it a good one instead of a bad? Why,
+it is contrary both to reason and to nature to think so! It is always much
+easier to retain than to acquire. But now, owing to the war, none of our old
+possessions is left for us to retain; and so we must needs acquire. {27} This,
+therefore, is our own personal and immediate duty; and accordingly I say that
+you must contribute funds, you must go on service in person with a good will,
+you must accuse no one before you have become masters of the situation; and then
+you must honour those who deserve praise, and punish the guilty, with a
+judgement based upon the actual facts. You must get rid of all excuses and all
+deficiencies on your own part; you cannot examine mercilessly the actions of
+others, unless you yourselves have done all that your duty requires. {28} For
+why is it, do you think, men of Athens, that all the generals whom you dispatch
+avoid this war,[n] and discover private wars of their own--if a little of the
+truth must be told even about the generals? It is because in this war the prizes
+for which the war is waged are yours, and if they are captured, you will take
+them immediately for your own; but the dangers are the personal privilege of
+your commanders, and no pay is forthcoming: while in those wars the dangers are
+less, and the profits--Lampsacus, Sigeum, and the ships which they plunder--go
+to the commanders and their men. Each force therefore takes the road that leads
+to its own advantage. {29} For your part, when you turn your attention to the
+serious condition of your affairs, you first bring the commanders to trial; and
+then, when you have given them a hearing, and have been told of the difficulties
+which I have described, you acquit them. The result, therefore, is that while
+you are quarrelling with one another and broken into factions-one party
+persuaded of this, another of that--the public interest suffers. You used, men
+of Athens, to pay taxes by Boards:[n] to-day you conduct your politics by
+Boards. On either side there is an orator as leader, and a general under him;
+and for the Three Hundred, there are those who come to shout. The rest of you
+distribute yourselves between the two parties, some on either side. {30} This
+system you must give up: you must even now become your own masters; you must
+give to all alike their share in discussion, in speech and in action. If you
+assign to one body of men the function of issuing orders to you, like tyrants;
+to another, that of compulsory service as trierarchs or tax-payers or soldiers;
+and to another, only that of voting their condemnation, without taking any share
+in the labour, nothing that ought to be done will be done in time. For the
+injured section will always be in default, and you will only have the privilege
+of punishing them instead of the enemy. {31} To sum up, all must contribute,
+each according to his wealth, in a fair proportion: all must go on active
+service in turn, until you have all served: you must give a hearing to all who
+come forward, and choose the best course out of all that you hear--not the
+course proposed by this or that particular person. If you do this, you will not
+only commend the proposer of that course at the time, but you will commend
+yourselves hereafter, for the whole position of your affairs will be a better
+one.
+
+
+THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC
+
+{1} Very different reflections suggest themselves to my mind, I men of Athens,
+when I turn my eyes to our real situation, and when I think of the speeches that
+I hear. For I observe that the speeches are all concerned with the taking of
+vengeance upon Philip; whereas in reality matters have gone so far, that we have
+to take care that we are not ourselves the first to suffer: so that those who
+speak of vengeance are actually, as it seems to me, suggesting to you a false
+conception of the situation which you are discussing. {2} That there was a time
+when the city could both keep her own possessions in safety, and punish Philip,
+I am very well aware. For it was not long ago, but within my own lifetime, that
+both these things were so. But I am convinced that it is now quite enough for us
+as a first step to make sure of the preservation of our allies. If this is
+safely secured, we shall then be able to consider upon whom vengeance is to
+fall, and in what way. But until the first step is properly conceived, I
+consider it idle to say anything whatever about the last.
+
+{3} If ever the most anxious deliberation was required, it is required in the
+present crisis; and my greatest difficulty is not to know what is the proper
+advice to give you in regard to the situation: I am at a loss rather to know,
+men of Athens, in what manner I should address you in giving it. For I am
+convinced by what I have heard with my own ears in this place that, for the most
+part, the objects of our policy have slipped from our grasp, not because we do
+not understand what our duty is, but because we will not do it; and I ask you to
+suffer me, if I speak without reserve, and to consider only whether I speak
+truly, and with this object in view--that the future may be better than the
+past. For you see that it is because certain speakers make your gratification
+the aim of their addresses, that things have gone on getting worse, till at last
+the extremity has been reached.
+
+{4} I think it necessary, first, to remind you of a few of the events which have
+taken place. You remember, men of Athens, that two or three years ago[n] the
+news came that Philip was in Thrace, besieging Heraeon Teichos. That was in the
+month of November. Amidst all the discussion and commotion which took place in
+this Assembly, you passed a resolution that forty warships should be launched,
+that men under forty-five years of age should embark in person, and that we
+should pay a war-tax of 60 talents. {5} That year came to an end, and there
+followed July, August, September. In the latter month, after the Mysteries,[n]
+and with reluctance, you dispatched Charidemus[n] with ten ships, carrying no
+soldiers, and 5 talents of silver. For so soon as news had come that Philip was
+sick or dead--both reports were brought--you dismissed the armament, men of
+Athens, thinking that there was no longer any occasion for the expedition. But
+it was the very occasion; for had we then gone to the scene of action with the
+same enthusiasm which marked our resolution to do so, Philip would not have been
+preserved to trouble us to-day. {6} What was done then cannot be altered. But
+now a critical moment in another campaign has arrived; and it is in view of
+this, and to prevent you from falling into the same error, that I have recalled
+these facts. How then shall we use this opportunity, men of Athens? For unless
+you will go to the rescue 'with might and main to the utmost of your power',[n]
+mark how in every respect you will have served Philip's interest by your conduct
+of the war. {7} At the outset the Olynthians possessed considerable strength,
+and such was the position of affairs, that neither did Philip feel safe against
+them, nor they against Philip. We made peace with them, and they with us. It was
+as it were a stumbling-block in Philip's path, and an annoyance to him, that a
+great city which had made a compact with us should sit watching for any
+opportunity he might offer. We thought that we ought to excite them to war with
+him by every means; and now this much-talked-of event has come to pass--by what
+means, I need not relate. {8} What course then is open to us, men of Athens, but
+to go to their aid resolutely and eagerly? I can see none. Apart from the shame
+in which we should be involved, if we let anything be lost through our
+negligence, I can see, men of Athens, that the subsequent prospect would be
+alarming in no small degree, when the attitude of the Thebans towards us is what
+it is, when the funds of the Phocians are exhausted,[n] and when there is no one
+to prevent Philip, so soon as he has made himself master of all that at present
+occupies him, from bringing his energies to bear upon the situation further
+south. {9} But if any of you is putting off until then his determination to do
+his duty, he must be desirous of seeing the terrors of war close at hand, when
+he need only hear of them at a distance, and of seeking helpers for himself,
+when now he can give help to others. For that this is what it must come to, if
+we sacrifice the present opportunity, we must all, I think, be fairly well
+aware.
+
+{10} 'But,' some one may say, 'we have all made up our minds that we must go to
+their aid, and we will go. Only tell us how we are to do it.' Now do not be
+surprised, men of Athens, if I give an answer which will be astonishing to most
+of you. You must appoint a Legislative Commission.[n] But when the commissioners
+meet, you must not enact a single law--you have laws enough--you must cancel
+the laws which, in view of present circumstances, are injurious to you. {11} I
+mean the laws which deal with the Festival Fund--to put it quite plainly--and
+some of those which deal with military service: for the former distribute your
+funds as festival-money to those who remain at home; while the latter give
+immunity to malingerers,[n] and thereby also take the heart out of those who
+want to do their duty. When you have cancelled these laws, and made the path
+safe for one who would give the best advice, then you can look for some one to
+propose what you all know to be expedient. {12} But until you have done this,
+you must not expect to find a man who will be glad to advise you for the best,
+and be ruined by you for his pains; for you will find no one, particularly when
+the only result will be that some unjust punishment will be inflicted on the
+proposer or mover of such measures, and that instead of helping matters at all,
+he will only have made it even more dangerous in future than it is at present to
+give you the best advice. Aye, and you should require the repeal of these laws,
+men of Athens, from the very persons who proposed them.[n] {13} It is not fair
+that those who originally proposed them should enjoy the popularity which was
+fraught with such mischief to the whole State, and that the unpopularity, which
+would lead to an improvement in the condition of us all, should be visited to
+his cost upon one who now advises you for the best. Until you have thus prepared
+the way, men of Athens, you must entertain no expectation whatever that any one
+will be influential enough here to transgress these laws with impunity, or
+senseless enough to fling himself to certain ruin.
+
+{14} At the same time, men of Athens, you must not fail to realize this further
+point. No resolution is worth anything, without the willingness to perform at
+least what you have resolved, and that heartily. For if decrees by themselves
+could either compel you to do what you ought, or could realize their several
+objects unaided, you would not be decreeing many things and performing few--nay,
+none--of the things that you decree, nor would Philip have insulted you so long.
+{15} If decrees could have done it, he would have paid the penalty long ago. But
+it is not so. Actions come later than speeches and voting in order of procedure,
+but in effectiveness they are before either and stronger than either. It is
+action that is still needed; all else you already have. For you have those among
+you, men of Athens, who can tell you what your duty is; and no one is quicker
+than you are to understand the speaker's bidding. Aye, and you will be able to
+carry it out even now, if you act aright. {16} What time, what opportunity, do
+you look for, better than the present? When, if not now, will you do your duty?
+Has not the man seized every position from us already? If he becomes master of
+this country too, will not our fate be the most shameful in the world? And the
+men whom we promised to be ready to save, if they went to war--are they not now
+at war? {17} Is he not our enemy? Are not our possessions in his hands? Is he
+not a barbarian? Is he not anything that you choose to call him? In God's name,
+when we have let everything go, when we have all but put everything into his
+hands, shall we then inquire at large who is responsible for it all? That we
+shall never admit our own responsibility, I am perfectly sure. Just so amid the
+perils of war, none of those who have run away accuses himself; he accuses his
+general, his neighbour--any one but himself; and yet, I suppose, all who have
+run away have helped to cause the defeat. He who now blames the rest might have
+stood fast; and if every one had done so, the victory would have been theirs.
+{18} And so now, if a particular speaker's advice is not the best, let another
+rise and make a proposal, instead of blaming him; and if some other has better
+advice to give, carry it out, and good fortune be with you. What? Is the advice
+disagreeable? That is no longer the speaker's fault--unless, of course, he
+leaves out the prayer that you expect of him. There is no difficulty in the
+prayer, men of Athens; a man need only compress all his desires into a short
+sentence. But to make his choice, when the question for discussion is one of
+practical policy, is by no means equally easy. _Then_ a man is bound to choose
+what is best, instead of what is pleasant, if both are not possible at once.
+{19} But suppose that some one is able, without touching the Festival Fund, to
+suggest other sources of supply for military purposes--is not he the better
+adviser? Certainly, men of Athens--if such a thing _is_ possible. But I should
+be surprised if it ever has happened or ever should happen to any one to find,
+after spending what he has upon wrong objects, that what he has _not_ is wealth
+enough to enable him to effect right ones. Such arguments as these find, I
+think, their great support in each man's personal desire, and, for that reason,
+nothing is easier than to deceive oneself; what a man desires, he actually
+fancies to be true. {20} But the reality often follows no such principle.
+Consider the matter, therefore, men of Athens, after this fashion; consider in
+what way our objects can be realized under the circumstances, and in what way
+you will be able to make the expedition and to receive your pay. Surely it is
+not like sober or high-minded men to submit light-heartedly to the reproach
+which must follow upon any shortcomings in the operations of the war through
+want of funds--to seize your weapons and march against Corinthians and
+Megareans,[n] and then to allow Philip to enslave Hellenic cities, because you
+cannot find rations for your troops.
+
+{21} These words do not spring from a wanton determination to court the ill-will
+of any party among you. I am neither so foolish nor so unfortunate as to desire
+unpopularity when I do not believe that I am doing any good. But a loyal citizen
+ought, in my judgement, to care more for the safety of his country's fortunes
+than for the popularity of his utterances. Such, I have heard, and perhaps you
+have heard it also, was the principle which the orators of our forefather's time
+habitually followed in public life--those orators who are praised by all who
+rise to address you, though they are far from imitating them--the great
+Aristides, and Nicias, and my own namesake, and Pericles. {22} But ever since
+these speakers have appeared who are always asking you, 'what would you like?'
+'what may I propose for you?' 'what can I do to please you?' the interests of
+the city have been wantonly given away for the sake of the pleasure and
+gratification of the moment; and we see the consequences--the fortunes of the
+speakers prosper, while your own are in a shameful plight. {23} And yet
+consider, men of Athens, the main characteristics of the achievements of your
+forefathers' time, and those of your own. The description will be brief and
+familiar to you; for you need not have recourse to the history of others, when
+your own will furnish examples, by following which you may achieve prosperity.
+{24} Our forefathers, who were not courted and caressed by their politicians as
+you are by these persons to-day, were leaders of the Hellenes, with their
+goodwill, for forty-five years;[n] they brought up into the Acropolis more than
+10,000 talents; the king[n] who then ruled Macedonia obeyed them as a foreigner
+ought to obey a Hellenic people; serving in person, they set up many glorious
+trophies for victories by land and sea; and alone of all mankind they left
+behind them, as the crown of their exploits, a fame that is beyond the reach of
+envy. {25} Such was the part they played in the Hellenic world: and now
+contemplate the manner of men they were in the city, both in public and in
+private life. As public men, they gave us buildings and objects of such beauty
+and grandeur, in the temples which they built and the offerings which they
+dedicated in them, that no room has been left for any of those that come after
+to surpass them: while in private life they were so modest, {26} so intensely
+loyal to the spirit of the constitution, that if any one actually knows what the
+house of Aristides, or Miltiades, or any other of the glorious men of that day,
+is like, he can see that it is no more imposing than those of their neighbours.
+For it was not to win a fortune that they undertook affairs of State; but each
+thought it his duty to add to the common weal. And thus, acting in a spirit of
+good faith towards the Hellenes, of piety towards the gods, and of equality
+towards one another, they naturally attained great prosperity. {27} Such was the
+national life of those times, when those whom I have mentioned were the foremost
+men in the State. How do matters stand to-day, thanks to these worthy persons?
+Is there any likeness, any resemblance, to old times? Thanks to them (and though
+I might say much, I pass over all but this), when we had the field, as you see,
+completely open to us--when the Spartans had been ruined,[n] and the Thebans had
+their hands full,[n] and no other power could seriously dispute the supremacy
+with us on the field of battle--when we could have retained our own possessions
+in safety, and have stood as umpires of the rights of others--we have been
+deprived of our own territory; {28} we have spent more than 1,500 talents to no
+good purpose; the allies whom we had gained in the war,[n] these persons have
+lost in time of peace; and we have trained Philip to be the powerful enemy to us
+that he is. Let any one rise and tell me how Philip has grown so strong, if we
+ourselves are not the source of his strength. {29} 'But, my good Sir,' you say,
+'if we are badly off in these respects, we are at any rate better off at home.'
+And where is the proof of this? Is it in the whitewashing of the battlements,
+the mending of the roads, the fountains, and all such trumperies? Look then at
+the men whose policy gives you these things. Some of them who were poor have
+become rich; others, who were unknown to fame, have risen to honour; some of
+them have provided themselves with private houses more imposing than our public
+buildings; and the lower the fortunes of the city have fallen, the higher theirs
+have risen.
+
+{30} What is the cause of all these things? Why is it that all was well then,
+and all is amiss to-day? It is because then the people itself dared to act and
+to serve in the army; and so the people was master of its politicians; all
+patronage was in its own hands; any separate individual was content to receive
+from the people his share of honour or office or other emolument. The reverse is
+now the case. {31} All patronage is in the hands of the politicians, while you,
+the people, emasculated, stripped of money and allies, have been reduced to the
+position of servile supernumeraries, content if they give you distributions of
+festival-money, or organize a procession at the Boedromia;[n] and to crown all
+this bravery, you are expected also to thank them for giving you what is your
+own. They pen you up closely in the city; they entice you to these delights;
+they tame you till you come to their hand. {32} But a high and generous spirit
+can never, I believe, be acquired by men whose actions are mean and poor; for
+such as a man's practice is, such must his spirit be. And in all solemnity I
+should not be surprised if I suffered greater harm at your hands for telling you
+the things that I have told you, than the men who have brought them to pass.
+Even freedom of speech is not possible on all subjects in this place, and I
+wonder that it has been granted me to-day.
+
+{33} If, even now, you will rid yourselves of these habits, if you will resolve
+to join the forces and to act worthily of yourselves, converting the
+superfluities which you enjoy at home into resources to secure our advantage
+abroad, then it may be, men of Athens, it may be, that you will gain some great
+and final good, and will be rid of these your perquisites, which are like the
+diet that a physician gives a sick man--diet which neither puts strength into
+him nor lets him die. For these sums which you now share among yourselves are
+neither large enough to give you any adequate assistance, nor small enough to
+let you renounce them and go about your business; but these it is that[2]
+increase the indolence of every individual among you. {34} 'Is it, then, paid
+service that you suggest?'[n] some one will ask. I do, men of Athens; and a
+system for immediate enforcement which will embrace all alike; so that each,
+while receiving his share of the public funds may supply whatever service the
+State requires of him.[3] If we can remain at peace, then he will do better to
+stay at home, free from the necessity of doing anything discreditable through
+poverty. But if a situation like the present occurs, then supported by these
+same sums, he will serve loyally in person, in defence of his country. If a man
+is outside the military age, then let him take, in his place among the rest,
+that which he now receives irregularly and without doing any service, and let
+him act as an overseer and manager of business that must be done. {35} In short,
+without adding or subtracting anything,[n] beyond a small sum, and only removing
+the want of system, my plan reduces the State to order, making your receipt of
+payment, your service in the army or the courts, and your performance of any
+duty which the age of each of you allows, and the occasion requires, all part of
+one and the same system. But it has been no part of my proposal that we should
+assign the due of those who act to those who do nothing; that we should be idle
+ourselves and enjoy our leisure helplessly, listening to tales of victories won
+by somebody's mercenaries;[n] for this is what happens now. {36} Not that I
+blame one who is doing some part of your duty for you; but I require you to do
+for yourselves the things for which you honour others, and not to abandon the
+position which your fathers won through many a glorious peril, and bequeathed to
+you.
+
+I think I have told you all that, in my belief, your interest demands. May you
+choose the course which will be for the good of the city and of you all!
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] See notes to Speech on the Peace, Sec. 5. Some date the Euboean expedition and
+the sending of the cavalry one or two years earlier, and the whole chronology is
+much disputed; but there are strong arguments for the date (348) given in the
+text.
+
+[2] [Greek: esti tauta ta].
+
+[3] [Greek: touto parechae].
+
+
+
+
+ON THE PEACE (OR. V)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. After the fall of Olynthus in 348, the Athenians, on the
+proposal of Eubulus, sent embassies to the Greek States in the Peloponnese and
+elsewhere, to invite them to join in a coalition against Philip. Aeschines went
+for this purpose to Megalopolis, and did his best to counteract Philip's
+influence in Arcadia. When the embassies proved unsuccessful, it became clear
+that peace must be made on such terms as were possible. Philip himself was
+anxious for peace, since he wished to cross the Pass of Thermopylae without such
+opposition from Athens as he had encountered in 352, and to be free from the
+attacks of hostile ships upon his ports. Even before the fall of Olynthus,
+informal communications passed between himself and Athens (see Speech on
+Embassy, Sec.Sec. 12, 94, 315); and in consequence of these, Philocrates proposed and
+the Assembly passed a decree, under which ten ambassadors were appointed to go
+to Philip and invite him to send plenipotentiaries to Athens to conclude a
+peace. Demosthenes (who had strongly supported Philocrates) was among the ten,
+as well as Aeschines and Philocrates himself. Delighted with Philip's reception
+of them, and greatly attracted by his personality, the ambassadors returned with
+a letter from him, promising in general terms to confer great benefits upon
+Athens, if he were granted alliance as well as peace: in the meantime he
+undertook not to interfere with the towns allied to Athens in the Chersonese.
+Demosthenes proposed (in the Council, of which he was a member in the year 347-
+346) the usual complimentary resolution in honour of the ambassadors, and on his
+motion it was resolved to hold two meetings of the Assembly, on the 18th and
+19th of the month Elaphebolion (i.e. probably just after the middle of April
+346), when Philip's envoys would have arrived, to discuss the terms of peace.
+The envoys--Antipater, Parmenio, and Eurylochus--reached Athens shortly after
+this; and before the first of the two meetings was held, the Synod of the allies
+of Athens, now assembled in the city, agreed to peace on such terms as the
+Athenian people should decide, but added a proposal that it should be permitted
+to any Greek State to become a party to the Peace within three months. They said
+nothing of alliance. Of the two meetings of the Assembly, in view of the
+conflicting statements of Demosthenes and Aeschines, only a probable account can
+be given. At the first, Philocrates proposed that alliance as well as peace
+should be made by Athens and her allies with Philip and his allies, on the
+understanding that both parties should keep what they _de facto_ possessed--a
+provision entailing the renunciation by Athens of Amphipolis and Poteidaea; but
+that the Phocians and the people of Halus should be excluded. Aeschines opposed
+this strongly; and both he and Demosthenes claim to have supported the
+resolution of the allies, which would have given the excluded peoples a chance
+of sharing the advantage of the Peace. The feeling of the Assembly was with
+them, although the Phocians had recently insulted the Athenians by declining to
+give up to Proxenus (the Athenian admiral) the towns guarding the approaches to
+Thermopylae, which they had themselves offered to place in the hands of Athens.
+But Philocrates obtained the postponement of the decision till the next day. On
+the next day, if not before, it became plain that Philip's envoys would not
+consent to forgo the exclusion of the Phocians and Halus; but in order that the
+Assembly might be induced to pass the resolution, the clause expressly excluding
+them was dropped, and peace and alliance were made between Athens and Philip,
+each with their allies.[n] Even this was not secured before Aeschines and his
+friends had deprecated rash attempts to imitate the exploits of antiquity by
+continuing the war, and had explained that Philip could not openly accept the
+Phocians as allies, but that when the Peace was concluded, he would satisfy all
+the wishes of the Athenians in every way; while Eubulus threatened the people
+with immediate war, involving personal service and heavy taxation, unless they
+accepted Philocrates' decree. A few days afterwards the Athenians and the
+representatives of the allies took the oath to observe the Peace: nothing was
+said about the Phocians and Halus: Cersobleptes' representative was probably not
+permitted to swear with the rest. The same ten ambassadors as before were
+instructed to receive Philip's oath, and the oaths of his allies, to arrange for
+the ransom of prisoners, and generally to treat with Philip in the interests of
+Athens. Demosthenes urged his colleagues (and obtained an instruction from the
+Council to this effect) to sail at once, in order that Philip, who was now in
+Thrace, might not make conquests at the expense of Athens before ratifying the
+Peace; but they delayed at Oreus, went by land, instead of under the escort of
+Proxenus by sea, and only reached Pella (the Macedonian capital) twenty-three
+days after leaving Athens. Philip did not arrive for twenty-seven days more. By
+this time he had taken Cersobleptes prisoner, and captured Serrhium, Doriscus,
+and other Thracian towns, which were held by Athenian troops sent to assist
+Cersobleptes. Demosthenes was now openly at variance with his colleagues. He had
+no doubt realized the necessity of peace, but probably regarded the exclusion of
+the Phocians as unwarrantable, and thought that the policy of his colleagues
+must end in Philip's conquest of all Greece. At Pella he occupied himself in
+negotiations for the ransom of prisoners. After taking the oath, Philip kept the
+ambassadors with him until he had made all preparations for his march southward,
+and during this time he played with them and with the envoys from the other
+Greek States who were present at the same time. His intention of marching to
+Thermopylae was clear; but he seems to have led all alike to suppose that he
+would fulfil their particular wishes when he had crossed the Pass. The
+ambassadors accompanied him to Pherae, where the oath was taken by the
+representatives of Philip's allies; the Phocians, Halus, and Cersobleptes were
+excluded from the Peace. (Halus was taken by Philip's army shortly afterwards.)
+The ambassadors of Athens then returned homewards, bearing a letter from Philip,
+but did not arrive at Athens before Philip had reached Thermopylae. On their
+return Demosthenes denounced them before the Council, which refused them the
+customary compliments, and (on Demosthenes' motion) determined to propose to the
+people that Proxenus with his squadron should be ordered to go to the aid of the
+Phocians and to prevent Philip from crossing the Pass. When the Assembly met on
+the 16th of Scirophorion (shortly before the middle of July), Aeschines rose
+first, and announced in glowing terms the intention of Philip to turn round upon
+Thebes and to re-establish Thespiae and Plataeae; and hinted at the restoration
+to Athens of Euboea and Oropus. Then Philip's letter was read, containing no
+promises, but excusing the delay of the ambassadors as due to his own request.
+The Assembly was elated at the promises announced by Aeschines; Demosthenes'
+attempt to contradict the announcement failed; and on Philocrates' motion, it
+was resolved to extend the Peace and alliance with Philip to posterity, and to
+declare that if the Phocians refused to surrender the Temple of Delphi to the
+Amphictyons, Athens would take steps against those responsible for the refusal.
+Demosthenes refused to serve on the Embassy appointed to convey this resolution
+to Philip: Aeschines was appointed, but was too ill to start. The ambassadors
+set out, but within a few days returned with the news that the Phocian army had
+surrendered to Philip (its leader, Phalaecus, and his troops being allowed to
+depart to the Peloponnese). The surrender had perhaps been accelerated by the
+news of the Athenian resolution. The Assembly, in alarm lest Philip should march
+southwards, now resolved to take measures of precaution and defence, and to send
+the same ambassadors to Philip, to do what they could. They went, Aeschines
+among them, and arrived in the midst of the festivities with which Philip was
+celebrating the success of his plans. The invitation which Philip sent to
+Athens--to send a force to join his own, and to assist in settling the affairs
+of Phocis--was (on Demosthenes' advice) declined by the Assembly; and soon
+afterwards another letter from Philip expressed surprise at the unfriendly
+attitude taken up by the Athenians towards him. Philip next summoned the
+Amphictyonic Council (the legitimate guardians of the Delphian Temple, on whose
+behalf the Thebans and Thessalians, aided by Philip, were now at war with the
+Phocians): and the Council, in the absence of many of its members, resolved to
+transfer the votes of the Phocians in the Council-meeting to Philip, to break up
+the Phocian towns into villages, disarming their inhabitants and taking away
+their horses, to require them to repay the stolen treasure to the temple by
+instalments, and to pronounce a curse upon those actually guilty of sacrilege,
+which would render them liable to arrest anywhere. The destructive part of the
+sentence was rigorously executed by the Thebans. In order to punish the former
+supporters of the Phocians, the right to precedence in consulting the oracle was
+transferred from Athens to Philip, by order of the Council, and the Spartans
+were excluded from the temple: Orchomenus and Coroneia were destroyed and their
+inhabitants enslaved; and Thebes became absolute mistress of all Boeotia. The
+Pythian games (at Delphi) in September 346 were celebrated under Philip's
+presidency; but both Sparta and Athens refused to send the customary deputation
+to them, and Philip accordingly sent envoys to Athens, along with
+representatives of the Amphictyons, to demand recognition for himself as an
+Amphictyonic power. Aeschines supported the demand, his argument being
+apparently to the effect that Philip had been forced to act as he had done by
+the Thebans and Thessalians; but the Assembly was very angry at the results (as
+they seemed to be) of Aeschines' diplomacy and the calamities of the Phocians;
+and it was only when Demosthenes, in the Speech on the Peace, advised
+compliance, that they were persuaded to give way. To have refused would have
+brought the united forces of the Amphictyonic States against Athens: and these
+she could not have resisted. It was therefore prudent to keep the Peace, though
+Demosthenes evidently regarded it only as an armistice.]
+
+
+{1} I see, men of Athens, that our present situation is one of great perplexity
+and confusion, for not only have many of our interests been sacrificed, so that
+it is of no use to make eloquent speeches about them; but even as regards what
+still remains to us, there is no general agreement in any single point as to
+what is expedient: some hold one view, and some another. {2} Perplexing,
+moreover, and difficult as deliberation naturally is, men of Athens, you have
+made it far more difficult. For while all the rest of mankind are in the habit
+of resorting to deliberation before the event, you do not do so until
+afterwards: and consequently, during the whole time that falls within my memory,
+however high a reputation for eloquence one who upbraids you for all your errors
+may enjoy, the desired results and the objects of your deliberation pass out of
+your grasp. {3} And yet I believe--and it is because I have convinced myself of
+this that I have risen--that if you resolve to abandon all clamour and
+contention, as becomes men who are deliberating on behalf of their country upon
+so great an issue, I shall be able to describe and recommend measures to you, by
+which the situation may be improved, and what we have sacrificed, recovered.
+
+{4} Now although I know perfectly well, men of Athens, that to speak to you
+about one's own earlier speeches, and about oneself, is a practice which is
+always extremely repaying, I feel the vulgarity and offensiveness of it so
+strongly, that I shrink from it even when I see that it is necessary. I think,
+however, that you will form a better judgement on the subject on which I am
+about to speak, if I remind you of some few of the things which I have said on
+certain previous occasions. {5} In the first place, men of Athens, when at the
+time of the disturbances in Euboea[n] you were being urged to assist Plutarchus,
+and to undertake an inglorious and costly campaign, I came forward first and
+unsupported to oppose this action, and was almost torn in pieces by those who
+for the sake of their own petty profits had induced you to commit many grave
+errors: and when only a short time had elapsed, along with the shame which you
+incurred and the treatment which you received--treatment such as no people in
+the world ever before experienced at the hands of those whom they went to
+assist--there came the recognition by all of you of the baseness of those who
+had urged you to this course, and of the excellence of my own advice. {6} Again,
+men of Athens, I observed that Neoptolemus[n] the actor, who was allowed freedom
+of movement everywhere on the ground of his profession, and was doing the city
+the greatest mischief, was managing and directing your communications with
+Philip in Philip's own interest: and I came forward and informed you; and that,
+not to gratify any private dislike or desire to misrepresent him, as subsequent
+events have made plain. {7} And in this case I shall not, as before, throw the
+blame on any speakers or defenders of Neoptolemus--indeed, he had no defenders;
+it is yourselves that I blame. For had you been watching rival tragedies in the
+theatre, instead of discussing the vital interests of a whole State, you could
+not have listened with more partiality towards him, or more prejudice against
+me. {8} And yet, I believe, you have all now realized that though, according to
+his own assertion, this visit to the enemy's country was paid in order that he
+might get in the debts owing to him there, and return with funds to perform his
+public service[n] here; though he was always repeating the statement that it was
+monstrous to accuse those who were transferring their means from Macedonia to
+Athens; yet, when the Peace had removed all danger, he converted his real estate
+here into money, and took himself off with it to Philip. {9} These then are two
+events which I have foretold--events which, because their real character was
+exactly and faithfully disclosed by me, are a testimony to the speeches which I
+have delivered. A third, men of Athens, was the following; and when I have given
+you this one instance, I will immediately proceed to the subject on which I have
+come forward to speak. When we returned from the Embassy, after receiving from
+Philip his oath to maintain the Peace, {10} there were some[n] who promised that
+Thespiae and Plataeae[n] would be repeopled, and said that if Philip became
+master of the situation, he would save the Phocians, and would break up the city
+of Thebes into villages; that Oropus would be yours, and that Euboea would be
+restored to you in place of Amphipolis--with other hopes and deceptions of the
+same kind, by which you were seduced into sacrificing the Phocians in a manner
+that was contrary to your interest and perhaps to your honour also. But as for
+me, you will find that neither had I any share in this deception, nor yet did I
+hold my peace. On the contrary, I warned you plainly, as, I know you remember,
+that _I_ had no knowledge and no expectations of this kind, and that I regarded
+such statements as nonsense.
+
+{11} All these plain instances of superior foresight on my part, men of Athens,
+I shall not ascribe to any cleverness, any boasted merits, of my own. I will not
+pretend that my foreknowledge and discernment are due to any causes but such as
+I will name; and they are two. The first, men of Athens, is that good fortune,
+which, I observe, is more powerful than all the cleverness and wisdom on earth.
+{12} The second is the fact that my judgement and reasoning are disinterested.
+No one can point to any personal gain in connexion with my public acts and
+words: and therefore I see what is to our interest undistorted, in the light in
+which the actual facts reveal it. But when you throw money into one scale of the
+balance, its weight carries everything with it; your judgement is instantly
+dragged down with it, and one who has acted so can no longer think soundly or
+healthily about anything.
+
+{13} Now there is one primary condition which must be observed by any one who
+would furnish the city with allies or contributions or anything else--he must do
+it without breaking the existing Peace: not because the Peace is at all
+admirable or creditable to you, but because, whatever its character, it would
+have been better, in the actual circumstances, that it should never have been
+made, than that having been made, it should now be broken through our action.
+For we have sacrificed many advantages which we possessed when we made it, and
+which would have rendered the war safer and easier for us then than it is now.
+{14} The second condition, men of Athens, is that we shall not draw on these
+self-styled Amphictyons,[n] who are now assembled, until they have an
+irresistible or a plausible reason for making a united war against us. My own
+belief is that if war broke out again between ourselves and Philip about
+Amphipolis or any such claim of our own, in which the Thessalians and Argives
+and Thebans had no interest, none of these peoples would go to war against us,
+least of all--{15} and let no one raise a clamour before he hears what I have to
+say--least of all the Thebans; not because they are in any pleasant mood towards
+us; not because they would not be glad to gratify Philip; but because they know
+perfectly well, however stupid one may think them,[n] that if war springs up
+between themselves and you, _they_ will get all the hardships of war for their
+share, while another will sit by, waiting to secure all the advantages; and they
+are not likely to sacrifice themselves for such a prospect, unless the origin
+and the cause of the war are such as concern all alike. {16} Nor again should
+we, in my opinion, suffer at all, if we went to war with Thebes on account of
+Oropus[n] or any other purely Athenian interest. For I believe that while those
+who would assist ourselves or the Thebans would give their aid if their ally's
+own country were invaded, they would not join either in an offensive campaign.
+For this is the manner of alliances--such, at least, as are worth considering;
+and the relationship is naturally of this kind. {17} The goodwill of each ally--
+whether it be towards ourselves or towards the Thebans--does not imply the same
+interest in our conquest of others as in our existence. Our continued existence
+they would all desire for their own sakes; but none of them would wish that
+through conquest either of us should become their own masters. What is it then
+that I regard with apprehension? What is it that we must guard against? I fear
+lest a common pretext should be supplied for the coming war, a common charge
+against us, which will appeal to all alike. {18} For if the Argives[n] and
+Messenians and Megalopolitans, and some of the other Peloponnesians who are in
+sympathy with them, adopt a hostile attitude towards us owing to our
+negotiations for peace with Sparta, and the belief that to some extent we are
+giving our approval to the policy which the Spartans have pursued: if the
+Thebans already (as we are told) detest us, and are sure to become even more
+hostile, because we are harbouring those whom they have exiled,[n] and losing no
+opportunity of displaying our ill-will towards them; {19} and the Thessalians,
+because we are offering a refuge to the Phocian fugitives;[n] and Philip,
+because we are preventing his admission to Amphictyonic rank; my fear is that,
+when each power has thus its separate reasons for resentment, they may unite in
+the war against us, with the decrees of the Amphictyons for their pretext: and
+so each may be drawn on farther than their several interests would carry them,
+just as they were in dealing with the Phocians. {20} For you doubtless realize
+that it was not through any unity in their respective ambitions, that the
+Thebans and Philip and the Thessalians all acted together just now. The Thebans,
+for instance, could not prevent Philip from marching through and occupying the
+passes, nor even from stepping in at the last moment to reap the credit of all
+that they themselves had toiled for.[n] {21} For, as it is, though the Thebans
+have gained something so far as the recovery of their territory is concerned,
+their honour and reputation have suffered shamefully, since it now appears as
+though they would have gained nothing, unless Philip had crossed the Pass. This
+was not what they intended. They only submitted to all this in their anxiety to
+obtain Orchomenus and Coroneia, and their inability to do so otherwise. {22} And
+as to Philip, some persons,[n] as you know, are bold enough to say that it was
+not from any wish to do so that he handed over Orchomenus and Coroneia to
+Thebes, but from compulsion; and although I must part company with them there, I
+am sure that at least he did not want to do this _more_ than he desired to
+occupy the passes, and to get the credit of appearing to have determined the
+issue of the war, and to manage the Pythian games by his own authority. These, I
+am sure, were the objects which he coveted most greedily. {23} The Thessalians,
+again, did not desire to see either the Thebans or Philip growing powerful; for
+in any such contingency they thought that they themselves were menaced. But they
+did desire to secure two privileges--admission to the Amphictyonic meeting, and
+the recovery of rights at Delphi;[n] and in their eagerness for these
+privileges, they joined Philip in the actions in question. Thus you will find
+that each was led on, for the sake of private ends, to take action which they in
+no way desired to take. But this is the very thing against which we have now to
+be on our guard.
+
+{24} 'Are we then, for fear of this, to submit to Philip? and do _you_ require
+this of us?' you ask me. Far from it. Our action must be such as will be in no
+way unworthy of us, and at the same time will not lead to war, but will prove to
+all our good sense and the justice of our position: and, in answer to those who
+are bold enough to think that we should refuse to submit to anything
+whatever,[n] [2] and who cannot foresee the war that must follow, I wish to urge
+this consideration. We are allowing the Thebans to hold Oropus; and if any one
+asked us to state the reason honestly, we should say that it was to avoid war.
+{25} Again, we have just ceded Amphipolis to Philip by the Treaty of Peace;[n]
+we permit the Cardians[n] to occupy a position apart from the other colonists in
+the Chersonese; we allow the Prince of Caria[n] to seize the islands of Chios,
+Cos, and Rhodes, and the Byzantines to drive our vessels to shore[n]--obviously
+because we believe that the tranquillity afforded by peace brings more blessings
+than any collision or contention over these grievances would bring: so that it
+would be a foolish and an utterly perverse policy, when we have behaved in this
+manner towards each of our adversaries individually, where our own most
+essential interests were concerned, to go now to war with all of them together,
+on account of this shadow at Delphi.[n]
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] The term 'the allies of Athens' was ambiguous. It might be taken (as it was
+taken by Philip and his envoys) to include only the remaining members of the
+League (see p. 9), who were represented by the Synod then sitting, and whose
+policy Athens could control. But it was evidently possible to put a wider
+interpretation upon it, as the Assembly probably did and as Demosthenes often
+does (e.g. Speech on Embassy, Sec. 278), and to understand it as including the
+Phocians and others (such as Cersobleptes) with whom Athens had a treaty of
+alliance. Much of the trouble which followed arose out of this ambiguity.
+
+[2] [Greek: oud hotioun].
+
+
+
+
+THE SECOND PHILIPPIC (OR. VI)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. After settling affairs at Delphi in 346, Philip returned to
+Macedonia. During a considerable part of 345 and in the early months of 344 he
+was occupied with campaigns against the Illyrians, Dardani, and Triballi. But in
+the summer (probably) of 344 he resumed his activities in Greece, garrisoning
+Pherae and other towns of Thessaly with Macedonians, appropriating the revenues
+derived from the Thessalian ports, and establishing oligarchical governments
+throughout the country. At the same time negotiations were going on between
+himself and Athens with regard to the Thracian strongholds which he had captured
+in 346. He refused to give these up, though he offered to cut a canal across the
+Chersonese, for the protection of the Athenian allies there from the attacks of
+the Thracians. He also sent money and mercenaries to help the Messenians and
+Argives, who, like the Megalopolitans, were anxious to secure their independence
+of Sparta. Athens, which was on friendly terms with Sparta, sent envoys to the
+Peloponnesian states to counteract Philip's influence, and of these Demosthenes
+was one. In return, Argos and Messene complained to Athens of her interference
+with their attempt to secure freedom, and Philip sent envoys to deprecate the
+charges made against him by the Athenian ambassadors in the Peloponnese. He
+pointed out that he had not broken any promises made to Athens at the time of
+the Peace, for he had made none. (In fact, if Demosthenes' account is correct,
+he had confined himself to vague expressions of goodwill; the promises had been
+made by Aeschines.) The Second Philippic, spoken late in 344, proposes a reply
+to Philip, the text of which has unfortunately not come down to us. The
+Peloponnesian envoys appear also to have been in Athens at the time; and
+Philip's supporters had put forward various explanations of his conduct at the
+time when the Peace was made. To these also Demosthenes replies.]
+
+
+{1} In all our discussions, men of Athens, with regard to the acts of violence
+by which Philip contravenes the terms of the Peace, I observe that, although the
+speeches on our side are always manifestly just and sympathetic,[n] and although
+those who denounce Philip are always regarded as saying what ought to be said,
+yet practically nothing is done which ought to be done, or which would make it
+worth while to listen to such speeches. {2} On the contrary, the condition of
+public affairs as a whole has already been brought to a point at which, the more
+and the more evidently a speaker can convict Philip both of transgressing the
+Peace which he made with you and of plotting against all the Hellenes, the
+harder it is for him to advise you how you should act. {3} The responsibility
+for this rests with us all, men of Athens. It is by deeds and actions, not by
+words, that a policy of encroachment must be arrested: and yet, in the first
+place, we who rise to address you will not face the duty of proposing or
+advising such action, for fear of unpopularity with you, though we dilate upon
+the character of Philip's acts, upon their atrocity, and so forth; and, in the
+second place, you who sit and listen, better qualified though you doubtless are
+than Philip for using the language of justice and appreciating it at the mouths
+of others, are nevertheless absolutely inert, when it is a question of
+preventing him from executing the designs in which he is now engaged. {4} It
+follows as the inevitable and perhaps reasonable consequence, that you are each
+more successful in that to which your time and your interest is given--he in
+actions, yourselves in words. Now if it is still enough for you, that your words
+are more just than his, your course is easy, and no labour is involved in it.
+{5} But if we are to inquire how the evil of the present situation is to be
+corrected; if its advance is not still to continue, unperceived, until we are
+confronted by a power so great that we cannot even raise a hand in our own
+defence; then we must alter our method of deliberation, and all of us who speak,
+and all of you who listen, must resolve to prefer the counsels which are best,
+and which can save us, to those which are most easy and most attractive.
+
+{6} I am amazed, men of Athens, in the first place, that any one who sees the
+present greatness of Philip and the wide mastery which he has gained, can be
+free from alarm, or can imagine that this involves no peril to Athens, or that
+it is not against you that all his preparations are being made. And I would beg
+you, one and all, to listen while I put before you in a few words the reasoning
+by which I have come to entertain the opposite expectation, and the grounds upon
+which I regard Philip as an enemy; that so, if my own foresight appears to you
+the truer, you may believe me; but if that of the persons who have no fears and
+have placed their trust in him, you may give your adhesion to them. {7} Here
+then, men of Athens, is my argument. Of what, in the first place, did Philip
+become master, when the Peace was concluded? Of Thermopylae, and of the
+situation in Phocis. Next, what use did he make of his power? He deliberately
+chose to act in the interests of Thebes, not in those of Athens. And why? He
+scrutinized every consideration in the light of his own ambition and of his
+desire for universal conquest: he took no thought for peace, or tranquillity, or
+justice; {8} and he saw quite correctly that our state and our national
+character being what they are, there was no attraction that he could offer,
+nothing that he could do, which would induce you to sacrifice any of the other
+Hellenes to him for your own advantage. He saw that you would take account of
+what was right; that you would shrink from the infamy attaching to such a
+policy; that you would exercise all the foresight which the situation demanded,
+and would oppose any such attempt on his part, as surely as if you were at open
+war with him. {9} But the Thebans, he believed--and the event proved that he was
+right--in return for what they were getting would let him do as he pleased in
+all that did not concern them; and far from acting against him, or preventing
+him effectively, would even join him in his campaign, if he bade them. His
+services to the Messenians and the Argives at the present moment are due to his
+having formed the same conception of them. And this, men of Athens, is the
+highest of all tributes to yourselves: {10} for these actions of his amount to a
+verdict upon you, that you alone of all peoples would never, for any gain to
+yourselves, sacrifice the common rights of the Hellenes, nor barter away your
+loyalty to them for any favour or benefit at his hands. This conception of you
+he has naturally formed, just as he has formed the opposite conception of the
+Argives and the Thebans, not only from his observation of the present, but also
+from his consideration of the past. {11} He discovers, I imagine, and is told,
+how when your forefathers might have been rulers of the rest of the Hellenes, on
+condition of submitting to the king themselves, they not only refused to
+tolerate the suggestion, on the occasion when Alexander [n], the ancestor of the
+present royal house, came as his herald to negotiate, but chose rather to leave
+their country and to face any suffering which they might have to endure; and how
+they followed up the refusal by those deeds which all are so eager to tell, but
+to which no one has ever been able to do justice; and for that reason, I shall
+myself forbear to speak of them, and rightly; for the grandeur of their
+achievements passes the power of language to describe. He knows, on the other
+hand, how the forefathers of the Thebans and Argives, in the one case, joined
+the barbarian army, in the other, offered no resistance to it. {12} He knows,
+therefore, that both these peoples will welcome what is to their own advantage,
+instead of considering the common interests of the Hellenes: and so he thought
+that, if he chose you for his allies, he would be choosing friends who would
+only serve a righteous cause; while if he joined himself to them, he would win
+accomplices who would further his own ambitions. That is why he chose them, as
+he chooses them now, in preference to you. For he certainly does not see them in
+possession of more ships than you; nor has he discovered some inland empire, and
+withdrawn from the seaboard and the trading-ports; nor does he forget the words
+and the promises, on the strength of which he was granted the Peace.
+
+{13} But some one may tell us, with an air of complete knowledge of the matter,
+that what then moved Philip to act thus was not his ambition nor any of the
+motives which I impute to him, but his belief that the demands of Thebes were
+more righteous than your own. I reply, that this statement, above all others, is
+one which he cannot possibly make _now_. How can one who is ordering Sparta to
+give up Messene put forward his belief in the righteousness of the act, as his
+excuse for handing over Orchomenus and Coroneia to Thebes?
+
+{14} 'But,' we are told (as the last remaining plea), 'he was forced to make
+these concessions, and did so against his better judgement, finding himself
+caught between the cavalry of Thessaly and the infantry of Thebes.' Admirable!
+And so, we are informed, he intends henceforth to be wary of the Thebans, and
+the tale goes round that he intends to fortify Elateia [n]. 'Intends,' indeed!
+and I expect that it will remain an intention! {15} But the help which he is
+giving to the Messenians and Argives is no 'intention'; for he is actually
+sending mercenaries to them and dispatching funds, and is himself expected to
+arrive on the spot with a great force. Is he trying to annihilate the Spartans,
+the existing enemies of Thebes, and at the same time protecting the Phocians,
+whom he himself has ruined? Who will believe such a tale? {16} For if Philip had
+really acted against his will and under compulsion in the first instance--if he
+were now really intending to renounce the Thebans--I cannot believe that he
+would be so consistently opposing their enemies. On the contrary, his present
+course plainly proves that his former action also was the result of deliberate
+policy; and to any sound observation, it is plain that the whole of his plans
+are being organized for one end--the destruction of Athens. {17} Indeed, this
+has now come to be, in a sense, a matter of necessity for him. Only consider. It
+is empire that he desires, and you, as he believes, are his only possible rivals
+in this. He has been acting wrongfully towards you for a long time, as he
+himself best knows; for it is the occupation of your possessions that enables
+him to hold all his other conquests securely, convinced, as he is, that if he
+had let Amphipolis and Poteidaea go, he could not dwell in safety even at home.
+{18} These two facts, then, he well knows--first, that his designs are aimed at
+you, and secondly, that you are aware of it: and as he conceives you to be men
+of sense, he considers that you hold him in righteous detestation: and, in
+consequence, his energies are roused: for he expects to suffer disaster, if you
+get your opportunity, unless he can anticipate you by inflicting it upon you.
+{19} So he is wide awake; he is on the alert; he is courting the help of others
+against Athens--of the Thebans and those Peloponnesians who sympathize with
+their wishes; thinking that their desire of gain will make them embrace the
+immediate prospect, while their native stupidity will prevent them from
+foreseeing any of the consequences. Yet there are examples, plainly visible to
+minds which are even moderately well-balanced[n]--examples which it fell to my
+lot to bring before Messenian and Argive audiences, but which had better,
+perhaps, be laid before yourselves as well.
+
+{20} 'Can you not imagine,' I said, 'men of Messenia, the impatience with which
+the Olynthians used to listen to any speeches directed against Philip in those
+times, when he was giving up Anthemus to them--a city claimed as their own by
+all former Macedonian kings; when he was expelling the Athenian colonists from
+Poteidaea and presenting it to the Olynthians; when he had taken upon his own
+shoulders their quarrel with Athens, and given them the enjoyment of that
+territory? Did they expect, do you think, to suffer as they have done? if any
+one had foretold it, would they have believed him? {21} And yet,' I continued,
+'after enjoying territory not their own for a very short time, they are robbed
+of their own by him for a great while to come; they are foully driven forth--not
+conquered merely, but betrayed by one another and sold; for it is not safe for a
+free state to be on these over-friendly terms with a tyrant. {22} What, again,
+of the Thessalians? Do you imagine,' I asked, 'that when he was expelling their
+tyrants, or again, when he was giving them Nicaea and Magnesia, they expected to
+see the present Council of Ten[n] established in their midst? Did they expect
+that the restorer of their Amphictyonic rights would take their own revenues
+from them for himself? Impossible! And yet these things came to pass, as all men
+may know. {23} You yourselves,' I continued, 'at present behold only the gifts
+and the promises of Philip. Pray, if you are really in your right minds, that
+you may never see the accomplishment of his deceit and treachery. There are, as
+you know well,' I said, 'all kinds of inventions designed for the protection and
+security of cities--palisades, walls, trenches, and every kind of defence. {24}
+All these are made with hands, and involve expense as well. But there is one
+safeguard which all sensible men possess by nature--a safeguard which is a
+valuable protection to all, but above all to a democracy against a tyrant. And
+what is this? It is distrust. Guard this possession and cleave to it; preserve
+this, and you need never fear disaster. {25} What is it that you desire?' I
+said. 'Is it freedom? And do you not see that the very titles that Philip bears
+are utterly alien to freedom? For a king, a tyrant, is always the foe of freedom
+and the enemy of law. Will you not be on your guard,' I said, 'lest in striving
+to be rid of war, you find yourselves slaves?'[n]
+
+{26} My audience heard these words and received them with a tumult of
+approbation, as well as many other speeches from the envoys, both when I was
+present and again later. And yet, it seems, there is still no better prospect of
+their keeping Philip's friendship and promises at a distance. {27} In fact, the
+extraordinary thing is not that Messenians and certain Peloponnesians should act
+against their own better judgement, but that you who understand for yourselves,
+and who hear us, your orators, telling you, that there is a design against you,
+and that the toils are closing round you--that you, I say, by always refusing to
+act at once, should be about to find (as I think you will) that you have exposed
+yourselves unawares to the utmost peril: so much more does the pleasure and ease
+of the moment weigh with you, than any advantage to be reaped at some future
+date.
+
+{28} In regard to the practical measures which you must take, you will, if you
+are wise, deliberate by yourselves[n] later. But I will at once propose an
+answer which you may make to-day, and which it will be consistent with your duty
+to have adopted.
+
+[_The answer is read._]
+
+Now the right course, men of Athens, was to have summoned before you those who
+conveyed the promises[n] on the strength of which you were induced to make the
+Peace. {29} For I could never have brought myself to serve on the Embassy, nor,
+I am sure, would you have discontinued the war, had you imagined that Philip,
+when he had obtained peace, would act as he has acted. What we were then told
+was something very different from this. And there are others, too, whom you
+should summon. You ask whom I mean? After the Peace had been made, and I had
+returned from the Second Embassy, which was sent to administer the oaths, I saw
+how the city was being hoodwinked, and I spoke out repeatedly, protesting and
+forbidding you to sacrifice Thermopylae and the Phocians: {30} and the men to
+whom I refer were those who then said that a water-drinker[n] like myself was
+naturally a fractious and ill-tempered fellow; while Philip, if only he crossed
+the Pass, would fulfil your fondest prayers; for he would fortify Thespiae and
+Plataeae; he would put an end to the insolence of the Thebans; he would cut a
+canal through the Chersonese at his own charges, and would repay you for
+Amphipolis by the restoration of Euboea and Oropus. All this was said from this
+very platform, and I am quite sure that you remember it well, though your memory
+of those who injure you is but short. {31} To crown your disgrace, with nothing
+but these hopes in view, you resolved that this same Peace should hold good for
+your posterity also; so completely had you fallen under their influence. But why
+do I speak of all this now? why do I bid you summon these men? By Heaven, I will
+tell the truth without reserve, and will hold nothing back. {32} My object is
+not to give way to abuse, and so secure myself as good a hearing[n] as others in
+this place, while giving those who have come into collision with me from the
+first an opportunity for a further claim[n] upon Philip's money. Nor do I wish
+to waste time in empty words. {33} No; but I think that the plan which Philip is
+pursuing will some day trouble you more than the present situation does; for his
+design is moving towards fulfilment, and though I shrink from precise
+conjecture, I fear its accomplishment may even now be only too close at hand.
+And when the time comes when you can no longer refuse to attend to what is
+passing; when you no longer hear from me or from some other that it is all
+directed against you, but all alike see it for yourselves and know it for a
+certainty; then, I think, you will be angry and harsh enough. {34} And I am
+afraid that because your envoys have withheld from you the guilty secret of the
+purposes which they have been bribed to forward, those who are trying to remedy
+in some degree the ruin of which these men have been the instruments will fall
+victims to your wrath. For I observe that it is the general practice of some
+persons to vent their anger, not upon the guilty, but upon those who are most
+within their grasp. {35} While then the trouble is still to come, still in
+process of growth, while we can still listen to one another's words, I would
+remind each of you once more of what he well knows--who it was that induced you
+to sacrifice the Phocians and Thermopylae, the control of which gave Philip
+command of the road to Attica and the Peloponnesus; who it was, I say, that
+converted your debate about your rights and your interests abroad into a debate
+about the safety of your own country, and about war on your own borders--a war
+which will bring distress to each of us personally, when it is at our doors, but
+which sprang into existence on that day. {36} Had you not been misled by them,
+no trouble would have befallen this country. For we cannot imagine that Philip
+would have won victories by sea which would have enabled him to approach Attica
+with his fleet, or would have marched by land past Thermopylae and the Phocians;
+but he would either have been acting straightforwardly--keeping the Peace and
+remaining quiet; or else he would have found himself instantly plunged into a
+war no less severe than that which originally made him desirous of the Peace.
+{37} What I have said is sufficient by way of a reminder to you. Heaven grant
+that the time may not come when the truth of my words will be tested with all
+severity: for I at least have no desire to see any one meet with punishment,
+however much he may deserve his doom, if it is accompanied by danger and
+calamity to us all.
+
+
+
+
+ON THE EMBASSY (OR. XIX)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. The principal events with which a reader of this Speech ought
+to be acquainted have already been narrated (see especially the Introductions to
+the last two Speeches). The influence of the anti-Macedonian party grew
+gradually from the time of the Peace onwards. In 346, within a month after the
+return of the Second Embassy, the ambassadors presented their reports before the
+Logistae or Board of Auditors (after a futile attempt on the part of Aeschines
+to avoid making a report altogether); and Timarchus, supported by Demosthenes,
+there announced his intention of taking proceedings against Aeschines for
+misconduct on the Second Embassy. But Timarchus' own past history was not above
+reproach: he was attacked by Aeschines for the immoralities of his youth, which,
+it was stated, disqualified him from acting as prosecutor, and though defended
+by Demosthenes, was condemned and disfranchised (345 B.C.). But early in 343
+Hypereides impeached Philocrates for corruption as ambassador, and obtained his
+condemnation to death--a penalty which he escaped by voluntary exile before the
+conclusion of the trial; and, later in the same year, Demosthenes brought the
+same charge against Aeschines.
+
+In the meantime (since the delivery of Demosthenes' Second Philippic) Philip had
+been making fresh progress. The Arcadians and Argives (for the Athenian envoys
+to the Peloponnese in 344 seem to have had little success) were ready to open
+their gates to him. His supporters in Elis massacred their opponents, and with
+them the remnant of the Phocians who had crossed over to Elis with Phalaecus. At
+Megara, Perillus and Ptoeodorus almost succeeded in bringing a force of Philip's
+mercenaries into the town, but the attempt was defeated, by the aid of an
+Athenian force under Phocion. In Euboea Philip's troops occupied Porthmus, where
+the democratic party of Eretria had taken refuge, owing to an overthrow of the
+constitution (brought about by Philip's intrigues) which resulted in the
+establishment of Cleitarchus as tyrant. In the course of the same year (343)
+occurred two significant trials. The first was that of Antiphon, who had made an
+offer to Philip to burn the Athenian dockyards at the Peiraeus. He was summarily
+arrested by order of Demosthenes (probably in virtue of some administrative
+office): Aeschines obtained his release, but he was re-arrested by order of the
+Council of Areopagus[1] and condemned to death. The other trial was held before
+the Amphictyonic Council on the motion of the people of Delos, to decide whether
+the Athenians should continue to possess the right of managing the Temple of
+Delos. The Assembly chose Aeschines as counsel for Athens; but the Council of
+Areopagus, which had been given power to revise the appointment, put Hypereides
+in his place. Hypereides won the case. Early in 343 (or at all events before the
+middle of the year), Philip sent Python of Byzantium to complain of the language
+used about him by Athenian orators, and to offer to revise and amend the terms
+of the Peace of Philocrates. In response, an embassy was sent, headed by
+Hegesippus, a violent opponent of Macedonia, to propose to Philip (1) that
+instead of the clause 'that each party shall retain possession of what they
+have', a clause, 'that each party shall possess what is their own,' should be
+substituted; and (2) that all Greek States not included in the Treaty of Peace
+should be declared free, and that Athens and Philip should assist them, if they
+were attacked. These proposals, if sanctioned, would obviously have reopened the
+question of Amphipolis, Pydna, and Poteidaea, as well as of Cardia and the
+Thracian towns taken by Philip in 346. Hegesippus, moreover, was personally
+objectionable, and the embassy was dismissed with little courtesy by Philip, who
+even banished from Macedonia the Athenian poet Xenocleides for acting as host to
+the envoys. The feeling against Philip in Athens was evidently strong, when the
+prosecution of Aeschines by Demosthenes took place.
+
+The trial was held before a jury (probably consisting of 1,501 persons),
+presided over by the Board of Auditors. Demosthenes spoke first, and Aeschines
+replied in a speech which is preserved. There is no doubt, on a comparison of
+the two speeches, that each, before it was published, received alterations and
+insertions, intended to meet the adversary's points, or to give a better colour
+to passages which had been unfavourably received. Probably not all the
+refutations 'in advance' were such in reality. But there is no sufficient reason
+to doubt that the speeches were delivered substantially as we have them.
+Aeschines was acquitted by thirty votes.
+
+The question of the guilt or innocence of Aeschines will probably never be
+finally settled. A great part of his conduct can be explained as a sincere
+attempt to carry out the policy of Eubulus, or as the issue of a genuine belief
+that it was best for Athens to make terms with Philip and stand on his side.
+Even so the wisdom and the veracity of certain speeches which he had made is
+open to grave question; but this is a different thing from corruption. Moreover,
+to some of Demosthenes' arguments he has a conclusive reply. It is more
+difficult to explain his apparent change of opinion between the 18th and 19th of
+Elaphebolion, 346 (if Demosthenes' report of the debates is to be trusted); and
+some writers are disposed to date his corruption from the intervening night. Nor
+is it easy to meet Demosthenes' argument that if Aeschines had really been taken
+in by Philip, and believed the promises which he announced, or if he had
+actually heard Philip make the promises, he would have regarded Philip
+afterwards as a personal enemy, and not as a friend. But even on these points
+Aeschines might reply (though he could not reply so to the Athenian people or
+jury) that though he did not trust the promises, he regarded the interest of
+Athens as so closely bound up with the alliance with Philip, that he considered
+it justifiable to deceive the people into making the alliance, or at least to
+take the risk of the promises which he announced proving untrue. In any case
+there is no convincing evidence of corruption; and it may be taken as
+practically certain that he was not bribed to perform particular services. It is
+less certain that he was not influenced by generous presents from Philip in
+forming his judgement of Philip's character and intentions. The standard of
+Athenian public opinion in regard to the receipt of presents was not that of the
+English Civil Service; and the ancient orators accuse one another of corruption
+almost as a matter of course. (We have seen that Demosthenes began the attack
+upon Eubulus' party in this form as early as the Speech for the Rhodians; it
+appears in almost every subsequent oration: and in their turn, his opponents
+make the same charge against him.) It is, in any case, remarkable that at a time
+when the people was plainly exasperated with the Peace and its authors, and very
+ill-disposed towards Philip, a popular jury nevertheless acquitted Aeschines;
+and the verdict is not sufficiently explained either by the fact that Eubulus
+supported Aeschines or by the jurors' memory of Demosthenes' own part in the
+earlier peace-negotiations, though this must have weakened the force of his
+attack. That Demosthenes himself believed Aeschines to have been bribed, and
+could himself see no other explanation of his conduct, need not be doubted; and
+although the speech contains some of those misrepresentations of fact and
+passages of irrelevant personal abuse which deface some of his best work, it
+also contains some of his finest pieces of oratory and narrative.
+
+The second part of the speech is more broken up into short sections and less
+clearly arranged than the first; earlier arguments are repeated, and a few
+passages may be due (at least in their present shape) to revision after the
+trial: but the latter part even as it stands is successful in leaving the points
+of greatest importance strongly impressed upon the mind.
+
+The following analysis of the speech may enable the reader to find his way
+through it without serious difficulty:--
+
+
+INTRODUCTION (Sec.Sec. 1-28)
+
+(i) _Exordium_ (Sec.Sec. 1, 2). Impartiality requested of the jury, in view of
+Aeschines' attempt to escape by indirect means.
+
+(ii) _Points of the trial_ (Sec.Sec. 3-8). An ambassador must (1) give true reports;
+(2) give good advice; (3) obey his instructions; (4) not lose time; (5) be
+incorruptible.
+
+(iii) _Preliminary exposition of the arguments_ (Sec.Sec. 9-28).
+
+    (1) The previous anti-Macedonian zeal of Aeschines suddenly collapsed
+        after the First Embassy.
+
+    (2) In the deliberations on the Peace, Aeschines supported
+        Philocrates.
+
+    (3) After the Second Embassy, Aeschines prevented Athens from guarding
+        Thermopylae and saving the Phocians, by false reports and
+        promises.
+
+    (4) Such a change of policy is only explicable by corruption.
+
+PART 1 (Sec.Sec. 29-178)
+
+The five points of Introduction (ii) are treated as three, or in three groups.
+
+(i) The reports made by Aeschines on his return from the Second Embassy, and his
+advice, especially as to the ruin of the Phocians (Sec.Sec. 29-97).
+
+    (1) The reports (a) to the Senate, (b) to the People, and their
+        reception (Sec.Sec. 29-46).
+
+    (2) Evidence that Aeschines conspired with Philip against the
+        Phocians, whose ruin is described (Sec.Sec. 47-71).
+
+    (3) Refutation of three anticipated objections, beginning at Sec. 72, Sec.
+        78, Sec. 80 respectively (Sec.Sec. 72-82).
+
+    (4) The danger to Athens from Aeschines' treachery (Sec.Sec. 83-7).
+
+    (5) Request to confine the trial strictly to relevant points
+        (Sec.Sec. 88-97).
+
+(ii) The corruption of Aeschines by the bribes of Philip (Sec.Sec. 98-149).
+
+    (1) Arguments (beginning Sec. 102, Sec. 111, Sec. 114, Sec. 116) showing the
+        corruption of Aeschines (Sec.Sec. 98-119).
+
+    (2) Refutation of anticipated objections (beginning at Sec. 120, Sec. 134,
+        Sec. 147) (Sec.Sec. 120-49).
+
+(iii) Aeschines' loss of time, by which Philip profited, and disobedience
+to his instructions (Sec.Sec. 150-77).
+
+    (1) Narrative of the Second Embassy (Sec.Sec. 150-62).
+
+    (2) Comparison of the two Embassies (Sec.Sec. 163-5).
+
+    (3) Comparison of Demosthenes' own conduct with that of the other
+        ambassadors (Sec.Sec. 167-77). Recapitulation of the points established
+        (Sec.Sec. 177, 178).
+
+PART II (Sec.Sec. 179-343)
+
+(i) The injury done to Athens--
+
+    (a) by the loss of Thrace and the Hellespont;
+
+    (b) generally, by false reports from ambassadors (Sec.Sec. 179-86).
+
+(ii) Refutation of anticipated objections--
+
+    (a) 'It is not Philip's fault that he has not satisfied Athens'
+        (Sec. 187).
+
+    (b) 'Demosthenes has no right to prosecute' (Sec.Sec. 188-220): including a
+        digression (Sec.Sec. 192-200) on Aeschines' character and incidents in
+        his life.
+
+(iii) Demosthenes' object in prosecuting, passing into reproof of the laxity of
+Athens towards traitors (Sec.Sec. 221-33).
+
+(iv) Warning against any attempt by Aeschines to confuse the dates and incidents
+of the two Embassies (Sec.Sec. 234-6.)
+
+(v) Criticism of Aeschines' brothers and his prosecution of Timarchus
+(Sec.Sec. 237-58).
+
+(vi) The increasing danger from traitors, and the traditional attitude
+of Athens towards them (Sec.Sec. 259-87).
+
+(vii) Attack upon Eubulus for defending Aeschines (Sec.Sec. 288-99).
+
+(viii) Philip's policy and methods; proofs of Aeschines' complicity
+repeated (Sec.Sec. 300-31).
+
+(ix) Warnings to the jury against Aeschines' attempts to mislead them; and
+conclusion (Sec.Sec. 331-43).]
+
+
+{1} How much interest this case has excited, men of Athens, and how much
+canvassing has taken place, must, I feel sure, have become fairly evident to you
+all, after the persistent overtures just now made to you, while you were drawing
+your lots.[n] Yet I will make the request of you all--a request which ought to
+be granted even when unasked--that you will not allow the favour or the person
+of any man to weigh more with you than justice and the oath which each of you
+swore before he entered the court. Remember that what I ask is for your own
+welfare and for that of the whole State; while the entreaties and the eager
+interest of the supporters of the accused have for their aim the selfish
+advantage of individuals: and it is not to confirm criminals in the possession
+of such advantages that the laws have called you together, but to prevent their
+attainment of them. {2} Now I observe that while all who enter upon public life
+in an honest spirit profess themselves under a perpetual responsibility, even
+when they have passed their formal examination, the defendant Aeschines does the
+very reverse. For before entering your presence to give an account of his
+actions, he has put out of the way one of those[n] who appeared against him at
+his examination; and others he pursues with threats, thus introducing into
+public life a practice which is of all the most atrocious and most contrary to
+your interests. For if one who has transacted and managed any public business is
+to render himself secure against accusation by spreading terror round him,
+rather than by the justice of his case, your supremacy[n] must pass entirely out
+of your hands.
+
+{3} I have every confidence and belief that I shall prove the defendant guilty
+of many atrocious crimes, for which he deserves the extreme penalty of the law.
+But I will tell you frankly of the fear which troubles me in spite of this
+confidence. It seems to me, men of Athens, that the issue of every trial before
+you is determined as much by the occasion as by the facts; and I am afraid that
+the length of time which has elapsed since the Embassy may have caused you to
+forget the crimes of Aeschines, or to be too familiar with them. {4} I will tell
+you therefore how, in spite of this, you may yet, as I believe, arrive at a just
+decision and give a true verdict to-day. You have, gentlemen of the jury, to
+inquire and to consider what are the points on which it is proper to demand an
+account from an ambassador. He is responsible first for his report; secondly,
+for what he has persuaded you to do; thirdly, for his execution of your
+instructions; next, for dates; and, besides all these things, for the integrity
+or venality of his conduct throughout. {5} And why is he responsible in these
+respects? Because on his report must depend your discussion of the situation: if
+his report is true, your decision is a right one: if otherwise, it is the
+reverse. Again, you regard the counsels of ambassadors as especially
+trustworthy. You listen to them in the belief that they have personal knowledge
+of the matter with which they were sent to deal. Never, therefore, ought an
+ambassador to be convicted of having given you any worthless or pernicious
+advice. {6} Again, it is obviously proper that he should have carried out your
+instructions to him with regard to both speech and action, and your express
+resolutions as to his conduct. Very good. But why is he responsible for dates?
+Because, men of Athens, it often happens that the opportunity upon which much
+that is of great importance depends lasts but for a moment; and if this
+opportunity is deliberately and treacherously surrendered to the enemy, no
+subsequent steps can possibly recover it. {7} But as to the integrity or
+corruption of an ambassador, you would all, I am sure, admit that to make money
+out of proceedings that injure the city is an atrocious thing and deserves your
+heavy indignation. Yet the implied distinction was not recognized by the framer
+of our law. He absolutely forbade _all_ taking of presents, thinking, I believe,
+that a man who has once received presents and been corrupted with money no
+longer remains even a safe judge of what is to the interest of the city. {8} If
+then I can convict the defendant Aeschines by conclusive proofs of having made a
+report that was utterly untrue, and prevented the people from hearing the truth
+from me; if I prove that he gave advice that was entirely contrary to your
+interests; that on his mission he fulfilled none of your instructions to him;
+that he wasted time, during which opportunities for accomplishing much that was
+of great importance were sacrificed and lost to the city; and that he received
+presents in payment for all these services, in company with Philocrates; then
+condemn him, and exact the penalty which his crimes deserve. If I fail to prove
+these points, or fail to prove them all, then regard me with contempt, and let
+the defendant go.
+
+{9} I have still to charge him, men of Athens, with many atrocious acts in
+addition to these--acts which would naturally call forth the execration of every
+one among you. But I desire, before all else that I am about to say, to remind
+you (though most of you, I know, remember it well) of the position which
+Aeschines originally took up in public life, and the speeches which he thought
+it right to address to the people against Philip; for I would have you realize
+that his own actions, his own speeches at the beginning of his career, are the
+strongest evidence of his corruption. {10} According to his own public
+declaration at that time, he was the first Athenian to perceive that Philip had
+designs against the Hellenes and was corrupting certain leading men in Arcadia.
+With Ischander, the son of Neoptolemus, to second him in his performance, he
+came before the Council and he came before the people, to speak on the subject:
+he persuaded you to send envoys in all directions to bring together a congress
+at Athens to discuss the question of war with Philip: {11} then, on his return
+from Arcadia, he reported to you those noble and lengthy speeches which, he
+said, he had delivered on your behalf before the Ten Thousand[n] at Megalopolis,
+in reply to Philip's spokesman, Hieronymus; and he described at length the
+criminal wrong that was done, not only to their own several countries, but to
+all Hellas, by men who took bribes and received money from Philip. {12} Such
+was his policy at that time, and such the sample which he displayed of his
+sentiments. Then you were induced by Aristodemus, Neoptolemus, Ctesiphon, and
+the rest of those who brought reports from Macedonia in which there was not an
+honest word, to send ambassadors to Philip and to negotiate for peace. Aeschines
+himself is appointed one of them, in the belief, not that he was one of those
+who would sell your interests, or had placed confidence in Philip, but rather
+one who would keep an eye on the rest. The speeches which he had already
+delivered, and his antipathy to Philip, naturally led you to take this view of
+him. {13} Well, after this he came to me[n] and tried to make an agreement by
+which we should act in concert on the Embassy, and urged strongly that we should
+both keep an eye upon that abominable and shameless man Philocrates; and until
+we returned to Athens from the First Embassy, I at least, men of Athens, had no
+idea that he had been corrupted and had sold himself. For (not to mention the
+other speeches which, as I have told you, he had made on former occasions) at
+the first of the assemblies in which you debated about the Peace, he rose and
+delivered an exordium which I think I can repeat to you word for word as he
+uttered it at the meeting. {14} 'If Philocrates,' he said, 'had spent a very
+long time in studying how he could best oppose the Peace, I do not think he could
+have found a better device than a motion of this kind. The Peace which he
+proposes is one which I can never recommend the city to make, so long as a
+single Athenian remains alive. Peace, however, we ought, I think, to make.' {15}
+And he made a brief and reasonable speech in the same tone. But though he had
+spoken thus at the first meeting, in the hearing of you all, yet at the second
+meeting, when the Peace was to be ratified; when I was upholding the resolution
+of the allies and working for a Peace on just and equitable terms; when you in
+your desire for such a Peace would not even listen to the voice of the despicable
+Philocrates; then, I say, Aeschines rose and spoke in support of him, using
+language for which he deserves, God knows, to die many deaths, {16} saying that
+you must not remember your forefathers, nor tolerate speakers who recalled your
+trophies and your victories by sea; and that he would frame and propose a law,
+that you should assist no Hellene who had not previously assisted you. These
+words he had the callous shamelessness to utter in the very presence and hearing
+of the ambassadors[n] whom you had summoned from the Hellenic states, in
+pursuance of the advice which he himself had given you, before he had sold
+himself.
+
+{17} You elected him again, men of Athens, to receive the oaths. How he
+frittered away the time, how cruelly he injured all his country's interests, and
+what violent mutual enmity arose between myself and him in consequence of his
+conduct and of my desire to prevent it, you shall hear presently. But when we
+returned from this Embassy which was sent to receive the oaths, and the report
+of which is now under examination; when we had secured nothing, either small or
+great, of all that had been promised and expected when you were making the
+Peace, but had been totally deceived; when they had again acted without regard
+to their instructions,[n] and had conducted their mission in direct defiance of
+your decree; we came before the Council: and there are many who have personal
+knowledge of what I am about to tell you, for the Council-Chamber was crowded
+with spectators. {18} Well, I came forward and reported to the Council the whole
+truth: I denounced these men: I recounted the whole story, beginning with those
+first hopes, aroused in you by the report of Ctesiphon and Aristodemus, and
+going on to the speeches which Aeschines delivered during the time of the Peace-
+negotiations, and the position into which they had brought the city: as regards
+all that remained to you--I meant the Phocians and Thermopylae--I counselled you
+not to abandon these, not to be victims once more of the same mistake, not to
+let yourselves be reduced to extremities through depending upon a succession of
+hopes and promises: and I carried the Council with me. {19} But when the day of
+the Assembly came, and it was our duty to address you, the defendant Aeschines
+came forward before any of his colleagues--and I entreat you, in God's name, to
+follow me, and try to recollect whether what I tell you is true; for now we have
+come to the very thing which so cruelly injured and ruined your whole cause. He
+made not the remotest attempt to give any report of the results of the Embassy--
+if indeed he questioned the truth of my allegations at all--but instead of this,
+he made statements of such a character, promising you benefits so numerous and
+so magnificent, that he completely carried you away with him. {20} For he said
+that,[n] before his return, he had persuaded Philip upon all the points in which
+the interests of the city were involved, in regard both to the Amphictyonic
+dispute and to all other matters: and he described to you a long speech which he
+professed to have addressed to Philip against the Thebans, and of which he
+reported to you the substance, calculating that, as the result of his own
+diplomacy, you would within two or three days, without stirring from home or
+taking the field or suffering any inconvenience, hear that Thebes was being
+blockaded, alone and isolated from the rest of Boeotia, {21} that Thespiae and
+Plataeae were being repeopled, and that the debt due to the god[n] was being
+exacted not from the Phocians, but from the Thebans who had planned the seizure
+of the temple. For he said that he gave Philip to understand that those who
+planned the act were no less guilty of impiety than those whose hands executed
+the plan; and that on this account the Thebans had set a price upon his head.
+{22} Moreover, he said that he heard some of the Euboeans, who had been thrown
+into a state of panic and confusion by the friendly relations established
+between Athens and Philip, saying to the ambassadors, 'You have not succeeded,
+gentlemen, in concealing from us the conditions on which you have made your
+Peace with Philip; nor are we unaware that while you have given him Amphipolis,
+he has undertaken to hand over Euboea to you.' There was, indeed, another matter
+which he had arranged as well, but he did not wish to mention this at present,
+since even as it was some of his colleagues were jealous of him. {23} This was
+an enigmatical and indirect allusion to Oropus. These utterances naturally
+raised him high in your estimation; he seemed to be an admirable speaker and a
+marvellous man; and he stepped down with a very lofty air. Then I rose and
+denied all knowledge of these things, and at the same time attempted to repeat
+some part of my report to the Council. But they now took their stand by me, one
+on this side, one on that--the defendant and Philocrates; they shouted, they
+interrupted me, and finally they jeered, while you laughed. {24} You would not
+hear, and you did not wish to believe anything but what Aeschines had reported.
+Heaven knows, your feelings were natural enough; for who, that expected all
+these marvellous benefits, would have tolerated a speaker who said that the
+expectation would not be realized, or denounced the proceedings of those who
+made the promise? All else, of course, was of secondary importance at the time,
+in comparison with the expectations and the hopes placed before you; any
+contradiction appeared to be nothing but sheer obstruction and malignity, while
+the proceedings described seemed to be of incredible importance and advantage to
+the city.
+
+{25} Now with what object have I recalled these occurrences to you before
+everything else, and described these speeches of his? My first and chief object,
+men of Athens, is that none of you, when he hears me speak of any of the things
+that were done and is struck by their unparalleled atrocity, may ask in surprise
+why I did not tell you at once and inform you of the facts; {26} but may
+remember the promises which these men made at each critical moment, and by which
+they entirely prevented every one else from obtaining a hearing; and that
+splendid pronouncement by Aeschines; and that you may realize that in addition
+to all his other crimes, you have suffered this further wrong at his hands--that
+you were prevented from learning the truth instantly, when you ought to have
+learned it, because you were deluded by hopes, deceits and promises. {27} That
+is my first and, as I have said, my chief object in recalling all these
+occurrences. But there is a second which is of no less importance than the
+first, and what is this? It is that you may remember the policy which he adopted
+in his public life, when he was still uncorrupted--his guarded and mistrustful
+attitude towards Philip; and may consider the sudden growth of confidence and
+friendship which followed; {28} and then, if all that he announced to you has
+been realized, if the results achieved are satisfactory, you may believe that
+all has been done out of an honest interest in the welfare of Athens; but if, on
+the other hand, the issue has been exactly the opposite of that which he
+predicted: if his policy has involved the city in great disgrace and in grave
+perils, you may then be sure that his conversion was due to his own base
+covetousness and to his having sold the truth for money.
+
+{29} And now, since I have been led on to this subject, I desire to describe to
+you, before everything else, the way in which they took the Phocian question
+entirely out of your hands. And let none of you, gentlemen of the jury, when he
+looks at the magnitude of the transactions, imagine that the crimes with which
+the defendant is charged are on a grander scale than one of his reputation could
+compass. You have rather to observe that any one whom you would have placed in
+such a position as this--a position in which, as each critical moment arrived,
+the decision would be in his hands--could have brought about disasters equal to
+those for which Aeschines is responsible, if, like Aeschines, he had wished to
+sell his services, and to cheat and deceive you. {30} For however
+contemptible[n] may be the men whom you frequently employ in the public service,
+it does not follow that the part which the world expects this city to play is a
+contemptible one. Far from it! And further, though it was Philip, of course, who
+destroyed the Phocian people, it was Aeschines and his party who seconded
+Philip's efforts. And so what you have to observe and consider is whether, so
+far as the preservation of the Phocians came within the scope of their mission,
+these men deliberately destroyed and ruined that whole cause. You have not to
+suppose that Aeschines ruined the Phocians by himself. How could he have done
+so?
+
+{31} (_To the clerk._) Now give me the draft-resolution which the Council passed
+in view of my report, and the deposition of the clerk who wrote it. (_To the
+jury._) For I would have you know that I am not repudiating to-day transactions
+about which I held my peace at the time, but that I denounced them at once, with
+full prevision of what must follow; and that the Council, which was not
+prevented from hearing the truth from me, neither voted thanks to the
+ambassadors, nor thought fit to invite them to the Town Hall.[n] From the
+foundation of the city to this day, no body of ambassadors is recorded to have
+been treated so; nor even Timagoras,[n] whom the people condemned to death. {32}
+But these men have been so treated. (_To the clerk._) First read them the
+deposition, and then the resolution.
+
+[_The deposition and resolution are read._]
+
+Here is no expression of thanks, no invitation of the ambassadors to the Town
+Hall by the Council. If Aeschines asserts that there is any, let him point it
+out and produce it, and I give way to him. But there is none. Now on the
+assumption that we all fulfilled our mission in the same way, the Council had
+good reason not to thank any of us, for the transactions of all alike were in
+that case atrocious. But if some of us acted uprightly, while others did the
+reverse, it must, it seems, have been owing to the knavery of their colleagues
+that the virtuous were forced to take their share of this dishonour. {33} How
+then can you all ascertain without any difficulty who is the rogue? Recall to
+your minds who it is that has denounced the transaction from the outset. For it
+is plain that it must have been the guilty person who was well content to be
+silent, to stave off the day of reckoning for the moment, and to take care for
+the future not to present himself to give an account of his actions; while it
+must have been he whose conscience was clear to whom there occurred the thought
+of the danger, lest through keeping silence he might be regarded as a partner in
+such atrocious villany. Now it is I that have denounced these men from the
+outset, while none of them has accused me. {34} Such then was the resolution of
+the Council. The meeting of the Assembly took place when Philip was already at
+Thermopylae: for this was the first of all their crimes, that they placed Philip
+in command of the situation, so that, when you ought first to have heard the
+facts, then to have deliberated, and afterwards to have taken such measures as
+you had resolved upon, you in fact heard nothing until he was on the spot, and
+it was no longer easy to say what steps you ought to take. {35} In addition to
+this, no one read the resolution of the Council to the people, and the people
+never heard it; but Aeschines rose and delivered the harangue which I just now
+described to you, recounting the numerous and important benefits which he said
+he had, before his return, persuaded Philip to grant, and on account of which
+the Thebans had set a price upon his head. In consequence of this, appalled
+though you were at first at the proximity of Philip, and angry with these men
+for not having warned you of it, you became as mild as possible, having now
+formed the expectation that all your wishes would be realized; and you would not
+hear a word from me or from any one else. {36} After this was read the letter
+from Philip, which Aeschines had written[n] when we had left him behind, a
+letter which was nothing less than a direct and express defence in writing of
+the misconduct of the ambassadors. For in it is stated that Philip himself
+prevented them, when they were anxious to go to the several cities and receive
+the oaths, and that he retained them in order that they might help him to effect
+a reconciliation between the peoples of Halus and Pharsalus. He takes upon his
+own shoulders the whole of their misconduct, and makes it his own. {37} But as
+to the Phocians and Thespiae, and the promises contained in Aeschines' report to
+you--why, there is not the slightest mention of them! And it was no mere
+accident that the proceedings took this form. For the failure of the ambassadors
+to carry out or give effect to any of the instructions imposed upon them by your
+resolution--the failure for which you were bound to punish them--Philip makes
+himself responsible in their stead, and says that the fault was his; for you
+were not likely, of course, to be able to punish _him_. {38} But the points in
+regard to which Philip wished to deceive you and to steal a march upon the city
+were made the subject of the defendant's report, in order that you might be able
+to find no ground of accusation or reproach against Philip, since these points
+were not mentioned either in his letter or in any other part of the
+communications received from him. But (_to the clerk_) read the jury the actual
+letter--written by Aeschines, sent by Philip; and (_to the jury_) do you observe
+that it is such as I have described. (_To the clerk._) Read on.
+
+[_The letter is read._]
+
+{39} You hear the letter, men of Athens; you hear how noble and generous it is.
+But about the Phocians or the Thebans or the other subjects of the defendant's
+report--not a syllable. Indeed, in this letter there is not an honest word, as
+you will very shortly see for yourselves. He says that he retained the
+ambassadors to help him reconcile the people of Halus: and such is the
+reconciliation that they have obtained, that they are exiles from their country,
+and their city is laid waste. And as to the prisoners, though he professed to be
+wondering what he could do to gratify you, he says that the idea of procuring
+their release had not occurred to any one. {40} But evidence has, as you know,
+been laid before you many times in the Assembly, to the effect that I myself
+went to ransom them, taking a talent[n] for the purpose; and it shall now be
+laid before you once more. It follows, therefore, that it was to deprive me of
+my laudable ambition[n] that Aeschines persuaded Philip to insert this
+statement. But the strongest point of all is this. In his former letter--the
+letter which we brought back--he wrote, 'I should have mentioned expressly the
+great benefits that I propose to confer upon you, if I felt sure that you would
+grant me the alliance as well.' And yet when the alliance has been granted, he
+says that he does not know what he can do to gratify you. He does not even know
+what he had himself promised! Why, he must obviously have known that, unless he
+was trying to cheat you! To prove that he did write thus and in these terms,
+(_to the clerk_) take his former letter, and read the very passage, beginning at
+this point. Read on.
+
+[_An extract from the letter is read._]
+
+{41} Thus, before he obtained the Peace, he undertook to set down in writing the
+great benefits he would confer on the city, in the event of an alliance also
+being granted him. But as soon as he had obtained both his wishes, he says that
+he does not know what he can do to gratify you, but that if you will inform him,
+he will do anything that will not involve any disgrace or stigma upon himself.
+Such are the excuses in which he takes refuge, to secure his retreat, in case
+you should actually make any suggestion or should be induced to ask any favour.
+
+{42} It would have been possible to expose this whole proceeding at the time--
+and a great deal more--without delay; to inform you of the facts, and to prevent
+you from sacrificing your cause, had not the thought of Thespiae and Plataeae,
+and the idea that the Thebans were on the very point of paying the penalty,
+robbed you of the truth. While, however, there was good reason for mentioning
+these prospects, if the city was to hear of them and then be cheated, it would
+have been better, if their realization was actually intended, that nothing
+should have been said about them. For if matters had already reached a stage at
+which the Thebans would be no better off, even if they perceived the design
+against them, why was the design not fulfilled? But if its fulfilment was
+prevented because they perceived it in time, who was it that betrayed the
+secret? {43} Must it not have been Aeschines? Its fulfilment, however, was not
+in fact intended, nor did the defendant either desire or expect it; so that he
+may be relieved of the charge of betraying the secret. What was intended was
+that you should be hoodwinked by these statements, and should refuse to hear the
+truth from me; that you should not stir from home, and that such a decree should
+carry the day as would involve the destruction of the Phocians. Hence this
+prodigality in promises, and their proclamation in his speech to the people.
+
+{44} When I heard Aeschines making all these magnificent promises, I knew
+perfectly well that he was lying; and I will tell you how I knew. I knew it
+first, because when Philip was about to take the oath in ratification of the
+Peace, the Phocians were openly excluded from it. This was a point which it
+would have been natural to pass over in silence, if the Phocians were really to
+be saved. And secondly, I knew it because the promises were not made by Philip's
+ambassadors or in Philip's letter, but by the defendant. {45} Accordingly,
+drawing my conclusions from these facts, I rose and came forward and attempted
+to contradict him; but as you were not willing to hear me, I held my peace, with
+no more than these words of solemn protest, which I entreat you, in Heaven's
+name, to remember. 'I have no knowledge of these promises,' I said, 'and no
+share in making them; and,' I added, 'I do not believe they will be fulfilled.'
+This last expression roused your temper, and I proceeded, 'Take care, men of
+Athens, that if any of these things comes to pass, you thank these gentlemen for
+it, and give your honours and crowns to them, and not to me. If, however,
+anything of an opposite character occurs, you must equally vent your anger on
+them: I decline all responsibility.' {46} 'No, no!' interrupted Aeschines, 'do
+not decline responsibility now! Take care rather that you do not claim credit,
+when the time comes.' 'Indeed, it would be an injustice if I did so,' I replied.
+Then Philocrates arose with a most insolent air, and said, 'It is no wonder, men
+of Athens, that I and Demosthenes should disagree; for he drinks water, I drink
+wine.' And you laughed.
+
+{47} Now consider the decree which Philocrates proposed and handed in.[n] An
+excellent resolution it sounds, as you hear it now. But when you take into
+account the occasion on which it was proposed, and the promises which Aeschines
+was then making, you will see that their action amounts to nothing less than a
+surrender of the Phocians to Philip and the Thebans, and that, practically, with
+their hands tied behind their backs. (_To the clerk._) Read the decree.
+
+[_The decree is read._]
+
+{48} There, men of Athens, is the decree, overflowing with expressions of
+gratitude and auspicious language. 'The Peace,' it says, 'which is granted to
+Philip shall be granted on the same terms to his descendants, and also the
+alliance.' Again, we are 'to thank Philip for his promised acts of justice'. Yet
+Philip made no promises: so far was he from making promises that he said he did
+not know what he could do to gratify you. {49} It was Aeschines who spoke in his
+name, and made the promises. Then Philocrates took advantage of the enthusiasm
+which Aeschines' words aroused in you, to insert in the decree the clause, 'and
+unless the Phocians act as they are bound, and surrender the temple to the
+Amphictyons, the Athenian people will render their assistance against those who
+still stand in the way of such surrender.' {50} Thus, men of Athens, at a time
+when you were still at home and had not taken the field, when the Spartans had
+foreseen the deception and retired, and when none of the Amphictyons were on the
+spot but the Thessalians and Thebans, he proposes in the most innocent-sounding
+language in the world that they shall deliver up the temple to these. For he
+proposes that they shall deliver it up to the Amphictyons. But what Amphictyons?
+for there were none there but the Thessalians and Thebans. He does not propose
+that the Amphictyons should be convoked, or that they should wait until the
+Amphictyons met or that Proxenus should render assistance in Phocis, or that the
+Athenians should take the field, or anything of the sort. {51} Philip did indeed
+actually send two letters to summon you.[n] But he did not intend you really to
+march from Athens. Not a bit of it! For he would not have waited to summon you
+until he had seen the time go by in which you could have set out; nor would he
+have tried to prevent me, when I wished to set sail and return hither; nor would
+he have instructed Aeschines to speak to you in the terms which would be least
+likely to cause you to march. No! he intended that you should fancy that he was
+about to fulfil your desires, and in that belief should abstain from any
+resolution adverse to him; and that the Phocians should, in consequence, make
+no defence or resistance, in reliance upon any hopes inspired by you, but should
+put themselves into his hands in utter despair. (_To the clerk._) Read to the
+jury the letters of Philip.
+
+[_The letters are read._]
+
+{52} Now these letters summon you, and that, forsooth, instantly; and it was
+surely for Aeschines and his party, if the proceeding was in any way genuine, to
+support the summons, to urge you to march, and to propose that Proxenus, whom
+they knew to be in those parts, should render assistance at once. Yet it is
+plain that their action was of precisely the opposite character; and naturally
+so. For they did not attend to the terms of the letter, but to the intention
+with which Philip wrote it. {53} With this intention they co-operated, and to
+this they strove to give effect. As soon as the Phocians had learned the news of
+your proceedings in the Assembly, and had received this decree of Philocrates,
+and heard the defendant's announcement and his promises, everything combined to
+effect their doom. Consider the circumstances. There were some of them who had
+the wisdom to distrust Philip. These were induced to trust him. And why? Because
+they believed that even if Philip were trying to deceive them ten times over,
+the ambassadors of Athens, at least, would never dare to deceive their own
+countrymen. This report which Aeschines had made to you must therefore be true:
+it was the Thebans, and not themselves, whose hour had come. {54} There were
+others who advocated resistance at all hazards; but these too were weakened in
+their resolution, now that they were persuaded that they could count upon
+Philip's favour, and that, unless they did as they were bidden, you, whose
+assistance they were hoping for, would march against them. There was also a
+third party, who thought that you repented of having made the Peace with Philip;
+but to these they pointed out that you had decreed that the same Peace should
+hold good for posterity also; so that on every ground, all assistance from you
+was despaired of. That is why they crowded all these points into one decree.
+{55} And in this lies, I think, the very greatest of all their crimes against
+you. To have made a Peace with a mortal man, whose power was due to the
+accidents of the moment--a Peace, whereby they covenanted that the disgrace
+brought upon the city should be everlasting; to have robbed the city, not only
+of all beside, but even of the benefits that Fortune might hereafter bestow: to
+have displayed such superabundant villany as to have done this wicked wrong not
+only to their countrymen now living, but also to all those who should ever
+thereafter be born--is it not utterly atrocious? {56} And this last clause, by
+which the Peace was extended to your descendants, you would certainly never have
+allowed to be added to the conditions of peace had you not then placed your
+trust in the promises announced by Aeschines, as the Phocians placed their trust
+in them and perished. For, as you know, they delivered themselves up to Philip;
+they gave their cities into his hands; and the consequences which befell them
+were the exact opposite of all that Aeschines had predicted to you.
+
+{57} That you may realize plainly that this calamity was brought about in the
+manner that I have described, and that they are responsible for it, I will go
+through the dates at which each separate event occurred; and if any one can
+contradict me on any point, I invite him to rise and speak in the time allotted
+to me. The Peace was made on the 19th of Elaphebolion, and we were away on the
+mission which was sent to receive the oaths three whole months. {58} All this
+time the Phocians remained unharmed. We returned from that mission on the 13th
+of Scirophorion. Philip had already appeared at Thermopylae, and was making
+promises to the Phocians, none of which they believed--as is proved, when you
+consider that otherwise they would not have appealed to you. Then followed the
+Assembly, at which, by their falsehoods and by the deception which they
+practised upon you, Aeschines and his party ruined the whole cause. {59} That
+was on the 16th of Scirophorion. Now I calculate that it was on the fifth day
+that the report of your proceedings reached the Phocians: for the Phocian envoys
+were here on the spot, and were deeply concerned to know what report these men
+would make, and what your resolution would be. That gives us the 20th as the
+date on which, as we calculate, the Phocians heard of your proceedings; for,
+counting from the 16th, the 20th is the fifth day. Then followed the 21st, the
+22nd, and the 23rd. {60} On the latter day the truce was made, and the ruin of
+the Phocians was finally sealed. This can be proved as follows. On the 27th you
+were holding an Assembly in the Peiraeus, to discuss the business connected with
+the dockyards, when Dercylus arrived from Chalcis with the news that Philip had
+put everything into the hands of the Thebans, and that this was the fifth day
+since the truce had been made. 23rd, 24th, 25th, 26th, 27th--the 27th is the
+fifth day precisely. Thus the dates, and their reports and their proposals--
+everything, in short, convicts them of having co-operated with Philip, and of
+sharing with him the responsibility for the overthrow of the Phocians. {61}
+Again, the fact that none of the towns in Phocis was taken by siege or by an
+attack in force, and that the utter ruin of them all was the direct consequence
+of their truce with Philip, affords the strongest evidence that it was the
+belief inspired in the Phocians by these men, that they would be preserved from
+destruction by Philip, which was the cause of their fate. Philip himself they
+knew well enough. (_To the clerk._) Bring me our treaty of alliance with the
+Phocians, and the decrees under which they demolished their walls. (_To the
+jury._) You will then realize what were the relations between themselves and
+you, upon which they relied, and what nevertheless was the fate which befell
+them through the action of these accursed men. (_To the clerk._) Read.
+
+[_The Treaty of Alliance between the Athenians and Phocians is read._]
+
+{62} These, then, were the things for which they relied upon you--friendship,
+alliance, and assistance. Now listen to what befell them, because Aeschines
+prevented your going to their assistance. (_To the clerk._) Read.
+
+ [_The Agreement between Philip and the Phocians is read._]
+
+You hear it, men of Athens. 'An Agreement between Philip and the Phocians,' it
+runs--not between the Thebans and the Phocians, nor the Thessalians and the
+Phocians, nor the Locrians, nor any one else who was there. Again, 'the Phocians
+shall deliver up their cities to Philip'--not to the Thebans or Thessalians or
+any one else. {63} And why? Because the defendant's report to you was that
+Philip had crossed the Pass with a view to the preservation of the Phocians.
+Thus it was Aeschines in whom all their trust was placed; it was with him in
+their minds that they considered the whole situation; it was with him in their
+minds that they made the Peace. (_To the clerk._) Now read the remainder. (_To
+the jury._) And do you observe for what they trusted him, and what treatment
+they received. Does it show any resemblance or similarity to what Aeschines
+predicted in his report? (_To the clerk._) Read on.
+
+[_The decrees of the Amphictyons are read._]
+
+{64} Men of Athens, the horror and the immensity of this calamity have never
+been surpassed in our day in the Hellenic world, nor even, I believe, in the
+time before us. Yet these great and dreadful events a single man has been given
+power to bring about, by the action of these men, while the city of Athens was
+still in being--Athens, whose traditional policy is to stand as the champion of
+the Hellenic peoples, and not to suffer anything like this to take place. The
+nature of the ruin which the unhappy Phocians have suffered may be seen, not
+only from these decrees, but also from the actual results of the action taken,
+and an awful and piteous sight it is, men of Athens. {65} For when recently we
+were on our way to Delphi[n] we could not help seeing it all--houses razed to
+the ground, cities stripped of their walls, the land destitute of men in their
+prime--only a few poor women and little children left, and some old men in
+misery. Indeed, no words can describe the distress now prevailing there. Yet
+this was the people, I hear you all saying, that once gave its vote against the
+Thebans,[n] when the question of your enslavement was laid before them. {66}
+What then, men of Athens, do you think would be the vote, what the sentence,
+that your forefathers would give, if they could recover consciousness, upon
+those who were responsible for the destruction of this people? I believe that if
+they stoned them to death with their own hands, they would hold themselves
+guiltless of blood. Is it not utterly shameful--does it not, if possible, go
+beyond all shame--that those who saved us then, and gave the saving vote for us,
+should now have met with the very opposite fate through these men, suffering as
+no Hellenic people has ever suffered before, with none to hinder it? Who then is
+responsible for this crime? Who is the author of this deception? Who but
+Aeschines?
+
+{67} Of all the many reasons for which Philip might be congratulated with good
+cause upon his fortune, the chief ground of congratulation is a piece of good
+fortune, to which, by every Heavenly Power, I cannot find any parallel in our
+days. To have captured great cities, to have reduced a vast expanse of territory
+to subjection, and all similar actions, are, of course, enviable and brilliant
+achievements--undeniably so. But many other persons might be mentioned who had
+achieved as much. {68} The good fortune of which I am about to speak is peculiar
+to Philip, and has never been given to any other. It is this--that when he
+needed scoundrels to do his work for him, he found even greater scoundrels than
+he wanted. For as such we have surely good reason to think of them. For when
+there were falsehoods which Philip himself, in spite of the immense interests
+which he had at stake, did not dare to utter on his own behalf--which he did not
+set down in any of his letters, and which none of his envoys uttered--these men
+sold their services for the purpose, and undertook your deception. {69}
+Antipater and Parmenio, servants of a master as they were, and unlikely ever to
+find themselves in your presence again, none the less secured for themselves
+that _they_ should not be the instruments in your deception, while these men,
+who were Athenians, citizens of the most free city, and held an official
+position as your ambassadors--though they would have to meet you and look you
+in the face, and pass the remainder of their lives among you, and render before
+you an account of their actions--they, I say, undertook the task of deceiving
+you. How could vileness or desperation go further than this?
+
+{70} But I would have you understand further that he is under your curse, and
+that you cannot, without violation of religion and piety, acquit him, when he
+has thus lied to you. (_To the clerk._) Recite the Curse. Take it from me, and
+read it out of the law.
+
+[_The Curse is read._]
+
+This imprecation is pronounced in your name, men of Athens, by the herald, at
+every meeting of the Assembly, as the law appoints; and when the Council sits,
+it is pronounced again there. Nor can Aeschines say that he did not know it
+well. He was your under-clerk and servant to the Council, and used himself to
+read this law over[n] to the herald. {71} Surely, then, you will have done a
+strange and monstrous thing, men of Athens, if to-day, when you have it in your
+power, you should fail to do for yourselves the thing which you enjoin upon the
+gods, or rather claim from them as your due; and should acquit a man whom you
+pray to the gods to destroy utterly--himself, his race and his house. You must
+not do this. You may leave it to the gods to punish one whom you cannot
+yourselves detect; but when you have yourselves caught the criminal, you must no
+longer lay the task of punishing him upon the gods.
+
+{72} Now I am told that he intends to carry his shamelessness and impudence so
+far, as to avoid all mention of his own proceedings--his report, his promises,
+the deception he has practised upon the city--as though his trial were taking
+place before strangers, instead of before you, who know all the facts; and that
+he intends to accuse first the Spartans,[n] then the Phocians,[n] and then
+Hegesippus.[n] {73} That is mere mockery; or rather, it is atrocious
+shamelessness. For all that he will allege to-day against the Phocians or the
+Spartans or Hegesippus--their refusal to receive Proxenus, their impiety--let
+him allege what he will--all these allegations refer, as you know, to actions
+which were already past when these ambassadors returned to Athens, and which
+were no obstacle to the preservation of the Phocians--the admission is made by
+whom? By the defendant Aeschines himself. For what was his report on that
+occasion? {74} Not that if it had not been for their refusal to receive
+Proxenus, nor that if it had not been for Hegesippus, nor that if it had not
+been for such and such things, the Phocians would have been saved. No! he
+discarded all such qualifications, and stated expressly that before he returned
+he had persuaded Philip to save the Phocians, to repeople Boeotia, and to
+arrange matters to suit your convenience; that within two or three days these
+things would be accomplished facts, and that for this reason the Thebans had set
+a price upon his head. {75} Refuse then, to hear or to tolerate any mention of
+what had already been done, either by the Spartans or by the Phocians, before he
+made his report; and do not let him denounce the rascality of the Phocians. It
+was not for their virtue that you once saved the Spartans, nor the Euboeans,
+that accursed people! nor many others; but because the interests of the city
+demanded their preservation, as they demanded that of the Phocians just now. And
+what wrong was done either by the Phocians or by the Spartans, or by yourselves,
+or by any one else in the world after he made those declarations, to prevent the
+fulfilment of the promises which he then made? Ask him that: for that is what he
+will {76} not be able to show you. It was within five days--five days and no
+more--that Aeschines made his lying report, that you believed him, that the
+Phocians heard of it, surrendered themselves and perished. This, I think, makes
+it as plain as it can possibly be, that the ruin of the Phocians was the result
+of organized deceit and trickery, and of nothing else.[n] For so long as Philip
+was unable to proceed to Phocis on account of the Peace,[n] and was only waiting
+in readiness to do so, he kept sending for the Spartans, promising to do all
+that they wished,[n]in order that the Phocians might not win {77} them over to
+their side by your help. But when he had arrived at Thermopylae, and the
+Spartans had seen the trap and retired, he now sent Aeschines in advance to
+deceive you, in order that he might not, owing to your perceiving that he was
+playing into the hands of the Thebans, find himself once more involved in loss
+of time and war and delay, through the Phocians defending themselves and your
+going to their assistance, but might get everything into his power without a
+struggle; and this is what has in fact happened. Do not, then, let the fact that
+Philip deceived the Spartans and Phocians as well as yourselves enable Aeschines
+to escape his punishment for deceiving you. That would not be just.
+
+{78} But if he tells you that, to compensate for the Phocians and Thermopylae
+and all your other losses, you have retained possession of the Chersonese, do
+not, in Heaven's name, accept the plea! Do not tolerate the aggravation of all
+the wrong that you have suffered through his conduct as ambassador, by the
+reproach which his defence would bring upon the city--the reproach of having
+sacrificed the existence of your allies, in an underhand attempt to save part of
+your own possessions! You did not act thus; for when the Peace had already been
+made, and the Chersonese was no longer in danger, there followed four whole
+months[n] during which the Phocians remained unharmed; and it was not until
+after this that the lying statements of Aeschines brought about their ruin by
+deceiving you. {79} And further, you will find that the Chersonese is in much
+greater danger now than it was then. For when do you think that we had the
+greater facilities for punishing Philip for any trespass against the
+Chersonese?--before he stole any of these advantages from the city, or now? For
+my part, I think we had far greater facilities then. What, then, does this
+'retention of the Chersonese' amount to, when all the fears and the risks which
+attended one who would have liked to attack it have been removed?
+
+{80} Again, I am told that he will express himself to some such effect as this--
+that he cannot think why he is accused by Demosthenes, and not by any of the
+Phocians. It is better that you should hear the true state of the case from me
+beforehand. Of the exiled Phocians, the best, I believe, and the most
+respectable, after being driven into banishment and suffering as they have
+suffered, are content to be quiet, and none of them would consent to incur an
+enmity which would fall upon himself, on account of the calamities of his
+people: while those who would do anything for money have no one to give it to
+them. {81} For assuredly _I_ would never have given any one anything whatever to
+stand by my side here and cry aloud how cruelly they have suffered. The truth
+and the deeds that have been done cry aloud of themselves. And as for the
+Phocian people,[n] they are in so evil and pitiable a plight, that there is no
+question for them of appearing as accusers at the examination of every
+individual ambassador in Athens. They are in slavery, in mortal fear of the
+Thebans and of Philip's mercenaries, whom they are compelled to support, broken
+up into villages as they are and stripped of their arms. {82} Do not, then,
+suffer him to urge such a plea. Make him prove to you that the Phocians are not
+ruined, or that he did not promise that Philip would save them. For the
+questions upon which the examination of an ambassador turns are these: 'What
+have you effected? What have you reported? If the report is true, you may be
+acquitted; if it is false, you must pay the penalty.' How can you plead the non-
+appearance of the Phocians, when it was you yourself, I fancy, that brought
+them, so far as it lay in your power, into such a condition that they could
+neither help their friends nor repel their enemies.
+
+{83} And further, apart from all the shame and the dishonour in which also these
+proceedings are involved, it is easy to show that in consequence of them the
+city has been beset with grave dangers as well. Every one of you knows that it
+was the hostilities which the Phocians were carrying on, and their command of
+Thermopylae, that rendered us secure against Thebes, and made it impossible that
+either Philip or the Thebans should ever march into the Peloponese or into
+Euboea or into Attica. {84} But this guarantee of safety which the city
+possessed, arising out of the position of Thermopylae and the actual
+circumstances of the time, you were induced to sacrifice by the deceptions and
+the lying statements of these ambassadors--a guarantee, I say, fortified by
+arms, by a continuous campaign, by great cities of allies, and by a wide tract
+of territory; and you have looked on while it was swept away. Fruitless has your
+first expedition to Thermopylae become--an expedition made at a cost of more
+than two hundred talents, if you include the private expenditure of the
+soldiers--and fruitless your hopes of triumph over Thebes! {85} But of all the
+wicked services which he has done for Philip, let me tell you of that which is
+in reality the greatest outrage of all upon Athens and upon you all. It is this
+--that when Philip had determined from the very first to do for the Thebans all
+that he has done, Aeschines, by reporting the exact opposite to you, and so
+displaying to the world your antagonism to Philip's designs, has brought about
+for you an increase in the enmity between yourselves and the Thebans, and for
+Philip an increase in their gratitude. How could a man have treated you more
+outrageously than this?
+
+(_To the clerk._) {86} Now take and read the decrees of Diophantus[n] and
+Callisthenes[n]; (_to the jury_) for I would have you realize that when you
+acted as you ought, you were thought worthy to be honoured with public
+thanksgivings and praises, both at home and abroad; but when once you had been
+driven astray by these men, you had to bring your children and wives in from the
+country, and to decree that the sacrifice to Heracles[n] should take place
+within the walls, though it was a time of peace. And in view of this it is an
+amazing idea, that you should dismiss unpunished a man who even prevented the
+gods from receiving their worship from you after the manner of your fathers.
+(_To the clerk._) Read the decree.
+
+[_The decree of Diophantus is read._]
+
+This decree, men of Athens, was one which your conduct nobly deserved. (_To the
+clerk._) Now read the next decree.
+
+[_The decree of Callisthenes is read._]
+
+{87} This decree you passed in consequence of the action of these men. It was
+not with such a prospect in view that you made the Peace and the alliance at the
+outset, or that you were subsequently induced to insert the words which extended
+them to your posterity. You expected their action to bring you benefits of
+incredible value. Aye, and besides this, you know how often, after this, you
+were bewildered by the report that Philip's forces and mercenaries were
+threatening Porthmus or Megara. You have not then to reflect contentedly that
+Philip has not yet set foot in Attica. You have rather to consider whether their
+action has not given him power to do so when he chooses. It is that danger that
+you must keep before your eyes, and you must execrate and punish the man who is
+guilty of putting such power into Philip's hands.
+
+{88} Now I am aware that Aeschines will eschew all defence of the actions with
+which he is charged, and that, in his desire to lead you as far away as possible
+from the facts, he will enumerate the great blessings which Peace brings to all
+mankind, and will set against them the evils that follow in the train of war.
+His whole speech will be a eulogy of peace, and in that will consist his
+defence. But such an argument actually incriminates the defendant further. If
+peace, which brings such blessings to all other men, has been the source of such
+trouble and confusion to us, what explanation can be found, except that they
+have taken bribes and have cruelly marred a thing by nature so fair? {89}
+'What?' he may say, 'have you not to thank the Peace for three hundred ships,
+with their fittings, and for funds which remain and will remain yours?' In
+answer to this, you are bound to suppose that, thanks to the Peace, Philip's
+resources too have become far more ample--aye, and his command of arms, and of
+territory, and of revenues, which have accrued to him to such large amounts.
+{90} We, too, have had some increase of revenue. But as for power and alliances,
+by the establishment of which all men retain their advantages, either for
+themselves or their masters, ours have been sold by these men--ruined and
+enfeebled; while Philip's have become more formidable and extensive by far. Thus
+it is not fair that while Philip has been enabled by their action to extend both
+his alliances and his revenue, all that would in any case have been ours, as the
+result of the Peace, should be set off against what they themselves sold to
+Philip. The former did not come to us in exchange for the latter. Far from it!
+For had it not been for them, not only should we have had the former, as we have
+now, but we should have had the latter as well.
+
+{91} You would doubtless admit, men of Athens, in general terms, that, on the
+one hand, however many and terrible the disasters that have befallen the city,
+your anger cannot justly be visited upon Aeschines, if none of them has been
+caused by him; and that, on the other hand, Aeschines is not entitled to be
+acquitted on account of any satisfactory results that may have been accomplished
+through the action of others. You must examine the acts of Aeschines himself,
+and then show him your favour if he is worthy of it, or your resentment, on the
+other hand, if his acts prove to be deserving ing of that. {92} How, then, can
+you solve this problem fairly? You will do so if, instead of allowing him to
+confound all questions with one another--the criminal conduct of the generals,
+the war with Philip, the blessings that flow from peace--you consider each
+point by itself. For instance, were we at war with Philip? We were. Does any one
+accuse Aeschines on that ground? Does any one wish to bring any charge against
+him in regard to things that were done in the course of the war? No one
+whatever. He is therefore acquitted in regard to such matters, and must not say
+anything about them; for the witnesses and the proofs which a defendant produces
+must bear upon the matters which are in dispute; he must not deceive you by
+offering a defence upon points which are not disputed. Take care, then, that you
+say nothing about the war; for no one charges you with any responsibility for
+that. {93} Later on we were urged by certain persons to make peace. We
+consented; we sent ambassadors; and the ambassadors brought commissioners to
+Athens who were to conclude the Peace. Once more, does any one blame Aeschines
+for this? Does any one allege that Aeschines introduced the proposal of peace,
+or that he committed any crime in bringing commissioners here to make it? No one
+whatever. He must therefore say nothing in regard to the fact that the city made
+peace; for he is not responsible for that. {94} 'Then what _is_ your assertion,
+sir?' I may be asked. 'At what point _do_ your charges begin?' They begin, men
+of Athens, from the time when the question before you was not whether you should
+make peace or not (for that had already been settled), but what sort of peace
+you should make--when Aeschines opposed those who took the side of justice,
+supported for a bribe the hireling mover of the decree, and afterwards, when he
+had been chosen to receive the oaths, failed to carry out every one of your
+instructions, destroyed those of your allies who had passed unscathed through
+the war, and told you falsehoods whose enormity and grossness has never been
+surpassed, either before or since. At the outset, before Philip was given a
+hearing in regard to the Peace, Ctesiphon and Aristodemus took the leading part
+in the work of deception; but when the time had come for action, they
+surrendered their role to Philocrates and Aeschines, who took it up and ruined
+everything. {95} And then, when he is bound to answer for his actions and to
+give satisfaction for them--like the unscrupulous God-forsaken clerk that he
+is--he will defend himself as though it were the Peace for which he was being
+tried. Not that he wishes to account for more than is charged against him--that
+would be lunacy. No! He sees rather that in all his own proceedings no good can
+be found--that his crimes are his whole history; while a defence of the Peace,
+if it has no other merits, has at least the kindly sound of the name to
+recommend it. {96} I fear, indeed, men of Athens, I fear that, unconsciously, we
+are enjoying this Peace like men who borrow at heavy interest. The guarantees of
+its security--the Phocians and Thermopylae--they have betrayed. But, be that as
+it may, it was not through _Aeschines_ that we originally made it; for,
+paradoxical as it may seem, what I am about to say is absolutely true--that if
+any one is honestly pleased at the Peace, it is the generals, who are
+universally denounced, that he must thank for it: for had they been conducting
+the war as you desired them to do, {97}you would not have tolerated even the
+name of peace. For peace, then, we must thank the generals; but the perilous,
+the precarious, the untrustworthy nature of the Peace is due to the corruption
+of these men. Cut him off, then, cut him off, I say, from all arguments in
+defence of the Peace! Set him to defend his own actions! Aeschines is not being
+tried on account of the Peace. On the contrary, the Peace stands discredited
+owing to Aeschines. And here is evidence of the fact:--if the Peace had been
+made, and if no subsequent deception had been practised upon you, and none of
+your allies had been ruined, who on earth would have been hurt by the Peace,
+except in so far as it was inglorious? And for its inglorious character the
+defendant in fact shares the responsibility, for he spoke in support of
+Philocrates. At least no irreparable harm would have been done; whereas now, I
+believe, much has been done, and the guilt rests with the defendant. {98} That
+these men have been the agents in this shameful and wicked work of ruin and
+destruction, I think you all know. Yet so far am I, gentlemen of the jury, from
+putting any unfair construction upon these facts or asking you to do so, that if
+it has been through stupidity or simplicity, or ignorance in any form whatever,
+that such results have been so brought about, I acquit Aeschines myself, and I
+{99} recommend you also to acquit him. At the same time none of these excuses is
+either constitutional[n] or justifiable. For you neither command nor compel any
+one to undertake public business; but when any one has satisfied himself of his
+own capacity and has entered political life, then, like good-hearted, kindly
+men, you welcome him in a friendly and ungrudging manner, and even elect him to
+office and place your own interests in his hands. {100} Then, if a man succeeds,
+he will receive honour and will so far have an advantage over the crowd. But if
+he fails, is he to plead palliations and excuses? That is not fair. It would not
+satisfy our ruined allies, or their children, or their wives, or the rest of the
+victims, to know that it was through my stupidity--not to speak of the stupidity
+of the defendant--that they had suffered such a fate. Far from it! {101}
+Nevertheless, I bid you forgive Aeschines for these atrocious and unparalleled
+crimes if he can prove that it was simplicity of mind, or any form of ignorance
+whatever, which led him to work such ruin. But if it was the rascality of a man
+who had taken money and bribes--if he is plainly convicted of this by the very
+facts themselves--then, if it be possible, put him to death; or if not, make
+him, while he lives, an example to others.
+
+And now give your thoughts to the proof by which he is convicted on these
+points, and observe how straightforward it will be.
+
+{102} If the defendant Aeschines was not deliberately deceiving you for a price,
+he must necessarily, I presume, have had one of two reasons for making the
+statements in question to you, in regard to the Phocians and Thespiae and
+Euboea. Either he must have heard Philip promise in express terms that such
+would be his policy and the steps he would take; or else he must have been so
+far bewitched and deluded by Philip's generosity in all other matters as to
+conceive these further hopes of him. There is no possible alternative besides
+these two. {103} Now in both these cases he, more than any living man, ought to
+detest Philip. And why? Because, so far as Philip could bring it about, all that
+is most dreadful and most shameful has fallen upon him. He has deceived you; his
+reputation is gone [he is rightly ruined]; he is on his trial; aye, and were the
+course of the proceedings in any way that which his conduct called for, he would
+long ago have been impeached;[n] {104-109} whereas now, thanks to your innocence
+and meekness, he presents his report, and that at the time which suits his own
+wishes. I ask, then, if there is one among you who has ever heard Aeschines
+raise his voice in denunciation of Philip--one, I say, who has seen Aeschines
+exposing him or saying a word against him? Not one! All Athens denounces Philip
+before Aeschines does so. Every one whom you meet does so, though not one of
+them has been injured by him--I mean, of course, personally. On the assumption
+that Aeschines had not sold himself, I should have expected to hear him use some
+such expressions as these--'Men of Athens, deal with _me_ as you will. I trusted
+Philip; I was deceived; I was wrong; I confess my error. But beware of _him_,
+men of Athens. He is faithless--a cheat, a knave. Do you not see how he has
+treated me? how he has deceived me?' {110} But I hear no such expressions fall
+from him, nor do you. And why? Because he was _not_ misled; he was _not_
+deceived; he made these statements, he betrayed all to Philip, because he had
+sold his services and received the money for them; and gallantly and loyally has
+he behaved--as Philip's hireling. But as your ambassador, as your fellow
+citizen, he is a traitor who deserves to die, not once, but thrice.
+
+{111} This is not the only evidence which proves that all those statements of
+his were made for money. For, recently, the Thessalians came to you, and with
+them envoys from Philip, demanding that you should decree the recognition of
+Philip as one of the Amphictyons. Who then, of all men, should naturally have
+opposed the demand? The defendant Aeschines. And why? Because Philip had acted
+in a manner precisely contrary to the announcement which Aeschines had made to
+you. {112} Aeschines declared that Philip would fortify Thespiae and Plataeae;
+that he intended, not to destroy the Phocians, but to put down the insolence of
+Thebes. But in fact Philip has raised the Thebans to an undue height of power,
+while he has utterly destroyed the Phocians; and instead of fortifying Thespiae
+and Plataeae, he has brought Orchomenus and Coroneia into the same bondage with
+them. How could any contradiction be greater than this? Aeschines did not oppose
+the demand. He neither opened his lips nor uttered a sound in opposition to it.
+{113} But even this, monstrous as it is, is not yet the worst. For he, and he
+alone, in all Athens, actually supported the demand. This not even Philocrates
+dared to do, abominable as he was; it was left for the defendant Aeschines. And
+when you raised a clamour and would not listen to him, he stepped down from the
+platform, and, showing off before the envoys who had come from Philip, told them
+that there were plenty of men who made a clamour, but few who took the field
+when it was required of them--you remember the incident, no doubt--being
+himself, of course, a marvellous soldier, God knows!
+
+{114} Again, if we had been unable to prove that any of the ambassadors had
+received anything--if the fact were not patent to all--we might then have
+resorted to examination by torture,[n] and other such methods. But if
+Philocrates not only admitted the fact frequently in your presence at the
+Assembly, but used actually to make a parade of his guilt--selling wheat,
+building houses, saying that he was going[n] whether you elected him or not,
+importing timber, changing Macedonian gold openly at the bank--it is surely
+impossible for _him_ to deny that he received money, when he himself confesses
+and displays his guilt. {115} Now, is any human being so senseless or so ill-
+starred that, in order that Philocrates might receive money, while he himself
+incurred infamy and disgrace, he would want to fight against those upright
+citizens in whose ranks he might have stood, and to take the side of Philocrates
+and face a trial? I am sure that there is no such man; but in all these
+considerations, if you examine them aright, you will find strong and evident
+signs of the corruption of the defendant.
+
+{116} Consider next an incident which occurred last in order of time, but which
+is second to none as an indication that Aeschines had sold himself to Philip.
+You doubtless know that in the course of the recent impeachment of Philocrates
+by Hypereides, I came forward and expressed my dissatisfaction with one feature
+of the impeachment--namely, the idea that Philocrates alone had been responsible
+for all these monstrous crimes, and that the other nine ambassadors had no share
+in them. I said that it was not so, for Philocrates by himself would have been
+nowhere, had he not had some of them to co-operate with him. {117} 'And
+therefore,' I said, 'in order that I may not personally acquit or accuse any
+one, and that the guilty may be detected, and those who have had no share in the
+crime acquitted by the evidence of their own conduct, let any one who wishes to
+do so rise and come forward into your midst, and let him declare that he has no
+share in it, and that the actions of Philocrates are displeasing to him. Any one
+who does this,' I said, 'I acquit.' You remember the incident, I am sure. {118}
+Well, no one came forward or showed himself. Each of the others has some excuse.
+One was not liable to examination; another, perhaps, was not present; a third is
+related to Philocrates. But Aeschines has no such excuse. No! So completely has
+he sold himself, once for all--so plain is it that his wages are not for past
+services only, but that, if he escapes now, Philip can equally count upon his
+help against you in the future--that to avoid letting fall even a word that
+would be unfavourable to Philip, he does not accept his discharge[n] even when
+you offer to discharge him, but chooses to suffer infamy, to stand his trial and
+to endure any treatment in this court, rather than to take a step that would not
+please Philip. {119} But what is the meaning of this partnership, this careful
+forethought for Philocrates? For if Philocrates had by his diplomacy
+accomplished the most honourable results and achieved all that your interest
+required, and yet admitted (as he did admit) that he had made money by his
+mission, this very fact was one by which an uncorrupted colleague should have
+been repelled and set him on his guard, and led to protest to the best of his
+power. Aeschines has not acted in this way. Is it not all clear, men of Athens?
+Do not the facts cry aloud and tell you that Aeschines has taken money, that he
+is a rascal for a price, and that consistently--not through stupidity, or
+ignorance, or bad luck? {120} 'But where is the witness who testifies to my
+corruption?' he asks. Why, this is the finest thing of all![n] The witnesses,
+Aeschines, are facts; and they are the surest of all witnesses: none can assert
+or allege against them, that they are influenced by persuasion or by favour to
+any one: what your treachery and mischief have made them, such, when examined,
+they must appear. But, besides the facts, you shall at once bear witness against
+yourself. Come, stand up[n] and answer me! Surely you will not plead that you
+are so inexperienced as not to know what to say. For when, under the ordinary
+limitations of time, you prosecute and win cases that have all the novelty of a
+play[n]--cases, too, that have no witness to support them--you must plainly be a
+speaker of tremendous genius.
+
+{121} Many and atrocious as are the crimes of the defendant Aeschines, and great
+as is the wickedness which is implied by them (as I am sure you also feel) there
+is none which is more atrocious than that of which I am about to speak to you,
+and none which will afford more palpable proof that he has taken bribes and sold
+everything. For when once more, for the third time, you sent the ambassadors to
+Philip on the strength of those high and noble expectations which the
+defendant's promises had roused, you elected both Aeschines and myself, and most
+of those whom you had previously sent. {122} For my part I came forward and
+declined upon oath to serve;[n] and though some raised a clamour and bade me go,
+I declared that I would not; but the defendant had already been elected.
+Afterwards, when the Assembly had risen, he and his party met and discussed whom
+they should leave behind in Athens. For while everything was still in suspense,
+and the future doubtful, there were all kinds of gatherings and discussions in
+the market-place. {123} They were afraid, no doubt, that a special meeting of
+the Assembly might suddenly be called, and that you might then hear the truth
+from me, and pass some of the resolutions which it was your duty to pass in the
+interest of the Phocians, and that so Philip's object might slip from his grasp.
+For had you merely passed a resolution and shown them the faintest ray of hope
+of any kind, the Phocians would have been saved. It was absolutely impossible
+for Philip to stay where he was, unless you were misled. There was no corn in
+the country, for, owing to the war, the land had not been sown; and to import
+corn was impossible so long as your ships were there and in command of the sea;
+while the Phocian towns were many in number, and difficult to take except by a
+prolonged siege. Even assuming that he were taking a town a day, there are two
+and twenty of them. {124} For all these reasons they left Aeschines in Athens,
+to guard against any alteration of the course which you had been deluded into
+taking. Now to decline upon oath to serve, without any cause, was a dangerous
+and highly suspicious proceeding. 'What?' he would have been asked, 'are you not
+going on the mission which is to secure all those wonderful good things which
+you have foretold?' Yet he was bound to remain. How could it be done? He pleads
+illness. His brother took with him Execestus the physician, came before the
+Council, swore that Aeschines was too ill to serve, and was himself elected in
+his place. {125} Five or six days later the ruin of the Phocians had been
+accomplished, and Aeschines' contract--a mere matter of business--had been
+fulfilled. Dercylus turned back, and on his arrival here from Chalcis announced
+to you the destruction of the Phocians, while you were holding an Assembly in
+the Peiraeus. On hearing the news you were naturally struck with sympathy for
+them, and with terror for yourselves. You passed resolutions to bring in your
+children and wives from the country, to repair the garrison-forts, to fortify
+the Peiraeus, and to celebrate the sacrifice to Heracles within the city walls:
+{126} and in the midst of all this, in the midst of the confusion and the tumult
+which had fallen upon the city, this learned and able speaker, so loud of voice,
+though not elected[n] either by the Council or by the people, set off as
+ambassador to the man who had wrought the destruction, taking no account of the
+illness which he had previously made his excuse, upon oath, for not serving, nor
+of the election of another ambassador in his place, nor of the law which imposes
+the penalty of death for such offences; {127} nor yet reflecting how utterly
+atrocious it was, that after announcing that the Thebans had placed a price on
+his head, he should choose the moment when the Thebans had (in addition to all
+Boeotia, which they already possessed) become masters of the territory of the
+Phocians as well, to go into the very midst of Thebes, and into the very camp of
+the Thebans. But so beside himself was he, so utterly bent upon his profits and
+his bribe, that he ruled out and overlooked all such considerations, and took
+his departure.
+
+{128} Such was the nature of this transaction; and yet his proceedings when he
+arrived at his destination are far worse. All of you who are present, and all
+other Athenians as well, thought the treatment of the unhappy Phocians so
+atrocious and so cruel that you sent to the Pythian games neither the official
+deputation from the Council, nor the Thesmothetae,[n] but abandoned that ancient
+representation of yourselves at the festival. But Aeschines went to the
+triumphal feast[n] with which the Thebans and Philip were celebrating the
+victory of their cause and their arms. He joined in the festival: he shared in
+the libations and the prayers which Philip offered over the ruined walls and
+country and arms of your allies: with Philip he set garlands on his head, and
+raised the paean, and drank the loving-cup. {129} Nor is it possible for the
+defendant to give a different version of the facts from that which I have given.
+As regards his sworn refusal to serve, the facts are in your public records in
+the Metroon,[n] guarded by your officer; and a decree stands recorded with
+express reference to the name of Aeschines.[n] And as for his conduct there, his
+fellow ambassadors, who were present, will bear witness against him. They told
+me the story; for I was not with them on this Embassy, having entered a sworn
+refusal to serve.
+
+(_To the clerk._) {130} Now read me the resolution [and the record], and call
+the witnesses.
+
+[_The decree is read, and the witnesses called._]
+
+What prayers, then, do you imagine Philip offered to the gods, when he poured
+his libation, or the Thebans? Did they not ask them to give success in war, and
+victory, to themselves and their allies, and the contrary to the allies of the
+Phocians? In these prayers, therefore--in these imprecations upon his own
+country--Aeschines joined. It is for you to return them upon his own head to-
+day.
+
+{131} His departure, then, was a contravention of the law which imposes the
+penalty of death for the offence, and it has been shown that on his arrival he
+acted in a manner for which he deserves to die again and again, while his former
+proceedings and the work which he did as ambassador, in their interest,[n] would
+justly slay him. Ask yourselves what penalty can be found, which will adequately
+atone for all these crimes? {132} It would surely be shameful, men of Athens,
+that while all of you, and the whole people, denounce publicly all the
+consequences of the Peace; while you decline to take part in the business of the
+Amphictyons; while your attitude towards Philip is one of vexation and mistrust,
+because the deeds that have been done are impious and atrocious, instead of
+righteous and advantageous to you; that nevertheless, when you have come into
+court as the sworn representatives of the State, to sit in judgement upon the
+report of these proceedings, you should acquit the author of all the evil, when
+you have taken him red-handed in actions like these. {133} Who is there of all
+your fellow citizens--nay, who of all the Hellenes--that would not have good
+cause for complaint against you, when he saw that though you were enraged
+against Philip, who in making peace after war was merely purchasing the means to
+his end from those who offered them for sale--a very pardonable transaction--you
+were yet acquitting Aeschines, who sold your interests in this shameful manner,
+notwithstanding the extreme penalties which the laws appoint for such conduct?
+
+{134} Now it is possible that an argument may also be used by the other side to
+some such effect as this--that the condemnation of those whose diplomacy brought
+about the Peace will mean the beginning of enmity with Philip. If this is true,
+then, I can imagine, upon consideration, no more serious charge that I could
+bring against the defendant, than this. If Philip, who spent his money on the
+Peace which he wished to obtain, has become so formidable, so powerful, that you
+have already ceased to regard your oaths and the justice of the case, and are
+seeking how you can gratify Philip, what penalty, that those who are responsible
+for this could suffer, would be adequate to the offence? {135} I believe,
+however, that I shall actually show you that it would more probably mean the
+beginning of a friendship, advantageous to you. For you must be well assured,
+men of Athens, that Philip does not despise your city; nor was it because he
+regarded you as less serviceable than the Thebans, that he preferred them to
+you. No! {136} He had been instructed by these men and had heard from them, what
+I once told you in the Assembly, without contradiction from any of them, that
+the People is the most unstable thing in the world, and the most incalculable,
+inconstant as a wave of the sea, stirred by any chance wind. One comes, another
+goes; but no one cares for the public interest, or remembers it. Philip needs
+(he is told) friends upon whom he can rely to execute and manage his business
+with you--such friends, for instance, as his informant.[n] If this were secured
+for him, he would easily effect all that he desired in Athens. {137} Now if he
+heard that those who had used such language to him had immediately upon their
+return been beaten to death, he would doubtless have behaved as the Persian king
+did. And how was this? He had been deceived by Timagoras,[n] and had given him,
+it is said, forty talents; but when he heard that Timagoras had been put to
+death here, and had not even power to secure his own life, much less to carry
+out the promises he had made to him, he recognized that he had not paid the
+price to the man who had the power to effect his object. For first, as you know,
+he sent a dispatch, acknowledging once more your title to Amphipolis, which he
+had previously described as in alliance and friendship with himself; and
+secondly, he thenceforward wholly abstained from giving money to any one. {138}
+This is exactly what Philip would have done, if he had seen that any of these
+men had paid the penalty, and what, if he sees it, he will still do. But when he
+hears that they address you, and enjoy a high reputation with you, and prosecute
+others, what is he to do? Is he to seek to spend much, when he can spend less?
+or to desire to court the favour of all, when he need but court two or three?
+That would be madness. For even those public benefits which Philip conferred
+upon the Thebans he conferred not from choice-- far from it--but because he was
+induced to do so by their ambassadors; and I will tell you how. {139}
+Ambassadors came to him from Thebes just at the time when we were there upon our
+mission from you. Philip wished to give them money, and that (so they said) in
+very large amounts. The Theban ambassadors would not accept or receive it. After
+that, while drinking at a sacrificial banquet and displaying his generosity
+towards them, Philip offered, as he drank to them, presents of many kinds--
+captives and the like--and finally he offered them goblets of gold and silver.
+All these they steadily refused, declining to put themselves in his power in any
+way. {140} At last Philo, one of the ambassadors, made a speech, men of Athens,
+which was worthy to be made in the name, not of Thebes, but of yourselves. For
+he said that it gave them pleasure and delight to see the magnanimous and
+generous attitude of Philip towards them; but for their own personal part, they
+were already his good friends even without these presents; and they begged him
+to apply his generosity to the existing political situation of their country,
+and to do something worthy of himself and Thebes, promising that, if he did so,
+their whole city, as well as themselves, would become attached to him. {141} And
+now observe what the Thebans have gained by this, and what consequences have
+followed; and contemplate in a real instance the advantages of refusing to sell
+your country's interests. First of all, they obtained peace when they were
+already distressed and suffering from the war, in which they were the losing
+side. Next, they secured the utter ruin of their enemies, the Phocians, and the
+complete destruction of their walls and towns. And was this all? No, indeed! For
+besides all this they obtained Orchomenus, Coroneia, Corsia, the Tilphossaeum,
+and as much of the territory of the Phocians as they desired. {142} This then
+was what the Thebans gained by the Peace; and surely no more could they have
+asked even in their prayers. And the ambassadors of Thebes gained--what? Nothing
+but the credit of having brought this good fortune to their country; and a noble
+reward it was, men of Athens, a proud record on the score of merit and honour--
+that honour which Aeschines and his party sold for money. Let us now set against
+one another the consequences of the Peace to the city of Athens and to the
+Athenian ambassadors respectively; and then observe whether its effects have
+been similar in the case of the city and of these men personally. {143} The city
+has surrendered all her possessions and all her allies; she has sworn to Philip
+that even if another approaches them to preserve them for her, you will prevent
+him; that you will consider any one who wishes to give them up to you as your
+enemy and foe, and the man who has robbed you of them as your ally and friend.
+{144} That is the resolution which Aeschines supported, and which was moved by
+his accomplice Philocrates; and although on the first day I was successful, and
+had persuaded you to ratify the decree of the allies and to summon Philip's
+envoys,[n] the defendant forced an adjournment of the question till the next
+day, and persuaded you to adopt the resolution of Philocrates, in which these
+proposals, and many others even more atrocious, are made. {145} These were the
+consequences of the Peace to Athens. It would not be easy to devise anything
+more shameful. What were the consequences to the ambassadors who brought these
+things about? I say nothing of all that you have seen for yourselves--the
+houses, the timber, the wheat. But they also possess properties and extensive
+estates in the country of your ruined allies, bringing in incomes of a talent to
+Philocrates and thirty minae to the defendant. {146} Yet surely, men of Athens,
+it is an atrocious and a monstrous thing, that the calamities of your allies
+should have become sources of revenue to your ambassadors, and that the same
+Peace which to the city that sent them meant the ruin of her allies, the
+surrender of her possessions, and shame in the place of honour, should have
+created for the ambassadors who brought these things to pass against their
+country, revenue, affluence, property, and wealth, in the place of abject
+poverty. To prove, however, that what I am telling you is true (_to the clerk_)
+call me the witnesses from Olynthus.
+
+[_The witnesses are called._]
+
+{147} Now I should not wonder if he even dared to make some such statement as
+this--that the Peace which we were making could not have been made an honourable
+one, or such as I demanded, because our generals had mismanaged the war. If he
+argues thus, then remember, in Heaven's name, to ask him whether[n] it was from
+some other city that he went as ambassador, or from this city itself? If it was
+from some other, to whose success in war and to whose excellent generals he can
+point, then it was natural for him to take Philip's money: but if it was from
+Athens itself, why do we find him taking presents as part of a transaction which
+involved the surrender of her possessions by the city which sent him? For in any
+honest transaction the city that sent the ambassadors ought to have shared the
+same fortune as the ambassadors whom she sent. {148} Consider also this further
+point, men of Athens. Do you think that the successes of the Phocians against
+the Thebans in the war, or the successes of Philip against you, were the more
+considerable? Those of the Phocians against the Thebans, I am quite certain. At
+least, they held Orchomenus and Coroneia and the Tilphossaeum;[n] they had
+intercepted the Theban garrison at Neones;[n] they had slain two hundred of them
+on Hedyleum;[n] a trophy had been raised, their cavalry were victorious, and a
+whole Iliad of misfortunes had beset the Thebans. You were in no such position
+as this, and may you never be so in the future! Your most serious disadvantage
+in your hostilities with Philip was your inability to inflict upon him all the
+damage that you desired; you were completely secure against suffering any harm
+yourselves. How is it then that, as the result of one and the same Peace, the
+Thebans, who were being so badly worsted in the war, have recovered their own
+possessions and, in addition, have gained those of their enemies; while you, the
+Athenians, have lost under the Peace even what you retained safely through the
+war? It is because their ambassadors did not sell their interests, while these
+men have sold yours. [Ah! he will say,[n] but the allies were exhausted by the
+war....]. That this is how these things were accomplished, you will realize
+still more clearly from what I have yet to say.
+
+{150}For when this Peace was concluded--the Peace of Philocrates, which
+Aeschines supported--and when Philip's envoys had set sail, after receiving the
+oaths from us--and up to this time nothing that had been done was irreparable,
+for though the Peace was disgraceful and unworthy of Athens, still we were to
+get those marvellous good things in return--then I say, I asked and told the
+ambassadors to sail as quickly as possible to the Hellespont, and not to
+sacrifice any of our positions there, nor allow Philip to occupy them in the
+interval. {151} For I knew very well that everything that is sacrificed when
+peace is in process of being concluded after war, is lost to those who are so
+neglectful; since no one who had been induced to make peace with regard to the
+situation as a whole ever yet made up his mind to fight afresh for the sake of
+possessions which had been left unsecured; such possessions those who first take
+them keep. And, apart from this, I thought that, if we sailed, the city could
+not fail to secure one of two useful results. Either, when we were there and had
+received Philip's oath according to the decree, he would restore the possessions
+of Athens which he had taken, and keep his hands off the rest; {152} or, if he
+did not do so, we should immediately report the fact to you here, and so, when
+you saw his grasping and perfidious disposition in regard to those your remoter
+and less important interests, you would not in dealing with greater matters
+close at hand--in other words, with the Phocians and Thermopylae--let anything
+be lost. If he failed to forestall you in regard to these, and you were not
+deceived, your interests would be completely secured, and he would give you your
+rights without hesitation. {153} And I had good reason for such expectations.
+For if the Phocians were still safe and sound, as they then were, and were in
+occupation of Thermopylae, Philip would have had no terror to brandish before
+you, which could make you overlook any of your rights. For he was not likely
+either to make his way through by land, or to win a victory by sea, and so reach
+Attica; while if he refused to act as was right, you would instantly close his
+ports, reduce him to straits for money and other supplies, and place him in a
+state of siege; and in that case it would be he, and not you, to whom the
+advantages of peace would be the overmastering consideration. {154} And that I
+am not inventing this or claiming wisdom after the event--that I knew it at
+once, and, with your interest in view, foresaw what must happen and told my
+colleagues--you will realize from the following facts. When there was no longer
+any meeting of the Assembly available (since you had used up all the appointed
+days) and still the ambassadors did not depart, but wasted time here, I proposed
+a decree as a member of the Council, to which the people had given full powers,
+that the ambassadors should depart directly, and that the admiral Proxenus
+should convey them to any district in which he should ascertain Philip to be. My
+proposal was just what I now tell you, couched expressly in those terms. (_To
+the clerk_.) Take this decree and read it.
+
+[_The decree is read_.]
+
+{155} I brought them away, then, from Athens, sorely against their will, as you
+will clearly understand from their subsequent conduct. When we reached Oreus and
+joined Proxenus, instead of sailing and following their instructions, they made
+a circuitous journey by land, and before we reached Macedonia we had spent three
+and twenty days. All the rest of the time, until Philip's arrival, we were
+sitting idle at Pella; and this, with the journey, brought the time up to fifty
+days in all. {156} During this interval, in a time of peace and truce, Philip
+was taking Doriscus,[n] Thrace, the district towards the Walls, the Sacred
+Mountain--everything, in fact, and making his own arrangements there; while I
+spoke out repeatedly and insistently, first in the tone of a man giving his
+opinion to his colleagues, then as though I were informing the ignorant, till at
+last I addressed them without any concealment as men who had sold themselves and
+were the most impious of mankind. {157} And the man who contradicted me openly
+and opposed everything which I urged and which your decree enjoined, was
+Aeschines. Whether his conduct pleased all the other ambassadors as well, you
+will know presently; for as yet I allege nothing about any of them, and make no
+accusation: no one of them need appear an honest man to-day because I oblige him
+to do so, but only of his own free will, and because he was no partner in
+Aeschines' crimes. That the conduct in question was disgraceful, atrocious,
+venal, you have all seen. Who were the partners in it, the facts will show.
+
+{158} 'But of course, during this interval they received the oaths from Philip's
+allies, or carried out their other duties.' Far from it! For though they had
+been absent from home three whole months, and received 1,000 drachmae from you
+for their expenses, they did not receive the oaths from a single city, either on
+their journey to Macedonia, or on the way back. It was in the inn before the
+temple of the Dioscuri--any one who has been to Pherae will understand me--when
+Philip was already on the march towards Athens at the head of an army, that the
+oaths were taken, in a fashion which was disgraceful, men of Athens, and
+insulting to you. {159} To Philip, however, it was worth anything that the
+transaction should have been carried out in this form. These men had failed in
+their attempt to insert among the terms of the Peace the clause which excluded
+the people of Halus and Pharsalus; Philocrates had been forced by you to expunge
+the words, and to write down expressly 'the Athenians and the allies of the
+Athenians'; and Philip did not wish any of his own allies to have taken such an
+oath; for then they would not join him in his campaign against those possessions
+of yours which he now holds, but would plead their oaths in excuse; {160} nor
+did he wish them to be witnesses of the promises on the strength of which he was
+obtaining the Peace. He did not wish it to be revealed to the world that the
+city of Athens had not, after all, been defeated in the war, and that it was
+Philip who was eager for peace, and was promising to do great things for Athens
+if he obtained it. It was just to prevent the revelation of these facts that he
+thought it inadvisable that the ambassadors should go to any of the cities;
+while for their part, they sought to gratify him in everything, with
+ostentatious and extravagant obsequiousness. {161} But when all this is proved
+against them--their waste of time, their sacrifice of your position in Thrace,
+their complete failure to act in accordance either with your decree or your
+interests, their lying report to you--how is it possible that before a jury of
+sane men, anxious to be true to their oath, Aeschines can be acquitted? To
+prove, however, that what I say is true (_to the clerk_), first read the decree,
+under which it was our duty to exact the oaths, then Philip's letter, and then
+the decree of Philocrates and that of the people.
+
+[_The decrees and letter are read._]
+
+{162} And now, to prove that we should have caught Philip in the Hellespont, had
+any one listened to me, and carried out your instructions as contained in the
+decrees, (_to the clerk_) call the witnesses who were there on the spot.
+
+[_The witnesses are called._]
+
+(_To the clerk._) Next read also the other deposition--Philip's answer to
+Eucleides,[n] who is present here, when he went to Philip afterwards.
+
+[_The deposition is read._]
+
+{163} Now listen to me, while I show that they cannot even deny that it was to
+serve Philip's interest that they acted as they did. For when we set out on the
+First Embassy--that which was to discuss the Peace--you dispatched a herald in
+advance to procure us a safe conduct. Well, on that occasion, as soon as ever
+they had reached Oreus, they did not wait for the herald, or allow any time to
+be lost; but though Halus was being besieged, they sailed there direct, and
+then, leaving the town again, came to Parmenio, who was besieging it, set out
+through the enemy's camp to Pagasae, and, continuing their journey, only met the
+herald at Larissa: with such eager haste did they proceed. {164} But at a time
+when there was peace and they had complete security for their journey and you
+had instructed them to make haste, it never occurred to them either to quicken
+their pace or to go by sea. And why? Because on the former occasion Philip's
+interest demanded that the Peace should be made as soon as possible; whereas now
+it required that as long an interval as possible should be wasted before the
+oaths were taken. {165} To prove that this is so, (_to the clerk_) take and read
+this further deposition.
+
+[_The deposition is read._]
+
+How could men be more clearly convicted of acting to serve Philip's interest
+throughout, than by the fact that they sat idle, when in your interest they
+ought to have hurried, on the very same journey over which they hastened onward,
+without even waiting for the herald, when they ought not to have moved at all?
+
+{166} Now observe how each of us chose to conduct himself while we were there,
+sitting idle at Pella. For myself, I chose to rescue and seek out the captives,
+spending my own money and asking Philip to procure their ransom[n] with the sums
+which he was offering us in the form of presents. How Aeschines passed his whole
+time you shall hear presently. {167} What then was the meaning of Philip's
+offering money to us in common? He kept sounding us all--for this too I would
+have you know. And how? He sent round privately to each of us, and offered us,
+men of Athens, a very large sum in gold. But when he failed in a particular case
+(for I need not mention my own name myself, since the proceedings and their
+results will of themselves show to whom I refer), he thought that we should all
+be innocent enough to accept what was given to us in common; and then, if we all
+alike had a share, however small, in the common present, those who had sold
+themselves privately would be secure. {168} Hence these offers, under the guise
+of presents to his guest-friends. And when I prevented this, my colleagues
+further divided among themselves the sum thus offered. But when I asked Philip
+to spend this sum on the prisoners, he could neither, without discredit,
+denounce my colleagues, and say, 'But So-and-so has the money, and So-and-so,'
+nor yet evade the expense. So he gave the promise, but deferred its fulfilment,
+saying that he would send the prisoners home in time for the Panathenaea. (_To
+the clerk._) Read the evidence of Apollophanes, and then that of the rest of
+those present.
+
+[_The evidence is read._]
+
+{169} Now let me tell you how many of the prisoners I myself ransomed. For while
+we were sitting waiting there at Pella, before Philip's arrival, some of the
+captives--all, in fact, who were out on bail--not trusting, I suppose, my
+ability to persuade Philip to act as I wished, said that they wished to ransom
+themselves, and to be under no obligation to Philip for their freedom: and they
+borrowed, one three minae, another five, and another--whatever the amount of the
+ransom was in each case. {170} But when Philip had promised that he would ransom
+the rest, I called together those to whom I had advanced the money; I reminded
+them of the circumstances; and, lest they should seem to have suffered by their
+impatience, and to have been ransomed at their own cost, poor men as they were,
+when all their comrades expected to be set free by Philip, I made them a present
+of their ransom. To prove that I am speaking the truth, (_to the clerk_) read
+these depositions.
+
+[_The depositions are read._]
+
+{171} These, then, are the sums which I excused them, and gave as a free gift to
+fellow citizens who had met with misfortune. And so, when Aeschines says
+presently, in his speech to you, 'Demosthenes, if, as you say, you knew, from
+the time when I supported Philocrates' proposal, that we were acting altogether
+dishonestly, why did you go again as our colleague on the subsequent mission to
+take the oaths, instead of entering a sworn excuse?' remember this, that I had
+promised those whose freedom I had procured that I would bring them their
+ransom, and deliver them to the best of my power. {172} It would have been a
+wicked thing to break my word and abandon my fellow citizens in their
+misfortune; while, on the other hand, if I had excused myself upon oath from
+service, it would not have been altogether honourable, nor yet safe, to make a
+tour there in a private capacity. For let destruction, utter and early, fall
+upon me, if I would have joined in a mission with these men for a very large sum
+of money, had it not been for my anxiety to rescue the prisoners. It is a proof
+of this, that though you twice elected me to serve on the Third Embassy, I twice
+swore an excuse. And all through the journey in question my policy was entirely
+opposed to theirs. {173} All, then, that it was within my own power to decide in
+the course of my mission resulted as I have described; but wherever in virtue of
+their majority they gained their way, all has been lost. And yet, had there been
+any who listened to me, all would have been accomplished in a manner congruous
+with my own actions. For I was not so pitiful a fool as to give away money, when
+I saw others receiving it, in my ambition to serve you, and yet not to desire
+what could have been accomplished without expense, and would have brought far
+greater benefits to the whole city. I desired it intensely, men of Athens; but,
+of course, they had the advantage over me.
+
+{174} Come now and contemplate the proceedings of Aeschines and those of
+Philocrates, by the side of my own; for the comparison will bring out their
+character more vividly. Well, they first pronounced the exclusion from the Peace
+of the Phocians and the people of Halus, and of Cersobleptes, contrary to your
+decree and to the statements made to you. Then they attempted to tamper with and
+alter the decree, which we had come there as ambassadors to execute. Then they
+entered the Cardians as allies of Philip and voted against sending the dispatch
+which I had written to you, sending in its stead an utterly unsound dispatch of
+their own composition. {175} And then the gallant gentleman asserted that I had
+promised Philip that I would overthrow your constitution, because I censured
+these proceedings, not only from a sense of their disgracefulness, but also from
+fear lest through the fault of these men I might have to share their ruin: while
+all the time he was himself having incessant private interviews with Philip.
+And, to pass over all besides, Dercylus (not I) watched him through the night at
+Pherae, along with my slave who is here present; and as the slave came out of
+Philip's tent he took him and bade him report what he had seen, and remember it
+himself; and finally, this disgusting and shameless fellow was left behind with
+Philip for a night and a day, when we went away. {176} And to prove that I am
+speaking the truth, I will myself give evidence which I have committed to
+writing,[n] so as to put myself in the position of a responsible witness; and
+after that I call upon each of the other ambassadors, and I will compel them to
+choose their alternative--either to give evidence, or to swear that they have no
+knowledge of the matter. If they take the latter course, I shall convict them of
+perjury beyond doubt.
+
+[_Evidence is read._]
+
+{177} You have seen now by what mischief and trouble I was hampered, throughout
+our absence from home. For what must you imagine their conduct to have been
+there, with their paymaster close at hand, when they act as they do before your
+very eyes, though you have power either to confer honour or, on the other hand,
+to inflict punishment upon them?
+
+I wish now to reckon up from the beginning the charges which I have made, in
+order to show you that I have done all that I undertook to do at the beginning
+of my speech. {178} I have proved that there was no truth in his report--that,
+on the contrary, he deceived you--by the evidence not of words but of the actual
+course of events. I have proved that he was the cause of your unwillingness to
+hear the truth from my mouth, captivated as you were at the time by his promises
+and undertakings; that he gave you advice which was the exact opposite of that
+which he ought to have given, opposing the Peace which was suggested by the
+allies, and advocating the Peace of Philocrates; that he wasted time, in order
+that you might not be able to march to the aid of the Phocians, even if you
+wished to do so; and that he has done many atrocious deeds during his absence
+from home; for he has betrayed and sold everything, he has taken bribes, and has
+left no form of rascality untried. These are the points which I promised at the
+outset to prove, and I have proved them. {179} Observe, then, what follows; for
+what I have now to say to you has already become a simple matter. You have sworn
+that you will vote according to the laws and the decrees of the people and the
+Council of Five Hundred. The defendant is proved, in all his conduct as
+ambassador, to have acted in contravention of the laws, of the decrees, and of
+justice. He ought, therefore, to be convicted in any court composed of rational
+men. Even if there were no other crimes at his door, two of his actions are
+sufficient to slay him; for he betrayed to Philip not only the Phocians but also
+Thrace. {180} Two places in the whole world of greater value to Athens than
+Thermopylae on land, and the Hellespont over sea, could not possibly be found;
+and both these places these men have shamefully sold, and placed in Philip's
+hands to be used against you. The enormity of this crime alone--the sacrifice of
+Thrace and the Walls--apart from all the rest, might be proved in countless
+ways,[n] and it is easy to point out how many men have been executed or fined
+vast sums of money by you for such offences--Ergophilus,[n] Cephisodotus,[n]
+Timomachus,[n] Ergocles[n] long ago, Dionysius, and others; all of whom
+together, I may almost say, have done the city less harm than the defendant.
+{181} But in those days, men of Athens, you still guarded against danger by
+calculation and forethought; whereas now you overlook any danger which does not
+annoy you from day to day, or cause you pain by its immediate presence, and then
+pass such resolutions here as 'that Philip shall take the oath in favour of
+Cersobleptes also,' 'that we will not take part in the proceedings of the
+Amphictyons,' 'that we must amend the Peace.' But none of these resolutions
+would have been required, had Aeschines then been ready to sail and to do what
+was required. As it is, by urging us to go by land, he has lost all that we
+could have saved by sailing; and by lying, all that could have been saved by
+speaking the truth.
+
+{182} He intends, I am told, to express immediately his indignation that he
+alone of all the speakers in the Assembly should have to render an account of
+his words. I will not urge that all speakers would reasonably be called upon to
+render such an account, if any of their words were spoken for money; I only say
+this. If Aeschines in his private capacity has spoken wildly on some occasion or
+committed some blunder, do not be over-strict with him, but let it pass and
+grant him pardon: but if as your ambassador he has deliberately deceived you for
+money, then do not let him go, or tolerate the plea that he ought not to be
+called to account for what he _said_. {183} Why, for what, if not for his words,
+is an ambassador to be brought to justice? Ambassadors have no control over
+ships or places or soldiers or citadels--no one puts such things in their
+hands--but over words and times. As regards times, if he did not cause the times of
+the city's opportunities to be lost, he is not guilty; but if he did so, he has
+committed crime. And as to his words, if the words of his report were true or
+expedient, let him escape; but if they were at once false, venal, and
+disastrous, let him be convicted. {184} No greater wrong can a man do you, than
+is done by lying speeches. For where government is based upon speeches, how can
+it be carried on in security, if the speeches are not true? and if, in
+particular, a speaker takes bribes and speaks to further the interests of the
+enemy, how can you escape real danger? For to rob you of your opportunities is
+not the same thing as to rob an oligarchy or a tyrant. Far from it. {185} Under
+such governments, I imagine, everything is done promptly at a word of command.
+But with you the Council must first hear about everything, and pass its
+preliminary resolution--and even that not at any time, but only when notice has
+been given of the reception of heralds and embassies: then you must convoke an
+Assembly, and that only when the time comes for one, as ordained by law: then
+those who speak for your true good have to master and overcome those who,
+through ignorance or wickedness, oppose them. {186} Besides all this, even when
+a measure is resolved upon, and its advantages are already plain, time must be
+granted to the impecuniosity of the majority, in which they may procure whatever
+means they require in order to be able to carry out what has been resolved. And
+so he who causes times so critical to be lost, in a state constituted as ours
+is, has not caused you to lose times, but has robbed you absolutely of the
+realization of your aims.
+
+{187} Now all those who are anxious to deceive you are very ready with such
+expressions as 'disturbers of the city,' 'men who prevent Philip from conferring
+benefits on the city.' In reply to these, I will use no argument, but will read
+you Philip's letters, and will remind you of the occasion on which each piece of
+deception took place, that you may know that Philip has got beyond this
+exaggerated title of 'benefactor',[n] of which we are so sickened, in his
+attempts to take you in by it.
+
+[_Philip's letters are read._]
+
+{188} Now although his work as ambassador has been so shameful, so detrimental
+to you in many--nay, in all points, he goes about asking people what they think
+of Demosthenes, who prosecutes his own colleagues. I prosecute you indeed,
+whether I would or no, because throughout our entire absence from home you
+plotted against me as I have said, and because now I have the choice of only two
+alternatives: either I must appear to share with you the responsibility for such
+work as yours, or I must prosecute you. {189} Nay, I deny that I was ever your
+colleague in the Embassy. I say that your work as ambassador was an atrocious
+work, while my own was for the true good of those present here. It is
+Philocrates that has been your colleague, as you have been his, and Phrynon. For
+your policy was the same as theirs, and you all approved of the same objects.
+But 'where are the salt, the table, the libations that we shared?' So he asks
+everywhere in his theatrical style--as though it were not the criminals, but the
+upright, that were false to such pledges! {190} I am certain that though all the
+Prytanes offer their common sacrifice on each occasion, and join one with
+another in their meal and their libation, the good do not on this account copy
+the bad; but if they detect one of their own number in crime they report the
+fact to the Council and the people. In the very same way the Council offers its
+inaugural sacrifice and feasts together, and joins in libations and sacred
+rites. So do the generals, and, one may practically say, every body of
+magistrates. Does that mean that they grant an indemnity to any of their number
+who is guilty of crime? Very far from it. {191} Leon accuses Timagoras,[n] after
+being his fellow ambassador for four years: Eubulus accuses Tharrex and
+Smicythus, after sharing the banquet with them: the great Conon, the elder,
+prosecuted Adeimantus,[n] though they were generals together. Which sinned
+against the salt and the libation, Aeschines--the traitors and the faithless
+ambassadors and the hirelings, or their accusers? Plainly those who violated, as
+you have done, the sanctity, not of private libations, but of libations poured
+in the name of the whole country.
+
+{192} That you may realize that these men have been the most worthless and
+wicked not only of all who have ever gone to Philip in a public capacity, but
+even of those who have gone as private persons, and indeed of all mankind, I ask
+you to listen to me while I describe briefly an incident which falls outside the
+story of this Embassy. When Philip took Olynthus he celebrated Olympian games,
+and gathered together all the artists to the sacrifice and the festal gathering.
+{193} And while he was entertaining them at a banquet, and crowning the victors,
+he asked Satyrus, the well-known comic actor, why he alone requested no favour
+of him. Did he see any meanness in him, or any dislike towards himself? Satyrus
+answered (so the story goes) that he happened to stand in no need of the things
+for which the rest were asking, but that the boon which he would like to ask was
+a favour which it would be very easy indeed for Philip to bestow; only he was
+afraid that he might fail to obtain it. {194} Philip bade him name his request,
+declaring with some spirit that there was nothing that he would not do for him.
+Satyrus is then said to have stated that Apollophanes of Pydna was formerly his
+friend and guest-friend,[n] and that when he had perished by a treacherous
+assassination, his kinsman had, in alarm, conveyed his daughters, then little
+children, to Olynthus secretly. 'These girls,' said Satyrus, 'have been taken
+prisoners at the capture of the city; they are with you, and they are now of
+marriageable age. {195} It is these girls that I beg and entreat you to give to
+me. But I should like you to hear and understand what sort of present you will
+be giving me, if you really give it. I shall gain nothing by receiving it: I
+shall give them in marriage, and a dowry with them, and shall not allow them to
+suffer anything unworthy of us or of their father.' When those who were present
+at the feast heard this, there was such applause and cheering and approbation on
+all hands, that Philip was moved and granted the request, although the
+Apollophanes who was spoken of was one of the murderers of Alexander, Philip's
+brother. {196} Now let us examine side by side with this banquet of Satyrus,
+that in which these men took part in Macedonia. Observe what likeness and
+resemblance there is between the two! For these men were invited to the house of
+Xenophron, the son of Phaedimus, who was one of the Thirty,[n] and went. I did
+not go. But when it came to the time for wine, he brought in an Olynthian woman
+--good-looking, but well-bred and modest, as the event proved. {197} At first, I
+believe (according to the account which Iatrocles gave me the next day), they
+only forced her to drink a little wine quietly and to eat some dessert; but as
+the feast proceeded and they waxed warm, they bade her recline and even sing a
+song. And when the poor creature, who was in great distress, neither would nor
+could do as they bade her, Aeschines and Phrynon declared that it was an insult
+and quite intolerable, that a captive woman--one of those god-forsaken devils
+the Olynthians--should give herself airs. 'Call a slave,' they cried, 'and let
+some one bring a strap.' A servant came with a lash; they had been drinking, I
+imagine, and were easily annoyed; and as soon as she said something and burst
+into tears, the servant tore open her dress and gave her a number of cuts across
+the back. {198} Beside herself with the pain and the sense of her position, the
+woman leaped up and fell before the knees of Iatrocles, overturning the table as
+she did so. And had he not rescued her, she would have perished as the victim of
+a drunken debauch; for the drunkenness of this abominable creature is something
+horrible.[n] The case of this woman was also mentioned in Arcadia before the Ten
+Thousand, and Diophantus reported to you what I shall now force him to testify;
+for the matter was much talked of in Thessaly and everywhere.
+
+{199} Yet with all this on his conscience this unclean creature will dare to
+look you in the face, and will very soon be speaking to you of the life he has
+lived, in that magnificent voice of his. It chokes me to hear him! Does not the
+jury know how at first you used to read over the books to your mother at her
+initiations,[n] and wallow amid bands of drunken men at their orgies, while
+still a boy? {200} and how you were afterwards under-clerk to the magistrates,
+and played the rogue for two or three drachmae?[n] and how at last, in recent
+days, you thought yourself lucky to get a parasitic living in the training-rooms
+of others, as a third-rate actor? What then is the life of which you propose to
+speak? Where have you lived it? For the life which you have really lived has
+been what I have described. And how much does he take upon himself! He brought
+another man to trial here for unnatural offences! But I leave this point for the
+moment. (_To the clerk._) First, read me these depositions.
+
+[_The depositions are read._]
+
+{201} So many, then, and so gross, gentlemen of the jury, being the crimes
+against you of which he stands convicted--and what wickedness do they not
+include? he is corrupt, he is a minion, he is under the curse, a liar, a
+betrayer of his own people; all the most heinous offences are there--he will not
+defend himself against a single one of these charges, and will have no defence
+to offer that is either just or straightforward. But the statement which, I am
+told, he intends to make, borders on madness; though perhaps a man who has no
+other plea to offer must contrive anything that he can. {202} For I hear that he
+is to say that I, forsooth, have been a partner in everything of which I accuse
+him; that at first I used to approve of his policy and to act with him; and that
+I have suddenly changed my mind and become his accuser. As a defence of his
+conduct such assertions are, of course, neither legitimate nor to the point,
+though they do imply some kind of charge against myself; for, of course, if I
+have acted thus, I am a worthless person. But the conduct itself is no better
+for that. Far from it! {203} At the same time, I think it is proper for me to
+prove to you both the points in question--first, that if he makes such an
+assertion he will be lying; and secondly, what is the just line of defence. Now
+a just and straightforward defence must show either that the acts charged
+against him were not committed, or that having been committed, they are to the
+advantage of the city. {204} But Aeschines cannot do either of these things. For
+I presume that it is not possible for him to say that it is to the advantage of
+the city that the Phocians have been ruined, that Thermopylae is in Philip's
+hands, that Thebes is powerful, that there are soldiers in Euboea and plotting
+against Megara, and that the Peace should not have been sworn to,[n] when on the
+former occasion he announced the very contrary of all these things to you in the
+guise of advantages, and advantages about to be realized? Nor will he be able to
+persuade you that these things have not been done, when you yourselves have seen
+them and know the facts well. {205} It remains for me, therefore, to show you
+that I have had no share in any of their proceedings. Shall I then dismiss
+everything else from consideration--all that I have said against them in your
+presence, all my collisions with them during our absence, all my antagonism to
+them from first to last--and produce my opponents themselves as witnesses to the
+fact that my conduct and theirs have been absolutely contrary the one to the
+other--that they have taken money to your detriment, and that I refused to
+receive it? Then mark what I say.
+
+{206} Who, would you say, was of all men in Athens the most offensive, most
+overflowing with effrontery and contemptuousness? I am sure that none of you,
+even by mistake, would name any other than Philocrates. And who, would you say,
+possessed the loudest voice and could enunciate whatever he pleased most
+clearly? Aeschines the defendant, I am sure. Who is it then that these men
+describe as cowardly and timid before a crowd, while I call him cautious? It is
+myself; for I have never annoyed you or forced myself upon you against your
+will. {207} Now at every meeting of the Assembly, as often as a discussion has
+arisen upon these subjects, you hear me accusing and convicting these men,
+declaring explicitly that they have taken money and have sold all the interests
+of the city. And not one of them has ever to this day contradicted the
+statement, when he heard it, or opened his mouth, or shown himself. {208} What
+then is the reason, why the most offensive men in the city, the men with the
+loudest voices, are so cowed before me, the timidest of men, whose voice is no
+louder than any other? It is because Truth is strong; while to them, on the
+other hand, the consciousness of having sold public interests is a source of
+weakness. It is this that steals away the boldness of these men, this that binds
+down their tongues and stops their mouths--chokes them, and makes them silent.
+{209} You remember, of course, how at the recent meeting in the Peiraeus, when
+you would not have him for your representative,[n] he was shouting that he would
+impeach me and indict me, and crying, 'Oh! Oh!' But such steps are the beginning
+of long and numerous trials and speeches; whereas the alternative was but to
+utter perhaps two or three words, which even a slave purchased yesterday could
+have pronounced--'Men of Athens, this is utterly atrocious. Demosthenes is
+accusing me here of crimes in which he himself was a partner; he says that I
+have taken money, when he has taken money, or shared it, himself.' {210} But no
+such words, no such sound, did he utter, nor did one of you hear him do so; he
+only uttered threats to a different effect. And why? Because he knew that he had
+done what he was charged with doing; he was abjectly afraid to use any such
+expressions; his resolution could not rise to them, but shrank back; for it was
+in the grip of his conscience; whereas there was nothing to hinder him from
+uttering irrelevant abuse and slander. {211} But here is the strongest proof of
+all, and it consists not in words, but in fact. For when I was anxious to do
+what it was right to do, namely, to make a second report to you, after serving a
+second time as ambassador, Aeschines came before the Board of Auditors with a
+number of witnesses, and forbade them to call me before the court, since I had
+rendered my account already, and was no longer liable to give it. The incident
+was extremely ridiculous. And what was the meaning of it? He had made his report
+with reference to the First Embassy, against which no one brought any charge,
+and did not wish to go before the court again with regard to the Second Embassy,
+with reference to which he now appears before you, and within which all his
+crimes fell. {212} But if I came before you twice, it became necessary for him
+also to appear again; and so he tried to prevent them from summoning me. But
+this action of his, men of Athens, plainly proves to you two things--first, that
+he had so condemned himself that none of you can now acquit him without impiety;
+and secondly, that he will not speak a word of truth about me. Had he anything
+true to assert, he would have been found asserting it and accusing me then; he
+would certainly not have tried to prevent my being summoned. {213} To prove the
+truth of what I say, (_to the clerk_) call me the witnesses to the facts.
+
+But further, if he makes slanderous statements against me which have nothing to
+do with the Embassy, there are many good reasons for your refusing to listen to
+him. For I am not on my trial to-day, and when I have finished my speech I have
+no further time allotted to me.[n] What can such statements mean, except that he
+is bankrupt of legitimate arguments? For who that was on his trial and had any
+defence to make, would prefer to accuse another? {214} And consider also this
+further point, gentlemen of the jury. If I were on my trial, with the defendant
+Aeschines for accuser and Philip for judge; and if, being unable to disprove my
+guilt, I abused Aeschines and tried to sully his character, do you not think
+that Philip would be indignant at the very fact of a man abusing _his_
+benefactors in his own presence? Do not _you_ then prove worse than Philip; but
+force Aeschines to defend himself against the charges which are the subject of
+the trial. (_To the clerk._) Read the deposition.
+
+[_The deposition is read._]
+
+{215} So for my part, because I had nothing on my conscience, I felt it my duty
+to render an account and submit all the information that the laws required,
+while the defendant took the opposite view. How then can his conduct and mine
+have been the same? or how can he possibly assert against me now things of which
+he has never even accused me before? It is surely impossible. And yet he will
+assert these things, and, Heaven knows, it is natural enough. For you doubtless
+know well that ever since the human race began and trials were instituted, no
+one was ever convicted admitting his crime: they brazen it out, they deny it,
+they lie, they make up excuses, they take every means to escape paying the
+penalty. {216} _You_ must not let any of these devices mislead you to-day; your
+judgement must be given upon the facts, in the light of your own knowledge; you
+must not attend to words, whether mine or his, still less to the witnesses whom
+he will have ready to testify anything, since he has Philip to pay his expenses
+--you will see how glibly they will give evidence for him; nor must you care
+whether his voice is fine and loud, or whether mine is poor. {217} For it is no
+trial of orators or of speeches that you have to hold to-day, if you are wise
+men. You have rather, in the name of a cause shamefully and terribly ruined, to
+thrust off the present disgrace on to the shoulders of the guilty, after a
+scrutiny of those results which are known to you all. {218} And these results,
+which you know and do not require us to tell you of--what are they? If the
+consequences of the Peace have been all that they promised you; if you admit
+that you were so filled with an unmanly cowardice, that, though the enemy was
+not in your land, though you were not blockaded by sea, though your city was
+menaced by no other danger whatever, though, on the contrary, the price of corn
+was low and you were in other respects as well off as you are to-day, {219}
+though you knew beforehand on the information of these men that your allies were
+about to be ruined and Thebes to become powerful, that Philip was about to
+occupy the Thracian strongholds and to establish a basis of operations against
+you in Euboea, and that all that has now happened was about to come to pass, you
+nevertheless made peace cheerfully;--if that is so, then acquit Aeschines, and
+do not add perjury to all your disgrace. For in that case he is guilty of no
+crime against you; it is I that am mad and brainsick to accuse him now. {220}
+But if what they told you was altogether the reverse of this, if it was a tale
+of great generosity--of Philip's love for Athens, of his intention to save the
+Phocians, to check the insolence of the Thebans, and beside all this (if he
+obtained the Peace) to confer on you benefits that would more than compensate
+for Amphipolis, and to restore to you Euboea and Oropus; if, I say, they stated
+and promised all this, and have now totally deceived and cheated you, and have
+all but robbed you of Attica itself, then condemn him, and do not, in addition
+to all the outrages--I know not what other word to use--that you have suffered,
+carry with you to your homes, through upholding their corruption, the curse and
+the guilt of perjury.
+
+{221} Again, gentlemen of the jury, ask yourselves what reason I could have had
+for choosing to accuse these men, if they had done no wrong? You will find none.
+Is it pleasant to have many enemies? Pleasant? It is not even safe. Was there
+any quarrel between me and Aeschines? None. What then? 'You were afraid for
+yourself, and in your cowardice thought to save yourself this way:' for that, I
+have heard, is what he says. What? I was afraid, when, according to your own
+statement, there was nothing to be afraid of, and no crime had been committed?
+If he repeats such an assertion, men of Athens, consider[n] what these men
+themselves, the actual criminals, ought to suffer for their offences, if I, who
+am absolutely guiltless, was afraid of being ruined owing to them. {222} But
+what is my motive for accusing you? I am an informer, of course, and want to get
+money out of you![n] And which was the easier course for me--to get money out of
+Philip, who offered a large sum--to get as much as any of these men, and to have
+not only Philip for my friend, but also my opponents (for they would assuredly
+have been friends, had I been partner with them, since even now they have no
+inherited quarrel against me, but only the fact that I refused to join in their
+actions); or to beg them for a share of their gains, and be regarded with
+hostility both by Philip and by them? Is it likely that when I was ransoming the
+prisoners at such cost to myself, I should ask to receive a paltry sum from
+these men, in a disgraceful manner and with their enmity accompanying it? {223}
+Impossible! My report was true. I abstained from taking money for the sake of
+justice and truth and my own future. For I thought, as others among you have
+thought, that my own uprightness would receive its reward, and that I must not
+barter my ambition to stand well with you for gain of any kind. And I abhor
+these men, because I saw that they were vile and impious in the conduct of their
+mission, and because I have been robbed of the objects of my own ambition, owing
+to their corruption, now that you have come to be vexed with the Embassy as a
+whole. And it is because I foresee what must happen that I now accuse him, and
+appear to challenge his report; for I would have it decided here, in a trial
+before a jury, that my conduct has been the opposite of his. {224} And I am
+afraid--afraid, I say, for I will speak all my mind to you--that though when the
+time comes you may drag me in spite of my entire innocence to the same ruin with
+them, you are now utterly supine. For, men of Athens, you appear to me to be
+altogether unstrung, waiting to suffer the horrors which others are suffering
+before your eyes, and taking no precautions, no thought for the city, which for
+so long has been exposed to destruction in many a dreadful form. {225} Is it
+not, think you, dreadful and preternatural? For even where I had resolved upon
+silence, I am driven to speak. You doubtless know Pythocles here, the son of
+Pythodorus. I had been on very kindly terms with him, and to this day there has
+been no unpleasantness between us. He avoids me now, when he meets me--ever
+since he visited Philip--and if he is obliged to encounter me anywhere, he
+starts away immediately, lest any one should see him talking with me. But with
+Aeschines he walks all round the marketplace, discussing their plans. {226} Now
+is it not a terrible and shocking thing, men of Athens, that those who have made
+it their choice to foster Philip's interests should be able to rely upon so
+accurate a discrimination on Philip's part, that all that any one of them does
+here can no more be hid from Philip (so they believe) than if he were standing
+by their side, and that his friends and foes alike are those that Philip
+chooses; while those whose life is lived for _your_ good, who are greedy of
+honour at _your_ hands, and have not betrayed you, should be met by such
+deafness, such blindness, on your part, that to-day I have to wrestle with these
+devils incarnate on equal terms, and that before you, who know the whole truth?
+{227} Would you know or hear the cause of these things? I will tell you, and I
+beg that none of you be angry with me for speaking the truth. It is, I imagine,
+that Philip has but one body and one soul, and it is with all his heart that he
+cherishes those who do him good and detests those who do him evil: whereas each
+of you, in the first place, has no feeling that the good or the evil which is
+being done to the city, is being done to himself; {228} other feelings are of
+more consequence, and often lead you astray--pity, envy, anger, favour towards
+the suppliant, and an infinite number of other motives: while if a man has
+actually escaped all these, he will still not escape from those who do not want
+such a man to exist at all. And so the error due to each of these single causes
+steals on little by little, till the state is exposed to the whole accumulated
+mischief.
+
+{229} Do not fall victims to any such error to-day, men of Athens: do not let
+the defendant go, when he has done you all this wrong. For honestly, if you let
+him go, what will be said of you? 'Certain men,' it will be said, 'went as
+ambassadors to Philip yonder--Philocrates, Aeschines, Phrynon, and Demosthenes;
+and, what happened? One of them not only gained nothing by his mission, but
+ransomed the prisoners at his private expense; another, with the money for which
+he sold the interests of his country, went about purchasing harlots and fish.
+{230} One of them, the abominable Phrynon, sent his son to Philip before he had
+registered him as an adult; the other did nothing unworthy of himself or his
+city. One, though serving as choregus and trierarch,[n] felt it his duty
+voluntarily to incur that further expense [to ransom the prisoners] rather than
+see any of his fellow citizens suffering misfortune for want of means; the
+other, so far from rescuing any of those who were already in captivity, joined
+in bringing a whole district, and more than 10,000 infantry and 1,000 cavalry
+with them, the forces of the actual allies of his country, into captivity to
+Philip. What followed? {231} When the Athenians got them into their hands (for
+they had long known the truth) what did they do? They let go the men who had
+received bribes and had disgraced themselves, and their city, and their
+children; they thought that these were wise men, and that all was well[n] with
+the city; and as for their accuser, they thought him thunderstruck--a man who
+did not understand his country, and did not know where to fling his money away.'
+{232} And who, men of Athens, with this example before his eyes, will be willing
+to offer you his honest service? who will act as ambassador for nothing, if he
+is not only to gain nothing by it, but is not to be more trustworthy in your
+eyes than those who have taken money? You are not only trying these men to-day,
+but you are laying down a law for all future time--a law which will declare
+whether your ambassadors are to serve the enemy for a price, or to act
+disinterestedly for your true good and to take no bribe? {233} On all the other
+points you require no evidence; but to prove that Phrynon sent his son, (_to the
+clerk_) call me the witnesses to the facts.
+
+Aeschines then did not prosecute Phrynon, for sending his own son to Philip for
+a disgraceful purpose. But because a man, who in his youth was above the average
+in appearance, did not foresee the suspicion which his good looks might entail,
+and afterwards lived a somewhat fast life, he has prosecuted him for unnatural
+offences.
+
+{234} Now let me speak of the banquet and the decree; for I had almost
+overlooked what I was especially bound to tell you. In drawing up the resolution
+of the Council with reference to the First Embassy, and again in addressing the
+people, at the assemblies in which you were to discuss the question of peace,
+not a single word or act of a criminal nature on the part of these men having so
+far come to light, I followed the ordinary custom, and proposed to accord them a
+vote of thanks, and to invite them to the Town Hall. {235} And I did, of course,
+entertain Philip's ambassadors as well, and on a very splendid scale, men of
+Athens. For when I saw that in their own country they prided themselves even on
+things like these, as showing their prosperity and splendour, I thought that I
+must begin by outdoing them in this respect, and displaying even greater
+magnificence. These incidents Aeschines will shortly bring forward to prove that
+'Demosthenes himself voted thanks to us, and gave a banquet to the ambassadors',
+without telling you the precise time when the incidents occurred. {236} For
+these things belong to a time before any injury had been done to the city, and
+before it was evident that they had sold themselves. The ambassadors had only
+just arrived on their first visit; the people had still to hear what they
+proposed; and there was nothing as yet to show that Aeschines would support
+Philocrates, or that Philocrates would make such proposals as he did. If, then,
+Aeschines uses any such argument, remember that the dates of the incidents are
+earlier than those of his crimes. But since then there has been no friendliness
+between myself and them, and no common action. (_To the clerk._) Read the
+deposition.
+
+[_The deposition is read._]
+
+{237} Now perhaps his brother Philochares will support him, and Aphobetus. There
+is much that you may fairly urge in reply to both; and I am obliged, men of
+Athens, to speak to you quite freely and without any reserve. You, Philochares,
+are a painter of vase-cases and drums; your brothers are under-clerks and quite
+ordinary men--not that there is any harm in these things, but at the same time
+they do not qualify a man to be a general.[n] And yet, Aphobetus and
+Philochares, we thought you worthy to be ambassadors and generals, and to
+receive the highest honours; {238} so that even if none of you were guilty of
+any crime, we should owe no gratitude to you; you would rather owe gratitude to
+us for your preferment. For we passed by many others, more deserving of such
+honours than you were, and exalted you instead. But if in the enjoyment of these
+very honours one of you has actually committed crimes, and crimes of such a
+nature, how much more deserving are you of execration than of acquittal? Much
+more, I am sure. Perhaps they will force their claims upon you, for they are
+loud-voiced and shameless, and they have taken to themselves the motto that 'it
+is pardonable for brother to help brother'. {239} But you must not give way.
+Remember that if it is right for them to think of Aeschines, it is for you to
+think of the laws and the whole State, and, above all, of the oath which you
+yourselves, who sit here, have taken. Yes, and if they have entreated some of
+you to save the defendant, then ask yourselves whether you are to save him if he
+is proved innocent of crime, or even if he is proved guilty. If they ask you to
+do so, should he be innocent, I too say that you must acquit him. But if you are
+asked to acquit him, whatever he has done, then they have asked you to commit
+perjury. For though your vote is secret, it will not be hidden from the gods;
+and the framer of our law [which enjoins secret voting] was absolutely right,
+when he saw that though none of these men will know which of you has granted his
+request, the gods will know, and the unseen powers, who has given the unjust
+vote. {240} And it is better for a man to lay up, for his children and himself,
+those good hopes which _they_ can bestow, by giving the decision that is just
+and right, than to win credit from these men for a favour of whose reality they
+can have no certain knowledge, and to acquit the defendant, when his own
+testimony condemns him. For what stronger testimony can I produce, Aeschines, to
+prove how terrible your work as ambassador has been, than your own testimony
+against yourself? For when you thought it necessary to involve in so great and
+dreadful a calamity one who wished to reveal some of your actions as ambassador,
+it is plain that you expected your own punishment to be a terrible one, if your
+countrymen learned what you had done.
+
+{241} That step, if you are wise, he will prove to have taken to his own
+detriment; not only because it is an overwhelming proof of the nature of his
+conduct as ambassador, but also because of those expressions which he used in
+the course of the prosecution, and which are now at our disposal against
+himself. For the principles of justice, as defined by you when you were
+prosecuting Timarchus, must, I presume, be no less valid when used by others
+against yourself. {242} His words to the jury on that occasion were these.
+'Demosthenes intends to defend Timarchus, and to denounce my acts as ambassador.
+And then, when he has led you off the point by his speech, he will brag of it,
+and go about saying, "Well? what do you think?[2] Why I led the jury right away
+from the point, and stole the case triumphantly out of their hands."' Then you
+at least must not act thus, but must make your defence with reference to the
+real points of your case, though, when you were prosecuting Timarchus on that
+occasion, you permitted yourself to make any charges and assertions that you
+chose.
+
+{243} But there were verses too, which you recited before the jury, in your
+inability to produce any witness to the charges on which you were prosecuting
+Timarchus:--
+
+  Rumour, the voice of many folk, not all
+  Doth die, for Rumour too a goddess is.[3]
+
+Well, Aeschines, all those who are present say that you have made money out of
+your mission; and so it holds true against you, I suppose, that 'Rumour, the
+voice of many folk, not all doth die'. {244} For observe how easily you can
+ascertain how much larger a body of accusers appears in your case than in his.
+Timarchus was not known even to all his neighbors; while there is not a man,
+Hellene or foreigner, but says that you and your fellow ambassadors made money
+out of your mission. And so, if the rumour is true, then the rumour which is the
+voice of many folk is against you; and you have yourself laid down that such a
+rumour is to be believed, that 'Rumour too a goddess is', and that the poet who
+composed these lines was a wise man.
+
+{245} Then, you remember, he collected some iambic verses, and recited the whole
+passage; for instance:--
+
+  Whoso in evil company delights
+  Of him I ne'er enquired, for well I trow,
+  As is his company, such is the man.[3]
+
+And 'when a man goes to the cockpit[n] and walks about with Pittalacus'--he
+added more to the same effect--'surely,' said he, 'you know what to think of
+him.' Well, Aeschines, these same verses will now exactly serve my turn against
+you, and if I quote them to the jury, the quotation will be true and apposite.
+'But whoso in the company delights' of Philocrates, and that when he is an
+ambassador, 'Of him I ne'er enquired, for well I trow' that he has taken money,
+as did Philocrates who does not deny it.
+
+{246} He attempts to insult others by labelling them hack-writers[n] and
+sophists. He shall himself be proved liable to these very imputations. The
+verses he quoted are derived from the _Phoenix_ of Euripides--a play which has
+never to this day been acted either by Theodorus or Aristodemus, the actors
+under whom Aeschines always played third-rate parts, though it was performed by
+Molon, and no doubt by other actors of former times. But the _Antigone_ of
+Sophocles has often been acted by Theodorus and often by Aristodemus; and in
+this play there are some admirable and instructive verses, which he must know
+quite well by heart, since he has often delivered them himself, but which he has
+omitted to quote. {247} For you know, I am sure, that in every tragedy it is, as
+it were, the special privilege of third-rate actors to play in the role of
+tyrants and sceptred kings. Consider, then, these excellent lines, placed by the
+poet in the mouth of our Creon-Aeschines in this play--lines which he neither
+repeated to himself to guide him as an ambassador, nor yet quoted to the jury.
+(_To the clerk._) Read the passage.
+
+  _Verses from the 'Antigone' of Sophocles._
+
+  To learn aright the soul and heart and mind
+  Of any man--for that, device is none,
+  Till he be proved in government and law,
+  And so revealed. For he who guides the State,
+  Yet cleaves not in his counsels to the best,
+  But from some fear in prison locks his tongue,
+  Is in mine eyes, as he hath ever been,
+  Vilest of men. And him, who sets his friend
+  Before his land, I count of no esteem.
+  For I--be it known to God's all-viewing eye--
+  Would ne'er keep silence, seeing the march of doom
+  Upon this city--doom in safety's stead,
+  Nor ever take to me as mine own friend
+  My country's foe.' For this I know, that she,
+  Our country, is the ship that bears us safe,
+  And safe aboard her, while she sails erect,
+  We make good friends.
+
+{248} None of these lines did Aeschines ever repeat to himself during his
+mission. Instead of preferring his country he thought that to be friend and
+guest-friend of Philip was much more important and profitable for himself, and
+bade a long farewell to the wise Sophocles. He saw the 'march of doom' draw
+near, in the campaign against the Phocians; but he gave no warning, no
+announcement of what was to come. On the contrary, he helped to conceal it, he
+helped to carry out the doom, he prevented those who would have given warning--
+{249} not remembering that 'Our country is the ship that bears us safe, and safe
+aboard her' his mother with the help of her initiations and purifications and
+the property of the clients, on whom she lived, reared up these sons of hers to
+their destined greatness;[n] while his father, who kept an elementary school, as
+I am told by my elders, near the temple of the Hero-Physician,[n] made a living,
+such as he could indeed, but still on the same ship. The sons, who had received
+money as under-clerks and servants in all the magistrates' offices, were finally
+elected clerks by you, and for two years continued to get their living in the
+Round Chamber;[n] and Aeschines was just now dispatched as your ambassador--from
+this same ship. He regarded none of these things. {250} He took no care that the
+ship should sail erect. Nay, he capsized her; he sank the ship; he did all that
+he could to bring her into the power of the enemy. What then? Are you not a
+sophist? Aye, and a villanous one. Are you not a hack? Aye, and one detested of
+Heaven--for you passed over the scene which you had so often performed and knew
+well by heart, while you sought out a scene which you had never acted in your
+life, and produced the passage in the hope of injuring one of your fellow
+citizens.
+
+{251} And now examine his speech about Solon. He told us that the statue of
+Solon, with his hand concealed in the drapery of his robe, was erected as an
+illustration of the self-restraint of the orators of that day. (This was in the
+course of a scurrilous attack upon the impetuosity of Timarchus.) But the
+Salaminians tell us that this statue was erected less than fifty years ago,
+whereas some two hundred and forty years have passed between the time of Solon
+and the present day; so that not only was the artist, who modelled him in this
+attitude, not living in Solon's day, but even his grandfather was not. {252}
+That then is what he told the jury, copying the attitude as he did so. But that
+which it would have done his country far more good to see--the soul and the mind
+of Solon--he did not copy. No, he did the very reverse. For when Salamis had
+revolted from Athens and the death-penalty had been decreed against any one who
+proposed to attempt its recovery, Solon, by singing, at the risk of his own
+life,[n] a lay which he had composed, won back the island for his country, and
+wiped out her disgrace: {253} while Aeschines, when the king and all the
+Hellenes had decided that Amphipolis was yours, surrendered and sold it, and
+supported Philocrates, who proposed the resolution for this purpose. It is
+indeed worth his while (is it not?) to remember Solon! Nor was he content with
+acting thus in Athens; for when he had gone to Macedonia, he did not even
+mention the name of the place which it was the object of his mission to secure.
+This, in fact, he reported to you himself, in words which doubtless you
+remember: 'I too had something to say about Amphipolis; but in order that
+Demosthenes might have an opportunity of speaking upon the subject, I left it to
+him.' {254} Upon which I came forward and denied that Aeschines had left to me
+anything which he was anxious to say to Philip; he would rather have given any
+one a share in his lifeblood than in his speech. The truth is, I imagine, that
+he had taken money; and as Philip had given him the money in order that he might
+not have to restore Amphipolis, he could not speak in opposition to Philip's
+case. Now (_to the clerk_) take this lay of Solon's and read it; and (_to the
+jury_) then you will know how Solon used to hate all such men as this.
+
+{255} It is not when you are speaking, Aeschines, but when you are upon an
+embassy, that you should keep your hand within your robe. But on the Embassy you
+held out your hand, and held it open; you brought shame to your countrymen: and
+do you here assume a solemn air and recite in those practised tones the
+miserable phrases that you have learned by heart, and expect to escape the
+penalty for all your heinous crimes--even if you do go round with a cap on your
+head,[n] uttering abuse against me? (_To the clerk._) Read the verses.
+
+  _Solon's Lay._
+
+  The Father's voice hath spoken,
+    Whose word is Destiny,
+  And the blest Gods have willed it,
+    The Gods who shall not die;
+  That ne'er shall the Destroyer
+    Prevail against our land;
+  The Dread Sire's valiant Daughter
+    Guards us with eye and hand.
+  Yet her own sons, in folly,
+    Would lay their country low,
+  For pelf; and in her leaders
+    An heart of sin doth grow.
+  For them--their pride's fell offspring--
+    There waiteth grievous pain;
+  For sated still, they know not
+    Their proud lust to contain.
+  Not theirs, if mirth be with them,
+    The decent, peaceful feast;
+  To sin they yield, and sinning
+    Rejoice in wealth increased.
+  No hallowed treasure sparing,
+    Nor people's common store,
+  This side and that his neighbour
+    Each robs with havoc sore.
+  The holy law of Justice
+    They guard not. Silent she,
+  Who knows what is and hath been,
+    Awaits the time to be.
+  Then cometh she to judgement,
+    With certain step, tho' slow;
+  E'en now she smites the city,
+    And none may 'scape the blow.
+  To thraldom base she drives us,
+    From slumber rousing strife,--
+  Fell war of kin, destroying
+    The young, the beauteous life.
+  The foemen of their country
+    In wicked bands combine,
+  Fit company; and stricken
+    The lovely land doth pine.
+  These are the Wrong, the Mischief,
+    That pace the earth at home;
+  But many a beggared exile
+    To other lands must roam--
+  Sold, chained in bonds unseemly;
+    For so to each man's hall
+  Comes home the People's Sorrow,
+    And leaps the high fence-wall.
+  No courtyard door can stay it;
+    It follows to his side,
+  Flee tho' he may, and crouching
+    In inmost chamber hide.
+  Such warning unto Athens
+    My spirit bids me sound,
+  That Lawlessness in cities
+    Spreads evil all around;
+  But Lawfulness and Order
+    Make all things good and right,
+  Chaining Sin's hands in fetters,
+    Quenching the proud soul's light,
+  Smoothing the rough, the sated
+    Staying, and withering
+  The flowers, that, fraught with ruin,
+    From fatal seed upspring.
+  The paths of crooked justice
+    Are turned into straight;
+  The ways of Pride grow gentle,
+    The ways of Strife and Hate;
+  Then baleful Faction ceases,
+    Then Health prevails alway,
+  And Wisdom still increases,
+    Beneath Law's wholesome sway.
+
+{256} You hear, men of Athens, how Solon speaks of men like these, and of the
+gods, who, he says, preserve the city. It is my belief and my hope that this
+saying of his, that the gods preserve our city, is true at all times; but I
+believe that all that has happened in connexion with the present examination is,
+in a sense, a special proof of the goodwill of some unseen power towards the
+city. {257} Consider what has happened. A man who as ambassador did a work of
+great wickedness, and has surrendered countries in which the gods should have
+been worshipped by yourselves and your allies, has disfranchised one who
+accepted the challenge[n] to prosecute him. To what end? To the end that he
+himself might meet with no pity or mercy for his own iniquities. Nay, more;
+while prosecuting his victim he deliberately set himself to speak evil of me;
+and again, before the People, he threatened to enter an indictment against me,
+and said more to the same effect. And to what end? To the end that I, who had
+the most perfect knowledge of all his acts of villany, and had followed them
+closely throughout, might have your full indulgence in prosecuting him. {258}
+Aye, and through postponing his appearance before you continually up to the
+present moment, he has been insensibly brought to a time when, on account of
+what is coming upon us, if for no other reason, it is neither possible nor safe
+for you to allow him (after his corruption) to escape unscathed. For though, men
+of Athens, you ought always to execrate and to punish those who are traitors and
+corrupt, to do so at this time would be more than ever seasonable, and would
+confer a benefit upon all mankind in common. {259} For a disease, men of Athens,
+an awful disease has fallen upon Hellas--a disease hard to cope with, and
+requiring abundant good fortune, and abundant carefulness on your own part. For
+the most notable men in their several cities, the men who claim[n] to lead in
+public affairs, are betraying their own liberty--unhappy men!--and bringing upon
+themselves a self-chosen servitude, under the milder names of friendship and
+companionship with Philip, and other such phrases; while the other citizens, and
+the sovereign bodies in each city, however composed, whose duty it was to punish
+these men and slay them out of hand, are so far from taking any such action,
+that they admire and envy them, and every one would be glad to be in the same
+case. {260} Yet it is from this very cause--it is through entertaining ambitions
+like these--that the Thessalians, who up to yesterday or the day before had lost
+thereby only their paramount position[n] and their dignity as a state, are now
+already being stripped of their very liberty; for there are Macedonian garrisons
+in some of their citadels. This same disease it is which has invaded the
+Peloponnese and brought about the massacres in Elis, infecting the unhappy
+people of that country with such insanity and frenzy, that in order to be lords
+over one another and to gratify Philip, they murder their kinsmen and fellow
+citizens. {261} Not even here has the disease been stayed: it has penetrated
+Arcadia and turned it upside-down; and now many of the Arcadians, who should be
+no less proud of liberty than yourselves--for you and they alone are indigenous
+peoples--are declaring their admiration for Philip, erecting his image in
+bronze, and crowning him; and, to complete the tale, they have passed a
+resolution that, if he comes to the Peloponnese, they will receive him within
+their walls. {262} The Argives have acted in exactly the same way. These events,
+I say it in all solemnity and earnestness, call for no small precautions: for
+this plague, men of Athens, that is spreading all around us, has now found its
+way to Athens itself. While then we are still safe, ward it off, and take away
+the citizenship of those who first introduced it. Beware lest otherwise you
+realize the worth of the advice given you this day, only when there is no longer
+anything that you can do. {263} Do you not perceive, men of Athens, how vivid
+and plain an example has been afforded you by the unhappy Olynthians? The
+destruction of those wretched men was due to nothing so much as to conduct like
+that of which I speak. You can test this clearly if you review their history.
+{264} For at a time when they possessed only 400 cavalry, and numbered not more
+than 5,000 men in all, since the Chalcidians were not yet all united under one
+government, the Spartans came against them with a large force, including both
+army and fleet (for you doubtless remember that at that period the Spartans were
+virtually masters both of land and sea); and yet, though this great force came
+against them, the Olynthians lost neither the city nor any single fortress, but
+won many battles, killed three of the enemy's commanders, and finally concluded
+the war on their own terms.[n] {265} But when some of them began to take bribes,
+and the people as a whole were foolish enough, or rather unfortunate enough, to
+repose greater confidence in these men than in those who spoke for their own
+good; when Lasthenes roofed his house with the timber which came from Macedonia,
+and Euthycrates was keeping a large herd of cattle for which he had paid no one
+anything; when a third returned with sheep, and a fourth with horses, while the
+people, to whose detriment all this was being done, so far from showing any
+anger or any disposition to chastise men who acted so, actually gazed on them
+with envy, and paid them honour and regarded them as heroes--{266} when, I say,
+such practices were gaining ground in this way, and corruption had been
+victorious; then, though they possessed 1,000 cavalry and numbered more than
+10,000 men; though all the surrounding peoples were their allies; though you
+went to their assistance with 10,000 mercenaries and 50 ships, and with 4,000
+citizen-soldiers as well, none of these things could save them. Before a year of
+the war had expired they had lost all the cities in Chalcidice, while Philip
+could no longer keep pace with the invitations of the traitors, and did not know
+which place to occupy first. {267} Five hundred horsemen were betrayed by their
+own commanders and captured by Philip, with their arms--a larger number than
+were ever before captured by any one. And the men who acted thus were not
+ashamed to face the sun or the earth--the soil of their native land--on which
+they stood, or the temples, or the sepulchres of the dead, or the disgrace which
+was bound to follow upon such deeds afterwards. Such is the madness and
+distraction which corruption engenders. So it is for you--for you, the People--
+to be wise, to refuse to suffer such things, and to visit them with public
+chastisement. For it would be monstrous indeed, if, after the terrible
+condemnation which you passed upon those who betrayed the Olynthians, it were
+seen that you allowed the criminals who are in your very midst to go unpunished.
+(_To the clerk._) Read the decree passed with reference to the Olynthians.
+
+[_The decree is read._]
+
+{268} This decree, gentlemen of the jury, is one which in the eyes of all,
+Hellenes and foreigners alike, it was right and honourable in you to have passed
+in condemnation of traitors and men detested of Heaven. And so, since the taking
+of the bribe is the step which precedes such actions, and it is the bribe that
+prompts the traitor's deeds, whenever, men of Athens, you find a man receiving a
+bribe, you must count him a traitor as well. That one man betrays opportunities,
+and another affairs of state, and another soldiers, means only, I imagine, that
+each works mischief in the particular department over which he has control; but
+there should be no distinction in your execration of all such men. {269} You,
+men of Athens, are the only people in the world who can draw from your own
+history examples which bear upon this matter, and who have those ancestors, whom
+you rightly praise, to imitate in your actions. You may not be able, at the
+present time, to imitate them in the battles, the campaigns, the perils in which
+they distinguished themselves, since at the present moment you are at peace; but
+at least you can imitate their wisdom. {270} For of wisdom there is need
+everywhere; and a right judgement is no more laborious or troublesome a thing
+than a wrong one. Each of you need sit here no longer, in order to judge and
+vote on the question before him aright, and so to make his country's position a
+better one, and worthy of our ancestors, than he must in order to judge and vote
+wrongly, and so make it worse and unworthy of our ancestors. What then were
+their sentiments on this matter? (_To the clerk._) Take this, clerk, and read
+it: (_to the jury_) for I would have you see that the acts towards which you are
+so indifferent are acts for which your forefathers voted death to the doers.
+(_To the clerk._) Read.
+
+[_An inscription is read._]
+
+{271} You hear the inscription, men of Athens, declaring that Arthmius[n] of
+Zeleia, son of Pythonax, is a foe and a public enemy to the people of Athens and
+their allies--both he and all his house. And why? Because he brought the gold
+from the foreigner to the Hellenes. Apparently, therefore, we may judge from
+this, that your ancestors sought to ensure that no one, not even a stranger,
+should work mischief against Hellas for money; whereas you do not even seek to
+prevent any of your fellow citizens from injuring his own city. {272} 'But,' it
+may be said, 'the inscription occupies a quite unimportant position.' On the
+contrary, although all yonder Acropolis is sacred and there is no lack of space
+upon it, this inscription stands on the right hand of the great bronze statue of
+Athena, the prize of valour in the war against the barbarians, set up by the
+State with funds which the Hellenes had presented to her. In those days,
+therefore, uprightness was so sacred, and such merit was attached to the
+punishment of actions like these, that the sentences passed upon such crimes
+were thought to deserve the same position as the prize-statue of the goddess.
+And now, unless you, in your turn, set a check upon this excess of licence, the
+result must be ridicule, impunity, and shame.[5] {273} You would do well, I
+think, men of Athens, to imitate your forefathers, not in this or that point
+alone, but continuously, and in all that they did. Now I am sure that you have
+all heard the story of Callias,[n] the son of Hipponicus, to whose diplomacy was
+due the Peace which is universally celebrated, and which provided that the king
+should not come down by land within a day's ride of the sea, nor sail with a
+ship of war between the Chelidonian islands and the Cyanean rocks. He was
+thought to have taken bribes on his mission; and your forefathers almost put him
+to death, and actually fined him, at the examination of his report, a sum of 50
+talents. {274} True it is, that no more honourable peace can be mentioned than
+this, of all which the city ever made before or afterwards. But it was not to
+this that they looked. The nature of the Peace they attributed to their own
+prowess and the glory of their city: but whether the transaction was
+disinterested or corrupt, depended upon the character of the ambassador; and
+they expected the character displayed by one who took part in public affairs to
+be upright and incorruptible. {275} Your ancestors, then, regarded corruption as
+so inimical, so unprofitable, to the state, that they would not admit it in
+connexion with any single transaction or any single man; while you, men of
+Athens, though you have seen that the Peace which has laid low the walls of your
+own allies is building the houses of your ambassadors--that the Peace which has
+robbed the city of her possessions has secured for them more than they had ever
+before hoped for even in their dreams--you, I say, instead of putting them to
+death of your own accord, need a prosecutor to assist you; and when all can see
+their crimes in very deed, you are making their trial a trial of words.
+
+{276} It is not, however, by the citation of ancient history, nor by these
+examples alone, that one may stimulate you to vengeance: for even within the
+lifetime of yourselves, who are here and still living, many have paid the
+penalty. All the rest of these I will pass over; but I will mention one or two
+of those who were punished with death, on returning from a mission whose results
+have been far less disastrous to the city than those of the present Embassy.
+(_To the clerk._) Take then this decree and read it.
+
+[_The decree is read._]
+
+{277} In this decree, men of Athens, you passed sentence of death upon those
+ambassadors, one of whom was Epicrates,[n] a good man, as I am told by my
+elders, and one who had in many ways been of service to his country--one of
+those who brought the people back from the Peiraeus,[n] and who was generally an
+upholder of the democracy. Yet none of these services helped him, and rightly.
+For one who claims to manage affairs of such magnitude has not merely to be half
+honest; he must not secure your confidence and then take advantage of it to
+increase his power to do mischief; he must do absolutely no wrong against you of
+his own will. {278} Now if there is one of the things for which those men were
+sentenced to death, that these men have not done, you may put me to death
+without delay. Observe what the charges were. 'Since they conducted their
+mission,' says the decree,[n] 'contrary to the terms of the resolution'--that is
+the first of the charges. And have not these men contravened the terms of the
+resolution? Does not the decree speak of peace 'for the Athenians and the allies
+of the Athenians?' and did they not exclude the Phocians from the treaty? Does
+not the decree bid them administer the oath to the magistrates in the several
+cities? and did they not administer it to men sent to them by Philip? Does not
+the resolution forbid them 'to meet Philip anywhere alone?' and did they not
+incessantly do business with him privately? {279} Again I read, 'And some of
+them have been convicted of making a false report before the Council.' But these
+men have been convicted of doing so before the People as well. And convicted by
+whom? for this is the splendid thing.[n] Convicted by the actual facts; for all
+that has happened, as you know, has been the exact reverse of what they
+announced. 'And,' the decree goes on, 'of not sending true dispatches.' Nor did
+these men. 'And of accusing our allies falsely and taking bribes.' Instead of
+'accusing falsely', say, 'of having utterly ruined'--surely a far more heinous
+thing than a false accusation. And as for the charge of taking bribes, if it had
+been denied, it would still have required proof; but since they admitted it, a
+summary procedure was surely the proper one. {280} What then will you do, men of
+Athens? You are the offspring of that generation, and some of you are actually
+survivors from it; and will you endure it, that Epicrates, the benefactor of the
+people, one of the men from the Peiraeus, should have been exiled and
+punished;[n] that Thrasybulus, again, the son of the great Thrasybulus, the
+People's friend, who brought the people back from Phyle, should recently have
+been fined ten talents; and that the descendant of Harmodius,[n] and of those
+who achieved for you the greatest of blessings, and whom, for the benefits which
+they conferred upon you, you have caused to share in the libations and the bowls
+outpoured, in every temple where sacrifice is offered, singing of them and
+honouring them as you honour heroes and gods--{281} that all these, I say,
+should have undergone the penalty ordained by the laws, and that no feeling of
+compassion or pity, nor the tears of their children who bore the names of our
+benefactors, nor aught else, should have availed them anything: and yet, when
+you have to do with the son of Atrometus the schoolmaster, and Glaucothea, who
+used to hold those meetings of the initiated, a practice for which another
+priestess[n] was put to death--when you have in your hands the son of such
+parents, a man who never did a single service to his country--neither himself,
+nor his father, nor any of his house--will you let him go? {282} Where is the
+horse, the trireme, the military service, the chorus, the burden undertaken[n]
+for the state, the war-contribution, the loyal action, the peril undergone, for
+which in all their lifetime the city has had to thank him or his? Aye, and even
+if all these stood to his credit, and those other qualifications, of uprightness
+and integrity in his mission, were not also to be found in him, it would surely
+have been right that he should perish. But when neither the one nor the other
+are to be found, will you not avenge yourselves upon him? {283} Will you not
+call to mind his own words, when he was prosecuting Timarchus--that there was no
+help for a city which had no sinews to use against the criminal, nor for a
+constitution in which compassion and solicitation were more powerful than the
+laws--that it was your duty not to pity the aged mother of Timarchus, nor his
+children, nor any one else, but to attend solely to one point, namely, that if
+you abandoned the cause of the laws and the constitution, you would look in vain
+for any to have pity on yourselves. {284} Is that unhappy man to have lost his
+rights as a citizen, because he witnessed the guilt of Aeschines, and will you
+then suffer Aeschines to escape unscathed? On what ground can you do so? for if
+Aeschines demanded so heavy a penalty from those whose sins were against their
+own persons, what must be the magnitude of the penalty which _you_ should
+require--you, the sworn judges of the case--from those who have sinned so
+greatly against their country's interests, and of whom Aeschines is convincingly
+proved to be one? {285} 'But,' we are told, 'that was a trial which will raise
+the moral standard of our young men.' Yes, and this trial will raise that of our
+statesmen, upon whose character the supreme interests of the city are staked.
+For your care ought to extend to them also. But you must realize that his real
+motive for ruining Timarchus himself was not, Heaven knows, to be found in any
+anxiety for the virtue of your sons. Indeed, men of Athens, they are virtuous
+even now; for I trust that the city will never have fallen so low, as to need
+Aphobetus and Aeschines to reform the morals of the young. {286} No! the reason
+was that Timarchus had proposed in the Council, that if any one was convicted of
+conveying arms or fittings for ships of war to Philip, the penalty should be
+death. And here is a proof. How long had Timarchus been in the habit of
+addressing you? For a long time. Now throughout all this time Aeschines was in
+Athens, and never showed any vexation or indignation at the fact of such a man
+addressing you, until he had been to Macedonia and made himself a hireling. (_To
+the clerk._) Come, take the actual decree which Timarchus proposed, and read it.
+
+[_The decree is read._]
+
+{287} So the man who proposed on your behalf the resolution which forbade, on
+pain of death, the supply of arms to Philip during the war, has been ruined and
+treated with contumely; while Aeschines, who had surrendered the arms of your
+very allies to Philip, was his accuser, and charged him--I call Heaven and Earth
+to witness--with unnatural offences, although two of his own kinsmen stood by
+his side, the very sight of whom would call forth a cry of protest from you--the
+disgusting Nicias, who went to Egypt and hired himself to Chabrias, and the
+accursed Cyrebion,[n] who joins in processions, as a reveller,[n] without a
+mask. Nay, why mention these things? His own brother Aphobetus was there before
+his eyes! In very truth all the words that were spoken on that day about
+unnatural offences were water flowing up stream.[n]
+
+{288} And now, to show you the dishonour into which the villainy and mendacity
+of the defendant have brought our country, passing by all besides, I will
+mention a fact known to you all. Formerly, men of Athens, all the other Hellenes
+used to watch attentively, to see what had been resolved in your Assembly; but
+now we are already going about and inquiring what others have decided--trying to
+overhear what the Arcadians are doing, or the Amphictyons, or where Philip will
+be next, and whether he is alive or dead. {289} We do this, do we not? But for
+me the terrible question is not whether Philip is alive, but whether in this
+city the habit of execrating and punishing criminals is dead. Philip has no
+terrors for me, if your own spirit is sound; but the prospect that you may grant
+security to those who wish to receive their wages from him--that they may be
+supported by some of those whom you have trusted, and that those who have all
+along denied that they were acting in Philip's interests may now mount the
+platform in their defence--that is the prospect which terrifies me. {290} Tell
+me, Eubulus, why it was, that at the recent trial of your cousin Hegesilaus,[n]
+and of Thrasybulus, the uncle of Niceratus, when the primary question[n] was
+before the jury, you would not even respond when they called upon you; and that
+when you rose to speak on the assessment of the penalty,[n] you uttered not a
+word in their defence, but only asked the jury to be indulgent to you? Do you
+refuse to ascend the platform in defence of kinsmen and relations, {291} and
+will you then do so in defence of Aeschines, who, when Aristophon was
+prosecuting Philonicus, and in accusing him was denouncing your own acts, joined
+with him in accusing you, and was found in the ranks of your enemies? You
+frightened your countrymen here by saying that they must either march down to
+the Peiraeus at once, and pay the war-tax, and convert the festival-fund into a
+war-fund, or else pass the decree advocated by Aeschines and proposed by the
+shameless Philocrates--{292} a decree, of which the result was that the Peace
+became a disgraceful instead of a fair one, and that these men have ruined
+everything by their crimes: and have you, after all this, become reconciled to
+him? You uttered imprecations upon Philip, in the presence of the people, and
+swore by the life of your children that you would be glad if perdition seized
+him; and will you now come to the aid of Aeschines? How can perdition seize
+Philip, when you are trying to save those who take bribes from him? {293} Why is
+it that you prosecuted Moerocles for misappropriating 20 drachmae out of the
+sums paid by each of the lessees of the mines, and indicted Ctesiphon for the
+theft of sacred moneys, because he paid 7 minae into the bank three days too
+late; and yet, when men have taken money and confess it, and are convicted, by
+being caught in the very act, of having done so in order to bring about the ruin
+of our allies, you do not prosecute them, but even command their acquittal?
+{294} But the appalling character of these crimes and the great watchfulness and
+caution that they call for, and the triviality of the offences for which you
+prosecuted those other men, may further be seen in this way. Were there any men
+in Elis who stole public funds? It is very likely indeed. Well, had any of them
+anything to do with the overthrow of the democracy there? Not one of them.
+Again, while Olynthus was standing, were there others of the same character
+there? I am sure that there were. Was it then through them that Olynthus was
+destroyed? No. Again, do you not suppose that in Megara there was someone who
+was a thief and who embezzled public funds? There must have been. Well, has any
+such person been shown to be responsible for the recent crisis there? {295} Not
+one. But of what sort _are_ the men who commit crimes of such a character and
+magnitude? They are those who count themselves worthy to be styled friends and
+guest-friends of Philip, who would fain be generals, who claim[n] to be leaders,
+who must needs be exalted above the people. Was not Perillus put on his trial
+lately before the Three Hundred at Megara, because he went to Philip's court;
+and did not Ptoeodorus, the first man in Megara in wealth, family, and
+distinction, come forward and beg him off, and send him back again to Philip?
+and was not the consequence that the one came back at the head of the
+mercenaries, while the other was churning the butter[n] at home? {296} For there
+is nothing, nothing, I say, in the world, which you must be so careful not to
+do, as not to allow any one to become more powerful than the People. I would
+have no man acquitted or doomed, to please any individual. Only let us be sure
+that the man whose actions acquit or condemn him will receive from you the
+verdict he deserves. {297} That is the true democratic principle. And further,
+it is true that many men have come to possess great influence with you at
+particular times--Callistratus, and again Aristophon, Diophantus, and others
+before them. But where did each of these exercise his primacy? In the Assembly
+of the People. But in the law-courts no man has ever, to this day, carried more
+influence than the laws and the juror's oath. Do not then allow the defendant to
+have such influence to-day. To prove to you that there is good reason for you
+not to trust, but to beware of such influence, I will read you an oracle of the
+gods, who always protect the city far better than do its foremost citizens. (_To
+the clerk._) Read the oracles.
+
+[_The oracles are read._]
+
+{298} You hear, men of Athens, the warnings of the gods. If these responses were
+given by them when you were at war, they mean that you must beware of your
+generals, since in war it is the generals who are leaders; but if they were
+uttered after you had made peace, they must refer to those who are at the head
+of your government; for these are the leaders whom you obey, and it is by these
+that you are in danger of being led astray. 'And hold the state together' [says
+the oracle] 'until all are of one mind, and afford no joy to their foes.' {299}
+Which event then, men of Athens, do you think would afford joy to Philip--the
+acquittal of one who has brought about all this evil, or his punishment? His
+acquittal, I am sure. But the oracle, you see, says that we should so act as not
+to afford joy to our foes; and therefore, by the mouth of Zeus, of Dione,[n] and
+of all the gods, is this exhortation given to us all, that with one mind we
+chastise those who have done any service to our enemies. Without are those who
+are plotting against us, within are their confederates. The part of the plotters
+is to offer the bribe; that of their confederates is to receive it, and to save
+from condemnation those who have received it.
+
+{300} And further, it needs no more than human reason to arrive at the
+conclusion that nothing can be more hateful and dangerous than to allow your
+first citizen to be intimate with those whose objects are not those of the
+People. Consider by what means Philip has become master of the entire situation,
+and by what means he has accomplished the greatest of his successes. It has been
+by purchasing the opportunities for action from those who offered them for sale
+--by corrupting and exciting the aspirations of the leaders of their several
+cities. {301} These have been the means. Now both of these methods it is in your
+power, if you wish it, to render futile to-day, if you will refuse to listen to
+prominent persons who speak in defence of such practices, and will thus prove
+that they have no power over you--for now they assert that they have you under
+their control--while at the same time you punish the man who has sold himself,
+and let all the world see what you have done. {302} For you would have reason
+enough, men of Athens, for being angry with any man who had acted so, and had
+betrayed your allies and your friends and your opportunities (for with these are
+bound up the whole prosperity or adversity of every people), but with no one
+more than with Aeschines, or with greater justice. After taking up a position as
+one of those who mistrusted Philip--after being the first and the only man to
+perceive that Philip was the common enemy of all the Hellenes--he deserted, he
+betrayed you; he suddenly became Philip's supporter. Surely he deserves to die
+many times over! {303} Nay, he himself will not be able to deny that these
+things are so. For who was it that brought Ischander forward before you
+originally, stating that he had come from the friends of Athens in Arcadia? Who
+was it that cried out that Philip was organizing Hellas and the Peloponnese
+against you, while you were asleep? Who was it that delivered those long and
+noble orations to the people, that read to you the decrees of Miltiades and
+Themistocles, and the oath of the young soldiers[n] in the temple of Aglaurus?
+{304} Was it not the defendant? Who was it that persuaded you to send embassies
+almost as far as the Red Sea, on the ground that Philip was plotting against
+Hellas, and that it was for you to foresee this and not to sacrifice the
+interests of the Hellenes? Was it not Eubulus who proposed the decree, while the
+ambassador to the Peloponnese was the defendant Aeschines? What expressions he
+used in his address to the people, after he arrived there, is best known to
+himself: but I know you all remember what he reported to you. {305} Many a time
+in the course of his speech he called Philip 'barbarian' and 'devil'; and he
+reported the delight of the Arcadians at the thought that Athens was now waking
+up and attending to public affairs. One thing he told us, which caused him, he
+said, more distress than anything else. As he was leaving, he met Atrestidas,
+who was travelling home from Philip's court, and with him were walking some
+thirty women and children. Wondering at this, he asked one of the travellers who
+the man was, and what this crowd was along with him; {306} and on hearing that
+it was Atrestidas, who was on his way home, and that these with him were
+captives from Olynthus whom Philip had given him as a present, he was struck
+with the atrocity of the thing and burst into tears, and lamented the unhappy
+condition of Hellas, that she should allow such tragedies to pass unnoticed. At
+the same time he counselled you to send representatives to Arcadia to denounce
+Philip's agents, saying that his friends told him that if Athens took notice of
+the matter and sent envoys, Philip's agents would be punished. {307} Such, men
+of Athens, was the tenor of his speeches then; and very noble they were, and
+worthy of this city. But when he had been to Macedonia, and had seen the enemy
+of himself and of the Hellenes, were his speeches couched any more in the same
+or a similar tone? Far from it! He told you that you must neither remember your
+forefathers nor mention your trophies, nor go to the aid of any one. He was
+amazed, he said, at those who urged you to confer with the rest of the Hellenes
+in regard to the Peace with Philip, as though there was any need to convince
+some one else about a matter which was purely your own affair. {308} And as for
+Philip, 'Why, good gracious!' said he, 'Philip is the most thorough Hellene in
+the world, a most able speaker, and most friendly towards Athens: only there are
+certain persons in Athens so unreasonable and so churlish, that they are not
+ashamed to slander him and call him "barbarian".' Now is it possible that the
+man who had formerly spoken as Aeschines did, should now have dared to speak in
+such a way, if he had not been corrupted? What? {309} Is there a man who after
+conceiving such detestation for Atrestidas, owing to those children and women
+from Olynthus, could have endured to act in conjunction with Philocrates, who
+brought freeborn Olynthian women here to gratify his lust, and is so notorious
+for his abominable living, that it is unnecessary for me now to use any
+offensive or unpleasant expression about him; for if I say that Philocrates
+brought women here, the rest will be understood by all of you and of the
+bystanders, and you will, I am sure, pity the poor unhappy creatures--though
+Aeschines felt no pity for them, and shed no tears for Hellas at the sight of
+them, or at the thought of the outrages they were suffering among their own
+allies at the hands of our ambassadors. {310} No! he will shed tears on his own
+behalf--he whose proceedings as ambassador have had such results--and perhaps he
+will bring forward his children, and mount them upon the platform. But,
+gentlemen of the jury, when you see the children of Aeschines, remember that the
+children of many of your allies and friends are now vagabonds, wandering in
+beggary, owing to the cruel treatment they have suffered in consequence of his
+conduct, and that these deserve your compassion far more than those whose father
+is a criminal and a traitor. Remember that your own children have been robbed
+even of their hopes by these men, who inserted among the terms of the Peace the
+clause which extended it to posterity. And when you see the tears of Aeschines,
+remember that you have now before you a man who urged you to send
+representatives to Arcadia to denounce the agents of Philip. {311} Now to-day
+you need send no embassy to the Peloponnese; you need take no long journey; you
+need incur no travelling expenses. Each of you need only come as far as this
+platform, to deposit the vote which piety and justice demand of him, on behalf
+of your country; and to condemn the man who--I call Earth and Heaven to
+witness!--after originally delivering the speeches which I described, speaking
+of Marathon and of Salamis, and of your battles and your trophies, suddenly--so
+soon as he had set foot in Macedonia--changed his tone completely, and told you
+that you must not remember your forefathers, nor recount your trophies, nor go
+to the aid of any one, nor take common counsel with the Hellenes--who all but
+told you that you must pull down your walls. {312} Never throughout all time, up
+to this day, have speeches more shameful than these been delivered before you.
+What Hellene, what foreigner, is so dense, or so uninstructed, or so fierce in
+his hatred of our city, that if one were to put to him this question, and say,
+'Tell me now; of all Hellas, as it now is--all this inhabited country--is there
+any part which would have been called by this name, or inhabited by the Hellenes
+who now possess it, unless those who fought at Marathon and Salamis, our
+forefathers, had displayed that high prowess on their behalf?' Why, I am certain
+that not one would answer 'Yes': they would say that all these regions must have
+been conquered by the barbarians. {313} If then no single man, not even one of
+our enemies, would have deprived them of these their panegyrics and praises,
+does Aeschines forbid you to remember them--you their descendants--in order that
+he himself may receive money? In all other blessings, moreover, the dead have no
+share; but the praises which follow their noble deeds are the peculiar
+possession of those who have died thus; for then even envy opposes them no
+longer. Of these praises Aeschines would deprive them; and justly, therefore,
+would he now be deprived of his privileges as as a citizen, and justly, in the
+name of your forefathers, would you exact from him this penalty. Such words you
+used, nevertheless, in the wickedness of your heart, to despoil and traduce the
+deeds of our forefathers, and by your word you ruined all our interests in very
+deed. {314} And then, as the outcome of this, you are a landed gentleman, and
+have become a personage of consequence! For this, too, you must notice. Before
+he had wrought every kind of mischief against the city he acknowledged that he
+had been a clerk; he was grateful to you for having elected him, and behaved
+himself modestly. But since he has wrought countless evils, he has drawn up his
+eyebrows, and if any one speaks of 'Aeschines the late clerk', he is his enemy
+at once, and declares that he has been insulted: he walks through the market-
+place with his cloak trailing down to his ankles, keeping step with
+Pythocles,[n] and puffing out his cheeks--already one of Philip's friends and
+guest-friends, if you please--one of those who would be rid of the democracy,
+and who regard the established constitution as so much tempestuous madness--he
+who was once the humble servant of the Round Chamber.
+
+{315} I wish now to recapitulate to you summarily the ways in which Philip got
+the better of you in policy, when he had taken these heaven-detested men to aid
+him. It is well worth while to review and contemplate the course of his
+deception as a whole. It began with his anxiety for peace; for his country was
+being plundered, and his ports were closed, so that he could enjoy none of the
+advantages which they afforded; and so he sent the messengers who uttered those
+generous sentiments on his behalf--Neoptolemus, Aristodemus, and Ctesiphon.
+{316} But so soon as we went to him as your ambassadors, he immediately hired
+the defendant to second and co-operate with the abominable Philocrates, and so
+get the better of those who wished to act uprightly; and he composed such a
+letter to you as he thought would be most likely to help him to obtain peace.
+{317} But even so, he had no better chance than before of effecting anything of
+importance against you, unless he could destroy the Phocians. And this was no
+easy matter. For he had now been reduced, as if by chance, to a position in
+which he must either find it impossible to effect any of his designs, or else
+must perforce lie and forswear himself, and make all men, whether Hellenes or
+foreigners, witnesses of his own baseness. {318} For if, on the one hand, he
+received the Phocians as allies, and administered the oath to them together with
+yourselves, it at once became necessary for him to break his oaths to the
+Thessalians and Thebans; for he had sworn to aid the latter in the reduction of
+Boeotia, and the former in the recovery of their place in the Amphictyonic
+Council; but if, on the other hand, he refused to receive them (as in fact he
+did reject them), he thought that you would not let him cross the Pass, but
+would rally to Thermopylae--and so you would have done, had you not been misled;
+and if this happened, he calculated that he would be unable to march across.
+{319} Nor had he to learn this from others; he had already the testimony of his
+own experience. For on the occasion of his first defeat of the Phocians, when he
+destroyed their mercenaries and their leader and general, Onomarchus, although
+not a single human being, Hellene or foreigner, came to the aid of the Phocians,
+except yourselves, so far was he from crossing the Pass and thereafter carrying
+out any of his designs, that he could not even approach near it. {320} He
+realized, I imagine, quite clearly, that at a time when the feelings of the
+Thessalians were turning against him, and the Pheraeans (to take the first
+instance) refused to accompany him--when the Thebans were being worsted and had
+lost a battle, and a trophy had been erected to celebrate their defeat--it was
+impossible for him to cross the Pass, if you rallied to its defence; and that if
+he made the attempt he would regret it, unless some cunning could be called in
+to aid him. How then, he asked, can I avoid open falsehood, and yet accomplish
+all that I wish without appearing perjured? How can it be done? It can be done,
+if I can get some of the Athenians to deceive the Athenians. In that case the
+discredit no longer falls to my share. {321} And so Philip's own envoys first
+informed you that Philip declined to receive the Phocians as allies; and then
+these men took up the tale, and addressed you to the effect that it was
+inconvenient to Philip to receive the Phocians as your allies openly, on account
+of the Thebans and the Thessalians; but if he gets command of the situation,
+they said, and is granted the Peace, he will do just what we should now request
+him to promise to do. {322} So they obtained the Peace from you, by holding out
+these seductive hopes, without including the Phocians. But they had still to
+prevent the expedition to Thermopylae, for the purpose of which, despite the
+Peace, your fifty ships were still lying ready at anchor, in order that, if
+Philip marched, you might prevent him. {323} How then could it be done? what
+cunning could be used in regard to this expedition in its turn? They must
+deprive you of the necessary time, by bringing the crisis upon you suddenly, so
+that, even if you wished to set out, you might be unable to do so. So this, it
+appears, was what these men undertook to do; while for my part, as you have
+often been told, I was unable to depart in advance of them, and was prevented
+from sailing even when I had hired a boat for the purpose. {324} But it was
+further necessary that the Phocians should come to believe in Philip and give
+themselves up to him voluntarily, in order that there might be no delay in
+carrying out the plan, and that no hostile decree whatever might issue from you.
+'And therefore,' said he, 'the Athenian ambassadors shall announce that the
+Phocians are to be preserved from destruction, so that even if any one persists
+in distrusting me, he will believe them, and put himself in my hands. We will
+summon the Athenians themselves, so that they may imagine that all that they
+want is secured, and may pass no hostile decree: but the ambassadors shall make
+such reports about us, and give such promises, as will prevent them from moving
+under any circumstances.' {325} It was in this way, and by such trickery as
+this, that all was ruined, through the action of these doomed wretches. For
+immediately afterwards, as you know, instead of seeing Thespiae and Plataeae
+repeopled, you heard that Orchomenus and Coroneia had been enslaved; instead of
+Thebes being humbled and stripped of her insolence and pride, the walls of your
+own allies were being razed, and it was the Thebans who were razing them--the
+Thebans who, according to Aeschines' story, were as good as broken up into
+villages. {326} Instead of Euboea being handed over to you in exchange for
+Amphipolis, Philip is making new bases of operations against you in Euboea
+itself, and is plotting incessantly against Geraestus and Megara. Instead of the
+restoration of Oropus to you, we are making an expedition under arms to defend
+Drymus and the country about Panactum[n]--a step which we never took so long as
+the Phocians remained unharmed. {327} Instead of the restoration of the
+ancestral worship in the temple, and the exaction of the debt due to the god,
+the true Amphictyons are fugitives, who have been banished and their land laid
+desolate; and Macedonians, foreigners, men who never were Amphictyons in the
+past, are now forcing their way to recognition; while any one who mentions the
+sacred treasures is thrown from the rocks, and our city has been deprived of her
+right to precedence in consulting the oracle. {328} Indeed, the story of all
+that has happened to the city sounds like a riddle. Philip has spoken no
+falsehood, and has accomplished all that he wished: you hoped for the fulfilment
+of your fondest prayers, and have seen the very opposite come to pass; you
+suppose yourselves to be at peace, and have suffered more terribly than if you
+had been at war; while these men have received money for all this, and up to
+this very day have not paid the penalty. {329} For that the situation has been
+made what it is solely by bribery, and that these men have received their price
+for it all, has, I feel sure, long been plain to you in many ways; and I am
+afraid that, quite against my will, I may long have been wearying you by
+attempting to prove with elaborate exactness what you already know for
+yourselves. {330} Yet this one point I ask you still to listen to. Is there,
+gentlemen of the jury, one of the ambassadors whom Philip sent, whose statue in
+bronze you would erect in the market-place? Nay, one to whom you would give
+maintenance in the Town Hall, or any other of those complimentary grants with
+which you honour your benefactors? I think not. And why? For you are of no
+ungrateful or unfair or mean disposition. You would reply, that it is because
+all that they did was done in the interest of Philip, and nothing in your own;
+and the reply would be true and just. {331} Do you imagine then that, when such
+are your sentiments, Philip's are not also such? Do you imagine that he gives
+all these magnificent presents because your ambassadors conducted their mission
+honourably and uprightly with a view to _your_ interest? Impossible. Think of
+Hegesippus, and the manner in which he and the ambassadors who accompanied him
+were received by Philip. To go no further, he banished Xenocleides, the well-
+known poet, by public proclamation, because he received the ambassadors, his own
+fellow citizens. For so it is that he behaves to men who honestly say what they
+think on your behalf: while to those who have sold themselves he behaves as he
+has to these men. Do we then need witnesses? do we need stronger proofs than
+these to establish my conclusions? Will any one be able to steal these
+conclusions from your minds?
+
+{332} Now I was told a most extraordinary thing just now by some one who
+accosted me in front of the Court, namely, that the defendant is prepared to
+accuse Chares, and that by such methods and such arguments as that, he hopes to
+deceive you. I will not lay undue stress on the fact that Chares,[n] subjected
+to every form of trial, was found to have acted on your behalf, so far as was in
+his power, with faithfulness and loyalty, while his frequent shortcomings were
+due to those who, for money, were cruelly injuring your cause. But I will go
+much further. Let it be granted that all that the defendant will say of Chares
+is true. {333} Even so it is utterly absurd that Aeschines should accuse him.
+For I do not lay the blame on Aeschines for anything that was done in the course
+of the war--it is the generals who have to account for all such proceedings--nor
+do I hold him responsible for the city's having made peace. So far I acquit him
+of everything. What then do I allege, and at what point does my accusation
+begin? I accuse him of having supported Philocrates, at the time when the city
+was making peace, instead of supporting those who proposed what was for your
+real good. I accuse him of taking bribes, and subsequently, on the Second
+Embassy, of wasting time, and of not carrying out any of your instructions. I
+accuse him of cheating the city, and ruining everything, by the suggestion of
+hopes that Philip would do all that we desired; and then I accuse him of
+speaking afterwards in defence of one of whom[n] all warned him to beware, on
+account of the great crimes of which he had been guilty. {334} These are my
+charges, and these are what you must bear in mind. For a Peace that was honest
+and fair, and men that had sold nothing and had told no falsehoods afterwards, I
+would even have commended, and would have bidden you crown them. But the
+injuries which some general may have done you have nothing to do with the
+present examination. Where is the general who has caused the loss of Halus? or
+of the Phocians? or of Doriscus? or of Cersobleptes? or of the Sacred Mountain?
+or of Thermopylae? Who has secured Philip a road to Attica that leads entirely
+through the country of allies and friends? who has given Coroneia and Orchomenus
+and Euboea to others? who has all but given Megara to the enemy, only recently?
+who has made the Thebans powerful? {335} Not one of all these heavy losses was
+the work of the generals; nor does Philip hold any of these places because you
+were persuaded to concede it to him by the treaty of peace. The losses are due
+to these men and to their corruption. If then he evades these points, and tries
+to mislead you by speaking of every other possible subject, this is how you must
+receive his attempt. 'We are not sitting in judgement upon any general,' you
+must say, 'nor are you on your trial for the things of which you speak. Do not
+tell us whether some one else may not also be responsible for the ruin of the
+Phocians: prove to us that no responsibility attaches to yourself. Why do you
+tell us _now_ of the alleged iniquities of Demosthenes, instead of accusing him
+when his report was under examination? For such an omission alone you deserve to
+perish. {336} Do not speak of the beauty of peace, nor of its advantages. No one
+holds you responsible for the city's having made peace. But show that it was not
+a shameful and discreditable peace; that we have not since been deceived in many
+ways; that all was not lost. It is for all these things that the responsibility
+has been proved to be yours. And why, even to this hour, do you praise the man
+who has done us all this evil?' If you keep a watch upon him thus, he will have
+nothing to say; and then he will lift up his voice here, in spite of all his
+vocal exercises, to no purpose.
+
+{337} And yet perhaps it is necessary for me to speak about his voice also. For
+of this too, I am told, he is extremely proud, and expects to carry you away by
+his declamation. But seeing that you used to drive him away and hiss him out of
+the theatre and almost stone him, when he was performing the tragic story of
+Thyestes or of the Trojan War, so that at last he gave up his third-rate
+playing, you would be acting in the most extraordinary way if, now that he has
+wrought countless ills, not on the stage, but in the most important affairs in
+the public life of the state, you listened to him for his fine voice. {338} By
+no means must you do this, or give way to any foolish sentiment. Rather reflect,
+that if you were testing the qualifications of a herald, you would then indeed
+look for a fine voice; but when you are testing those of an ambassador, or a man
+who claims the administration of any public business, you must look for an
+upright man--a man who bears himself proudly indeed, as your representative, but
+seeks no more than equality with yourselves--as I myself refused to pay respect
+to Philip, but did pay respect to the captives, whom I saved, and never for a
+moment drew back; whereas Aeschines rolled at Philip's feet, and chanted his
+paeans, while he looks down upon you. {339} And further, whenever you notice
+that cleverness or a good voice or any other natural advantage has been given to
+an honest and public-spirited man, you ought all to congratulate him and help
+him to cultivate his gift; for the gift is an advantage in which you all share,
+as well as he. But when the gift is found in a corrupt and villainous man, who
+can never resist the chance of gain, then you should exclude him from your
+presence, and give a harsh and hostile reception to his words: for villainy,
+which wins from you the reputation of ability, is the enemy of the State. {340}
+You see what great troubles have fallen upon the city, through those qualities
+which have brought renown to Aeschines. But whereas all other faculties are more
+or less independent, the gift of eloquence, when it meets with hostility from
+you who listen, is a broken thing. Listen, then, to the defendant as you would
+listen to a corrupt villain, who will not speak a single word of truth.
+
+{341} Observe also that the conviction of the defendant is in every way
+expedient, not only on all other grounds, but even when you consider our
+relations with Philip himself. For if ever Philip finds himself compelled to
+give the city any of her rights, he will change his methods. As it is, he has
+chosen to deceive the people as a whole, and to show his favours to a few
+persons; whereas, if he learns that these men have perished, he will prefer for
+the future to act in the interest of yourselves collectively, in whose hands all
+power rests. {342} If, however, he intends to persist in his present domineering
+and outrageous insolence, you will, by getting rid of these men, have rid the
+city of those who would do anything in the world for him. For when they have
+acted as they have done, with the expectation of having to pay the penalty in
+their minds, what do you think they will do, if you relax your severity towards
+them? Where is the Euthycrates,[n] or the Lasthenes, or the traitor of any
+description, whom they will not outdo? {343} And who among all the rest will not
+be a worse citizen, when he sees that, for those who have sold themselves, the
+friendship of Philip serves, in consequence, for revenue, for reputation, and
+for capital; while to those who have conducted themselves uprightly, and have
+spent their own money as well, the consequences are trouble, hatred, and ill
+will from a certain party. Let it not be so. It is not for your good--whether
+you regard your reputation or your duty towards Heaven or your safety or any
+other object, that you should acquit the defendant; but rather that you should
+avenge yourselves upon him, and make him an example in the eyes of all your
+fellow citizens and of the whole Hellenic world.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] This body was composed of life-members, the archons passing into it annually
+at the conclusion of their term of office. A certain religious solemnity
+attached to it, and it was generally respected as a public-spirited and high-
+minded body.
+
+[2] [Greek: p_os: ti;].
+
+[3] Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 761.
+
+[4] Euripides, _Phoenix_ fragment.
+
+[5] [Greek: adeia, aischuv_e.].
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Public Orations of Demosthenes,
+volume 1, by Demosthenes
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PUBLIC ORATIONS OF ***
+
+This file should be named 7pbd110.txt or 7pbd110.zip
+Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks get a new NUMBER, 7pbd111.txt
+VERSIONS based on separate sources get new LETTER, 7pbd110a.txt
+
+Anne Soulard, Jon Ingram and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team.
+
+Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the US
+unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we usually do not
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+We are now trying to release all our eBooks one year in advance
+of the official release dates, leaving time for better editing.
+Please be encouraged to tell us about any error or corrections,
+even years after the official publication date.
+
+Please note neither this listing nor its contents are final til
+midnight of the last day of the month of any such announcement.
+The official release date of all Project Gutenberg eBooks is at
+Midnight, Central Time, of the last day of the stated month.  A
+preliminary version may often be posted for suggestion, comment
+and editing by those who wish to do so.
+
+Most people start at our Web sites at:
+http://gutenberg.net or
+http://promo.net/pg
+
+These Web sites include award-winning information about Project
+Gutenberg, including how to donate, how to help produce our new
+eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email newsletter (free!).
+
+
+Those of you who want to download any eBook before announcement
+can get to them as follows, and just download by date.  This is
+also a good way to get them instantly upon announcement, as the
+indexes our cataloguers produce obviously take a while after an
+announcement goes out in the Project Gutenberg Newsletter.
+
+http://www.ibiblio.org/gutenberg/etext03 or
+ftp://ftp.ibiblio.org/pub/docs/books/gutenberg/etext03
+
+Or /etext02, 01, 00, 99, 98, 97, 96, 95, 94, 93, 92, 92, 91 or 90
+
+Just search by the first five letters of the filename you want,
+as it appears in our Newsletters.
+
+
+Information about Project Gutenberg (one page)
+
+We produce about two million dollars for each hour we work.  The
+time it takes us, a rather conservative estimate, is fifty hours
+to get any eBook selected, entered, proofread, edited, copyright
+searched and analyzed, the copyright letters written, etc.   Our
+projected audience is one hundred million readers.  If the value
+per text is nominally estimated at one dollar then we produce $2
+million dollars per hour in 2002 as we release over 100 new text
+files per month:  1240 more eBooks in 2001 for a total of 4000+
+We are already on our way to trying for 2000 more eBooks in 2002
+If they reach just 1-2% of the world's population then the total
+will reach over half a trillion eBooks given away by year's end.
+
+The Goal of Project Gutenberg is to Give Away 1 Trillion eBooks!
+This is ten thousand titles each to one hundred million readers,
+which is only about 4% of the present number of computer users.
+
+Here is the briefest record of our progress (* means estimated):
+
+eBooks Year Month
+
+    1  1971 July
+   10  1991 January
+  100  1994 January
+ 1000  1997 August
+ 1500  1998 October
+ 2000  1999 December
+ 2500  2000 December
+ 3000  2001 November
+ 4000  2001 October/November
+ 6000  2002 December*
+ 9000  2003 November*
+10000  2004 January*
+
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation has been created
+to secure a future for Project Gutenberg into the next millennium.
+
+We need your donations more than ever!
+
+As of February, 2002, contributions are being solicited from people
+and organizations in: Alabama, Alaska, Arkansas, Connecticut,
+Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Hawaii, Illinois,
+Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Massachusetts,
+Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New
+Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Ohio,
+Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, South
+Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, West
+Virginia, Wisconsin, and Wyoming.
+
+We have filed in all 50 states now, but these are the only ones
+that have responded.
+
+As the requirements for other states are met, additions to this list
+will be made and fund raising will begin in the additional states.
+Please feel free to ask to check the status of your state.
+
+In answer to various questions we have received on this:
+
+We are constantly working on finishing the paperwork to legally
+request donations in all 50 states.  If your state is not listed and
+you would like to know if we have added it since the list you have,
+just ask.
+
+While we cannot solicit donations from people in states where we are
+not yet registered, we know of no prohibition against accepting
+donations from donors in these states who approach us with an offer to
+donate.
+
+International donations are accepted, but we don't know ANYTHING about
+how to make them tax-deductible, or even if they CAN be made
+deductible, and don't have the staff to handle it even if there are
+ways.
+
+Donations by check or money order may be sent to:
+
+Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+PMB 113
+1739 University Ave.
+Oxford, MS 38655-4109
+
+Contact us if you want to arrange for a wire transfer or payment
+method other than by check or money order.
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation has been approved by
+the US Internal Revenue Service as a 501(c)(3) organization with EIN
+[Employee Identification Number] 64-622154.  Donations are
+tax-deductible to the maximum extent permitted by law.  As fund-raising
+requirements for other states are met, additions to this list will be
+made and fund-raising will begin in the additional states.
+
+We need your donations more than ever!
+
+You can get up to date donation information online at:
+
+http://www.gutenberg.net/donation.html
+
+
+***
+
+If you can't reach Project Gutenberg,
+you can always email directly to:
+
+Michael S. Hart <hart@pobox.com>
+
+Prof. Hart will answer or forward your message.
+
+We would prefer to send you information by email.
+
+
+**The Legal Small Print**
+
+
+(Three Pages)
+
+***START**THE SMALL PRINT!**FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN EBOOKS**START***
+Why is this "Small Print!" statement here? You know: lawyers.
+They tell us you might sue us if there is something wrong with
+your copy of this eBook, even if you got it for free from
+someone other than us, and even if what's wrong is not our
+fault. So, among other things, this "Small Print!" statement
+disclaims most of our liability to you. It also tells you how
+you may distribute copies of this eBook if you want to.
+
+*BEFORE!* YOU USE OR READ THIS EBOOK
+By using or reading any part of this PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm
+eBook, you indicate that you understand, agree to and accept
+this "Small Print!" statement. If you do not, you can receive
+a refund of the money (if any) you paid for this eBook by
+sending a request within 30 days of receiving it to the person
+you got it from. If you received this eBook on a physical
+medium (such as a disk), you must return it with your request.
+
+ABOUT PROJECT GUTENBERG-TM EBOOKS
+This PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm eBook, like most PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm eBooks,
+is a "public domain" work distributed by Professor Michael S. Hart
+through the Project Gutenberg Association (the "Project").
+Among other things, this means that no one owns a United States copyright
+on or for this work, so the Project (and you!) can copy and
+distribute it in the United States without permission and
+without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth
+below, apply if you wish to copy and distribute this eBook
+under the "PROJECT GUTENBERG" trademark.
+
+Please do not use the "PROJECT GUTENBERG" trademark to market
+any commercial products without permission.
+
+To create these eBooks, the Project expends considerable
+efforts to identify, transcribe and proofread public domain
+works. Despite these efforts, the Project's eBooks and any
+medium they may be on may contain "Defects". Among other
+things, Defects may take the form of incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
+intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged
+disk or other eBook medium, a computer virus, or computer
+codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.
+
+LIMITED WARRANTY; DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES
+But for the "Right of Replacement or Refund" described below,
+[1] Michael Hart and the Foundation (and any other party you may
+receive this eBook from as a PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm eBook) disclaims
+all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including
+legal fees, and [2] YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE OR
+UNDER STRICT LIABILITY, OR FOR BREACH OF WARRANTY OR CONTRACT,
+INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE
+OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES, EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE
+POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGES.
+
+If you discover a Defect in this eBook within 90 days of
+receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any)
+you paid for it by sending an explanatory note within that
+time to the person you received it from. If you received it
+on a physical medium, you must return it with your note, and
+such person may choose to alternatively give you a replacement
+copy. If you received it electronically, such person may
+choose to alternatively give you a second opportunity to
+receive it electronically.
+
+THIS EBOOK IS OTHERWISE PROVIDED TO YOU "AS-IS". NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, ARE MADE TO YOU AS
+TO THE EBOOK OR ANY MEDIUM IT MAY BE ON, INCLUDING BUT NOT
+LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR A
+PARTICULAR PURPOSE.
+
+Some states do not allow disclaimers of implied warranties or
+the exclusion or limitation of consequential damages, so the
+above disclaimers and exclusions may not apply to you, and you
+may have other legal rights.
+
+INDEMNITY
+You will indemnify and hold Michael Hart, the Foundation,
+and its trustees and agents, and any volunteers associated
+with the production and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm
+texts harmless, from all liability, cost and expense, including
+legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of the
+following that you do or cause:  [1] distribution of this eBook,
+[2] alteration, modification, or addition to the eBook,
+or [3] any Defect.
+
+DISTRIBUTION UNDER "PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm"
+You may distribute copies of this eBook electronically, or by
+disk, book or any other medium if you either delete this
+"Small Print!" and all other references to Project Gutenberg,
+or:
+
+[1]  Only give exact copies of it.  Among other things, this
+     requires that you do not remove, alter or modify the
+     eBook or this "small print!" statement.  You may however,
+     if you wish, distribute this eBook in machine readable
+     binary, compressed, mark-up, or proprietary form,
+     including any form resulting from conversion by word
+     processing or hypertext software, but only so long as
+     *EITHER*:
+
+     [*]  The eBook, when displayed, is clearly readable, and
+          does *not* contain characters other than those
+          intended by the author of the work, although tilde
+          (~), asterisk (*) and underline (_) characters may
+          be used to convey punctuation intended by the
+          author, and additional characters may be used to
+          indicate hypertext links; OR
+
+     [*]  The eBook may be readily converted by the reader at
+          no expense into plain ASCII, EBCDIC or equivalent
+          form by the program that displays the eBook (as is
+          the case, for instance, with most word processors);
+          OR
+
+     [*]  You provide, or agree to also provide on request at
+          no additional cost, fee or expense, a copy of the
+          eBook in its original plain ASCII form (or in EBCDIC
+          or other equivalent proprietary form).
+
+[2]  Honor the eBook refund and replacement provisions of this
+     "Small Print!" statement.
+
+[3]  Pay a trademark license fee to the Foundation of 20% of the
+     gross profits you derive calculated using the method you
+     already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  If you
+     don't derive profits, no royalty is due.  Royalties are
+     payable to "Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation"
+     the 60 days following each date you prepare (or were
+     legally required to prepare) your annual (or equivalent
+     periodic) tax return.  Please contact us beforehand to
+     let us know your plans and to work out the details.
+
+WHAT IF YOU *WANT* TO SEND MONEY EVEN IF YOU DON'T HAVE TO?
+Project Gutenberg is dedicated to increasing the number of
+public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed
+in machine readable form.
+
+The Project gratefully accepts contributions of money, time,
+public domain materials, or royalty free copyright licenses.
+Money should be paid to the:
+"Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+If you are interested in contributing scanning equipment or
+software or other items, please contact Michael Hart at:
+hart@pobox.com
+
+[Portions of this eBook's header and trailer may be reprinted only
+when distributed free of all fees.  Copyright (C) 2001, 2002 by
+Michael S. Hart.  Project Gutenberg is a TradeMark and may not be
+used in any sales of Project Gutenberg eBooks or other materials be
+they hardware or software or any other related product without
+express permission.]
+
+*END THE SMALL PRINT! FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN EBOOKS*Ver.02/11/02*END*
+
diff --git a/old/7pbd110.zip b/old/7pbd110.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..38aacce
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/7pbd110.zip
diff --git a/old/8pbd110.txt b/old/8pbd110.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c199adb
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/8pbd110.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,6972 @@
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Public Orations of Demosthenes, volume 1
+by Demosthenes
+
+Copyright laws are changing all over the world. Be sure to check the
+copyright laws for your country before downloading or redistributing
+this or any other Project Gutenberg eBook.
+
+This header should be the first thing seen when viewing this Project
+Gutenberg file.  Please do not remove it.  Do not change or edit the
+header without written permission.
+
+Please read the "legal small print," and other information about the
+eBook and Project Gutenberg at the bottom of this file.  Included is
+important information about your specific rights and restrictions in
+how the file may be used.  You can also find out about how to make a
+donation to Project Gutenberg, and how to get involved.
+
+
+**Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts**
+
+**eBooks Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971**
+
+*****These eBooks Were Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers!*****
+
+
+Title: The Public Orations of Demosthenes, volume 1
+
+Author: Demosthenes
+
+Release Date: October, 2005 [EBook #9060]
+[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule]
+[This file was first posted on September 2, 2003]
+
+Edition: 10
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO Latin-1
+
+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PUBLIC ORATIONS OF ***
+
+
+
+
+Anne Soulard, Jon Ingram and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team.
+
+
+
+
+THE PUBLIC ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES
+IN TWO VOLUMES
+VOL I
+
+TRANSLATED BY
+ARTHUR WALLACE PICKARD
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+The translations included in this volume were written at various times during
+the last ten years for use in connexion with College Lectures, and a long
+holiday, for which I have to thank the Trustees of the Balliol College Endowment
+Fund, as well as the Master and Fellows of Balliol College, has enabled me to
+revise them and to furnish them with brief introductions and notes. Only those
+speeches are included which are generally admitted to be the work of
+Demosthenes, and the spurious documents contained in the MSS. of the Speech on
+the Crown are omitted. The speeches are arranged in chronological order, and the
+several introductions to them are intended to supply an outline of the history
+of the period, sufficient to provide a proper setting for the speeches, but not
+more detailed than was necessary for this purpose. No discussion of conflicting
+evidence has been introduced, and the views which are expressed on the character
+and work of Demosthenes must necessarily seem somewhat dogmatic, when given
+without the reasons for them. I hope, however, before long to treat the life of
+Demosthenes more fully in another form. The estimate here given of his character
+as a politician falls midway between the extreme views of Grote and Schäfer on
+the one hand, and Beloch and Holm on the other.
+
+I have tried to render the speeches into such English as a political orator of
+the present day might use, without attempting to impart to them any antique
+colouring, such as the best-known English translations either had from the first
+or have acquired by lapse of time. It is of the essence of political oratory
+that it is addressed to contemporaries, and the translation of it should
+therefore be into contemporary English; though the necessity of retaining some
+of the modes of expression which are peculiar to Greek oratory and political
+life makes it impossible to produce completely the appearance of an English
+orator's work. The qualities of Demosthenes' eloquence sometimes suggest rather
+the oratory of the pulpit than that of the hustings or that of Parliament and of
+the law-courts. I cannot hope to have wholly succeeded in my task; but it seemed
+to be worth undertaking, and I hope that the work will not prove to have been
+altogether useless.
+
+I have made very little use of other translations; but I must acknowledge a debt
+to Lord Brougham's version of the Speeches on the Chersonese and on the Crown,
+which, though often defective from the point of view of scholarship and based on
+faulty texts, are (together with his notes) very inspiring. I have also, at one
+time or another, consulted most of the standard German, French, and English
+editions of Demosthenes. I cannot now distinguish how much I owe to each; but I
+am conscious of a special debt to the editions of the late Professor Henri Weil,
+and of Sir J.E. Sandys, and (in the Speech on the Crown) to that of Professor
+W.W. Goodwin. I also owe a few phrases in the earliest speeches to Professor
+W.R. Hardie, whose lectures on Demosthenes I attended twenty years ago. My
+special thanks are due to my friend Mr. P.E. Matheson of New College, for his
+kindness in reading the proof-sheets, and making a number of suggestions, which
+have been of great assistance to me.
+
+The text employed has been throughout that of the late Mr. S.H. Butcher in the
+_Bibliotheca Classica Oxoniensis_. Any deviations from this are noted in their
+place.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+INTRODUCTION                                 i. 7
+
+LIST OF SPEECHES TRANSLATED
+
+Traditional Order                   In this Edition
+ORATION I. OLYNTHIAC I                       i. 87
+       II. OLYNTHIAC II                      i. 99
+      III. OLYNTHIAC III                     i. 109
+       IV. PHILIPPIC I                       i. 68
+        V. ON THE PEACE                      i. 120
+       VI. PHILIPPIC II                      i. 133
+     VIII. ON THE CHERSONESE                ii. 3
+       IX. PHILIPPIC III                    ii. 26
+      XIV. ON THE NAVAL BOARDS               i. 31
+       XV. FOR THE FREEDOM OF THE RHODIANS   i. 56
+      XVI. FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS            i. 45
+    XVIII. ON THE CROWN                     ii. 47
+      XIX. ON THE EMBASSY                    i. 144
+
+NOTES                                       ii. 149
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+
+Demosthenes, the son of Demosthenes of Paeania in Attica, a rich and highly
+respected factory-owner, was born in or about the year 384 B.C. He was early
+left an orphan; his guardians mismanaged his property for their own advantage;
+and although, soon after coming of age in 366, he took proceedings against them
+and was victorious in the law-courts, he appears to have recovered comparatively
+little from them. In preparing for these proceedings he had the assistance of
+Isaeus, a teacher and writer of speeches who was remarkable for his knowledge of
+law, his complete mastery of all the aspects of any case with which he had to
+do, and his skill in dealing with questions of ownership and inheritance.
+Demosthenes' speeches against his guardians show plainly the influence of
+Isaeus, and the teacher may have developed in his pupil the thoroughness and the
+ingenuity in handling legal arguments which afterwards became characteristic of
+his work.
+
+Apart from this litigation with his guardians, we know little of Demosthenes'
+youth and early manhood. Various stories have come down to us (for the most part
+not on the best authority), of his having been inspired to aim at an orator's
+career by the eloquence and fame of Callistratus; of his having overcome serious
+physical defects by assiduous practice; of his having failed, nevertheless,
+owing to imperfections of delivery, in his early appearances before the people,
+and having been enabled to remedy these by the instruction of the celebrated
+actor Satyrus; and of his close study of the _History_ of Thucydides. Upon the
+latter point the evidence of his early style leaves no room for doubt, and the
+same studies may have contributed to the skill and impressiveness with which, in
+nearly every oration, he appeals to the events of the past, and sums up the
+lessons of history. Whether he came personally under the influence either of
+Plato, the philosopher, or of Isocrates, the greatest rhetorical teacher of his
+time, and a political pamphleteer of high principles but little practical
+insight, is much more doubtful. The two men were almost as different in
+temperament and aims as it was possible to be, but Demosthenes' familiarity with
+the published speeches of Isocrates, and with the rhetorical principles which
+Isocrates taught and followed, can scarcely be questioned.
+
+In the early years of his manhood, Demosthenes undertook the composition of
+speeches for others who were engaged in litigation. This task required not only
+a very thorough knowledge of law, but the power of assuming, as it were, the
+character of each separate client, and writing in a tone appropriate to it; and,
+not less, the ability to interest and to rouse the active sympathy of juries,
+with whom feeling was perhaps as influential as legal justification. This part,
+however, of Demosthenes' career only concerns us here in so far as it was an
+admirable training for his later work in the larger sphere of politics, in which
+the same qualities of adaptability and of power both to argue cogently and to
+appeal to the emotions effectively were required in an even higher degree.
+
+At the time when Demosthenes' interest in public affairs was beginning to take
+an active form, Athens was suffering from the recent loss of some of her most
+powerful allies. In the year 358 B.C. she had counted within the sphere of her
+influence not only the islands of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros (which had been
+guaranteed to her by the Peace of Antalcidas in 387), but also the chief cities
+of Euboea, the islands of Chios, Cos, Rhodes, and Samos, Mytilene in Lesbos, the
+towns of the Chersonese, Byzantium (a city of the greatest commercial
+importance), and a number of stations on the south coast of Thrace, as well as
+Pydna, Potidaea, Methone, and the greater part of the country bordering upon the
+Thermaic Gulf. But her failure to observe the terms of alliance, laid down when
+the new league was founded in 378, had led to a revolt, which ended in 355 or
+354 in the loss to her of Chios, Cos, Rhodes, and Byzantium, and of some of the
+ablest of her own commanders, and left her treasury almost empty. About the same
+time Mytilene and Corcyra also took the opportunity to break with her. Moreover,
+her position in the Thermaic region was threatened first by Olynthus, at the
+head of the Chalcidic League, which included over thirty towns; and secondly by
+Philip, the newly-established King of Macedonia, who seemed likely to displace
+both Olynthus and Athens from their positions of commanding influence.[1]
+
+Nevertheless, Athens, though unable to face a strong combination, was probably
+the most powerful single state in Greece. In her equipment and capacity for
+naval warfare she had no rival, and certainly no other state could vie with her
+in commercial activity and prosperity. The power of Sparta in the Peloponnese
+had declined greatly. The establishment of Megalopolis as the centre of a
+confederacy of Arcadian tribes, and of Messene as an independent city commanding
+a region once entirely subject to Sparta, had seriously weakened her position;
+while at the same time her ambition to recover her supremacy kept alive a
+feeling of unrest throughout the Peloponnese. Of the other states of South
+Greece, Argos was hostile to Sparta, Elis to the Arcadians; Corinth and other
+less important cities were not definitely attached to any alliance, but were not
+powerful enough to carry out any serious movement alone. In North Greece,
+Thebes, though she lacked great leaders, was still a great power, whose
+authority throughout Boeotia had been strengthened by the complete or partial
+annihilation of Platacae, Thespiae, Orchomenus,[2] and Coroneia. In Athens the
+ill feeling against Thebes was strong, owing to the occupation by the Thebans of
+Oropus,[2] a frontier town which Athens claimed, and their treatment of the
+towns just mentioned, towards which the Athenians were kindly disposed. The
+Phocians, who had until recently been unwilling allies of Thebes, were now
+hostile and not insignificant neighbours, and about this time entered into
+relations with both Sparta and Athens. The subject of contention was the
+possession or control of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, which the Phocians had
+recently taken by force from the Delphians, who were supported by Thebes; and in
+the 'Sacred War' to which this act (which was considered to be sacrilege) gave
+rise in 355 B.C., the Thebans and Locrians fought against the Phocians in the
+name of the Amphictyonic Council, a body (composed of representatives of tribes
+and states of very unequal importance[3]) to which the control of the temple
+traditionally belonged. Thessaly appears to have been at this time more or less
+under Theban influence, but was immediately dominated by the tyrants of Pherae,
+though the several cities seem each to have possessed a nominally independent
+government. The Greek peoples were disunited in fact and unfitted for union by
+temperament. The twofold desire, felt by almost all the more advanced Greek
+peoples, for independence on the one hand, and for 'hegemony' or leadership
+among other peoples, on the other, rendered any effective combination
+impossible, and made the relations of states to one another uncertain and
+inconstant. While each people paid respect to the spirit of autonomy, when their
+own autonomy was in question, they were ready to violate it without scruple when
+they saw their way to securing a predominant position among their neighbours;
+and although the ideal of Panhellenic unity had been put before Greece by
+Gorgias and Isocrates, its realization did not go further than the formation of
+leagues of an unstable character, each subject, as a rule, to the more or less
+tyrannical domination of some one member.
+
+Probably the power which was most generally feared in the Greek world was that
+of the King of Persia. Several times in recent years (and particularly in 387
+and 367) he had been requested to make and enforce a general settlement of
+Hellenic affairs. The settlement of 387 (called the King's Peace, or the Peace
+of Antalcidas, after the Spartan officer who negotiated it) had ordained the
+independence of the Greek cities, small and great, with the exception of those
+in Asia Minor, which were to form part of the Persian Empire, and of Lemnos,
+Imbros, and Scyros, which were to belong to Athens as before. The attempt to
+give effect to the arrangement negotiated in 367 failed, and the terms of the
+Peace of Antalcidas, though it was still appealed to, when convenient, as a
+charter of liberty, also came to be disregarded. But there was always a sense of
+the possibility or the danger of provoking the great king to exert his strength,
+or at least to use his wealth, to the detriment of some or all of the Greek
+states; though at the moment of which we are speaking (about 355) the Persian
+Empire itself was suffering from recent disorders and revolutions, and the king
+had little leisure for interfering in the affairs of Greece.
+
+It was to the department of foreign and inter-Hellenic affairs that Demosthenes
+principally devoted himself. His earliest political speeches, however, were
+composed and delivered in furtherance of prosecutions for the crime of proposing
+illegal legislation. These were the speeches against Androtion (spoken by
+Diodorus in 355) and against Leptines (in 354). Both these were written to
+denounce measures which Demosthenes regarded as dishonest or unworthy of
+Athenian traditions. In the former he displays that desire for clean-handed
+administration which is so prominent in some of his later speeches; and in the
+prosecution of Leptines he shows his anxiety that Athens should retain her
+reputation for good faith. Both speeches, like those of the year 352 against
+Timocrates (spoken by Diodorus), and against Aristocrates (spoken by Euthycles),
+are remarkable for thoroughness of argument and for the skill which is displayed
+in handling legal and political questions, though, like almost all Athenian
+forensic orations, they are sometimes sophistical in argument.
+
+The first speech which is directly devoted to questions of external policy is
+that on the Naval Boards in 354; and this is followed within the next two years
+by speeches delivered in support of appeals made to Athens by the people of
+Megalopolis and by the exiled democratic party of Rhodes. From these speeches it
+appears that the general lines of Demosthenes' policy were already determined.
+He was in opposition to Eubulus, who, after the disastrous termination of the
+war with the allies, had become the leading statesman in Athens. The strength of
+Eubulus lay in his freedom from all illusion as to the position in which Athens
+stood, in his ability as a financier, and in his readiness to take any measures
+which would enable him to carry out his policy. He saw that the prime necessity
+of the moment was to recruit the financial and material strength of the city;
+that until this should be effected, she was quite incapable of carrying on war
+with any other power; and that she could only recover her strength through
+peace. In this policy he had the support of the well-to-do classes, who suffered
+heavily in time of war from taxation and the disturbance of trade. On the other
+hand, the sentiments of the masses were imperialistic and militant. We gather
+that there were plenty of orators who made a practice of appealing to the
+glorious traditions of the past and the claim always made by Athens to
+leadership among the Greek states. To buy off the opposition which his policy
+might be expected to encounter, Eubulus distributed funds freely to the people,
+in the shape of 'Festival-money', adopting the methods employed before him by
+demagogues, very different from himself, in order that he might override the
+real sentiments of the democracy; and in spite of the large amounts thus spent
+he did in fact succeed, in the course of a few years, in collecting a
+considerable sum without resorting to extraordinary taxation, in greatly
+increasing the navy and in enlarging the dockyards. For the success of this
+policy it was absolutely necessary to avoid all entanglement in war, except
+under the strongest compulsion. The appeals of the Megalopolitans and the
+Rhodians, to yield to which would probably have meant war with Sparta and with
+Persia, must be rejected. Even in dealing with Philip, who was making himself
+master of the Athenian allies on the Thermaic coast, the fact of the weakness of
+Athens must be recognized, and all idea of a great expedition against Philip
+must be abandoned for the present. At the same time, some necessary measures of
+precaution were not neglected. It was essential to secure the route to the
+Euxine, over which the Athenian corn-trade passed, if corn was not to be sold at
+famine prices. For this purpose, therefore, alliance was made with the Thracian
+prince, Cersobleptes; and when Philip threatened Heraeon Teichos on the
+Propontis, an expedition was prepared, and was only abandoned because Philip
+himself was forced to desist from his attempt by illness. Similarly, when Philip
+appeared likely to cross the Pass of Thermopylae in 352, an Athenian force was
+sent (on the proposal of Diophantus, a supporter of Eubulus) to prevent him. The
+failure of Eubulus and his party to give effective aid to Olynthus against
+Philip was due to the more pressing necessity of attempting to recover control
+of Euboea: it had clearly been their intention to save Olynthus, if possible.
+But when this had proved impossible, and the attempt to form a Hellenic league
+against Philip had also failed, facts had once more to be recognized; and, since
+Athens was now virtually isolated, peace must be made with Philip on the only
+terms which he would accept--that each side should keep what it _de facto_
+possessed at the time.
+
+Demosthenes was generally in opposition to Eubulus and his party, of which
+Aeschines (once an actor and afterwards a clerk, but a man of education and
+great natural gifts) was one of the ablest members. Demosthenes was inspired by
+the traditions of the past, but had a much less vague conception of the moral to
+be drawn from them than had the multitude. Athens, for him as for them, was to
+be the first state in Hellas; she was above all to be the protectress of
+democracy everywhere, against both absolutism and oligarchy, and the leader of
+the Hellenes in resistance to foreign aggression. But, unlike the multitude,
+Demosthenes saw that this policy required the greatest personal effort and
+readiness for sacrifice on the part of every individual; and he devotes his
+utmost energies to the task of arousing his countrymen to the necessary pitch of
+enthusiasm, and of effecting such reforms in administration and finance as, in
+his opinion, would make the realization of his ideal for Athens possible. In the
+speeches for the Megalopolitans and the Rhodians, the nature of this ideal is
+already becoming clear both in its Athenian and in its Panhellenic aspects. But
+so soon as it appeared that Philip, at the head of the half-barbarian
+Macedonians, and not Athens, was likely to become the predominant power in the
+Hellenic world, it was against Philip that all his efforts were directed; and
+although in 346 he is practically at one with the party of Eubulus in his
+recognition of the necessity of peace, he is eager, when the opportunity seems
+once more to offer itself, to resume the conflict, and, when it is resumed, to
+carry it through to the end.
+
+We have then before us the sharp antagonism of two types of statesmanship. The
+strength of the one lies in the recognition of actual facts, and the avoidance
+of all projects which seem likely, under existing circumstances, to fail. The
+other is of a more sanguine type, and believes in the power of enthusiasm and
+self-sacrifice to transform the existing facts into something better, and to win
+success against all odds. Statesmen of the former type are always attacked as
+unpatriotic and mean-spirited; those of the latter, as unpractical and reckless.
+There is truth and falsehood in both accusations: but since no statesman has
+ever combined all the elements of statesmanship in a perfect and just
+proportion, and since neither prudence and clear-sightedness, nor enthusiastic
+and generous sentiment, can ever be dispensed with in the conduct of affairs
+without loss, a larger view will attach little discredit to either type. While,
+therefore, we may view with regret some of the methods which both Demosthenes
+and Aeschines at times condescended to use in their conflicts with one another,
+and with no less regret the disastrous result of the policy which ultimately
+carried the day, we need not hesitate to give their due to both of the
+contending parties: nor, while we recognize that Eubulus and Phocion (his
+sturdiest supporter in the field and in counsel) took the truer view of the
+situation, and of the character of the Athenians as they were, need we (as it is
+now fashionable to do) denounce the orator who strove with unstinting personal
+effort and self-sacrifice to rouse the Athenians into a mood in which they could
+and would realize the ideal to which they, no less than he, professed their
+devotion.
+
+But the difficulties in the way of such a realization were wellnigh insuperable.
+Neither the political nor the military system of Athens was adapted to such a
+policy. The Sovereign Assembly, though capable of sensible and energetic action
+at moments of special danger, was more likely to be moved by feeling and
+prejudice than by businesslike argument, particularly at a time when the
+tendency of the best educated and most intelligent men was to withdraw from
+participation in public life; and meeting, as the Assembly did (unless specially
+summoned), only at stated intervals, it was incapable of taking such rapid,
+well-timed, and decisive action as Philip could take, simply because he was a
+single man, sole master of his own policy, and personally in command of his own
+forces. The publicity which necessarily attached to the discussions of the
+Assembly was a disadvantage at a time when many plans would better have been
+kept secret; and rapid modifications of policy, to suit sudden changes in the
+situation, were almost impossible. Again, while no subjects are so unsuited
+under any circumstances for popular discussion as foreign and military affairs,
+the absence in Athens of a responsible ministry greatly increased the
+difficulties of her position. It is true that the Controller of the Festival
+Fund (whose office gradually became more and more important) was now appointed
+for four years at a time, while all other offices were annual; and that he and
+his friends, and their regular opponents, were generally ready to take the lead
+in making proposals to the Council or the Assembly. But if they chose to remain
+silent, they could do so;[4] no one was bound to make any proposal at all; and,
+on the other hand, any one might do so. With such a want of system, far too much
+was left to chance or to the designs of interested persons. Moreover, the
+Assembly felt itself under no obligation to follow for any length of time any
+lead which might be given to it, or to maintain any continuity or consistency
+between its own decrees. In modern times, a minister, brought into power by the
+will of the majority of the people, can reckon for a considerable period upon
+the more or less loyal support of the majority for himself and his official
+colleagues. In Athens the leader of the moment had to be perpetually adapting
+himself afresh to the mood of the Assembly, and even to deceive it, in order
+that he might lead at all, or carry out the policy which, in his opinion, his
+country's need required. It is therefore a remarkable thing that both Eubulus
+and Demosthenes succeeded for many years in maintaining a line of action as
+consistent as that taken by practical men can ever be.
+
+The fact that the Council of Five Hundred, which acted as a standing committee
+of the people, and prepared business for the Assembly and was responsible for
+the details of measures passed by the Assembly in general form, was chosen by
+lot and changed annually, as did practically all the civil and the military
+officials (though the latter might be re-elected), was all against efficiency
+and continuity of policy.[5] After the system of election by lot, the most
+characteristic feature of the Athenian democracy was the responsibility of
+statesmen and generals to the law-courts.[6] Any citizen might accuse them upon
+charges nominally limited in scope, but often serving in reality to bring their
+whole career into question. Had it been certain that the courts would only
+punish incompetence or misconduct, and not failure as such, little harm would
+have resulted. But although there were very many acquittals in political trials,
+the uncertainty of the issue was so great, and the sentences inflicted upon the
+condemned so severe (commonly involving banishment at least), that the liability
+to trial as a criminal must often have deterred the statesman and the general
+from taking the most necessary risks; while the condemnation of the accused had
+usually the result of driving a really able man out of the country, and
+depriving his fellow countrymen of services which might be urgently required
+when they were no longer available.
+
+The financial system was also ill adapted for the purposes of a people
+constantly liable to war. The funds required for the bare needs of a time of
+peace seem indeed to have been sufficiently provided from permanent sources of
+income (such as the silver mines, the rent of public lands, court fees and
+fines, and various indirect taxes): but those needed for war had to be met by a
+direct tax upon property, levied _ad hoc_ whenever the necessity arose, and not
+collected without delays and difficulties. And although the equipment of ships
+for service was systematically managed under the trierarchic laws,[7] it was
+still subject to delays no less serious. There was no regular system of
+contribution to State funds, and no systematic accumulation of a reserve to meet
+military needs. The raising of money by means of loans at interest to the State
+was only adopted in Greece in a few isolated instances:[8] and the practice of
+annually distributing surplus funds to the people,[9] however necessary or
+excusable under the circumstances, was wholly contrary to sound finance.
+
+An even greater evil was the dependence of the city upon mercenary forces and
+generals, whose allegiance was often at the call of the highest bidder, and in
+consequence was seldom reliable. There is no demand which Demosthenes makes with
+greater insistence, than the demand that the citizens themselves shall serve
+with the army. At a moment of supreme danger, they might do so. But in fact
+Athens had become more and more an industrial state, and men were not willing to
+leave their business to take care of itself for considerable periods, in order
+to go out and fight, unless the danger was very urgent, or the interests at
+stake of vital importance; particularly now that the length of campaigns had
+become greater and the seasons exempted from military operations shorter. In
+many minds the spread of culture, and of the ideal of self-culture, had produced
+a type of individualism indifferent to public concerns, and contemptuous of
+political and military ambitions. Moreover, the methods of warfare had undergone
+great improvement; in most branches of the army the trained skill of the
+professional soldier was really necessary; and it was not possible to leave the
+olive-yard or the counting-house and become an efficient fighter without more
+ado. But the expensiveness of the mercenary forces; the violent methods by which
+they obtained supplies from friends and neutrals, as well as foes, if, as often
+happened, their pay was in arrear; and the dependence of the city upon the
+goodwill of generals and soldiers who could without much difficulty find
+employment under other masters, were evils which were bound to hamper any
+attempt to give effect to a well-planned and far-sighted scheme of action.
+
+It also resulted from the Athenian system of government that the general, while
+obviously better informed of the facts of the military situation than any one
+else could be, and at the same time always liable to be brought to trial in case
+of failure, had little influence upon policy, unless he could find an effective
+speaker to represent him. In the Assembly and in the law-courts (where the
+juries were large enough to be treated in the same manner as the Assembly
+itself) the orator who could win the people's ear was all powerful, and expert
+knowledge could only make itself felt through the medium of oratory.
+
+A constitution which gave so much power to the orator had grave disadvantages.
+The temptation to work upon the feelings rather than to appeal to the reason of
+the audience was very strong, and no charge is more commonly made by one orator
+against another than that of deceiving or attempting to deceive the people. It
+is, indeed, very difficult to judge how far an Athenian Assembly was really
+taken in by sophistical or dishonest arguments: but it is quite certain that
+such arguments were continually addressed to it; and the main body of the
+citizens can scarcely have had that first-hand knowledge of facts, which would
+enable them to criticize the orator's statements. Again, the oration appealed to
+the people as a performance, no less than as a piece of reasoning. Ancient
+political oratory resembled the oratory of the pulpit at the present day, not
+only because it appealed perpetually to the moral sense, and was in fact a kind
+of preaching; but also because the main difficulty of the ancient orator and the
+modern preacher was the same: for the Athenians liked being preached at, as the
+modern congregation 'enjoys' a good sermon, and were, therefore, almost equally
+immune against conversion. The conflicts of rival orators were regarded mainly
+as an entertainment. The speaker who was most likely to carry the voting (except
+when a great crisis had roused the Assembly to seriousness) was the one who
+found specious and apparently moral reasons for doing what would give the
+audience least trouble; and consequently one who, like Demosthenes, desired to
+stir them up to action and personal sacrifices, had always an uphill fight: and
+if he also at times 'deceived the people' or employed sophistical arguments in
+order to secure results which he believed to be for their good, we must remember
+the difficulty (which, in spite of the wide circulation of authentic
+information, is at least equally great at the present day) of putting the true
+reasons for or against a policy, before those who, whether from want of
+education or from lack of training in the subordination of feeling to thought,
+are not likely to understand or to listen to them. Nor, if we grant the
+genuineness of Demosthenes' conviction as to the desirability of the end for
+which he contended, can many statesmen be pointed out, who have not been at
+least as guilty as he in their choice of means. That he did not solve the
+problem, how to lead a democracy by wholly honest means, is the less to his
+discredit, in that the problem still remains unsolved.
+
+It should be added that with an audience like the Athenian, whose aesthetic
+sensitiveness was doubtless far greater than that of any modern assembly,
+delivery counted for much. Aeschines' fine voice was a real danger to
+Demosthenes, and Demosthenes himself spoke of delivery, or the skilled acting of
+his part, as the all-important condition of an orator's success. But it is clear
+that this can have been no advantage from the standpoint of the public interest.
+
+In the law-courts the drawbacks to which the commanding influence of oratory was
+liable were intensified. In the Assembly a certain amount of reticence and self-
+restraint was imposed by custom: an opponent could not be attacked by name or on
+purely personal grounds; and an appearance of impartiality was commonly assumed.
+But in the courts much greater play was allowed to feeling; and the arguments
+were often much more disingenuous, not only because the personal interests at
+stake made the speaker more unscrupulous, but also, perhaps, because the juries
+ordinarily included a larger proportion of the poorer, the idler, and the less-
+educated citizens than the Assembly. The legal question was often that to which
+the jury were encouraged to pay least attention, and the condemnation or
+acquittal of the accused was demanded upon grounds quite extraneous to the
+indictment. (The two court-speeches contained in these volumes afford abundant
+illustrations of this.) Personalities were freely admitted, of a kind which it
+is difficult to excuse and impossible to justify. To attempt to blacken the
+personal character of an opponent by false stories about his parentage and his
+youth, and by the ascription to him and his relations of nameless immoralities,
+is a very different thing from the assignment of wrong motives for his political
+actions, though even in purely political controversy the ancients far exceeded
+the utmost limits of modern invective. And this both Demosthenes and Aeschines
+do freely. There is also reason to suspect that some of the tales which each
+tells of the other's conduct, both while serving as ambassadors and on other
+occasions, may be fabrications. The descriptive passages for which such
+falsehoods gave an opening had doubtless their dramatic value in the oratorical
+performance: possibly they were even expected by the listeners; but their
+presence in the speeches does not increase our admiration either for the speaker
+or for his audience.
+
+All the force of Demosthenes' oratory was unable to defeat the great antagonist
+of his country. To Philip of Macedon failure was an inconceivable idea. Resident
+during three impressionable years of his youth at Thebes, he had there learned,
+from the example of Epaminondas, what a single man could do: and he proceeded to
+each of the three great tasks of his life--the welding of the rough Macedonians
+into one great engine of war, the unification of Greece under his own
+leadership, and the preparation for the conquest of the East by a united Greece
+and Macedonia--without either faltering in face of difficulties, or hesitating,
+out of any scrupulosity, to use the most effective means towards the end which
+he wished at the moment to achieve; though in fact the charges of bad faith made
+against him by Demosthenes are found to be exaggerated, when they are
+impartially examined. Philip intended to become master of Greece: Demosthenes
+realized this early, and, with all the Hellenic detestation of a master,
+resolved to oppose him to the end. Philip was, indeed, in spite of the barbarous
+traits which revealed themselves in him at times, not only gracious and
+courteous by nature, but a sincere admirer of Hellenic--in other words, of
+Athenian--culture; the relations between his house and the people of Athens had
+generally been friendly; and there was little reason to suppose that, if he
+conquered Athens, he would treat her less handsomely than in fact he did. Yet
+this could not justify one who regarded freedom as Demosthenes regarded it, in
+making any concession not extorted by the necessities of the situation: his duty
+and his country's duty, as he conceived it, was to defeat the enemy of Hellenic
+independence or to fall in the attempt. Nor was it for him to consider (as
+Isocrates might) whether or no Philip's plans had now developed into, or could
+be transformed into, a beneficent scheme for the conquest of the barbarian world
+by a united Hellas, if the union was to be achieved at the price of Athenian
+liberty. It is because, in spite of errors and of the questionable methods to
+which he sometimes stooped, Demosthenes devoted himself unflinchingly to the
+cause of freedom, for Athens and for the Hellenes as a whole, that he is
+entitled, not merely as an orator but as a politician, to the admiration which
+posterity has generally accorded him. It is, above all, by the second part of
+his career, when his policy of antagonism to Philip had been accepted by the
+people, and he was no longer in opposition but, as it were, in office, that
+Demosthenes himself claims to be justified; and Aeschines' attempt to invalidate
+the claim is for the most part unconvincing.
+
+It is not easy to describe in a few paragraphs the characteristics of
+Demosthenes as an orator. That he stands on the highest eminence that an orator
+has ever reached is generally admitted. But this is not to say that he was
+wholly free from faults. His contemporaries, as well as later Greek critics,
+were conscious of a certain artificiality in his eloquence. It was, indeed, the
+general custom of Athenian orators to prepare their speeches with great care:
+the speakers who, like Aeschines and Demades, were able to produce a great
+effect without preparation, and the rhetoricians who, like Alcidamas, thought of
+the studied oration as but a poor imitation of true eloquence, were only a small
+minority; and in general, not only was the arrangement of topics carefully
+planned, but the greatest attention was paid to the sound and rhythm of the
+sentences, and to the appropriateness and order of the words. The orator had
+also his collections of passages on themes which were likely to recur
+constantly, and of arguments on either side of many questions; and from these he
+selected such passages as he required, and adapted them to his particular
+purpose. The rhetorical teachers appear to have supplied their pupils with such
+collections; we find a number of instances of the repetition of the same passage
+in different speeches, and an abundance of arguments formed exactly on the model
+of the precepts contained in rhetorical handbooks.[10] Yet with all this art
+nothing was more necessary than that a speech should appear to be spontaneous
+and innocent of guile. There was a general mistrust of the 'clever speaker', who
+by study or rhetorical training had learned the art of arguing to any point, and
+making the worse cause appear the better. To have studied his part too
+carefully--even to have worked up illustrations from history and poetry--might
+expose the orator to suspicion.[11] Demosthenes, in spite of his frequent
+attempts to deprecate such suspicion, did not succeed wholly in keeping on the
+safe side. Aeschines describes him as a wizard and a sophist, who enjoyed
+deceiving the people or the jury. Another of his opponents levelled at him the
+taunt that his speeches 'smelt of the lamp'. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, one of
+the best of the ancient critics, says that the artificiality of Demosthenes and
+his master Isaeus was apt to excite suspicion, even when they had a good case.
+Nor can a modern reader altogether escape the same impression. Sometimes,
+especially in the earlier speeches to the Assembly, the argument seems unreal,
+the joints between the previously prepared commonplaces or illustrations and
+their application to the matter in hand are too visible, the language is
+artificially phrased, and wanting in spontaneity and ease. There are also parts
+of the court speeches in which the orator seems to have calculated out all the
+possible methods of meeting a particular case, and to be applying them in turn
+with more ingenuity than convincingness. An appearance of unreality also arises
+at times (again principally in the earlier speeches) from a certain want of
+imagination. He attributes feelings and motives to others, which they were
+really most unlikely to have entertained, and argues from them. Some of the
+sentiments which he expects Artaxerxes or Artemisia to feel (in the Speeches on
+the Naval Boards and for the Rhodians) were certainly not to be looked for in
+them. Similar misconceptions of the actual or possible sentiments of the
+Spartans appear in the Speech for the Megalopolitans, and of those of the
+Thebans in the Third Olynthiac (§ 15). The early orations against Philip also
+show some misunderstanding of his character. And if, in fact, Demosthenes lived
+his early years largely in solitary studiousness and was unsociable by
+disposition, this lack of a quick grasp of human nature and motives is quite
+intelligible. But this defect grew less conspicuous as his experience increased;
+and though even to the end there remained something of the sophist about him, as
+about all the disciples of the ancient rhetoric, the greatness of his best work
+is not seriously affected by this. For, in his greatest speeches, and in the
+greatest parts of nearly all his speeches, the orator is white-hot with genuine
+passion and earnestness; and all his study and preparation resulted, for the
+most part, not in an artificial product, but in the most convincing expression
+of his real feeling and belief; so that it was the man himself, and not the
+rhetorical practitioner that spoke.
+
+The lighter virtues of the orator are not to be sought for in him. In
+gracefulness and humour he is deficient: his humour, indeed, generally takes the
+grim forms of irony and satire, or verges on personality and bad taste. Few of
+his sentences can be imagined to have been delivered with a smile; and something
+like ferocity is generally not far below the surface. Pathos is seldom in him
+unmixed with sterner qualities, and is usually lost in indignation. But of
+almost every other variety of tone he has a complete command. The essential
+parts of his reasoning (even when it is logically or morally defective) are
+couched, as a rule, in a forcible and cogent form;[12] and he has a striking
+power of close, sustained, and at the same time lucid argumentation. His matter
+is commonly disposed with such skill that each topic occurs where it will tell
+most powerfully; and while one portion of a speech affords relief to another
+(where relief is needed, and particularly in the longer orations) all alike bear
+on the main issue or strengthen the orator's position with his audience.
+Historical allusions are not (as they often are by Aeschines and Isocrates)
+enlarged out of proportion to their importance, but are limited to what is
+necessary, in order to illustrate the orator's point or drive his lesson home.
+Add to these qualities his combination of political idealism with absolute
+mastery of minute detail; the intensity of his appeal to the moral sense and
+patriotism of his hearers; the impressiveness of his denunciation of political
+wrong; the vividness of his narrative, the rapid succession of his impassioned
+phrases, and some part of the secret of his power will be explained. For the
+rest, while there is in his writing every degree of fullness or brevity, there
+is no waste of words, no 'fine language' out of place. His language, indeed, is
+ordinarily simple--sometimes even colloquial; though in the arrangement of his
+words in their most telling order he shows consummate art, and his metaphors are
+often bold and sometimes even violent. In the use of the 'figures of speech' he
+excels; above all, in the use of antitheses (whether for the purpose of vivid
+contrast or of precise logical expression), and of the rhetorical question, used
+now in indignation, now in irony, now in triumphant conclusion of an argument:
+and at times there are master-strokes of genius, which defy all analysis, such
+as the great appeal to the men of Marathon in the Speech on the Crown.[13] He
+does not as a rule (and this is particularly true of the Speech on the Crown)
+cover the whole of the ground with the same adequacy; but so concentrates all
+his forces upon certain points as to be irresistible, and thus 'with thunder and
+lightning confounds'[14] the orators who oppose him. It is no wonder that some
+of the greatest of English orators, and notably of those of the eighteenth and
+early nineteenth centuries, borrow from him not only words and phrases, but
+inspiration and confidence in their cause, and look upon him as a model whom
+they may emulate, but cannot excel.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] See Introduction to First Philippic.
+
+[2] See notes on Speech for the Megalopolitans.
+
+[3] See note on Speech on the Crown, § 140.
+
+[4] See Speech on the Crown, §§ 170 ff.
+
+[5] See Zimmern, _The Greek Commonwealth_, pp. 159 ff., for an excellent short
+account of the constitution and functions of the Council. That the councillors
+themselves sat (for administrative purposes) in relays, changing ten times a
+year, was also against continuity.
+
+[6] See Speech on Embassy, § 2 n.
+
+[7] See Introduction to Speech on Naval Boards, and Philippic I, §§ 36, 37.
+
+[8] See Zimmern, _The Greek Commonwealth_, p. 205.
+
+[9] See Zimmern, _The Greek Commonwealth_, p. 205.
+
+[10] The 'Art' of Anaximenes is an interesting extant example of a fourth-
+century handbook for practical orators. The Rhetoric of Aristotle stands on a
+higher plane, but probably follows the lines laid down by custom in the
+rhetorical schools.
+
+[11] See Speech on Embassy, § 246, and note.
+
+[12] He is especially fond of the dilemma, which is not indeed cogent in strict
+logic, but is peculiarly telling and effective in producing conviction in large
+audiences.
+
+[13] See [Longinus] 'On the Sublime', especially chap, xvi-xviii (English
+translation by A. O. Prickard in this series). This treatise should be read by
+all students of Demosthenes, especially chap. xii, xvi-xviii, xxxii, xxxiv,
+xxxix.
+
+[14] 'On the Sublime', chap. xxxiv.
+
+
+
+
+[TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE: The text for all notes marked [n] will be found at the end
+of the second volume.]
+
+
+
+
+ON THE NAVAL BOARDS (OR. XIV)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. The speech was delivered in 354 B.C. News had been brought to
+Athens that the Persian King Artaxerxes Ochus was making great military and
+naval preparations, and though these were, in fact, directed against his own
+rebellious subjects in Egypt, Phoenicia, and Cyprus, the Athenians had some
+ground for alarm: for, two years before this, Chares, in command of an Athenian
+fleet, had given assistance to Artabazus, Satrap of Ionia, who was in revolt
+against the king. The king had made a protest, and (late in 355) Athens had
+ordered Chares to withdraw his aid from Artabazus. A party in Athens now wished
+to declare war on Persia, and appealed strongly to Athenian traditions in favour
+of the proposal. Demosthenes opposes them, on the ground that it was not certain
+that the king was aiming at Athens at all, and that the disunion of the Hellenic
+peoples would render any such action unsafe: Athens had more dangerous enemies
+nearer home, and her finances were not in a condition for such a campaign. But
+he takes advantage of the interest aroused, to propose a reform of the
+trierarchic system, designed to secure a more efficient navy, and to remedy
+certain abuses in the existing method of equipping vessels for service.
+
+In earlier times, the duty of equipping and commanding each trireme was laid
+upon single citizens of means, the hull and certain fittings being found by the
+state. When, early in the fourth century, the number of wealthy men had
+diminished, each ship might be shared by two citizens, who commanded in turn. In
+357 a law was passed, on the proposal of Periander, transferring the
+responsibility from individuals to 'Symmories' or Boards. (The system had been
+instituted in a slightly different form for the collection of the war-tax in the
+archonship of Nausinicus, 378-7 B.C.) The collection of the sums required became
+the work of twenty Boards, formed by the subdivision of the 1,200 richest
+citizens: each contributor, whatever his property, paid the same share. The
+richer men thus got off with the loss of a very small proportion of their
+income, as compared with the poorer members of the Boards,[1] and in managing
+the business of the Boards they sometimes contrived to exact the whole sum from
+their colleagues, and to escape payment themselves. At the same time the duties
+of the several Boards and their members were not allocated with sufficient
+precision to enable the responsibility to be brought home in case of default;
+and the nominal Twelve Hundred had fallen to a much smaller number, on whom the
+burden accordingly fell with undue weight. Demosthenes' proposal provided for
+the distribution of the responsibility of equipping the vessels and providing
+the funds, in the most detailed manner, with a view to preventing all evasion;
+but it was not carried. In fact, it was not until 340 that he succeeded in
+reforming the trierarchy, and he then made the burden vary strictly with
+property. The proposal, however, to declare war upon Persia went no further.
+
+While, in this speech, Demosthenes is in accord with the policy of Eubulus, so
+far as concerns the avoidance of war with Persia, his proposals of financial
+reform would not be viewed with favour by the wealthy men who were Eubulus' firm
+supporters. Some of the themes which recur continually in later speeches are
+prominent in this--the futility of rhetorical appeals to past glories, without
+readiness for personal service, and the need of a thorough organization of the
+forces. While the speech shows rather too strongly the marks of careful
+preparation, and seldom rises to eloquence--the style, indeed, is often rather
+cramped and stiff, and the sentiments, especially at the beginning, artificially
+phrased--it is moderate and practical in tone, and shows a characteristic
+mastery of minute detail.]
+
+
+{1} Those who praise your forefathers,[n] men of Athens, desire, no doubt, to
+gratify you by their speeches; and yet I do not think that they are acting in
+the interests of those whom they praise. For the subject on which they attempt
+to speak is one to which no words can do justice; and so, although they thus win
+for themselves the reputation of capable speakers, the impression which they
+convey to their hearers of the merit of our forefathers is not adequate to our
+conception of it. For my part I believe that their highest praise is constituted
+by Time: for the time that has passed has been long, and still no generation has
+arisen, whose achievements could be compared with advantage to theirs. {2} As
+for myself, I shall attempt to point out the way in which, in my opinion, you
+can best make your preparations. For the truth is, that if all of us who propose
+to address you were to succeed in proving to you our rhetorical skill, there
+would not be the slightest improvement in your condition--I am sure of it; but
+if a single speaker were to come forward, whoever he might be, who could
+instruct and convince you as to the nature of the preparations which would meet
+the city's need, as to their extent, and the resources upon which we can draw
+for them, your present fears would instantly be dissolved. This I will attempt
+to do--if indeed it is in my power. But first I must briefly express my views as
+to our relations with the king.
+
+{3} I hold the king to be the common enemy of all the Hellenes; and yet I should
+not on that account urge you, alone and unsupported, to raise war against him.
+For I observe that there is no common or mutual friendship even among the
+Hellenes themselves: some have more faith in the king than in some other
+Hellenes. When such are the conditions, your interest requires you, I believe,
+to see to it that you only begin war from a fair and just cause, and to make all
+proper preparations: this should be the basis of your policy. {4} For I believe,
+men of Athens, that if it were made plain to the eyes and understandings of the
+Hellenes, that the king was making an attempt upon them, they would both fight
+in alliance with those who undertook the defence for them and with them, and
+would feel very grateful to them. But if we quarrel with him prematurely, while
+his intentions are still uncertain, I am afraid, men of Athens, that we may be
+forced to fight not only against the king, but also against those for whose
+benefit we are exercising such forethought. {5} For he will pause in the
+execution of his project, if indeed he has really resolved to attack the
+Hellenes, and will bribe some of them with money and offers of friendship; while
+they, desirous of bringing their private wars to a successful end, and animated
+only by such a spirit, will disregard the common safety of all. I urge you then,
+not to hurl the city needlessly into the midst of any such chaos of selfish
+passions. {6} Moreover, I see that the question of the policy to be adopted
+towards the king does not even stand on the same footing for the other Hellenes
+as for you. It is open, I think, to many of them to manage certain of their own
+interests as they please, and to disregard the rest of the Hellenes. But for you
+it is not honourable, even if you are the injured party, and are dealing with
+those who have injured you, to punish them so severely as to leave some of them
+to fall under the domination of the foreigner: {7} and this being so, we must
+take care, first, that we do not find ourselves involved in an unequal war, and
+secondly, that he, whom we believe to be plotting against the Hellenes, does not
+gain credit from the supposition that he is their friend. How then can this be
+achieved? It will be achieved if it is manifest to all that the forces of Athens
+have been overhauled and put in readiness, and if her intentions in regard to
+their use are plainly righteous. {8} But to those who take a bold line, and urge
+you, without any hesitation whatever, to go to war, my reply is this--that it is
+not difficult to win a reputation for bravery, when the occasion calls for
+deliberation; nor to prove yourself an accomplished orator, when danger is at
+the door: but to display your courage in the hour of danger, and, in debate, to
+have wiser advice to offer than others--that is the hard thing, and that is what
+is required of you. {9} For my part, men of Athens, I consider that the proposed
+war with the king would be a difficult undertaking for the city; while the
+decisive conflict in which the war would result would be an easier matter, and
+for this reason. Every war, I suppose, necessarily requires ships and money and
+the command of positions. All such advantages the king, I find, possesses more
+abundantly than we. But a conflict of forces requires nothing so much as brave
+men; and of these, I believe, the larger number is with us, and with those who
+share our danger. {10} For this reason I exhort you not to be the first, in any
+way whatever, to take up the war; but for the decisive struggle I think you
+ought to be ready and your preparations made. And further, if the forces[n] with
+which foreigners and Hellenes could respectively be repelled were really
+different in kind, the fact that we were arraying our forces against the king
+would naturally, it may be, admit of no concealment. {11} But since all military
+preparations are of the same character, and the main points of a force must
+always be the same--the means to repel enemies, to help allies, and to retain
+existing advantages--why, when we have our acknowledged foes,[n] do we seek to
+procure others? Let us rather prepare ourselves to meet the enemies whom we
+have, and we shall then repel the king also, if he takes the aggressive against
+us. {12} Suppose that you yourselves summon the Hellenes to your side now. If,
+when the attitude of some of them towards you is so disagreeable, you do not
+fulfil their demands, how can you expect that any one will listen to you? 'Why,'
+you say, 'we shall tell them that the king is plotting against them.' Good
+Heavens! Do you imagine that they do not foresee this themselves? Of course they
+do. But their fear of this does not yet outweigh the quarrels which some of them
+have against you and against each other. And so the tour of your envoys will end
+in nothing but their own rhapsodies.[n] {13} But if you wait, then, if the
+design which we now suspect is really on foot, there is not one of the Hellenes
+who stands so much upon his dignity that he will not come and beg for your aid,
+when he sees that you have a thousand cavalry, and infantry as many as any one
+can desire, and three hundred ships: for he will know that in these lies his
+surest hope of deliverance. Appeal to them now, and we shall be suppliants, and,
+if unsuccessful, rejected suppliants. Make your own preparations and wait, and
+then they will be the suppliants and we their deliverers; and we may rest
+assured that they will all come to us for help.
+
+{14} In thinking out these points and others like them, men of Athens, my object
+was not to devise a bold speech,[n] prolonged to no purpose: but I took the
+greatest pains to discover the means by which our preparations could be most
+effectively and quickly made; and therefore, if my proposal meets with your
+approval, when you have heard it, you ought, I think, to pass it. Now the first
+element in our preparation, men of Athens (and it is the most important), must
+be this: your minds must be so disposed, that every one of you will perform
+willingly and heartily any service that is required of him. {15} For you see,
+men of Athens, that whenever you have unanimously desired any object, and the
+desire has been followed by a feeling on the part of every individual, that the
+practical steps towards it were for himself to take, the object has never yet
+slipped from your grasp: but whenever the wish has had no further result than
+that each man has looked to his neighbour, expecting his neighbour to act while
+he himself does nothing, the object has never yet been attained. {16} But
+supposing you to be filled with the keenness that I have described, I am of
+opinion that we should make up the Twelve Hundred to their full number, and
+increase it to 2,000, by the addition of 800. For if you can display this total,
+then, when you have allowed for the unmarried heiresses and orphans,[n] for
+property outside Attica,[n] or held in partnership, and for any persons who may
+be unable to contribute,[n] you will, I believe, actually have the full 1,200
+persons available. {17} These you must divide into twenty boards, as at present,
+with sixty persons to each board; and each of these boards you must divide into
+five sections of twelve persons each, taking care in every case to associate
+with the richest man the poorest men,[n] to maintain the balance. Such is the
+arrangement of persons which I recommend, and my reason you will know when you
+have heard the nature of the entire system. {18} I pass to the distribution of
+the ships. You must provide a total complement of 300 ships, forming twenty
+divisions of fifteen ships apiece, and including in each division five of the
+first hundred vessels,[n] five of the second hundred, and five of the third
+hundred. Next, you must assign by lot[n] to each board of persons its fifteen
+ships, and each board must assign three ships to each of its sections. {19} This
+done, in order that you may have the payments also systematically arranged, you
+must divide the 6,000 talents (for that is the taxable capital[n] of the
+country) into 100 parts of sixty talents each. Five of each of these parts you
+must allot to each of the larger boards--the twenty--and each board must assign
+one of these sums of sixty talents to each of its sections; {20} in order that,
+if you need 100 ships,[n] there may be sixty talents to be taxed for the expense
+of each ship, and twelve persons responsible for it; if 200, thirty talents will
+be taxed to make up the cost, and six persons will be responsible; if 300, then
+twenty talents must be taxed to defray the expense, and four persons will be
+responsible. {21} In the same way, men of Athens, I bid you make a valuation
+according to the register of all those fittings of the ships which are in
+arrear,[n] divide them into twenty parts, and allot to each of the large boards
+one-twentieth of the debtors: these must then be assigned by each board in equal
+numbers to each of its sections, and the twelve persons composing each section
+must call up their share of the arrears, and provide, ready-equipped, the ships
+which fall to them. {22} Such is the plan by which, in my opinion, the expense,
+the ships, the trierarchs, and the recovery of the fittings could best be
+provided for and put into working order. I proceed to describe a simple and easy
+scheme for the manning of the vessels. I recommend that the generals should
+divide the whole space of the dockyards into ten, taking care to have in each
+space thirty slips for single vessels close together. This done they should
+apportion to each space two of the boards and thirty ships; and should then
+assign a tribe to each space by lot. {23} Each captain should divide into three
+parts the space which falls to his tribe, with the corresponding ships, and
+should allot these among the three wards[n] of each tribe, in such a way that if
+each tribe has one division of the entire docks, each ward will have a third of
+one of these divisions; and you will know, in case of need, first the position
+assigned to the tribe; next, that of the ward; and then the names of the
+trierarchs and their ships; each tribe will be answerable for thirty, and each
+ward for ten ships. If this system is put in train, circumstances as they arise
+will provide for anything that I may have overlooked to-day (for perhaps it is
+difficult to think of everything), and there will be a single organization for
+the whole fleet and every part of it.
+
+{24} But what of funds? What resources have we immediately at our command? The
+statement which I am about to make on this subject will no doubt be astonishing;
+but I will make it nevertheless; for I am convinced that upon a correct view of
+the facts, this statement alone will be proved true, and will be justified by
+the event. I say then, that this is not the time to discuss the financial
+question. We have large resources upon which, in case of necessity, we may
+honourably and rightly draw: but if we inquire for them now, we shall not
+believe that we can rely upon them even against the hour of need; so far shall
+we be from supplying them now. 'What then,' you will ask me, 'are these
+resources, which are non-existent now, but will be ours then? This is really
+like a riddle.' I will tell you. {25} Men of Athens, you see all this great
+city.[n] In this city there is wealth which will compare, I had almost said,
+with the united wealth of all other cities. But such is the disposition of those
+who own it, that if all your orators were to raise the alarm that the king was
+coming--that he was at the doors--that there was no possible escape; and if with
+the orators an equal number of prophets foretold the same thing; even then, far
+from contributing funds, they would show no sign[2] [and make no
+acknowledgement] of their possession of them. {26} If, however, they were to see
+in course of actual realization all the terrors with which at present we are
+only threatened in speeches, not one of them is so blind that he would not both
+offer his contribution, and be among the first to pay the tax. For who will
+prefer to lose his life and property, rather than contribute a part of his
+substance to save himself and the remainder of it? Funds, then, we can command,
+I am certain, if there is a genuine need of them, and not before; and
+accordingly I urge you not even to look for them now. For all that you would
+provide now, if you decided upon a levy, would be more ludicrous than nothing at
+all. {27} Suppose that we are told to pay 1 per cent. now; that gives you sixty
+talents. Two per cent. then--double the amount; that makes 120 talents. And what
+is that to the 1,200 camels which (as these gentlemen tell us) are bringing the
+king's money for him? Or would you have me assume a payment of one-twelfth, 500
+talents? Why, you would never submit to this; and if you paid the money down, it
+would not be adequate to the war. {28} You must, therefore, make all your other
+preparations, but allow your funds to remain for the present in the hands of
+their owners--they could nowhere be more safely kept for the use of the State;
+and then, if ever the threatened crisis arises, you will receive them as the
+voluntary gift of their possessors. This, men of Athens, is not only a possible
+course of action, but a dignified and a politic one. It is a course of action
+which is worthy to be reported to the ears of the king, and which would inspire
+him with no slight apprehension. {29} For he well knows that by two hundred
+ships, of which one hundred were Athenian,[n] his ancestors were deprived of one
+thousand; and he will hear that Athens alone has now equipped three hundred; so
+that, however great his infatuation, he could certainly not imagine it a light
+thing to make this country his foe. But if it is his wealth that suggests proud
+thoughts to his mind, he will find that in this respect too his resources are
+weaker than ours. {30} It is true that he is said to be bringing a great
+quantity of gold with him. But if he distributes this, he must look for more:
+for just so it is the way of springs and wells to give out, if large quantities
+are drawn from them all at once; whereas we possess, as he will hear, in the
+taxable capital of the country, resources which we defend against attack in a
+way of which those ancestors of his who sleep at Marathon can best tell him: and
+so long as we are masters of the country there is no risk of our resources being
+exhausted.
+
+{31} Nor again can I see any grounds for the fear, which some feel, lest his
+wealth should enable him to collect a large mercenary force. It may be that many
+of the Hellenes would be glad to serve under him against Egypt,[n] against
+Orontas,[n] or against certain other foreign powers--not from a wish that the
+king should conquer any such enemies, but because each desires individually to
+obtain some private means to relieve his present poverty. But I cannot believe
+that any Hellene would march against Hellas. Whither will he turn afterwards?
+Will he go to Phrygia and be a slave? {32} For the war with the foreigner is a
+war for no other stake than our country, our life, our habits, our freedom, and
+all that we value. Where is the wretch who would sacrifice self, parents,
+sepulchres, fatherland, for the sake of some short-lived gain? I do not believe
+that he exists. And indeed it is not even to the king's own interest to conquer
+the Hellenes with a mercenary force; for an army which has conquered us is, even
+more certainly,[n] stronger than he; and his intention is not to destroy us only
+that he may fall into the power of others: he wishes to rule, if it may be, over
+all the world; but if not, at least over those who are already his slaves.
+
+{33} It may be supposed that the Thebans will be on the king's side. Now this
+subject is one upon which it is hard to address you. For such is your hatred of
+them, that you cannot hear a good word about them, however true, without
+displeasure. And yet those who have grave questions to consider must not on any
+pretext pass over any profitable line of argument. {34} I believe, then, that so
+far are the Thebans from being likely ever to march with him against the
+Hellenes, that they would give a great deal, if they had it to give, for an
+opportunity of cancelling their former sins against Hellas.[n] But if any one
+does believe that the Thebans are so unhappily constituted, at least you are all
+aware, I presume, that if the Thebans take the part of the king, their enemies
+must necessarily take the part of the Hellenes.
+
+{35} My own belief is that our cause, the cause of justice, and its supporters,
+will prove stronger in every emergency than the traitor and the foreigner. And
+therefore I say that we need feel no excessive apprehension, and that we must
+not be led on into taking the first step towards war. Indeed, I cannot even see
+that any of the other Hellenes has reason to dread this war. {36} Are they not
+all aware, that so long as they thought of the king as their common foe, and
+were at unity with one another, they were secure in their prosperity; but that
+ever since they imagined that they could count upon the king as their friend,
+and fell to quarrelling over their private interests, they have suffered such
+evils as no malediction could have devised for them? Must we then dread a man
+whose friendship, thanks to Fortune and Heaven, has proved so unprofitable, and
+his enmity so advantageous? By no means! Let us not, however, commit any
+aggression, in view of our own interests, and of the disturbed and mistrustful
+spirit which prevails among the rest of the Hellenes. {37} Were it possible,
+indeed, to join forces with them all, and with one accord to attack the king in
+his isolation, I should have counted it no wrong even were we to take the
+aggressive. But since this is impossible, we must be careful to give the king no
+pretext for trying to enforce the claims of the other Hellenes against us. If
+you keep the peace, any such step on his part would arouse suspicion; but if you
+are the first to begin war, his hostility to you would make his desire to
+befriend your rivals appear natural enough. {38} Do not then lay bare the evil
+condition of Hellas, by calling the powers together when they will not obey, or
+undertaking a war which you will be unable to carry on. Keep the peace; take
+courage, and make your preparations. Resolve that the news which the king hears
+of you shall certainly not be that all Hellas, and Athens with it, in distress
+or panic or confusion. Far from it! {39} Let him rather know that if falsehood
+and perjury were not as disgraceful in Hellenic eyes as they are honourable in
+his, you would long ago have been on the march against him: and that though, as
+it is, your regard for yourselves forbids you to act thus, you are praying to
+all the gods that the same madness may seize him as once seized his ancestors.
+And if it occurs to him to reflect upon this, he will find that your
+deliberations are not conducted in any careless spirit. {40} He at least shares
+the knowledge that it was your wars with his own ancestors that raised Athens to
+the summit of prosperity and greatness; while the peaceful policy which she
+previously pursued never gave her such a superiority as she now enjoys over any
+single state in Hellas. Aye, and he sees that the Hellenes are in need of one
+who, whether intentionally or not, will reconcile them one to another; and he
+knows that if he were to stir up war, he himself would assume that character in
+relation to them; so that the news which he will hear of you will be
+intelligible and credible to him.
+
+{41} But I do not wish to trouble you, men of Athens, by unduly prolonging my
+speech. I will therefore recapitulate my advice and retire. I bid you prepare
+your forces with a view to the enemies whom you have. If the king or any other
+power attempts to do you injury, you must defend yourselves with these same
+forces. But you must not take the aggressive by word or deed; and you must take
+care that it is your deeds, and not your platform speeches, that are worthy of
+your forefathers. If you act thus, you will be consulting both your own
+interests and those of the speakers who are opposing me; since you will have no
+cause to be angry with them afterwards, because you have decided wrongly to-day.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] See Speech on Crown, §§ 102 ff. and notes.
+
+[2] See Speech on Crown, §§ 102 ff. and notes.
+
+
+
+
+FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS (OR. XVI)
+
+[_Introduction_. In 371 B.C. the Thebans under Epaminondas defeated the Spartans
+at Leuctra, and, assisted by Thebes, the Arcadians and Messenians threw off the
+Spartan yoke. The former founded Megalopolis as their common centre, the latter
+Messene. But after the death of Epaminondas in 362, Thebes was left without a
+leader; and when, in 355, she became involved in the 'Sacred War' with the
+Phocians, the new Peloponnesian states turned towards Athens, and Messene
+received a solemn promise of Athenian assistance, if ever she was attacked by
+Sparta. In 353 Thebes was suffering considerably from the Sacred War, and the
+Spartans made an ingenious attempt to recover their power, in the form of a
+proposal for the restoration of territory to its original owners. This meant
+that Athens would recover Oropus, which had been in the hands of Thebes since
+366, and had previously been the subject of a long-standing dispute; that
+Orchomenus, Thespiae, and Plataeae, which had all been overthrown by Thebes,
+would be restored; and that Elis and Phlius would also recover certain lost
+possessions. All these states would then be morally bound (so the Spartans
+thought) to help Sparta to reconquer Arcadia and Messenia.
+
+On the occasion of this speech (delivered in 353) the Megalopolitans had
+appealed to Athens, and an Arcadian and a Spartan embassy had each had an
+audience of the Assembly, and had each received strong support from Athenian
+speakers. The principal motives of the supporters of Sparta were their hostility
+to Thebes, and their desire not to break with the Spartans, whom Athens had
+assisted at Mantineia in 362 against the Thebans and Megalopolitans. Demosthenes
+supports the Arcadians, and lays great stress on the desirability of maintaining
+a balance of power between Sparta and Thebes, so that neither might become too
+strong. To allow Sparta to reconquer Arcadia, and, as the next step, Messenia,
+would be to render her too formidable; and to reject the proposal of Sparta
+would not preclude Athens from recovering Oropus and demanding the restoration
+of the Boeotian towns. But the promise of assistance to the Arcadians should be
+accompanied by a request for the termination of their alliance with Thebes.
+
+Demosthenes' advice was not followed. In fact Athens was hardly in a position to
+risk becoming entangled in a war with Sparta, particularly in view of the danger
+to her northern possessions from Philip. She therefore remained neutral, while
+the Thebans, relieved from the pressure of the Sacred War owing to the defeat of
+the Phocian leader Onomarchus by Philip, were able to send aid to Megalopolis. A
+truce between Sparta and Megalopolis was made about 350. It was, however, a
+result of the neutrality of Athens, that she was unable, a few years later, to
+secure the support of the Arcadians against Philip, whose allies they
+subsequently became.
+
+Lord Brougham describes the oration as 'one of extraordinary subtlety and
+address in handling delicate topics'; and, after quoting the passage in which
+Demosthenes urges the necessity of maintaining a balance of power between rival
+states, adds that 'this is precisely the language of modern policy'. At the same
+time, the speech has in places a somewhat academic and theoretical air: it is
+much occupied with the weighing of hypothetical considerations and obligations
+against one another: and though it enunciates some plain and reasonable
+political principles, and makes an honest attempt to satisfy those who wished to
+help the Arcadians, but at the same time desired to regain ground against
+Thebes, it is not always convincing, and the tone is more frankly opportunist
+than is usually the case with Demosthenes.]
+
+ {1} I think, men of Athens, that those who have spoken on the Arcadian side and
+those who have spoken on the Spartan, are alike making a mistake. For their
+mutual accusations and their attacks upon one another would suggest that they
+are not, like yourselves, Athenians, receiving the two embassies, but actually
+delegates of the two states. Such attacks it was for the two deputations to
+make. The duty of those who claim to advise you here was to discuss the
+situation impartially, and to inquire, in an uncontentious spirit, what course
+is best in your interests. {2} As it is, if one could alter the fact that they
+are known to us, and that they speak the dialect of Attica, I believe that many
+would imagine that those on the one side actually were Arcadians, and those on
+the other, Spartans. For my part, I see plainly enough the difficulty of
+offering the best advice. For you, like them, are deluded, in your desire for
+one extreme or the other: and one who endeavours to propose an intermediate
+course, which you will not have the patience to understand, will satisfy neither
+side and will forfeit the confidence of both. {3} But in spite of this, I shall
+prefer, for my own part, to risk being regarded as an idle chatterer (if such is
+really to be my lot), rather than to abandon my conviction as to what is best
+for Athens, and leave you to the mercy of those who would deceive you. And while
+I shall deal with all other points later, by your leave, I shall take for my
+starting-point, in explaining the course which I believe to be best, those
+principles which are admitted by all.
+
+{4} There can be no possible question that it is to the interest of the city
+that both the Spartans and these Thebans should be weak; and the present
+situation, if one may judge at all from what has constantly been asserted in
+your presence, is such, that if Orchomenus, Thespiae, and Plataeae[n] are re-
+established, Thebes becomes weak; and that if the Spartans can reduce Arcadia to
+subjection and destroy Megalopolis, Sparta will recover her former strength. {5}
+We must, therefore, take care not to allow the Spartans to attain a formidable
+degree of strength, before the Thebans have become insignificant, lest there
+should take place, unobserved by us, such an increase in the power of Sparta as
+would be out of proportion to the decrease in the power of Thebes which our
+interests demand. For it is, of course, out of the question that we should
+desire merely to substitute the rivalry of Sparta for that of Thebes: that is
+not the object upon which we are bent. Our object is rather that neither people
+shall be capable of doing us any injury. That is what will best enable us to
+live in security.
+
+{6} But, granted that this is what ought to be, still, we are told, it is a
+scandalous thing to choose for our allies the men against whom we were arrayed
+at Mantineia, and further, to help them against those whose perils we shared
+that day. I agree; but I think that we need to insert the condition, 'provided
+that the two parties are willing to act rightly.' {7} For if all alike prove
+willing to keep the peace, we shall not go to the aid of the Megalopolitans,
+since there will be no need to do so; and so there will be no hostility whatever
+on our part towards our former comrades in battle. They are already our allies,
+as they tell us; and now the Arcadians will become our allies as well. What more
+could we desire? {8} But suppose they act wrongfully and think fit to make war.
+In that case, if the question before us is whether we are to abandon Megalopolis
+to Sparta or not, then I say that, wrong though it is, I will acquiesce in our
+permitting this, and declining to oppose our former companions in danger. But if
+you all know that, after capturing Megalopolis, they will march against Messene,
+let me ask any of those who are now so harshly disposed towards Megalopolis to
+say what action he will _then_ advise. No answer will be given. {9} In fact you
+all know that, whether they advise it or not, we _must_ then go to the rescue,
+both because of the oath which we have sworn to the Messenians, and because our
+interests demand the continued existence of that city. Ask yourselves, then, on
+which occasion you can most honourably and generously interpose to check the
+aggressions of Sparta--in defence of Megalopolis, or in defence of Messene? {10}
+On the present occasion it will be understood that you are succouring the
+Arcadians, and are anxious that the Peace, which you fought for and risked your
+lives to win, may be secure. But if you wait, all the world will see plainly
+that it is not in the name of right that you desire the existence of Messene,
+but because you are afraid of Sparta. And while we should always seek and do the
+right, we should at the same time take good care that what is right shall also
+be advantageous.
+
+{11} Now an argument is used by speakers on the other side to the effect that we
+ought to attempt to recover Oropus,[n] and that if we make enemies of those who
+might come to our assistance against it we shall have no allies. I too say that
+we should try to recover Oropus. But the argument that the Spartans will be our
+enemies now, if we make alliance with those Arcadians who desire our friendship,
+is an argument which no one has less right even to mention, than those who
+induced you to help the Spartans when they were in danger. {12} Such was not
+their argument, when all the Peloponnesians came to you,[n] entreating you to
+support them in their campaign against Sparta, and they persuaded you to reject
+the entreaty, with the result that the Peloponnesians took the only remaining
+course and applied to Thebes--when they bade you contribute funds and imperil
+your lives for the deliverance of the Spartans. Nor, I presume, would you have
+been willing to protect them, had they warned you that you must expect no
+gratitude for their deliverance, unless, after saving them, you allowed them
+once more to do as they pleased and commit fresh aggressions. {13} And further,
+however antagonistic it may be to the designs of the Spartans, that we should
+make the Arcadians our allies, they are surely bound to feel a gratitude towards
+us for saving them when they were in the utmost extremity, which will outweigh
+their vexation at our preventing their present wrongdoing. Must they not then
+either assist us to recover Oropus, or else be regarded as the basest of
+mankind? For, by Heaven, I can see no other alternative.
+
+{14} I am astonished, also, to hear it argued that if we make the Arcadians our
+allies, and carry out my advice, it will seem as though Athens were changing her
+policy, and were utterly unreliable. I believe that the exact reverse of this is
+the case, men of Athens, and I will tell you why. I suppose that no one in the
+world can deny that when this city saved the Spartans,[n] and before them the
+Thebans,[n] and finally the Euboeans,[n] and subsequently made them her allies,
+she had one and the same end always in view. {15} And what was this? It was to
+deliver the victims of aggression. And if this is so, it is not we that should
+be changing, but those who refuse to adhere to the right; and it will be
+manifest that, although circumstances change from time to time with the
+ambitious designs of others, Athens does not change.
+
+{16} I believe that the Spartans are playing a very unscrupulous part. At
+present they tell us that the Eleans are to recover part of Triphylia,[n] and
+the Phliasians, Tricaranum;[n] other Arcadians are to recover their own
+possessions, and we ourselves are to recover Oropus--not that they have any
+desire to see every state enjoying its own--far from it!-- such generosity on
+their part would be late indeed in showing itself. {17} They wish rather to
+present the appearance of co-operating with each separate state in the recovery
+of the territory that it claims, in order that when they themselves march
+against Messene, all may take the field with them, and give them their hearty
+assistance, on pain of seeming to act unfairly, in refusing to return an
+equivalent for the support which each of them received from Sparta in regard to
+their own several claims. {18} My own view is that, even without the tacit
+surrender of some of the Arcadians to Sparta, we can recover Oropus, aided not
+only by the Spartans, if they are ready to act honourably, but by all who
+disapprove of allowing Thebes to retain what is not her own. But even if it were
+made quite plain to us, that without allowing Sparta to subdue the Peloponnese,
+we should not be able to take Oropus, I should still think it preferable, if I
+may dare to say so, to let Oropus go, rather than sacrifice Messene and the
+Peloponnese to Sparta. For our quarrel with them would not, I believe, be
+confined to this; since--I will not say what occurs to me; but there are many
+risks which we should run.
+
+{19} But, to pass on, it is a monstrous thing to use the hostile actions which,
+they say, the Megalopolitans committed against us, under the influence of
+Thebes, as a ground of accusation against them to-day; and, when they wish to be
+friends and so atone for their action by doing us good, to look askance at them,
+to seek for some way of avoiding their friendship, to refuse to recognize that
+in proportion to the zeal which my opponents can prove the Megalopolitans to
+have shown in supporting Thebes will be the resentment to which my opponents
+themselves will deservedly be exposed, for depriving the city of such allies as
+these, when they have appealed to you before appealing to Thebes. {20} Such a
+policy is surely the policy of men who wish to make the Arcadians for the second
+time the allies of others. And so far as one can forecast the future by
+calculation, I am sure, and I believe that most of you will agree with me, that
+if the Spartans take Megalopolis, Messene will be in peril; and if they take
+Messene also, then I predict that we shall find ourselves allies of Thebes.[n]
+{21} It is a far more honourable, a far better, course that we should ourselves
+take over the Theban confederacy,[n] refusing to leave the field open to the
+cupidity of the Spartans, than that we should be so afraid of protecting the
+allies of Thebes, as first to sacrifice them, and then to save Thebes itself;
+and, in addition, to be in a state of apprehension for our own safety. {22} For
+if the Spartans capture Megalopolis and become a great power once more, the
+prospect, as I conceive it, is not one which this city can view without alarm.
+For I can see that even now they are determining to go to war, not to prevent
+any evil which threatens them, but to recover their own ancient power: and what
+their aims were when they possessed that power, you, I think, know[n] perhaps
+better than I, and with that knowledge may well be alarmed.
+
+{23} Now I should be glad if the speakers who profess their hatred for Thebes on
+the one side, or for Sparta on the other, would tell me if their professed
+hatred is based on consideration for you and your interests, or whether the one
+party hates Thebes from an interest in Sparta, and the other Sparta from an
+interest in Thebes. If the latter is the case, you should not listen to either,
+but treat them as insane: but if the former, why this inordinate exaltation of
+one side or the other? {24} For it is possible, perfectly possible, to humiliate
+Thebes without rendering Sparta powerful. Indeed, it is by far the easier
+course; and I will try to tell you how it can be done. We all know that, however
+unwilling men may be to do what is right, yet up to a certain point they are
+ashamed not to do so, and that they withstand wrongdoers openly, particularly if
+there are any who receive damage through the wrong done: and we shall find that
+what ruins everything and is the source of all evil is the unwillingness to do
+what is right without reserve. {25} Now in order that no such obstacle may stand
+in the way of the humiliation of Thebes, let us demand the re-establishment of
+Thespiae, Orchomenus, and Plataeae, co-operating with their citizens ourselves,
+and requiring others to do so; for the principle of refusing to allow ancient
+cities to lie desolate is a right and honourable one. But let us at the same
+time decline to abandon Megalopolis and Messene to the aggressors, or to suffer
+the destruction of existing and inhabited cities, on the pretext of restoring
+Plataeae and Thespiae. {26} Then, if our policy is made plain to all, there is
+no one who will not wish to terminate the Thebans' occupation of territory not
+their own. But if it is not, not only will our designs be opposed by the
+Arcadians, in the belief that the restoration of these towns carries with it
+their own ruin, but we shall have troubles without end. For, honestly, where can
+we expect to reach an end, when we permit the annihilation of existing cities,
+and require the restoration of those that have been annihilated?
+
+{27} It is demanded by those whose speeches display the strongest appearance of
+fairness, that the Megalopolitans shall take down the pillars[n] which
+commemorate their alliance with Thebes, if they are to be trustworthy allies of
+Athens. The Megalopolitans reply that for them it is not pillars, but interest,
+that creates friendship; and that it is those who help them, that they consider
+to be their allies. Well, that may be their attitude. Nevertheless, my own view
+is, roughly speaking, this:--I say that we should simultaneously require the
+Megalopolitans to take down the pillars, and the Spartans to keep the peace: and
+that in the event of either side refusing to fulfil our request, we should at
+once take the part of those who are willing to fulfil it. {28} For if the
+Megalopolitans obtain peace, and yet adhere to the Theban alliance, it will be
+clear to all that they prefer the grasping policy of Thebes to that which is
+right. If, on the other hand, Megalopolis makes alliance frankly with us, and
+the Spartans then refuse to keep the peace, it will surely be clear to all that
+what the Spartans desire so eagerly is not the re-establishment of Thespiae, but
+an opportunity of subduing the Peloponnese while the Thebans are involved in the
+war.[n] {29} And I am surprised to find that there are some who are alarmed at
+the prospect of the enemies of Sparta becoming allies of Thebes, and yet see
+nothing to fear in the subjugation of these enemies by Sparta herself; whereas
+the experience of the past can teach us that the Thebans always use such allies
+against Sparta, while, when Sparta had them, she used to use them against us.
+
+{30} There is another point which I think you should consider. Suppose that you
+reject the overtures of the Megalopolitans. If they are annihilated and
+dispersed, Sparta can recover her power at once. If they actually survive--for
+things have happened before now beyond all hope--they will quite rightly be the
+firm allies of Thebes. But suppose you receive them. Then the immediate result,
+so far as they are concerned, is that they are saved by you: and as to the
+future, let us now transfer our calculation of possible risks to the case of the
+Thebans and Spartans. {31} If the Thebans are crushed, as they ought to be, the
+Spartans will not be unduly powerful, for they will always have these Arcadians
+at their doors to hold them in check. But if the Thebans actually recover and
+survive the attack, they will at least be weaker; for the Arcadians will have
+become our allies, and will owe their preservation to us. Thus on every ground
+it is to our interest not to sacrifice the Arcadians, nor to let them think that
+their deliverance, if they are really saved, is due to themselves, or to any
+other people than you.
+
+{32} And now, men of Athens, I solemnly declare that what I have said has been
+prompted by no personal feeling, friendly or hostile, towards either side. I
+have told you only what I believe to be expedient for you; and I exhort you not
+to sacrifice the people of Megalopolis, and to make it your rule, never to
+sacrifice a smaller power to a greater.
+
+
+
+
+FOR THE FREEDOM OF THE RHODIANS (OR. XV)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. Dionysius of Halicarnassus places the speech in 351 B.C. He is
+not always accurate, and the internal evidence has been thought by some to
+suggest a date perhaps two years earlier. The reasons, however, for this are not
+strong, and there has recently been a disposition to accept Dionysius' date.
+
+As the result of the Social War, Chios, Cos, Rhodes, and Byzantium had made
+themselves independent of Athens. They had been assisted by Mausolus, King of
+Caria, a vassal of Persia. After the termination of the war, a Carian garrison
+occupied Cos and Rhodes; the democratic constitution of Rhodes was overthrown
+and the democratic party driven into banishment, as the result of an oligarchic
+plot, which Mausolus had fostered. In 353 Mausolus died, and was succeeded by
+Artemisia, his sister and wife. The exiles appealed to Athens for restoration,
+and for the liberation of Rhodes from the Carian domination. It is evident that
+the feeling in Athens against the Rhodians was very strong, owing to their part
+in the late war, for which the democratic party had been responsible; and there
+was some fear of the possible consequences of offending Artemisia and perhaps
+becoming involved in war with Persia. Demosthenes, nevertheless, urges the
+people to assist them, and to forget their misconduct. He appeals to the
+traditional policy of Athens, as the saviour of the oppressed and protectress of
+democracies, and warns them of the danger which would threaten Athens herself,
+if the conversion of free constitutions into oligarchies were allowed to go
+unchecked. He takes a different view from that of his opponents of the probable
+attitude of Artemisia, and utters an impressive warning against corrupt and
+unpatriotic statesmen, which foreshadows his more vehement attacks in the
+orations against Philip.
+
+The appeal was unsuccessful, for in the speech on the Peace (§ 25) Demosthenes
+speaks of Cos and Rhodes as still subject to Caria.
+
+The speech is more eloquent than the last, and more outspoken. Political
+principles and ideals are enunciated with some confidence, and illustrated by
+striking examples from history. But there also appears for the first time that
+sense of the difficulty of rousing the Athenians to action of any kind, which is
+so strongly expressed in later speeches.]
+
+
+{1} It is, I think, your duty, men of Athens, when you are deliberating upon
+affairs of such importance, to grant freedom of speech to every one of your
+advisers. And for my part, I have never yet felt any difficulty in pointing out
+to you the best course; for I believe that, broadly speaking, you all know from
+the first what this is. My difficulty is to persuade you to act upon your
+knowledge. For when a measure is approved and passed by you, it is as far from
+execution as it was before you resolved upon it. {2} Well, you have to render
+thanks to Heaven for this, among other favours--that those who went to war with
+you not long ago, moved by their own insolent pride, now place their own hopes
+of preservation in you alone. Well may we rejoice at our present opportunity!
+For if your decision in regard to it is what it should be, you will find
+yourselves meeting the calumnies of those who are slandering this city with a
+practical and a glorious refutation. {3} For the peoples of Chios, Byzantium,
+and Rhodes accused us of entertaining designs against them; and on this ground
+they combined against us in the recent war. But now it will be seen[n] that,
+while Mausolus, who under the pretence of friendship towards Rhodes, directed
+and instigated their efforts, in reality robbed the Rhodians of their freedom;
+while their declared allies, Chios and Byzantium, never came to aid them in
+their misfortunes; {4} you, of whom they were afraid, and you alone, have been
+the authors of their salvation. And because all the world will have seen this,
+you will cause the popular party in every city to consider your friendship a
+guarantee of their own safety; nor could you reap any greater blessing than the
+goodwill which will thus be offered to you, spontaneously and without
+misgivings, upon every hand.
+
+{5} I notice, to my surprise, that those who urge us to oppose the king in the
+interest of the Egyptians,[n] are the very persons who are so afraid of him when
+it is the interest of the popular party in Rhodes that is in question. And yet
+it is known to every one that the Rhodians are Hellenes, while the Egyptians
+have a place assigned them in the Persian Empire. {6} I expect that some of you
+remember that, when you were discussing our relations with the king, I came
+forward and was the first to advise you[n] (though I had, I believe, no
+supporters, or one at the most), that you would show your good sense, in my
+opinion, if you did not make your hostility to the king the pretext of your
+preparations, but prepared yourselves against the enemies whom you already had;
+though you would resist him also, if he attempted to do you any injury. {7} Nor,
+when I spoke thus, did I fail to convince you, but you also approved of this
+policy. What I have now to say is the sequel to my argument on that occasion.
+For if the king were to call me to his side and make me his counsellor, I should
+give him the same advice as I gave you--namely, that he should fight in defence
+of his own possessions, if he were opposed by any Hellenic power, but should
+absolutely forego all claim to what in no way belongs to him. {8} If, therefore,
+you have made a general resolve, men of Athens, to retire from any place of
+which the king makes himself master, either by surprise or by the deception of
+some of the inhabitants, you have not resolved well, in my judgement: but if you
+are prepared, in defence of your rights, even to fight, if need be, and to
+endure anything that may be necessary, not only will the need for such a step be
+less, the more firmly your minds are made up, but you will also be regarded as
+showing the spirit which you ought to show.
+
+{9} To prove to you that I am not suggesting anything unprecedented in bidding
+you liberate the Rhodians, and that you will not be acting without precedent, if
+you take my advice, I will remind you of one of those incidents in the past
+which have ended happily for you. You once sent out Timotheus, men of Athens, to
+assist Ariobarzanes,[n] adding to your resolution the provision that he must not
+break our treaty with the king; and Timotheus, seeing that Ariobarzanes was now
+openly in revolt against the king, but that Samos was occupied by a garrison
+under Cyprothemis, who had been placed there by Tigranes, the king's viceroy,
+abandoned his intention of helping Ariobarzanes, but sat down before Samos,
+relieved it, and set it free. {10} And to this day no war has ever arisen to
+trouble you on account of this. For to enter upon a war for the purpose of
+aggrandizement is never the same thing as to do so in defence of one's own
+possessions. Every one fights his hardest to recover what he has lost; but when
+men endeavour to gain at the expense of others, it is not so. They desire to do
+this, if it is allowed them; but if they are prevented, they do not consider
+that their opponents have done them any wrong.
+
+{11} Now listen for a moment, and consider whether I am right or wrong, when I
+conclude that if Athens were actively at work, Artemisia herself would now not
+even oppose our action. If the king effects in Egypt all that he is bent upon, I
+believe that Artemisia would make every attempt to secure for him the continued
+possession of Rhodes--not from any goodwill towards him, but from the desire to
+be credited with a great service to him, while he is still in her
+neighbourhood,[n] and so to win from him as friendly a reception as possible.
+{12} But if he is faring as we are told, if all his attempts have failed, she
+will consider, and rightly, that the island can be of no further use to the
+king, except as a fortified post to command her own dominions--a security
+against any movement on her part. Accordingly she would prefer, I believe, that
+you should have it, without her openly surrendering it to you, rather than that
+he should occupy it. I think, therefore, that she would not even make an attempt
+to save it; or that if she actually did so, it would be but weakly and
+ineffectively. {13} For although I cannot, of course, profess to know what the
+king will do, I must insist that it is high time that it should be made clear,
+in the interests of Athens, whether he intends to lay claim to Rhodes or not:
+for if he does so, we have then to take counsel, not for the Rhodians alone, but
+for ourselves and for the Hellenes as a whole.
+
+{14} At the same time, even if the Rhodians who are now in possession[n] of the
+town held it by their own strength, I should never have urged you to take them
+for your allies, for all the promises in the world. For I observe that they took
+to their side some of their fellow citizens, to help them overthrow the
+democracy, and that, having done this, they turned and expelled them: and I do
+not think that men who failed to keep faith with either party would ever be
+trustworthy allies for yourselves. {15} And further, I should never have made my
+present proposal, had I been thinking only of the interests of the popular party
+in Rhodes. I am not their official patron,[n] nor have I a single personal
+friend among them; and even if both these things were otherwise, I should not
+have made this proposal, had I not believed it to be for your advantage. For as
+for the Rhodians, if I may use such an expression when I am pleading with you to
+save them, I share your joy[1] at what has happened to them. For it is because
+they grudged you the recovery of your rights that they have lost their own
+freedom; and that, instead of the equal alliance which they might have had with
+Hellenes, better than themselves, they are in bondage to foreigners and slaves,
+whom they have admitted to their citadels. {16} Indeed, if you resolve to go to
+their aid, I may almost say that this calamity has been good for them; for,
+Rhodians as they are, I doubt if they would ever have come to their right mind
+in prosperity; whereas actual experience has now taught them that folly
+generally leads to manifold adversities; and perhaps they will be wiser for the
+future. This lesson, I feel sure, will be no small advantage to them. I say then
+that you should endeavour to save these men, and should bear no malice,
+remembering that you too have been greatly deceived by conspirators against you,
+and yet would not admit that you deserved yourselves to suffer for such
+mistakes.
+
+Observe this also, men of Athens. {17} You have waged many wars both against
+democracies and against oligarchies; and of this no doubt you are as well aware
+as I. But I doubt whether any of you considers for what objects you are fighting
+in each case. What then are these objects? In fighting against a democracy, you
+are fighting either over some private quarrel, when the parties have failed to
+settle their disputes by the means publicly provided;[n] or you are contending
+for a piece of territory, or about a boundary, or for a point of honour, or for
+paramountcy. But in fighting against an oligarchy, it is not for any such
+objects--it is your constitution and your freedom that are at stake. {18} And
+therefore I should not hesitate to say that I believe it would be better for
+you, that all the Hellenic peoples should be democracies, and be at war with
+you, than that they should be governed by oligarchies, and be your friends. For
+with a free people you would have no difficulty, I believe, in making peace
+whenever you desired: but with an oligarchical State friendship itself cannot be
+safe. For there can be no goodwill between Few and Many--between those who seek
+for mastery, and those who have chosen the life of political equality.
+
+{19} It surprises me also that though Chios and Mytilene are ruled by
+oligarchies, and though now the Rhodians and all mankind, I may almost say, are
+being brought into the same bondage, no one considers that any danger threatens
+our own constitution also, or reflects that if every State is organized upon an
+oligarchic basis, it is not possible that your own democracy should be suffered
+to remain. For they know that no people but you could ever bring them forth into
+a state of liberty again; and they will wish to put an end to so likely a source
+of trouble to themselves. {20} As a rule we may regard wrongdoers as enemies
+only to those whom they have wronged. But when men destroy free constitutions
+and convert them into oligarchies, I say that you must think of them as the
+common enemies of all whose hearts are set on freedom. {21} Again, men of
+Athens, it is only right that you, a democracy yourselves, should show towards
+other democracies in distress the same spirit as you would expect them to show
+towards you, if any such calamity (which God forbid!) should happen to you. It
+may be said that the Rhodians are justly punished. If so, this is not the time
+to exult over them. When men are prosperous they should always be found taking
+thought how best to help the distressed; for the future is unknown to all men.
+
+{22} I have often heard it stated here in your presence, that when our democracy
+had met with disaster,[n] you were joined by certain others in your anxiety for
+its preservation. Of these I will only refer on the present occasion to the
+Argives, and that briefly. For I cannot desire that you, who enjoy the
+reputation of being always the saviours of the distressed, should prove inferior
+to the Argives in that work. These Argives, though their territory borders on
+that of the Spartans, whom they saw to be masters by land and sea, neither
+hesitated nor feared to display their goodwill towards you; but when envoys came
+from Sparta (so the story goes) to demand the persons of certain Athenian
+refugees, they even voted that unless the envoys departed before sunset, they
+should be adjudged public enemies. {23} If then the democracy of Argos in those
+days showed no fear of the might of the Spartan Empire, will it not be a
+disgrace if you, who are Athenians, are afraid of one who is a barbarian--aye,
+and a woman?[n] The Argives, moreover, could point to many defeats sustained at
+the hands of Sparta, while you have often defeated the king, and have not once
+proved inferior either to his servants or to himself. For if ever the king has
+gained any success against Athens, it has been by bribing the basest of the
+Hellenes to betray their countrymen; in no other way has he ever succeeded. {24}
+Indeed, even such success has done him no good. You will find that no sooner had
+he rendered Athens weak,[n] by the help of the Spartans, than he had to fight
+for his own kingdom against Clearchus and Cyrus. His successes, therefore, have
+not been won in the open field, nor have his plots brought him any good. Now
+some of you, I notice, are in the habit of speaking contemptuously of Philip, as
+though he were not worth reckoning with; while you dread the king, as a powerful
+enemy to any whom he chooses to oppose. But if we are not to defend ourselves
+against Philip, because he is so mean a foe, and are to give way in everything
+to the king, because he is so formidable, who is there, men of Athens, against
+whom we shall ever take the field?
+
+{25} Men of Athens, you have among you those who are particularly skilful in
+pleading with you the rights of the rest of the world; and I should be glad to
+give them this single piece of advice--that they should seek to plead your
+rights with the rest of the world,[n] and so set an example of duty. It is
+monstrous to instruct you about rights, without doing right oneself; and it is
+not right that a fellow citizen of yours should have studied all the arguments
+against you and none of those in your favour. {26} Ask yourselves, in God's
+name, why it is that there is no one in Byzantium to tell the Byzantines that
+they must not occupy Chalcedon,[n] which belongs to the king and formerly
+belonged to you, but upon which they had no sort of claim; or that they must not
+make Selymbria, once your ally, a contributory portion of the Byzantine state;
+or include the territory of Selymbria[n] within the Byzantine frontier, in
+defiance of the sworn treaty which ordains the independence of the cities? {27}
+Why was there no one to tell Mausolus, while he lived, and Artemisia after his
+death, that they must not occupy Cos and Rhodes and other Hellenic cities as
+well, which the king their master ceded to the Hellenes by the treaty,[n] and
+for the sake of which the Hellenes of those days faced many a peril and fought
+many a gallant fight? Even if there actually are such advisers[n] in both cases,
+at least it is not likely that they will find listeners. {28} For my part I
+believe that it is right to restore the exiled democracy of Rhodes. But even if
+it were not right, I think it would be proper to urge you to do it, when I
+consider the course taken by such speakers as these; and for this reason. If all
+the world, men of Athens, were bent upon doing right, it would be a disgrace to
+us if we alone were unwilling to do so: but when all the world is preparing
+itself in order to be able to commit wrong, then for us alone to abstain from
+every enterprise, on the plea of right, is no righteousness, to my mind, but
+cowardice. For I observe that the extent to which rights are admitted is always
+in proportion to the claimant's power at the moment. {29} I can illustrate this
+by an instance familiar to all of you. There are two treaties[n] between the
+Hellenes and the king. The first was made by our own city, and all men praise
+it; the second by the Spartans, and it is denounced by all. The rights defined
+in these two treaties are not the same. For whereas a common and equal share of
+private rights is given by law to weak and strong alike, in a settlement of
+international rights it is the stronger who legislate for the weaker.
+
+Well, you already know what the right course is.[n] {30} It remains to inquire
+how you can carry out your knowledge into action; and this will be possible, if
+you come to be regarded as public champions of universal liberty. But the great
+difficulty which you find in doing your duty is, to my mind, natural enough. All
+other men have only one conflict to face--the conflict with their declared foes;
+and when these are subdued, there is no further obstacle to their secure
+enjoyment of their happiness. {31} But for you there is a double conflict. In
+addition to that to which all men are liable, there is another which is harder,
+and which must be faced first: for you have to win the victory in your councils
+over those who are deliberately working in your midst against the interests of
+the city; and because, thanks to them, you can effect nothing that is demanded
+of you without a struggle, it is natural that you should often miss your mark.
+{32} The chief reason for the fearless adoption of such a course in public life
+by so many men is perhaps to be found in the benefits which they obtain from
+those who hire them. Yet at the same time, some of the blame may fairly be laid
+at your own doors. For you ought, men of Athens, to think of a man's post in
+public life as you think of his post in the army in the field. And how do you
+think of this? If a man leaves the post assigned to him by his general, you
+think that he deserves to be disfranchised and to lose all share in the
+privileges of a citizen. {33} And so when men desert the post of civil duty,
+committed to them by our forefathers, and follow an oligarchical[n] policy, they
+should forfeit the privilege of acting as advisers to yourselves. As it is,
+while you believe that those of your allies are best disposed towards you, who
+have sworn to have the same friends and foes as yourselves, the politicians in
+whom you place most faith are those whom you well know to have chosen the side
+of the enemies of Athens.
+
+{34} It is easy enough, however, to find reasons for accusing them and
+reproaching all of you. But to find words or actions which will enable us to
+rectify what is now amiss with us, is a task indeed. Moreover, the present is
+not, perhaps, the time for entering into every point: but if only you can
+confirm the policy which you have chosen by some suitable action, it may be that
+other conditions will each in turn show some improvement. {35} I think,
+therefore, that you ought to take this enterprise in hand with vigour, and to
+act worthily of your country. Remember with what delight you listen to the
+praises of your forefathers,[n] the recital of their deeds, the enumeration of
+their trophies. Consider then that your forefathers dedicated these trophies,
+not that you might gaze at them in idle wonder, but that you might imitate the
+actions of those who placed them there.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] [Greek: humin sygchair_o].
+
+
+
+
+THE FIRST PHILIPPIC (OR. IV)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. Philip became King of Macedonia in 359 B.C. Being in great
+difficulties both from external enemies and from internal division, he made
+peace with the Athenians, who were supporting the pretensions of Argaeus to the
+throne, in the hope of recovering (by agreement with Argaeus) the colony of
+Amphipolis on the Strymon, which they had lost in 424. Philip acknowledged the
+title of Athens to Amphipolis, and sent home the Athenian prisoners, whom he had
+captured among the supporters of Argaeus, without ransom. The Athenians,
+however, neglected to garrison Amphipolis. In 358 (the year in which Athens
+temporarily recovered her hold over Euboea, by compelling the Thebans to
+evacuate the island), Philip carried on a successful campaign against the
+Paeonian and Illyrian tribes, who were standing enemies of Macedonia. For the
+next three years Athens was kept occupied by the war with her allies, and Philip
+saw his opportunity. He besieged Amphipolis: when the citizens sent Hierax and
+Stratocles to ask Athens for help, he dispatched a letter promising the
+Athenians that he would give them Amphipolis when he had taken it; and a secret
+understanding was arrived at between Philip and the Athenian envoys sent to him,
+that Athens should give him Pydna (once a Macedonian town, but now an ally of
+Athens) in exchange. Athens, therefore, listened neither to Amphipolis nor to
+Olynthus, which had also made overtures to her. The Olynthians in consequence
+made a treaty with Philip, who gave them Anthemus and promised to help them
+against their old rival Poteidaea, a town in alliance with Athens. The
+Olynthians on their part agreed not to make peace with Athens except in
+conjunction with him. But Philip, when he had captured Amphipolis by a
+combination of siege and intrigue, did not give it up to Athens, and instead of
+waiting to receive Pydna from Athens, besieged and took it, aided once more by
+treachery from within. In 356 he took Poteidaea (in conjunction with the
+Olynthians, to whom he gave the town), the Athenians arriving too late to
+relieve it; and then pursued his conquests along the Thracian coast. Further
+inland he expelled the Thasians (allies of Athens) from Crenides and founded
+Philippi on the site, in the centre of the gold-mines of Mount Pangaeus, from
+which he henceforward derived a very large revenue; while the forests of the
+district provided him with timber for ship-building, of which he took full
+advantage: for in the next few years his ships made descents upon the Athenian
+islands of Lemnos and Imbros, plundered the Athenian corn-vessels off the coast
+of Euboea, and even landed a force at Marathon. In the latter part of 356 and in
+355 he was occupied with the conquest of the Paeonians and Illyrians, with whom
+Athens had made an alliance in 356. At the end of 355 he laid siege to Methone,
+the last Athenian port on the Thermaic gulf, and captured it in 354. (Some place
+the siege and capture of Methone in 354-3, but an inscription, C.I.G. II. 70,
+makes it at least probable that the siege had begun by the last month of 355.)
+In 353 Philip made his way to the Thracian coast, and conquered Abdera and
+Maroneia. At Maroneia we find him in company with Pammenes (his former host at
+Thebes), who had been sent by the Thebans to assist Artabazus in his revolt
+against the Persian king; and at the same place he received Apollonides of
+Cardia, the envoy of the Thracian prince Cersobleptes. On his way home his ships
+escaped from Chares, off Neapolis, by a ruse. In the same year he interfered in
+the affairs of Thessaly, where the Aleuadae of Larissa had invited his
+assistance against Lycophron and Peitholaus of Pherae, who had invoked the aid
+of the Phocians. (In opposing the Phocians, the antagonists of the Thebans in
+the Sacred War, Philip was also helping the Thebans themselves, and gaining
+credit as the opponent of the plunderers of the temple of Apollo at Delphi.)
+Onomarchus, the Phocian leader, twice defeated Philip, but was overthrown and
+slain in 352. Philip took Pherae and Pagasae (its port), occupied Magnesia, and,
+by means of promises, obtained financial aid from the Thessalians. The
+expedition sent by Athens to relieve Pagasae arrived too late; but when Philip,
+after putting down the tyrants of Pherae and arranging matters in Thessaly,
+advanced towards the Pass of Thermopylae, an Athenian force, sent on the advice
+of Diophantus and Eubulus, appeared in time to oblige him to retire to
+Macedonia. Late in the autumn of 352 we find him once more in Thrace. It was
+probably now that he assisted the peoples of Byzantium and Perinthus, together
+with Amadocus, a rival of Cersobleptes, against the latter; with the result that
+Cersobleptes was obliged to give up his son to Philip as a hostage. Philip had
+also made alliance with Cardia, which, like Byzantium, was on bad terms with
+Athens. He now laid siege to Heraeon Teichos, a fortress on the Propontis, but
+illness obliged him to suspend operations, and the rumour of his death prevented
+the Athenians from sending against him the expedition which they had resolved
+upon. (The retention of her influence in this region was essential for Athens,
+if her corn-supply was to be secure.) In 351, on recovering from his illness, he
+entered the territory of Olynthus, which, contrary to the agreement with him,
+had made peace with Athens in the previous year, apart from himself: but he did
+not at present pursue the invasion further. In October 351 Athens sent
+Charidemus to the Hellespont with ten ships, but no soldiers and little money.
+If these are the ships alluded to in § 43 of the present Speech, the Speech must
+have been delivered after that date. Otherwise any date after Philip's incursion
+into the territory of Olynthus would suit the contents of the Speech, and many
+writers place it earlier in the year. The question of the relations of Athens
+with Philip had been brought forward; and Demosthenes, who had risen first to
+speak, proposes the creation of a large permanent fleet, and of a smaller force
+for immediate action, laying great stress on the necessity of sending Athenian
+citizens both to command and to form a substantial proportion of the troops,
+which, had so far been mostly mercenaries. The scheme was worked out in detail,
+both in its military and in its financial aspects, and supported with an
+eloquence and an earnestness which are far in advance of those displayed in the
+earlier speeches.
+
+The statement of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, that the Speech as we have it, is
+really a conflation of two speeches, of which the second (beginning at § 30) was
+delivered in 347, is generally (and rightly) discredited.]
+
+
+{1} If some new subject were being brought before us, men of Athens, I would
+have waited until most of your ordinary advisers had declared their opinion; and
+if anything that they said were satisfactory to me, I would have remained
+silent, and only if it were not so, would I have attempted to express my own
+view. But since we find ourselves once more considering a question upon which
+they have often spoken, I think I may reasonably be pardoned for rising first of
+all. For if their advice to you in the past had been what it ought to have been,
+you would have had no occasion for the present debate.
+
+{2} In the first place, then, men of Athens, we must not be downhearted at our
+present situation, however wretched it may seem to be. For in the worst feature
+of the past lies our best hope for the future-in the fact, that is, that we are
+in our present plight because you are not doing your duty in any respect; for if
+you were doing all that you should do, and we were still in this evil case, we
+could not then even hope for any improvement. {3} In the second place, you must
+bear in mind (what some of you have heard from others, and those who know can
+recollect for themselves), how powerful the Spartans were, not long ago, and yet
+how noble and patriotic your own conduct was, when instead of doing anything
+unworthy of your country you faced the war with Sparta [n] in defence of the
+right. [n] Now why do I remind you of these things? It is because, men of
+Athens, I wish you to see and to realize, that so long as you are on your guard
+you have nothing to fear; but that if you are indifferent, nothing can be as you
+would wish: for this is exemplified for you both by the power of Sparta in those
+days, to which you rose superior because you gave your minds to your affairs;
+and by the insolence of Philip to-day, which troubles us because we care nothing
+for the things which should concern us. {4} If, however, any of you, men of
+Athens, when he considers the immense force now at Philip's command, and the
+city's loss of all her strongholds, thinks that Philip is a foe hard to conquer,
+I ask him (right though he is in his belief) to reflect also that there was a
+time when we possessed Pydna and Poteidaea and Methone; when all the surrounding
+country was our own, and many of the tribes [n] which are now on his side were
+free and independent, and more inclined to be friendly to us than to him. {5}
+Now if in those days Philip had made up his mind that it was a hard thing to
+fight against the Athenians, with all their fortified outposts on his own
+frontiers, while he was destitute of allies, he would have achieved none of his
+recent successes, nor acquired this great power. But Philip saw quite clearly,
+men of Athens, that all these strongholds were prizes of war, displayed for
+competition. He saw that in the nature of things the property of the absent
+belongs to those who are on the spot, and that of the negligent to those who are
+ready for toil and danger. {6} It is, as you know, by acting upon this belief,
+that he has brought all those places under his power, and now holds them--some
+of them by right of capture in war, others in virtue of alliances and friendly
+understandings; for every one is willing to grant alliance and to give attention
+to those whom they see to be prepared and ready to take action as is necessary.
+{7} If then, men of Athens, you also will resolve to adopt this principle to-
+day--the principle which you have never observed before--if each of you can
+henceforward be relied upon to throw aside all this pretence of incapacity, and
+to act where his duty bids him, and where his services can be of use to his
+country; if he who has money will contribute, and he who is of military age will
+join the campaign; if, in one plain word, you will resolve henceforth to depend
+absolutely on yourselves, each man no longer hoping that he will need to do
+nothing himself, and that his neighbour will do everything for him; then, God
+willing, you will recover your own; you will take back all that your indolence
+has lost, and you will have your revenge upon Philip. {8} Do not imagine that
+his fortune is built to last for ever, as if he were a God. He also has those
+who hate him and fear him, men of Athens, and envy him too, even among those who
+now seem to be his closest friends. All the feelings that exist in any other
+body of men must be supposed to exist in Philip's supporters. Now, however, all
+such feelings are cowed before him: your slothful apathy has taken away their
+only rallying point; and it is this apathy that I bid you put off to-day. {9}
+Mark the situation, men of Athens: mark the pitch which the man's outrageous
+insolence has reached, when he does not even give you a choice between action
+and inaction, but threatens you, and utters (as we are told) haughty language:
+for he is not the man to rest content in possession of his conquests: he is
+always casting his net wider; and while we procrastinate and sit idle, he is
+setting his toils around us on every side. {10} When, then, men of Athens, when,
+I say, will you take the action that is required? What are you waiting for? 'We
+are waiting,' you say, 'till it is necessary.' But what must we think of all
+that is happening at this present time? Surely the strongest necessity that a
+free people can experience is the shame which they must feel at their position!
+What? Do you want to go round asking one another, 'Is there any news?' Could
+there be any stranger news than that a man of Macedonia is defeating Athenians
+in war, and ordering the affairs of the Hellenes? {11} 'Is Philip dead?' 'No,
+but he is sick.' And what difference does it make to you? For if anything should
+happen to him, you will soon raise up for yourselves a second Philip, if it is
+thus that you attend to your interests. Indeed, Philip himself has not risen to
+this excessive height through his own strength, so much as through our neglect.
+I go even further. {12} If anything happened to Philip--if the operation of
+Fortune, who always cares for us better than we care for ourselves, were to
+effect this too for us--you know that if you were at hand, you could descend
+upon the general confusion and order everything as you wished; but in your
+present condition, even if circumstances offered you Amphipolis, you could not
+take it; for your forces and your minds alike are far away.
+
+{13} Well, I say no more of the obligation which rests upon you all to be
+willing and ready to do your duty; I will assume that you are resolved and
+convinced. But the nature of the armament which, I believe, will set you free
+from such troubles as these, the numbers of the force, the source from which we
+must obtain funds, and the best and quickest way, as it seems to me, of making
+all further preparations--all this, men of Athens, I will at once endeavour to
+explain when I have made one request of you. {14} Give your verdict on my
+proposal when you have heard the whole of it; do not prejudge it before I have
+done; and if at first the force which I propose appears unprecedented, do not
+think that I am merely creating delays. It is not those whose cry is 'At once',
+'To-day', whose proposals will meet our need; for what has already happened
+cannot be prevented by any expedition now. {15} It is rather he who can show the
+nature, the magnitude, and the financial possibility of a force which when
+provided will be able to continue in existence either until we are persuaded to
+break off the war, or until we have overcome the enemy; for thus only can we
+escape further calamity for the future. These things I believe I can show,
+though I would not stand in the way of any other speaker's professions. It is no
+less a promise than this that I make; the event will soon test its fulfilment,
+and you will be the judges of it.
+
+First then, men of Athens, I say that fifty warships must {16} at once be got in
+readiness: and next, that you must be in such a frame of mind that, if any need
+arises, you will embark in person and sail. In addition, you must prepare
+transports for half our cavalry, and a sufficient number of boats. {17} These, I
+think, should be in readiness to meet those sudden sallies of his from his own
+country against Thermopylae, the Chersonese, Olynthus, and any other place which
+he may select. For we must make him realize that there is a possibility of your
+rousing yourselves out of your excessive indifference, just as when once you
+went to Euboea,[n] and before that (as we are told) to Haliartus,[n] and
+finally, only the other day, to Thermopylae. {18} Such a possibility, even if
+you are unlikely to make it a reality, as I think you ought to do, is not one
+which he can treat lightly; and you may thus secure one of two objects. On the
+one hand, he may know that you are on the alert--he will in fact know it well
+enough: there are only too many persons, I assure you, in Athens itself, who
+report to him all that happens here: and in that case his apprehensions will
+ensure his inactivity. But if, on the other hand, he neglects the warning, he
+may be taken off his guard; for there will be nothing to hinder you from sailing
+to his country, if he gives you the opportunity. {19} These are the measures
+upon which I say you should all be resolved, and your preparations for them
+made. But before this, men of Athens, you must make ready a force which will
+fight without intermission, and do him damage. Do not speak to me of ten
+thousand or twenty thousand mercenaries. I will have none of your paper-armies.
+[n] Give me an army which will be the army of Athens, and will obey and follow
+the general whom you elect, be there one general or more, be he one particular
+individual, or be he who he may. {20} You must also provide maintenance for this
+force. Now what is this force to be? how large is it to be? how is it to be
+maintained? how will it consent to act in this manner? I will answer these
+questions point by point. The number of mercenaries--but you must not repeat the
+mistake which has so often injured you, the mistake of, first, thinking any
+measures inadequate, and so voting for the largest proposal, and then, when the
+time for action comes, not even executing the smaller one; you must rather carry
+out and make provision for the smaller measure, and add to it, if it proves too
+small--{21} the total number of soldiers, I say, must be two thousand, and of
+these five hundred must be Athenians, beginning from whatever age you think
+good: they must serve for a definite period--not a long one, but one to be fixed
+at your discretion--and in relays. The rest must be mercenaries. With these must
+be cavalry, two hundred in number, of whom at least fifty must be Athenians, as
+with the infantry; and the conditions of service must be the same. {22} You must
+also find transports for these. And what next? Ten swift ships of war. For as he
+has a fleet, we need swift-sailing warships too, to secure the safe passage of
+the army. And how is maintenance to be provided for these? This also I will
+state and demonstrate, as soon as I have given you my reasons for thinking that
+a force of this size is sufficient, and for insisting that those who serve in it
+shall be citizens.
+
+{23} The size of the force, men of Athens, is determined by the fact that we
+cannot at present provide an army capable of meeting Philip in the open field;
+we must make plundering forays, and our warfare must at first be of a predatory
+nature. Consequently the force must not be over-big--we could then neither pay
+nor feed it--any more than it must be wholly insignificant. {24} The presence of
+citizens in the force that sails I require for the following reasons. I am told
+that Athens once maintained a mercenary force in Corinth,[n] under the command
+of Polystratus, Iphicrates, Chabrias and others, and that you yourselves joined
+in the campaign with them; and I remember hearing that these mercenaries, when
+they took the field with you, and you with them, were victorious over the
+Spartans. But even since your mercenary forces have gone to war alone, it is
+your friends and allies that they conquer, while your enemies have grown more
+powerful than they should be. After a casual glance at the war to which Athens
+has sent them, they sail off to Artabazus,[n] or anywhere rather than to the
+war; and the general follows them naturally enough, for his power over them is
+gone when he can give them no pay. You ask what I bid you do. {25} I bid you
+take away their excuses both from the general and the soldiers, by supplying pay
+and placing citizen-soldiers at their side as spectators of these mysteries of
+generalship;[n] for our present methods are a mere mockery. Imagine the question
+to be put to you, men of Athens, whether you are at peace or no. 'At peace?' you
+would say; 'Of course not! We are at war with Philip.' {26} Now have you not all
+along been electing from among your own countrymen ten captains and generals,[n]
+and cavalry-officers, and two masters-of-the-horse? and what are they doing?
+Except the one single individual whom you happen to send to the seat of war,
+they are all marshalling your processions for you with the commissioners of
+festivals. You are no better than men modelling puppets of clay. Your captains
+and your cavalry-officers are elected to be displayed in the streets, not to be
+sent to the war. {27} Surely, men of Athens, your captains should be elected
+from among yourselves, and your master-of-the-horse from among yourselves; your
+officers should be your own countrymen, if the force is to be really the army of
+Athens. As it is, the master-of-the-horse who is one of yourselves has to sail
+to Lemnos; while the master-of-the-horse with the army that is fighting to
+defend the possessions of Athens is Menelaus.[n] I do not wish to disparage that
+gentleman; but whoever holds that office ought to have been elected by you.
+
+{28} Perhaps, however, while agreeing with all that I have said, you are mainly
+anxious to hear my financial proposals, which will tell you the amount and the
+sources of the funds required. I proceed, therefore, with these at once. First
+for the sum. The cost of the bare rations for the crews, with such a force, will
+be 90 talents and a little over--40 talents for ten swift ships, and 20 minae a
+month for each ship; and for the soldiers as much again, each soldier to receive
+rations to the value of 10 drachmae a month; and for the cavalry (two hundred in
+number, each to receive 30 drachmae a month) twelve talents. {29} It may be said
+that the supply of bare rations to the members of the force is an insufficient
+initial provision; but this is a mistake. I am quite certain that, given so
+much, the army will provide everything else for itself from the proceeds of war,
+without injury to a single Hellene or ally of ours, and that the full pay will
+be made up by these means. I am ready to sail as a volunteer and to suffer the
+worst, if my words are untrue. The next question then is of ways and means, in
+so far as the funds are to come from yourselves. I will explain this at once.
+
+[_A schedule of ways and means is read_.]
+
+{30} This, men of Athens, is what we have been able to devise; and when you put
+our proposals to the vote, you will pass them, if you approve of them; that so
+your war with Philip may be a war, not of resolutions and dispatches, but of
+actions.
+
+{31} I believe that the value of your deliberations about the war and the
+armament as a whole would be greatly enhanced, if you were to bear in mind the
+situation of the country against which you are fighting, remembering that most
+of Philip's plans are successfully carried out because he takes advantage of
+winds and seasons; for he waits for the Etesian winds[n] or the winter-season,
+and only attacks when it would be impossible for us to effect a passage to the
+scene of action. {32} Bearing this in mind, we must not carry on the war by
+means of isolated expeditions; we shall always be too late. We must have a
+permanent force and armament. As our winter-stations for the army we have
+Lemnos, Thasos, Sciathos, and the islands in that region, which have harbours
+and corn, and are well supplied with all that an army needs. And as to the time
+of year, whenever it is easy to approach the shore and the winds are not
+dangerous, our force can without difficulty lie close to the Macedonian coast
+itself, and block the mouths of the ports.
+
+{33} How and when he will employ the force is a matter to be determined, when
+the time comes, by the commander whom you put in control of it. What must be
+provided from Athens is described in the scheme which I have drafted. If, men of
+Athens, you first supply the sum I have mentioned, and then, after making ready
+the rest of the armament--soldiers, ships, cavalry--bind the whole force in its
+entirety,[n] by law, to remain at the seat of war; if you become your own
+paymasters, your own commissioners of supply, but require your general to
+account for the actual operations; {34} then there will be an end of these
+perpetual discussions of one and the same theme, which end in nothing but
+discussion: and in addition to this, men of Athens, you will, in the first
+place, deprive him of his chief source of supply. For what is this? Why, he
+carries on the war at the cost of your own allies, harrying and plundering those
+who sail the seas! And what will you gain besides this? You will place
+yourselves out of reach of disaster. It will not be as it was in the past, when
+he descended upon Lemnos and Imbros, and went off, with your fellow-citizens as
+his prisoners of war, or when he seized the vessels off Geraestus,[n] and levied
+an enormous sum from them; or when (last of all) he landed at Marathon, seized
+the sacred trireme,[n] and carried it off from the country; while all the time
+you can neither prevent these aggressions, nor yet send an expedition which will
+arrive when you intend it to arrive. {35} But for what reason do you think, men
+of Athens, do the festival of the Panathenaea and the festival of the
+Dionysia[n] always take place at the proper time, whether those to whom the
+charge of either festival is allotted are specially qualified persons or not--
+festivals upon which you spend larger sums of money than upon any armament
+whatsoever, and which involve an amount of trouble[n] and preparation, which are
+unique, so far as I know, in the whole world--; and yet your armaments are
+always behind the time--at Methone, at Pagasae, at Potidaea? {36} It is because
+for the festivals all is arranged by law. Each of you knows long beforehand who
+is to supply the chorus,[n] and who is to be steward of the games,[n] for his
+tribe: he knows what he is to receive, and when, and from whom, and what he is
+to do with it. No detail is here neglected, nothing is left indefinite. But in
+all that concerns war and our preparation for it, there is no organization, no
+revision, no definiteness. Consequently it is not until the news comes that we
+appoint our trierarchs and institute exchanges of property for them, and inquire
+into ways and means. When that is done, we first resolve that the resident
+aliens and the independent freedmen[n] shall go on board; then we change our
+minds and say that citizens shall embark; then that we will send substitutes;
+and while all these delays are occurring, the object of the expedition is
+already lost. {37} For we spend on preparation the time when we should be
+acting, and the opportunities which events afford will not wait for our slothful
+evasions; while as for the forces on which we think we can rely in the meantime,
+when the critical moment comes, they are tried and found wanting. And Philip's
+insolence has reached such a pitch, that he has sent such a letter as the
+following to the Euboeans.
+
+[_The letter is read_.]
+
+{38} The greater part of the statements that have been read are true, men of
+Athens; and they ought not to be true! but I admit that they may possibly be
+unpleasant to hear; and if the course of future events would pass over all that
+a speaker passes over in his speech, to avoid giving pain, we should be right in
+speaking with a view to your pleasure. But if attractive words, spoken out of
+season, bring their punishment in actual reality, then it is disgraceful to
+blind our eyes to the truth, to put off everything that is unpleasant, {39} to
+refuse to understand even so much as this, that those who conduct war rightly
+must not follow in the wake of events, but must be beforehand with them: for
+just as a general may be expected to lead his army, so those who debate must
+lead the course of affairs, in order that what they resolve upon may be done,
+and that they may not be forced to follow at the heels of events. {40} You, men
+of Athens, have the greatest power in the world-warships, infantry, cavalry,
+revenue. But none of these elements of power have you used as you ought, down to
+this very day. The method of your warfare with Philip is just that of barbarians
+in a boxing-match. Hit one of them, and he hugs the place; hit him on the other
+side, and there go his hands; but as for guarding, or looking his opponent in
+the face, he neither can nor will do it. {41} It is the same with you. If you
+hear that Philip is in the Chersonese, you resolve to make an expedition there;
+if he is at Thermopylae, you send one there; and wherever else he may be, you
+run up and down in his steps. It is he that leads your forces. You have never of
+yourselves come to any salutary decision in regard to the war. No single event
+do you ever discern before it occurs--before you have heard that something has
+happened or is happening. Perhaps there was room for this backwardness until
+now; but now we are at the very crisis, and such an attitude is possible no
+longer. {42} Surely, men of Athens, it is one of the gods--one who blushes for
+Athens, as he sees the course which events are taking--that has inspired Philip
+with this restless activity. If he were content to remain at peace, in
+possession of all that he has won by conquest or by forestalling us--if he had
+no further plans--even then, the record against us as a people, a record of
+shame and cowardice and all that is most dishonourable, would, I think, seem
+complete enough to some of you. But now he is always making some new attempt,
+always grasping after something more; and unless your spirit has utterly
+departed, his conduct will perhaps bring you out into the field. {43} It amazes
+me, men of Athens, that not one of you remembers with any indignation, that this
+war had its origin in our intention to punish Philip; and that now, at the end
+of it, the question is, how we are to escape disaster at his hands. But that he
+will not stay his progress until some one arrests it is plain enough. Are we
+then to wait for that? Do you think that all is right, when you dispatch nothing
+but empty ships and somebody's hopes? Shall we not embark? {44} Shall we not
+now, if never before, go forth ourselves, and provide at least some small
+proportion of Athenian soldiers? Shall we not sail to the enemy's country? But I
+heard the question, 'At what point on his coast are we to anchor?' The war
+itself, men of Athens, if you take it in hand, will discover his weak points:
+but if we sit at home listening to the mutual abuse and recriminations of our
+orators, you can never realize any of the results that you ought to realize.
+{45} I believe that whenever any portion of Athens is sent with the forces, even
+if the whole city does not go, the favour of Heaven and of Fortune fights on our
+side. But whenever you dispatch anywhere a general with an empty resolution and
+some platform-hopes to support him, then you achieve nothing that you ought to
+achieve, your enemies laugh at you, and your allies are in deadly fear of all
+such armaments. {46} It is impossible, utterly impossible, that any one man
+should be able to effect all that you wish for you. He can give undertakings and
+promises;[n] he can accuse this man and that; and the result is that your
+fortunes are ruined. For when the general is at the head of wretched, unpaid
+mercenaries, and when there are those in Athens who lie to you light-heartedly
+about all that he does, and, on the strength of the tales that you hear, you
+pass decrees at random, what _must_ you expect?
+
+{47} How then can this state of things be terminated? Only, men of Athens, when
+you expressly make the same men soldiers, witnesses of their general's actions,
+and judges at his examination[n] when they return home; for then the issue of
+your fortunes will not be a tale which you hear, but a thing which you will be
+on the spot to see. So shameful is the pass which matters have now reached, that
+each of your generals is tried for his life before you two or three times, but
+does not dare to fight in mortal combat with the enemy even once. They prefer
+the death of kidnappers and brigands to that of a general. {48} For it is a
+felon's death, to die by sentence of the court: the death of a general is to
+fall in battle with the enemy. Some of us go about saying that Philip is
+negotiating with Sparta[n] for the overthrow of the Thebans and the breaking up
+of the free states; others, that he has sent ambassadors to the king;[n] others,
+that he is fortifying cities in Illyria. {49} We all go about inventing each his
+own tale. I quite believe, men of Athens, that he is intoxicated with the
+greatness of his successes, and entertains many such visions in his mind; for he
+sees that there are none to hinder him, and he is elated at his achievements.
+But I do not believe that he has chosen to act in such a way that the most
+foolish persons in Athens can know what he intends to do; for no persons are so
+foolish as newsmongers. {50} But if we dismiss all such tales, and attend only
+to the certainty--that the man is our enemy, that he is robbing us of our own,
+that he has insulted us for a long time, that all that we ever expected any one
+to do for us has proved to be against us, that the future is in our own hands,
+that if we will not fight him now in his own country we shall perhaps be obliged
+to do so in ours--if, I say, we are assured of this, then we shall have made up
+our minds aright, and shall be quit of idle words. For you have not to speculate
+what the future may be: you have only to be assured that the future must be
+evil, unless you give heed and are ready to do your duty.
+
+{51} Well, I have never yet chosen to gratify you by saying anything which I
+have not felt certain would be for your good; and to-day I have spoken freely
+and without concealment, just what I believe. I could wish to be as sure of the
+good that a speaker will gain by giving you the best advice as of that which you
+will gain by listening to him. I should then have been far happier than I am. As
+it is, I do not know what will happen to me, for what I have said: but I have
+chosen to speak in the sure conviction that if you carry out my proposals, it
+will be for your good; and may the victory rest with that policy which will be
+for the good of all!
+
+
+
+
+THE OLYNTHIAC ORATIONS (OR. I-III)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. It has already been noticed that when Philip took Amphipolis in
+357 B.C., the Olynthians made overtures to the Athenians, with whom they had
+been at war for some years, and that, being rejected, they became allies of
+Philip, who gave them Anthemus and Poteidaea. In 352, alarmed at Philip's
+growing power, they once more applied to Athens. Peace was made, and
+negotiations began with regard to an alliance. In 351 Philip appeared in the
+territory of Olynthus. He did not, however, at once carry the invasion further,
+but took pains, during this year and the next, to foster a Macedonian party in
+the town. In 349 Philip virtually declared war on the Olynthians by demanding
+the surrender of his step-brother Arrhidaeus, who had taken refuge with them.
+The Olynthians again appealed to Athens; an alliance was made; Chares was sent
+with thirty ships and 2,000 mercenaries, but seems to have mismanaged the war by
+misfortune or by design. Probably he had been badly supplied with funds, and
+instead of helping Olynthus, resorted to acts of piracy to satisfy his men. The
+Macedonian troops proceeded to take Stageira and other towns of the Olynthian
+League, though Philip still professed to have no hostile intentions against
+Olynthus (see Phil. III, § ii). Chares was recalled and put on his trial; and,
+probably in response to a further message from Olynthus, Charidemus was
+transferred thither from the Hellespont. With a considerable mercenary force at
+his disposal, Charidemus overran Pallene and Bottiaea, and did some damage to
+Philip's territory, but afterwards gave himself up to dissipation in Olynthus.
+In the meantime, some of the Thessalians had become restless under Philip's
+supremacy (see Olynth. I, § 22, II, § ii), and he was obliged to undertake an
+expedition to suppress the revolt, and to put down Peitholaus (who had
+apparently become tyrant of Pherae once more, though he had been expelled in
+352). But early in 348 he appeared in person in Chalcidice, and took one after
+another of the towns of the League, including Mecyberna the port of Olynthus,
+and Torone. He thrice defeated the Olynthians in battle, and at last obtained
+possession of Olynthus itself by the treachery of Euthycrates and Lasthenes, the
+commanders of the Olynthian cavalry.
+
+Athens had probably been occupied during the early part of the year [1] with an
+expedition which she sent (against the advice of Demosthenes) to help Plutarchus
+of Eretria to repel attacks which were partly, at least, instigated by Philip;
+and in consequence she had done little for Olynthus, though on a request of the
+Olynthians for cavalry, she had ordered some of those which had been sent to
+Euboea to go to Olynthus, and these may have been the Athenians whom Philip
+captured in that city. The seventeen ships, 2,000 infantry, and 300 cavalry (all
+citizens), which Athens dispatched under Chares in response to a last urgent
+appeal from Olynthus, were delayed by storms and arrived too late. Philip
+entirely destroyed Olynthus and thirty-two other towns, sold their inhabitants
+into slavery, brought the whole of Chalcidice within the Macedonian Empire, and
+celebrated his conquests by a festival in honour of the Olympian Zeus at Dium.
+
+The First Olynthiac Oration was delivered before Olynthus itself was attacked or
+any other towns actually taken (Olynth. I, § 17); and both the First and Second
+before the discontent with Philip in Thessaly had taken an active form (I, § 22,
+II, § 7). Both, that is, belong to the summer of 349, and the situation implied
+is very much the same in both. The First was perhaps spoken when the Olynthians
+first appealed to Athens in that year, before the mission of Chares; the Second,
+to counteract the effect of something which had caused despondency in Athens
+(possibly the conduct of the Athenian generals, or the account given by other
+orators of Philip's power). In both Demosthenes urges the importance of
+resisting Philip while he is still far away, and of sending, not mercenaries,
+but a citizen-army; and while hinting at what he regards as the true solution of
+the financial difficulty, proposes a special war-tax. The solution which he
+thinks the right one is more explicitly described in the Third Olynthiac, spoken
+(probably [Footnote: See note on Olynth. III, Section 4]) in the autumn of the
+same year, and certainly at a time when the situation had become much more
+grave. The root of the financial difficulty lay in the existence of a law which
+prohibited (evidently under severe penalties, Olynth. III, Section 12) any
+proposal to devote to military purposes that portion of the revenues which
+constituted the 'Festival' or 'Theoric Fund', and was for the most part
+distributed to the citizens to enable them to take part in the public festivals,
+and so join in fulfilling what was no doubt a religious duty as well as a
+pleasure. This particular form of expenditure is stated to have been introduced
+by the demagogue Agyrrhius in 394, when it revived in an extended form a
+distribution of theatre money instituted late in the fifth century by Cleophon;
+but the special law in question appears to have been of recent date (Olynth.
+III, Section 12), and was almost certainly the work of Eubulus and his party.
+Demosthenes himself proposes an extraordinary Legislative Commission, to repeal
+the mischievous laws and leave the way clear for financial reform. At the same
+time he attacks the whole policy of Eubulus, charging him with distributing
+doles without regard to public service, adding to the amenities of Athens
+instead of maintaining her honour in war, and enriching her politicians while
+degrading her people. The main object of the speech was unsuccessful; and just
+about this time (though whether before or after the speech is disputed)
+Apollodorus proposed that the people should decide whether the surplus revenues
+should go to the Festival Fund, or be applied to military purposes, and was
+heavily fined for the illegality of the proposal.
+
+The Three Olynthiacs rank high among the Orations of Demosthenes. Some passages,
+indeed, show that he had hardly as yet appreciated the genius of Philip, or the
+unlikelihood of his making a false move either through over-confidence or
+because he had come to the end of his resources. But the noble patriotism of the
+speaker, the lofty tone of his political reflections, the clearness of his
+diagnosis of the evils of his time, and the fearlessness of his appeal for loyal
+and united self-sacrifice, are nowhere more conspicuous.]
+
+
+THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC
+
+{1} I believe, men of Athens, that you would give a great sum to know what
+policy, in reference to the matter which you are now considering, will best
+serve the interests of the city, and since that is so, you ought to be ready and
+eager to listen to those who desire to give you their advice. For not only can
+you hear and accept any useful proposals which a speaker may have thought out
+before he came here; but such, I conceive, is your fortune, that the right
+suggestion will often occur to some of those present on the spur of the moment;
+and out of all these suggestions it should be easy for you to choose the most
+advantageous course.
+
+{2} The present time, men of Athens, seems almost to cry aloud that you must
+take matters into your own hands yonder, if you have any interest in a
+successful termination of the crisis: and yet our attitude appears to be--I do
+not know what. My own opinion, at all events, is that you should at once resolve
+to send this assistance; that you should prepare for the departure of the
+expedition at the first possible moment--you must not fall victims to the same
+error as before--and that you should dispatch an embassy to announce our
+intention, and to be present at the scene of action. {3} For what we have most
+to fear is this--that he, with his unscrupulous cleverness in taking advantage
+of circumstances--now, it may be, by making concessions; now by uttering
+threats, which he may well seem likely to fulfil; now by misrepresenting
+ourselves and our absence from the scene--may turn and wrest to his own
+advantage some of the vital elements of our power. {4} And yet it may fairly be
+said, men of Athens, that our best hope lies in that very circumstance which
+renders Philip's power so hard to grapple with. The fact that the entire control
+over everything, open or secret,[n] is concentrated in the hands of a single
+man; that he is at one and the same time general, master, and treasurer; that he
+is always present in person with his army--all this is a great advantage, in so
+far as military operations must be prompt and well-timed. But as regards the
+compact which he would so gladly make with the Olynthians, the effect is just
+the reverse. {5} For the Olynthians know well that they are not fighting now for
+honour and glory, nor for a strip of territory, but to avert the devastation and
+enslavement of their country. They know how he treated[n] those who betrayed to
+him their city at Amphipolis, and those who received him at Pydna; and it is, I
+imagine, universally true that tyranny is a faithless friend to a free state,
+and that most of all, when they occupy adjoining territories. {6} With this
+knowledge, men of Athens, and with all the reflections that the occasion calls
+for in your minds, I say that now, if ever before, you must make your resolve,
+rouse all your energies, and give your minds to the war: you must contribute
+gladly, you must go forth in person, you must leave nothing undone. There is no
+longer any reason or excuse remaining, which can justify you in refusing to do
+your duty. {7} For every one was but recently harping on the desirability of
+exciting Olynthus to war with Philip; and this has now come to pass of itself,
+and in the way which most completely suits your interests. Had they taken up the
+war because you had persuaded them to do so, their alliance might perhaps have
+been precarious, and their resolution might only have carried them a certain
+way. But now their detestation of Philip is based upon grievances which affect
+themselves; and we may suppose that a hostility which is occasioned by their own
+fears and sufferings will be a lasting one. {8} Since, therefore, men of Athens,
+such an opportunity has been thrown in your way, you must not let it go, nor
+fall victims to the mistake from which you have often suffered before. If, for
+instance, when we had returned from our expedition in aid of the Euboeans,[n]
+and Hierax and Stratocles came from Amphipolis and stood upon this platform and
+urged us to sail and take over the city; if, I say, we had continued to display
+in our own interest the eagerness which we displayed in the deliverance of the
+Euboeans, you would have kept Amphipolis then, and we should have been free from
+all the trouble that we have had since. {9} And again, when news kept coming of
+the investment of Pydna, Poteidaea, Methone, Pagasae, and all the other places--
+I will not stay to enumerate them all--if we had acted at once, and had gone to
+the rescue of the first place attacked, with the energy which we ought to have
+shown, we should now have found Philip much less proud and difficult to deal
+with. As it is, we are always sacrificing the present, always fancying that the
+future will turn out well of itself; and so we have raised Philip to a position
+of such importance as no king of Macedonia has ever before attained. {10} And
+now an opportunity has come to Athens, in this crisis at Olynthus, as great as
+any of those former ones: and I believe, men of Athens, that one who was to draw
+up a true account of the blessings which have been given us by the gods, would,
+in spite of much that is not as it should be, find great cause for thankfulness
+to them; and naturally so. For our many losses in the war must in fairness be
+set down to our own indifference; but that we did not suffer such losses long
+ago, and that an alliance has presented itself to us, which, if we will only
+take advantage of it, will act as a counterpoise to them--all this I, for one,
+should set down as a favour due to their goodness towards us. But it is, I
+imagine, in politics, as it is in money-making. {11} If a man is able to keep
+all that he gets, he is abundantly grateful to Fortune; but if he loses it all
+before he is aware, he loses with it his memory of Fortune's kindness. So it is
+in politics. When men have not made a right use of their opportunities, they do
+not remember any good that heaven may actually have granted them: for it is by
+the ultimate issue that men estimate all that they have enjoyed before.
+Therefore, men of Athens, you must pay the very utmost heed to the future, that
+by the better use you make of it, you may wipe out the dishonour of the past.
+{12} But if you sacrifice these men also, men of Athens, and Philip in
+consequence reduces Olynthus to subjection, I ask any of you to tell me what is
+to prevent him from marching where he pleases. Is there a man among you, men of
+Athens, who considers or studies the steps by which Philip, weak enough at
+first, has become so strong? First he took Amphipolis, next Pydna, then again
+Poteidaea, and then Methone. Next he set foot in Thessaly. {13} Then when
+Pherae, Pagasae, Magnesia[n] were secured for his purposes, just as it suited
+him, he departed to Thrace. In Thrace, after expelling one prince and setting up
+another, he fell ill. When he grew easier again, he showed no inclination to
+take things easily, but at once attacked the Olynthians[n]--and I am passing
+over his campaigns against the Illyrians and the Paeonians, against Arybbas,[n]
+and in every possible direction.
+
+{14} Why, I may be asked, do I mention these things at the present moment? I
+wish you to understand, men of Athens, and to realize these two points: first,
+the unprofitableness of perpetually sacrificing your interests one by one; and,
+secondly, the restless activity which is a part of Philip's very being, and
+which will not allow him to content himself with his achievements and remain at
+peace. For if it is to be his fixed resolve, that he must always be aiming at
+something greater than he has yet attained; and ours, that we will never set
+ourselves resolutely to work; ask yourselves what you can expect to be the end
+of the matter. {15} In God's name, is there one of you so innocent as not to
+know that the war will be transferred from Olynthus to Attica, if we pay no
+heed? But if that happens, men of Athens, I fear that we shall be like men who
+light-heartedly borrow at a high rate of interest, and after a brief period of
+affluence, lose even their original estate; that like them we shall find that
+our carelessness has cost us dear; that through making pleasure our standard in
+everything, we shall find ourselves driven to do many of those unpleasant things
+which we wished to avoid, and shall find our position even in our own country
+imperilled.
+
+{16} I may be told that it is easy to criticize--any one can do that; but that a
+political adviser is expected to offer some practical proposal to meet the
+existing situation. Now I am well aware, men of Athens, that in the event of any
+disappointment, it is not upon those who are responsible that your anger falls,
+but upon those who have spoken last upon the subject in question. Yet I do not
+think that consideration for my own safety should lead me to conceal my
+conviction as to the course which your interests demand. {17} I say then that
+there are two things which you must do to save the situation. You must rescue
+these towns [n] for the Olynthians, and send troops to accomplish this: and you
+must damage Philip's country with your ships and with a second body of troops.
+{18} If you neglect either of these things, our campaign, I greatly fear, will
+be in vain. For suppose that you inflict damage on his country, and that he
+allows you to do so, while he reduces Olynthus; he will have no difficulty in
+repelling you when he returns. Suppose, on the other hand, that you only go to
+the help of Olynthus; he will see that he has nothing to fear at home, and so he
+will sit down before the town and remain at his task, until time enables him to
+get the better of the besieged. The expedition, therefore, must be large, and it
+must be in two parts.
+
+Such is my view with regard to the expedition. {19} As to the sources of supply,
+you have funds, men of Athens--funds larger than any one else in the world; but
+you appropriate these without scruple, just as you choose. Now if you will
+assign these to your troops, you need no further supplies: otherwise, not only
+do you need further supplies--you are destitute of supplies altogether. 'Well'
+(does someone say?), 'do you move that this money should form a war-fund?' I
+assure you that I make no such motion. {20} For while I do indeed believe that a
+force ought to be made ready [and that this money should form a war-fund], and
+that the receipt of money should be connected, as part of one and the same
+system, with the performance of duty; you, on the contrary, think it right to
+take the money, after your present fashion, for your festivals, and spare
+yourselves trouble. And therefore, I suppose, our only resource is a general
+tax--larger or smaller, according to the amount required. In any case, we need
+funds, and without funds nothing can be done that we ought to do. Various other
+sources of supply are suggested by different persons. Choose whichever you think
+best of these, and get to work, while you have the opportunity.
+
+{21} It is worth while to remember and to take into account the nature of
+Philip's position at this moment. For neither are his affairs at present in such
+good order, or in so perfectly satisfactory a state, as might appear to any but
+a careful observer; nor would he ever have commenced this present war, if he had
+thought that he would really have to fight. He hoped at first that by his mere
+advance he would carry all before him; and he has since discovered his mistake.
+This disappointment, then, is the first thing which disturbs him and causes him
+great despondency: {22} and next there is the disposition of the Thessalians,
+naturally inconstant as we know it has always been found by all men; and what it
+has always been, that, in the highest degree, Philip finds it now. For they have
+formally resolved to demand from him the restitution of Pagasae; they have
+prevented him from fortifying Magnesia, and I myself heard it stated that they
+intend even to refuse him the enjoyment of their harbour and market dues for the
+future. These, they say, should go to maintain the public administration of
+Thessaly, instead of being taken by Philip. But if he is deprived of these
+funds, the resources from which he must maintain his mercenaries will be reduced
+to the narrowest limits. {23} Nay, more: we must surely suppose that the
+chieftains of the Paeonians and Illyrians, and in fact all such personages--
+would prefer freedom to slavery; for they are not accustomed to obey orders, and
+the man, they say, is a bully. Heaven knows, there is nothing incredible in the
+statement. Unmerited success is to foolish minds a fountain-head of perversity,
+so that it is often harder for men to keep the good they have, than it was to
+obtain it. {24} It is for you then, men of Athens, to regard his difficulty as
+your opportunity, to take up your share of the burden with readiness, to send
+embassies to secure all that is required, to join the forces yourselves, and to
+stir up every one else to do so. Only consider what would happen, if Philip got
+such an opportunity to strike at us, and there was war on our frontier. Can you
+not imagine how readily he would march against us? Does it arouse no shame in
+you, that, when you have the opportunity, you should not dare to do to him even
+as much as you would have to suffer, were he able to inflict it?
+
+{25} There is a further point, men of Athens, which must not escape you. I mean
+that you have now to choose whether you are to carry on war yonder, or whether
+he is to do so in your own country. If the resistance of Olynthus is maintained,
+you will fight there and will inflict damage on Philip's territory, while you
+remain secure in the enjoyment of this land of your own which you now possess.
+But if Philip captures Olynthus, who is to hinder him from marching to Athens?
+The Thebans? {26} It seems, I fear, too bitter a thing to say; but they will be
+glad to join him in the invasion. The Phocians? They cannot protect their own
+country, unless you go to their aid, or some other power. 'But, my good Sir,'[n]
+you say, 'he will not want to march here.' And yet it would be one of the
+strangest things in the world, if, when he has the power, he does not carry out
+the threats, which he now blurts out in spite of the folly that they show. {27}
+But I suppose that I need not even point out how vast is the difference between
+war here and war in his country. For had you to camp outside the walls
+yourselves, for only thirty days, and to take from the country such things as
+men in camp must have--and I am assuming that there is no enemy in the country--
+I believe that the loss your farmers would suffer would exceed your whole
+expenditure on the war up to the present time. What then must we think will be
+the extent of our loss, if ever war comes to our doors? And besides the loss
+there is his insolence, and the shame of our position, which to right-minded men
+is as serious as any loss.
+
+{28} When you take a comprehensive view of these things you must all go to the
+rescue and stave the war off yonder; you who are well-to-do, in order that, with
+a small expense in defence of the great fortunes which you quite rightly enjoy,
+you may reap the benefit of the remainder without fear; you who are of military
+age, that you may gain your experience of war in Philip's country, and so become
+formidable guardians of a fatherland unspoiled; and your orators, that they may
+find it easy to render an account of their public life; for your judgement upon
+their conduct will itself depend upon the position in which you find yourselves.
+And may that be a happy one, on every ground!
+
+
+THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC
+
+{1} Many as are the occasions, men of Athens, on which we may discern the
+manifestation of the goodwill of Heaven towards this city, one of the most
+striking is to be seen in the circumstances of the present time. For that men
+should have been found to carry on war against Philip; men whose territory
+borders on his and who possess some power; men, above all, whose sentiments in
+regard to the war are such that they think of the proposed compact with him, not
+only as untrustworthy, but as the very ruin of their country--this seems to be
+certainly the work of a superhuman, a divine, beneficence. {2} And so, men of
+Athens, we must take care that we do not treat ourselves less well than
+circumstances have treated us. For it is a shameful thing--nay, it is the very
+depth of shame--to throw away openly, not only cities and places which were once
+in our power, but even the allies and the opportunities which have been provided
+for us by Fortune.
+
+{3} Now to describe at length the power of Philip, men of Athens, and to incite
+you to the performance of your duty by such a recital, is not, I think, a
+satisfactory proceeding; and for this reason--that while all that can be said on
+this subject tends to Philip's glory, it is a story of failure on our part. For
+the greater the extent to which his success surpasses his deserts, the greater
+is the admiration with which the world regards him; while, for your part, the
+more you have fallen short of the right use of your opportunities, the greater
+is the disgrace that you have incurred. {4} I will therefore pass over such
+considerations. For any honest inquirer must see that the causes of Philip's
+rise to greatness lie in Athens, and not in himself. Of the services for which
+he has to thank those whose policy is determined by his interest--services for
+which you ought to require their punishment--the present is not, I see, the
+moment to speak. But apart from these, there are things which may be said, and
+which it is better that you should all have heard--things which (if you will
+examine them aright) constitute a grave reproach against him; and these I will
+try to tell you.
+
+{5} If I called him perjured and faithless, without giving his actions in
+evidence, my words would be treated as idle abuse, and rightly: and it happens
+that to review all his actions up to the present time, and to prove the charge
+in every case, requires only a short speech. It is well, I think, that the story
+should be told, for it will serve two purposes; first, to make plain the real
+badness of the man's character; and secondly, to let those who are over-alarmed
+at Philip, as if he were invincible, see that he has come to the end of all
+those forms of deceit by which he rose to greatness, and that his career is
+already drawing to its close. {6} For I, too, men of Athens, should be regarding
+Philip with intense fear and admiration, if I saw that his rise was the result
+of a righteous policy. {7} But when I study and consider the facts, I find that
+originally, when certain persons wished to drive from your presence the
+Olynthians who desired to address you from this place, Philip won over our
+innocent minds by saying that he would deliver up Amphipolis to us, and by
+inventing the famous secret understanding; that he afterwards conciliated the
+Olynthians by seizing Poteidaea, which was yours, and injuring their former
+allies by handing it over to themselves; and that, last of all, he recently won
+over the Thessalians, by promising to give up Magnesia to them, and undertaking
+to carry on the war with the Phocians on their behalf. There is absolutely no
+one who has ever had dealings with him that he has not deluded; and it is by
+deceiving and winning over, one after another, those who in their blindness did
+not realize what he was, that he has risen as he has done. {8} And therefore,
+just as it was by these deceptions that he rose to greatness, in the days when
+each people fancied that he intended to do some service to themselves; so it is
+these same deceptions which should drag him down again, now that he stands
+convicted of acting for his own ends throughout. Such, then, is the crisis, men
+of Athens, to which Philip's fortunes have now come. If it is not so, let any
+one come forward and show me (or rather you) that what I say is untrue; or that
+those who have been deceived at the outset trust him as regards the future; or
+that those who have been brought into unmerited bondage would not gladly be
+free.
+
+{9} But if any of you, while agreeing with me so far, still fancies that Philip
+will maintain his hold by force, because he has already occupied fortified posts
+and harbours and similar positions, he is mistaken. When power is cemented by
+goodwill, and the interest of all who join in a war is the same, then men are
+willing to share the labour, to endure the misfortunes, and to stand fast. But
+when a man has become strong, as Philip has done, by a grasping and wicked
+policy, the first excuse, the least stumble, throws him from his seat and
+dissolves the alliance. {10} It is impossible, men of Athens, utterly
+impossible, to acquire power that will last, by unrighteousness, by perjury, and
+by falsehood. Such power holds out for a moment, or for a brief hour; it
+blossoms brightly, perhaps, with fair hopes; but time detects the fraud, and the
+flower falls withered about its stem. In a house or a ship, or any other
+structure, it is the foundations that must be strongest; and no less, I believe,
+must the principles, which are the foundation of men's actions, be those of
+truth and righteousness. Such qualities are not to be seen to-day in the past
+acts of Philip.
+
+{11} I say, then, that we should help the Olynthians; and the best and quickest
+method which can be proposed is the method which I approve. Further, we should
+send an embassy to the Thessalians--to some, to inform them of our intention; to
+others, to spur them on; for even now they have resolved to demand the
+restitution of Pagasae, and to make representations in regard to Magnesia. {12}
+Take care, however, men of Athens, that our envoys may not only have words to
+speak, but also actions of yours to point to. Let it be seen that you have gone
+forth in a manner that is worthy of Athens, and are already in action. Words
+without the reality must always appear a vain and empty thing, and above all
+when they come from Athens; for the more we seem to excel in the glib use of
+such language, the more it is distrusted by every one. {13} The change, then,
+which is pointed out to them must be great, the conversion striking. They must
+see you paying your contributions, marching to war, doing everything with a
+will, if any of them is to listen to you. And if you resolve to accomplish all
+this in very deed, as it should be accomplished, not only will the feeble and
+untrustworthy nature of Philip's alliances be seen, but the weakness of his own
+empire and power will also be detected.
+
+{14} The power and empire of Macedonia is, indeed, to speak generally, an
+element which tells considerably as an addition to any other power. You found it
+so when it helped you against the Olynthians in the days of Timotheus;[n] the
+Olynthians in their turn found its help of some value, in combination with their
+own strength, against Poteidaea; and it has recently come to the aid of the
+Thessalians, in their disordered and disturbed condition, against the ruling
+dynasty: and wherever even a small addition is made to a force, it helps in
+every way. {15} But in itself the Macedonian Empire is weak and full of manifold
+evils. Philip has in fact rendered his own tenure of it even more precarious
+than it naturally was, by these very wars and campaigns which might be supposed
+to prove his power. For you must not imagine, men of Athens, that Philip and his
+subjects delight in the same things. Philip has a passion for glory--that is his
+ambition; and he has deliberately chosen to risk the consequences of a life of
+action and danger, preferring the glory of achieving more than any King of
+Macedonia before him to a life of security. {16} But his subjects have no share
+in the honour and glory. Constantly battered about by all these expeditions, up
+and down, they are vexed with incessant hardships: they are not suffered to
+pursue their occupations or attend to their own affairs: for the little that
+they produce, as best they can, they can find no market, the trading stations of
+the country being closed on account of the war. {17} From these facts it is not
+difficult to discover the attitude of the Macedonians in general towards Philip;
+and as for the mercenaries and Infantry of the Guard who surround him, though
+they have the reputation of being a fine body of well-drilled warriors, I am
+told by a man who has been in Macedonia, and who is incapable of falsehood, that
+they are no better than any other body of men. {18} Granted that there may be
+experienced campaigners and fighters among them; yet, he tells me, Philip is so
+jealous of honour, that he thrusts all such men away from him, in his anxiety to
+get the credit of every achievement for himself; for in addition to all his
+other qualities, his jealousy is insurpassable. On the other hand, any generally
+temperate or upright man, who cannot endure the dissolute life there, day by
+day, nor the drunkenness and the lewd revels, is thrust on one side and counts
+for nothing. {19} Thus he is left with brigands and flatterers, and men who,
+when in their cups, indulge in dances of a kind which I shrink from naming to
+you now. And it is evident that this report is true; for men whom every one
+tried to drive out of Athens, as far viler than even the very juggler in the
+street--Callias the public slave and men like him, players of farces, composers
+of indecent songs, written at the expense of their companions in the hope of
+raising a laugh--these are the men he likes and keeps about him. {20} You may
+think that these are trivial things, men of Athens: but they are weighty, in the
+judgement of every right-minded man, as illustrations of the temper with which
+Philip is cursed. At present, I suppose, these facts are overshadowed by his
+continual prosperity. Success has a wonderful power of throwing a veil over
+shameful things like these. But let him only stumble, and then all these
+features in his character will be displayed in their true light. And I believe,
+men of Athens, that the revelation is not far off, if Heaven be willing and you
+desirous of it. {21} So long as a man is in good health, he is unconscious of
+any weakness; but if any illness comes upon him, the disturbance affects every
+weak point, be it a rupture or a sprain or anything else that is unsound in his
+constitution. And as with the body, so it is with a city or a tyrant. So long as
+they are at war abroad, the mischief is hidden from the world at large, but the
+close grapple of war on the frontier brings all to light.
+
+{22} Now if any of you, men of Athens, seeing Philip's good fortune, thinks that
+this makes him a formidable enemy to fight against, he reasons like a sensible
+man: for fortune weighs heavily in the scale--nay, fortune is everything, in all
+human affairs. And yet, if I were given the choice, it is the fortune of Athens
+that I should choose, rather than that of Philip, provided that you yourselves
+are willing to act even to a small extent as you should act. For I see that
+there are far more abundant grounds for expecting the goodwill of Heaven on your
+side than on his. {23} But here, of course, we are sitting idle; and one who is
+a sluggard himself cannot require his friends to help him, much less the gods.
+It is not to be wondered at that Philip, who goes on campaigns and works hard
+himself, and is always at the scene of action, and lets no opportunity go, no
+season pass, should get the better of us who delay and pass resolutions and ask
+for news; nor do I wonder at it. It is the opposite that would have been
+wonderful--if we, who do nothing that those who are at war ought to do, were
+successful against one who leaves nothing undone. {24} But this I do wonder at,
+that you who once raised your hand against Sparta, in defence of the rights of
+the Hellenes--you, who with opportunities often open to you for grasping large
+advantages for yourselves, would not take them, but to secure for others their
+rights spent your own fortunes in war-contributions, and always bore the brunt
+of the dangers of the campaign--that you, I say, are now shrinking from
+marching, and hesitating to make any contribution to save your own possessions;
+and that, though you have often saved the rest of the Hellenes, now all together
+and now each in their turn, you are sitting idle, when you have lost what was
+your own. {25} I wonder at this; and I wonder also, men of Athens, that none of
+you is able to reckon up the time during which you have been fighting with
+Philip, and to consider what you have been doing while all this time has been
+going by. Surely you must know that it is while we have been delaying, hoping
+that some one else would act, accusing one another, bringing one another to
+trial, hoping anew--in fact, doing practically what we are doing now--that all
+the time has passed. {26} And have you now so little sense, men of Athens, as to
+hope that the very same policy, which has made the position of the city a bad
+one instead of a good, will actually make it a good one instead of a bad? Why,
+it is contrary both to reason and to nature to think so! It is always much
+easier to retain than to acquire. But now, owing to the war, none of our old
+possessions is left for us to retain; and so we must needs acquire. {27} This,
+therefore, is our own personal and immediate duty; and accordingly I say that
+you must contribute funds, you must go on service in person with a good will,
+you must accuse no one before you have become masters of the situation; and then
+you must honour those who deserve praise, and punish the guilty, with a
+judgement based upon the actual facts. You must get rid of all excuses and all
+deficiencies on your own part; you cannot examine mercilessly the actions of
+others, unless you yourselves have done all that your duty requires. {28} For
+why is it, do you think, men of Athens, that all the generals whom you dispatch
+avoid this war,[n] and discover private wars of their own--if a little of the
+truth must be told even about the generals? It is because in this war the prizes
+for which the war is waged are yours, and if they are captured, you will take
+them immediately for your own; but the dangers are the personal privilege of
+your commanders, and no pay is forthcoming: while in those wars the dangers are
+less, and the profits--Lampsacus, Sigeum, and the ships which they plunder--go
+to the commanders and their men. Each force therefore takes the road that leads
+to its own advantage. {29} For your part, when you turn your attention to the
+serious condition of your affairs, you first bring the commanders to trial; and
+then, when you have given them a hearing, and have been told of the difficulties
+which I have described, you acquit them. The result, therefore, is that while
+you are quarrelling with one another and broken into factions-one party
+persuaded of this, another of that--the public interest suffers. You used, men
+of Athens, to pay taxes by Boards:[n] to-day you conduct your politics by
+Boards. On either side there is an orator as leader, and a general under him;
+and for the Three Hundred, there are those who come to shout. The rest of you
+distribute yourselves between the two parties, some on either side. {30} This
+system you must give up: you must even now become your own masters; you must
+give to all alike their share in discussion, in speech and in action. If you
+assign to one body of men the function of issuing orders to you, like tyrants;
+to another, that of compulsory service as trierarchs or tax-payers or soldiers;
+and to another, only that of voting their condemnation, without taking any share
+in the labour, nothing that ought to be done will be done in time. For the
+injured section will always be in default, and you will only have the privilege
+of punishing them instead of the enemy. {31} To sum up, all must contribute,
+each according to his wealth, in a fair proportion: all must go on active
+service in turn, until you have all served: you must give a hearing to all who
+come forward, and choose the best course out of all that you hear--not the
+course proposed by this or that particular person. If you do this, you will not
+only commend the proposer of that course at the time, but you will commend
+yourselves hereafter, for the whole position of your affairs will be a better
+one.
+
+
+THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC
+
+{1} Very different reflections suggest themselves to my mind, I men of Athens,
+when I turn my eyes to our real situation, and when I think of the speeches that
+I hear. For I observe that the speeches are all concerned with the taking of
+vengeance upon Philip; whereas in reality matters have gone so far, that we have
+to take care that we are not ourselves the first to suffer: so that those who
+speak of vengeance are actually, as it seems to me, suggesting to you a false
+conception of the situation which you are discussing. {2} That there was a time
+when the city could both keep her own possessions in safety, and punish Philip,
+I am very well aware. For it was not long ago, but within my own lifetime, that
+both these things were so. But I am convinced that it is now quite enough for us
+as a first step to make sure of the preservation of our allies. If this is
+safely secured, we shall then be able to consider upon whom vengeance is to
+fall, and in what way. But until the first step is properly conceived, I
+consider it idle to say anything whatever about the last.
+
+{3} If ever the most anxious deliberation was required, it is required in the
+present crisis; and my greatest difficulty is not to know what is the proper
+advice to give you in regard to the situation: I am at a loss rather to know,
+men of Athens, in what manner I should address you in giving it. For I am
+convinced by what I have heard with my own ears in this place that, for the most
+part, the objects of our policy have slipped from our grasp, not because we do
+not understand what our duty is, but because we will not do it; and I ask you to
+suffer me, if I speak without reserve, and to consider only whether I speak
+truly, and with this object in view--that the future may be better than the
+past. For you see that it is because certain speakers make your gratification
+the aim of their addresses, that things have gone on getting worse, till at last
+the extremity has been reached.
+
+{4} I think it necessary, first, to remind you of a few of the events which have
+taken place. You remember, men of Athens, that two or three years ago[n] the
+news came that Philip was in Thrace, besieging Heraeon Teichos. That was in the
+month of November. Amidst all the discussion and commotion which took place in
+this Assembly, you passed a resolution that forty warships should be launched,
+that men under forty-five years of age should embark in person, and that we
+should pay a war-tax of 60 talents. {5} That year came to an end, and there
+followed July, August, September. In the latter month, after the Mysteries,[n]
+and with reluctance, you dispatched Charidemus[n] with ten ships, carrying no
+soldiers, and 5 talents of silver. For so soon as news had come that Philip was
+sick or dead--both reports were brought--you dismissed the armament, men of
+Athens, thinking that there was no longer any occasion for the expedition. But
+it was the very occasion; for had we then gone to the scene of action with the
+same enthusiasm which marked our resolution to do so, Philip would not have been
+preserved to trouble us to-day. {6} What was done then cannot be altered. But
+now a critical moment in another campaign has arrived; and it is in view of
+this, and to prevent you from falling into the same error, that I have recalled
+these facts. How then shall we use this opportunity, men of Athens? For unless
+you will go to the rescue 'with might and main to the utmost of your power',[n]
+mark how in every respect you will have served Philip's interest by your conduct
+of the war. {7} At the outset the Olynthians possessed considerable strength,
+and such was the position of affairs, that neither did Philip feel safe against
+them, nor they against Philip. We made peace with them, and they with us. It was
+as it were a stumbling-block in Philip's path, and an annoyance to him, that a
+great city which had made a compact with us should sit watching for any
+opportunity he might offer. We thought that we ought to excite them to war with
+him by every means; and now this much-talked-of event has come to pass--by what
+means, I need not relate. {8} What course then is open to us, men of Athens, but
+to go to their aid resolutely and eagerly? I can see none. Apart from the shame
+in which we should be involved, if we let anything be lost through our
+negligence, I can see, men of Athens, that the subsequent prospect would be
+alarming in no small degree, when the attitude of the Thebans towards us is what
+it is, when the funds of the Phocians are exhausted,[n] and when there is no one
+to prevent Philip, so soon as he has made himself master of all that at present
+occupies him, from bringing his energies to bear upon the situation further
+south. {9} But if any of you is putting off until then his determination to do
+his duty, he must be desirous of seeing the terrors of war close at hand, when
+he need only hear of them at a distance, and of seeking helpers for himself,
+when now he can give help to others. For that this is what it must come to, if
+we sacrifice the present opportunity, we must all, I think, be fairly well
+aware.
+
+{10} 'But,' some one may say, 'we have all made up our minds that we must go to
+their aid, and we will go. Only tell us how we are to do it.' Now do not be
+surprised, men of Athens, if I give an answer which will be astonishing to most
+of you. You must appoint a Legislative Commission.[n] But when the commissioners
+meet, you must not enact a single law--you have laws enough--you must cancel
+the laws which, in view of present circumstances, are injurious to you. {11} I
+mean the laws which deal with the Festival Fund--to put it quite plainly--and
+some of those which deal with military service: for the former distribute your
+funds as festival-money to those who remain at home; while the latter give
+immunity to malingerers,[n] and thereby also take the heart out of those who
+want to do their duty. When you have cancelled these laws, and made the path
+safe for one who would give the best advice, then you can look for some one to
+propose what you all know to be expedient. {12} But until you have done this,
+you must not expect to find a man who will be glad to advise you for the best,
+and be ruined by you for his pains; for you will find no one, particularly when
+the only result will be that some unjust punishment will be inflicted on the
+proposer or mover of such measures, and that instead of helping matters at all,
+he will only have made it even more dangerous in future than it is at present to
+give you the best advice. Aye, and you should require the repeal of these laws,
+men of Athens, from the very persons who proposed them.[n] {13} It is not fair
+that those who originally proposed them should enjoy the popularity which was
+fraught with such mischief to the whole State, and that the unpopularity, which
+would lead to an improvement in the condition of us all, should be visited to
+his cost upon one who now advises you for the best. Until you have thus prepared
+the way, men of Athens, you must entertain no expectation whatever that any one
+will be influential enough here to transgress these laws with impunity, or
+senseless enough to fling himself to certain ruin.
+
+{14} At the same time, men of Athens, you must not fail to realize this further
+point. No resolution is worth anything, without the willingness to perform at
+least what you have resolved, and that heartily. For if decrees by themselves
+could either compel you to do what you ought, or could realize their several
+objects unaided, you would not be decreeing many things and performing few--nay,
+none--of the things that you decree, nor would Philip have insulted you so long.
+{15} If decrees could have done it, he would have paid the penalty long ago. But
+it is not so. Actions come later than speeches and voting in order of procedure,
+but in effectiveness they are before either and stronger than either. It is
+action that is still needed; all else you already have. For you have those among
+you, men of Athens, who can tell you what your duty is; and no one is quicker
+than you are to understand the speaker's bidding. Aye, and you will be able to
+carry it out even now, if you act aright. {16} What time, what opportunity, do
+you look for, better than the present? When, if not now, will you do your duty?
+Has not the man seized every position from us already? If he becomes master of
+this country too, will not our fate be the most shameful in the world? And the
+men whom we promised to be ready to save, if they went to war--are they not now
+at war? {17} Is he not our enemy? Are not our possessions in his hands? Is he
+not a barbarian? Is he not anything that you choose to call him? In God's name,
+when we have let everything go, when we have all but put everything into his
+hands, shall we then inquire at large who is responsible for it all? That we
+shall never admit our own responsibility, I am perfectly sure. Just so amid the
+perils of war, none of those who have run away accuses himself; he accuses his
+general, his neighbour--any one but himself; and yet, I suppose, all who have
+run away have helped to cause the defeat. He who now blames the rest might have
+stood fast; and if every one had done so, the victory would have been theirs.
+{18} And so now, if a particular speaker's advice is not the best, let another
+rise and make a proposal, instead of blaming him; and if some other has better
+advice to give, carry it out, and good fortune be with you. What? Is the advice
+disagreeable? That is no longer the speaker's fault--unless, of course, he
+leaves out the prayer that you expect of him. There is no difficulty in the
+prayer, men of Athens; a man need only compress all his desires into a short
+sentence. But to make his choice, when the question for discussion is one of
+practical policy, is by no means equally easy. _Then_ a man is bound to choose
+what is best, instead of what is pleasant, if both are not possible at once.
+{19} But suppose that some one is able, without touching the Festival Fund, to
+suggest other sources of supply for military purposes--is not he the better
+adviser? Certainly, men of Athens--if such a thing _is_ possible. But I should
+be surprised if it ever has happened or ever should happen to any one to find,
+after spending what he has upon wrong objects, that what he has _not_ is wealth
+enough to enable him to effect right ones. Such arguments as these find, I
+think, their great support in each man's personal desire, and, for that reason,
+nothing is easier than to deceive oneself; what a man desires, he actually
+fancies to be true. {20} But the reality often follows no such principle.
+Consider the matter, therefore, men of Athens, after this fashion; consider in
+what way our objects can be realized under the circumstances, and in what way
+you will be able to make the expedition and to receive your pay. Surely it is
+not like sober or high-minded men to submit light-heartedly to the reproach
+which must follow upon any shortcomings in the operations of the war through
+want of funds--to seize your weapons and march against Corinthians and
+Megareans,[n] and then to allow Philip to enslave Hellenic cities, because you
+cannot find rations for your troops.
+
+{21} These words do not spring from a wanton determination to court the ill-will
+of any party among you. I am neither so foolish nor so unfortunate as to desire
+unpopularity when I do not believe that I am doing any good. But a loyal citizen
+ought, in my judgement, to care more for the safety of his country's fortunes
+than for the popularity of his utterances. Such, I have heard, and perhaps you
+have heard it also, was the principle which the orators of our forefather's time
+habitually followed in public life--those orators who are praised by all who
+rise to address you, though they are far from imitating them--the great
+Aristides, and Nicias, and my own namesake, and Pericles. {22} But ever since
+these speakers have appeared who are always asking you, 'what would you like?'
+'what may I propose for you?' 'what can I do to please you?' the interests of
+the city have been wantonly given away for the sake of the pleasure and
+gratification of the moment; and we see the consequences--the fortunes of the
+speakers prosper, while your own are in a shameful plight. {23} And yet
+consider, men of Athens, the main characteristics of the achievements of your
+forefathers' time, and those of your own. The description will be brief and
+familiar to you; for you need not have recourse to the history of others, when
+your own will furnish examples, by following which you may achieve prosperity.
+{24} Our forefathers, who were not courted and caressed by their politicians as
+you are by these persons to-day, were leaders of the Hellenes, with their
+goodwill, for forty-five years;[n] they brought up into the Acropolis more than
+10,000 talents; the king[n] who then ruled Macedonia obeyed them as a foreigner
+ought to obey a Hellenic people; serving in person, they set up many glorious
+trophies for victories by land and sea; and alone of all mankind they left
+behind them, as the crown of their exploits, a fame that is beyond the reach of
+envy. {25} Such was the part they played in the Hellenic world: and now
+contemplate the manner of men they were in the city, both in public and in
+private life. As public men, they gave us buildings and objects of such beauty
+and grandeur, in the temples which they built and the offerings which they
+dedicated in them, that no room has been left for any of those that come after
+to surpass them: while in private life they were so modest, {26} so intensely
+loyal to the spirit of the constitution, that if any one actually knows what the
+house of Aristides, or Miltiades, or any other of the glorious men of that day,
+is like, he can see that it is no more imposing than those of their neighbours.
+For it was not to win a fortune that they undertook affairs of State; but each
+thought it his duty to add to the common weal. And thus, acting in a spirit of
+good faith towards the Hellenes, of piety towards the gods, and of equality
+towards one another, they naturally attained great prosperity. {27} Such was the
+national life of those times, when those whom I have mentioned were the foremost
+men in the State. How do matters stand to-day, thanks to these worthy persons?
+Is there any likeness, any resemblance, to old times? Thanks to them (and though
+I might say much, I pass over all but this), when we had the field, as you see,
+completely open to us--when the Spartans had been ruined,[n] and the Thebans had
+their hands full,[n] and no other power could seriously dispute the supremacy
+with us on the field of battle--when we could have retained our own possessions
+in safety, and have stood as umpires of the rights of others--we have been
+deprived of our own territory; {28} we have spent more than 1,500 talents to no
+good purpose; the allies whom we had gained in the war,[n] these persons have
+lost in time of peace; and we have trained Philip to be the powerful enemy to us
+that he is. Let any one rise and tell me how Philip has grown so strong, if we
+ourselves are not the source of his strength. {29} 'But, my good Sir,' you say,
+'if we are badly off in these respects, we are at any rate better off at home.'
+And where is the proof of this? Is it in the whitewashing of the battlements,
+the mending of the roads, the fountains, and all such trumperies? Look then at
+the men whose policy gives you these things. Some of them who were poor have
+become rich; others, who were unknown to fame, have risen to honour; some of
+them have provided themselves with private houses more imposing than our public
+buildings; and the lower the fortunes of the city have fallen, the higher theirs
+have risen.
+
+{30} What is the cause of all these things? Why is it that all was well then,
+and all is amiss to-day? It is because then the people itself dared to act and
+to serve in the army; and so the people was master of its politicians; all
+patronage was in its own hands; any separate individual was content to receive
+from the people his share of honour or office or other emolument. The reverse is
+now the case. {31} All patronage is in the hands of the politicians, while you,
+the people, emasculated, stripped of money and allies, have been reduced to the
+position of servile supernumeraries, content if they give you distributions of
+festival-money, or organize a procession at the Boedromia;[n] and to crown all
+this bravery, you are expected also to thank them for giving you what is your
+own. They pen you up closely in the city; they entice you to these delights;
+they tame you till you come to their hand. {32} But a high and generous spirit
+can never, I believe, be acquired by men whose actions are mean and poor; for
+such as a man's practice is, such must his spirit be. And in all solemnity I
+should not be surprised if I suffered greater harm at your hands for telling you
+the things that I have told you, than the men who have brought them to pass.
+Even freedom of speech is not possible on all subjects in this place, and I
+wonder that it has been granted me to-day.
+
+{33} If, even now, you will rid yourselves of these habits, if you will resolve
+to join the forces and to act worthily of yourselves, converting the
+superfluities which you enjoy at home into resources to secure our advantage
+abroad, then it may be, men of Athens, it may be, that you will gain some great
+and final good, and will be rid of these your perquisites, which are like the
+diet that a physician gives a sick man--diet which neither puts strength into
+him nor lets him die. For these sums which you now share among yourselves are
+neither large enough to give you any adequate assistance, nor small enough to
+let you renounce them and go about your business; but these it is that[2]
+increase the indolence of every individual among you. {34} 'Is it, then, paid
+service that you suggest?'[n] some one will ask. I do, men of Athens; and a
+system for immediate enforcement which will embrace all alike; so that each,
+while receiving his share of the public funds may supply whatever service the
+State requires of him.[3] If we can remain at peace, then he will do better to
+stay at home, free from the necessity of doing anything discreditable through
+poverty. But if a situation like the present occurs, then supported by these
+same sums, he will serve loyally in person, in defence of his country. If a man
+is outside the military age, then let him take, in his place among the rest,
+that which he now receives irregularly and without doing any service, and let
+him act as an overseer and manager of business that must be done. {35} In short,
+without adding or subtracting anything,[n] beyond a small sum, and only removing
+the want of system, my plan reduces the State to order, making your receipt of
+payment, your service in the army or the courts, and your performance of any
+duty which the age of each of you allows, and the occasion requires, all part of
+one and the same system. But it has been no part of my proposal that we should
+assign the due of those who act to those who do nothing; that we should be idle
+ourselves and enjoy our leisure helplessly, listening to tales of victories won
+by somebody's mercenaries;[n] for this is what happens now. {36} Not that I
+blame one who is doing some part of your duty for you; but I require you to do
+for yourselves the things for which you honour others, and not to abandon the
+position which your fathers won through many a glorious peril, and bequeathed to
+you.
+
+I think I have told you all that, in my belief, your interest demands. May you
+choose the course which will be for the good of the city and of you all!
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] See notes to Speech on the Peace, § 5. Some date the Euboean expedition and
+the sending of the cavalry one or two years earlier, and the whole chronology is
+much disputed; but there are strong arguments for the date (348) given in the
+text.
+
+[2] [Greek: esti tauta ta].
+
+[3] [Greek: touto parechae].
+
+
+
+
+ON THE PEACE (OR. V)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. After the fall of Olynthus in 348, the Athenians, on the
+proposal of Eubulus, sent embassies to the Greek States in the Peloponnese and
+elsewhere, to invite them to join in a coalition against Philip. Aeschines went
+for this purpose to Megalopolis, and did his best to counteract Philip's
+influence in Arcadia. When the embassies proved unsuccessful, it became clear
+that peace must be made on such terms as were possible. Philip himself was
+anxious for peace, since he wished to cross the Pass of Thermopylae without such
+opposition from Athens as he had encountered in 352, and to be free from the
+attacks of hostile ships upon his ports. Even before the fall of Olynthus,
+informal communications passed between himself and Athens (see Speech on
+Embassy, §§ 12, 94, 315); and in consequence of these, Philocrates proposed and
+the Assembly passed a decree, under which ten ambassadors were appointed to go
+to Philip and invite him to send plenipotentiaries to Athens to conclude a
+peace. Demosthenes (who had strongly supported Philocrates) was among the ten,
+as well as Aeschines and Philocrates himself. Delighted with Philip's reception
+of them, and greatly attracted by his personality, the ambassadors returned with
+a letter from him, promising in general terms to confer great benefits upon
+Athens, if he were granted alliance as well as peace: in the meantime he
+undertook not to interfere with the towns allied to Athens in the Chersonese.
+Demosthenes proposed (in the Council, of which he was a member in the year 347-
+346) the usual complimentary resolution in honour of the ambassadors, and on his
+motion it was resolved to hold two meetings of the Assembly, on the 18th and
+19th of the month Elaphebolion (i.e. probably just after the middle of April
+346), when Philip's envoys would have arrived, to discuss the terms of peace.
+The envoys--Antipater, Parmenio, and Eurylochus--reached Athens shortly after
+this; and before the first of the two meetings was held, the Synod of the allies
+of Athens, now assembled in the city, agreed to peace on such terms as the
+Athenian people should decide, but added a proposal that it should be permitted
+to any Greek State to become a party to the Peace within three months. They said
+nothing of alliance. Of the two meetings of the Assembly, in view of the
+conflicting statements of Demosthenes and Aeschines, only a probable account can
+be given. At the first, Philocrates proposed that alliance as well as peace
+should be made by Athens and her allies with Philip and his allies, on the
+understanding that both parties should keep what they _de facto_ possessed--a
+provision entailing the renunciation by Athens of Amphipolis and Poteidaea; but
+that the Phocians and the people of Halus should be excluded. Aeschines opposed
+this strongly; and both he and Demosthenes claim to have supported the
+resolution of the allies, which would have given the excluded peoples a chance
+of sharing the advantage of the Peace. The feeling of the Assembly was with
+them, although the Phocians had recently insulted the Athenians by declining to
+give up to Proxenus (the Athenian admiral) the towns guarding the approaches to
+Thermopylae, which they had themselves offered to place in the hands of Athens.
+But Philocrates obtained the postponement of the decision till the next day. On
+the next day, if not before, it became plain that Philip's envoys would not
+consent to forgo the exclusion of the Phocians and Halus; but in order that the
+Assembly might be induced to pass the resolution, the clause expressly excluding
+them was dropped, and peace and alliance were made between Athens and Philip,
+each with their allies.[n] Even this was not secured before Aeschines and his
+friends had deprecated rash attempts to imitate the exploits of antiquity by
+continuing the war, and had explained that Philip could not openly accept the
+Phocians as allies, but that when the Peace was concluded, he would satisfy all
+the wishes of the Athenians in every way; while Eubulus threatened the people
+with immediate war, involving personal service and heavy taxation, unless they
+accepted Philocrates' decree. A few days afterwards the Athenians and the
+representatives of the allies took the oath to observe the Peace: nothing was
+said about the Phocians and Halus: Cersobleptes' representative was probably not
+permitted to swear with the rest. The same ten ambassadors as before were
+instructed to receive Philip's oath, and the oaths of his allies, to arrange for
+the ransom of prisoners, and generally to treat with Philip in the interests of
+Athens. Demosthenes urged his colleagues (and obtained an instruction from the
+Council to this effect) to sail at once, in order that Philip, who was now in
+Thrace, might not make conquests at the expense of Athens before ratifying the
+Peace; but they delayed at Oreus, went by land, instead of under the escort of
+Proxenus by sea, and only reached Pella (the Macedonian capital) twenty-three
+days after leaving Athens. Philip did not arrive for twenty-seven days more. By
+this time he had taken Cersobleptes prisoner, and captured Serrhium, Doriscus,
+and other Thracian towns, which were held by Athenian troops sent to assist
+Cersobleptes. Demosthenes was now openly at variance with his colleagues. He had
+no doubt realized the necessity of peace, but probably regarded the exclusion of
+the Phocians as unwarrantable, and thought that the policy of his colleagues
+must end in Philip's conquest of all Greece. At Pella he occupied himself in
+negotiations for the ransom of prisoners. After taking the oath, Philip kept the
+ambassadors with him until he had made all preparations for his march southward,
+and during this time he played with them and with the envoys from the other
+Greek States who were present at the same time. His intention of marching to
+Thermopylae was clear; but he seems to have led all alike to suppose that he
+would fulfil their particular wishes when he had crossed the Pass. The
+ambassadors accompanied him to Pherae, where the oath was taken by the
+representatives of Philip's allies; the Phocians, Halus, and Cersobleptes were
+excluded from the Peace. (Halus was taken by Philip's army shortly afterwards.)
+The ambassadors of Athens then returned homewards, bearing a letter from Philip,
+but did not arrive at Athens before Philip had reached Thermopylae. On their
+return Demosthenes denounced them before the Council, which refused them the
+customary compliments, and (on Demosthenes' motion) determined to propose to the
+people that Proxenus with his squadron should be ordered to go to the aid of the
+Phocians and to prevent Philip from crossing the Pass. When the Assembly met on
+the 16th of Scirophorion (shortly before the middle of July), Aeschines rose
+first, and announced in glowing terms the intention of Philip to turn round upon
+Thebes and to re-establish Thespiae and Plataeae; and hinted at the restoration
+to Athens of Euboea and Oropus. Then Philip's letter was read, containing no
+promises, but excusing the delay of the ambassadors as due to his own request.
+The Assembly was elated at the promises announced by Aeschines; Demosthenes'
+attempt to contradict the announcement failed; and on Philocrates' motion, it
+was resolved to extend the Peace and alliance with Philip to posterity, and to
+declare that if the Phocians refused to surrender the Temple of Delphi to the
+Amphictyons, Athens would take steps against those responsible for the refusal.
+Demosthenes refused to serve on the Embassy appointed to convey this resolution
+to Philip: Aeschines was appointed, but was too ill to start. The ambassadors
+set out, but within a few days returned with the news that the Phocian army had
+surrendered to Philip (its leader, Phalaecus, and his troops being allowed to
+depart to the Peloponnese). The surrender had perhaps been accelerated by the
+news of the Athenian resolution. The Assembly, in alarm lest Philip should march
+southwards, now resolved to take measures of precaution and defence, and to send
+the same ambassadors to Philip, to do what they could. They went, Aeschines
+among them, and arrived in the midst of the festivities with which Philip was
+celebrating the success of his plans. The invitation which Philip sent to
+Athens--to send a force to join his own, and to assist in settling the affairs
+of Phocis--was (on Demosthenes' advice) declined by the Assembly; and soon
+afterwards another letter from Philip expressed surprise at the unfriendly
+attitude taken up by the Athenians towards him. Philip next summoned the
+Amphictyonic Council (the legitimate guardians of the Delphian Temple, on whose
+behalf the Thebans and Thessalians, aided by Philip, were now at war with the
+Phocians): and the Council, in the absence of many of its members, resolved to
+transfer the votes of the Phocians in the Council-meeting to Philip, to break up
+the Phocian towns into villages, disarming their inhabitants and taking away
+their horses, to require them to repay the stolen treasure to the temple by
+instalments, and to pronounce a curse upon those actually guilty of sacrilege,
+which would render them liable to arrest anywhere. The destructive part of the
+sentence was rigorously executed by the Thebans. In order to punish the former
+supporters of the Phocians, the right to precedence in consulting the oracle was
+transferred from Athens to Philip, by order of the Council, and the Spartans
+were excluded from the temple: Orchomenus and Coroneia were destroyed and their
+inhabitants enslaved; and Thebes became absolute mistress of all Boeotia. The
+Pythian games (at Delphi) in September 346 were celebrated under Philip's
+presidency; but both Sparta and Athens refused to send the customary deputation
+to them, and Philip accordingly sent envoys to Athens, along with
+representatives of the Amphictyons, to demand recognition for himself as an
+Amphictyonic power. Aeschines supported the demand, his argument being
+apparently to the effect that Philip had been forced to act as he had done by
+the Thebans and Thessalians; but the Assembly was very angry at the results (as
+they seemed to be) of Aeschines' diplomacy and the calamities of the Phocians;
+and it was only when Demosthenes, in the Speech on the Peace, advised
+compliance, that they were persuaded to give way. To have refused would have
+brought the united forces of the Amphictyonic States against Athens: and these
+she could not have resisted. It was therefore prudent to keep the Peace, though
+Demosthenes evidently regarded it only as an armistice.]
+
+
+{1} I see, men of Athens, that our present situation is one of great perplexity
+and confusion, for not only have many of our interests been sacrificed, so that
+it is of no use to make eloquent speeches about them; but even as regards what
+still remains to us, there is no general agreement in any single point as to
+what is expedient: some hold one view, and some another. {2} Perplexing,
+moreover, and difficult as deliberation naturally is, men of Athens, you have
+made it far more difficult. For while all the rest of mankind are in the habit
+of resorting to deliberation before the event, you do not do so until
+afterwards: and consequently, during the whole time that falls within my memory,
+however high a reputation for eloquence one who upbraids you for all your errors
+may enjoy, the desired results and the objects of your deliberation pass out of
+your grasp. {3} And yet I believe--and it is because I have convinced myself of
+this that I have risen--that if you resolve to abandon all clamour and
+contention, as becomes men who are deliberating on behalf of their country upon
+so great an issue, I shall be able to describe and recommend measures to you, by
+which the situation may be improved, and what we have sacrificed, recovered.
+
+{4} Now although I know perfectly well, men of Athens, that to speak to you
+about one's own earlier speeches, and about oneself, is a practice which is
+always extremely repaying, I feel the vulgarity and offensiveness of it so
+strongly, that I shrink from it even when I see that it is necessary. I think,
+however, that you will form a better judgement on the subject on which I am
+about to speak, if I remind you of some few of the things which I have said on
+certain previous occasions. {5} In the first place, men of Athens, when at the
+time of the disturbances in Euboea[n] you were being urged to assist Plutarchus,
+and to undertake an inglorious and costly campaign, I came forward first and
+unsupported to oppose this action, and was almost torn in pieces by those who
+for the sake of their own petty profits had induced you to commit many grave
+errors: and when only a short time had elapsed, along with the shame which you
+incurred and the treatment which you received--treatment such as no people in
+the world ever before experienced at the hands of those whom they went to
+assist--there came the recognition by all of you of the baseness of those who
+had urged you to this course, and of the excellence of my own advice. {6} Again,
+men of Athens, I observed that Neoptolemus[n] the actor, who was allowed freedom
+of movement everywhere on the ground of his profession, and was doing the city
+the greatest mischief, was managing and directing your communications with
+Philip in Philip's own interest: and I came forward and informed you; and that,
+not to gratify any private dislike or desire to misrepresent him, as subsequent
+events have made plain. {7} And in this case I shall not, as before, throw the
+blame on any speakers or defenders of Neoptolemus--indeed, he had no defenders;
+it is yourselves that I blame. For had you been watching rival tragedies in the
+theatre, instead of discussing the vital interests of a whole State, you could
+not have listened with more partiality towards him, or more prejudice against
+me. {8} And yet, I believe, you have all now realized that though, according to
+his own assertion, this visit to the enemy's country was paid in order that he
+might get in the debts owing to him there, and return with funds to perform his
+public service[n] here; though he was always repeating the statement that it was
+monstrous to accuse those who were transferring their means from Macedonia to
+Athens; yet, when the Peace had removed all danger, he converted his real estate
+here into money, and took himself off with it to Philip. {9} These then are two
+events which I have foretold--events which, because their real character was
+exactly and faithfully disclosed by me, are a testimony to the speeches which I
+have delivered. A third, men of Athens, was the following; and when I have given
+you this one instance, I will immediately proceed to the subject on which I have
+come forward to speak. When we returned from the Embassy, after receiving from
+Philip his oath to maintain the Peace, {10} there were some[n] who promised that
+Thespiae and Plataeae[n] would be repeopled, and said that if Philip became
+master of the situation, he would save the Phocians, and would break up the city
+of Thebes into villages; that Oropus would be yours, and that Euboea would be
+restored to you in place of Amphipolis--with other hopes and deceptions of the
+same kind, by which you were seduced into sacrificing the Phocians in a manner
+that was contrary to your interest and perhaps to your honour also. But as for
+me, you will find that neither had I any share in this deception, nor yet did I
+hold my peace. On the contrary, I warned you plainly, as, I know you remember,
+that _I_ had no knowledge and no expectations of this kind, and that I regarded
+such statements as nonsense.
+
+{11} All these plain instances of superior foresight on my part, men of Athens,
+I shall not ascribe to any cleverness, any boasted merits, of my own. I will not
+pretend that my foreknowledge and discernment are due to any causes but such as
+I will name; and they are two. The first, men of Athens, is that good fortune,
+which, I observe, is more powerful than all the cleverness and wisdom on earth.
+{12} The second is the fact that my judgement and reasoning are disinterested.
+No one can point to any personal gain in connexion with my public acts and
+words: and therefore I see what is to our interest undistorted, in the light in
+which the actual facts reveal it. But when you throw money into one scale of the
+balance, its weight carries everything with it; your judgement is instantly
+dragged down with it, and one who has acted so can no longer think soundly or
+healthily about anything.
+
+{13} Now there is one primary condition which must be observed by any one who
+would furnish the city with allies or contributions or anything else--he must do
+it without breaking the existing Peace: not because the Peace is at all
+admirable or creditable to you, but because, whatever its character, it would
+have been better, in the actual circumstances, that it should never have been
+made, than that having been made, it should now be broken through our action.
+For we have sacrificed many advantages which we possessed when we made it, and
+which would have rendered the war safer and easier for us then than it is now.
+{14} The second condition, men of Athens, is that we shall not draw on these
+self-styled Amphictyons,[n] who are now assembled, until they have an
+irresistible or a plausible reason for making a united war against us. My own
+belief is that if war broke out again between ourselves and Philip about
+Amphipolis or any such claim of our own, in which the Thessalians and Argives
+and Thebans had no interest, none of these peoples would go to war against us,
+least of all--{15} and let no one raise a clamour before he hears what I have to
+say--least of all the Thebans; not because they are in any pleasant mood towards
+us; not because they would not be glad to gratify Philip; but because they know
+perfectly well, however stupid one may think them,[n] that if war springs up
+between themselves and you, _they_ will get all the hardships of war for their
+share, while another will sit by, waiting to secure all the advantages; and they
+are not likely to sacrifice themselves for such a prospect, unless the origin
+and the cause of the war are such as concern all alike. {16} Nor again should
+we, in my opinion, suffer at all, if we went to war with Thebes on account of
+Oropus[n] or any other purely Athenian interest. For I believe that while those
+who would assist ourselves or the Thebans would give their aid if their ally's
+own country were invaded, they would not join either in an offensive campaign.
+For this is the manner of alliances--such, at least, as are worth considering;
+and the relationship is naturally of this kind. {17} The goodwill of each ally--
+whether it be towards ourselves or towards the Thebans--does not imply the same
+interest in our conquest of others as in our existence. Our continued existence
+they would all desire for their own sakes; but none of them would wish that
+through conquest either of us should become their own masters. What is it then
+that I regard with apprehension? What is it that we must guard against? I fear
+lest a common pretext should be supplied for the coming war, a common charge
+against us, which will appeal to all alike. {18} For if the Argives[n] and
+Messenians and Megalopolitans, and some of the other Peloponnesians who are in
+sympathy with them, adopt a hostile attitude towards us owing to our
+negotiations for peace with Sparta, and the belief that to some extent we are
+giving our approval to the policy which the Spartans have pursued: if the
+Thebans already (as we are told) detest us, and are sure to become even more
+hostile, because we are harbouring those whom they have exiled,[n] and losing no
+opportunity of displaying our ill-will towards them; {19} and the Thessalians,
+because we are offering a refuge to the Phocian fugitives;[n] and Philip,
+because we are preventing his admission to Amphictyonic rank; my fear is that,
+when each power has thus its separate reasons for resentment, they may unite in
+the war against us, with the decrees of the Amphictyons for their pretext: and
+so each may be drawn on farther than their several interests would carry them,
+just as they were in dealing with the Phocians. {20} For you doubtless realize
+that it was not through any unity in their respective ambitions, that the
+Thebans and Philip and the Thessalians all acted together just now. The Thebans,
+for instance, could not prevent Philip from marching through and occupying the
+passes, nor even from stepping in at the last moment to reap the credit of all
+that they themselves had toiled for.[n] {21} For, as it is, though the Thebans
+have gained something so far as the recovery of their territory is concerned,
+their honour and reputation have suffered shamefully, since it now appears as
+though they would have gained nothing, unless Philip had crossed the Pass. This
+was not what they intended. They only submitted to all this in their anxiety to
+obtain Orchomenus and Coroneia, and their inability to do so otherwise. {22} And
+as to Philip, some persons,[n] as you know, are bold enough to say that it was
+not from any wish to do so that he handed over Orchomenus and Coroneia to
+Thebes, but from compulsion; and although I must part company with them there, I
+am sure that at least he did not want to do this _more_ than he desired to
+occupy the passes, and to get the credit of appearing to have determined the
+issue of the war, and to manage the Pythian games by his own authority. These, I
+am sure, were the objects which he coveted most greedily. {23} The Thessalians,
+again, did not desire to see either the Thebans or Philip growing powerful; for
+in any such contingency they thought that they themselves were menaced. But they
+did desire to secure two privileges--admission to the Amphictyonic meeting, and
+the recovery of rights at Delphi;[n] and in their eagerness for these
+privileges, they joined Philip in the actions in question. Thus you will find
+that each was led on, for the sake of private ends, to take action which they in
+no way desired to take. But this is the very thing against which we have now to
+be on our guard.
+
+{24} 'Are we then, for fear of this, to submit to Philip? and do _you_ require
+this of us?' you ask me. Far from it. Our action must be such as will be in no
+way unworthy of us, and at the same time will not lead to war, but will prove to
+all our good sense and the justice of our position: and, in answer to those who
+are bold enough to think that we should refuse to submit to anything
+whatever,[n] [2] and who cannot foresee the war that must follow, I wish to urge
+this consideration. We are allowing the Thebans to hold Oropus; and if any one
+asked us to state the reason honestly, we should say that it was to avoid war.
+{25} Again, we have just ceded Amphipolis to Philip by the Treaty of Peace;[n]
+we permit the Cardians[n] to occupy a position apart from the other colonists in
+the Chersonese; we allow the Prince of Caria[n] to seize the islands of Chios,
+Cos, and Rhodes, and the Byzantines to drive our vessels to shore[n]--obviously
+because we believe that the tranquillity afforded by peace brings more blessings
+than any collision or contention over these grievances would bring: so that it
+would be a foolish and an utterly perverse policy, when we have behaved in this
+manner towards each of our adversaries individually, where our own most
+essential interests were concerned, to go now to war with all of them together,
+on account of this shadow at Delphi.[n]
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] The term 'the allies of Athens' was ambiguous. It might be taken (as it was
+taken by Philip and his envoys) to include only the remaining members of the
+League (see p. 9), who were represented by the Synod then sitting, and whose
+policy Athens could control. But it was evidently possible to put a wider
+interpretation upon it, as the Assembly probably did and as Demosthenes often
+does (e.g. Speech on Embassy, § 278), and to understand it as including the
+Phocians and others (such as Cersobleptes) with whom Athens had a treaty of
+alliance. Much of the trouble which followed arose out of this ambiguity.
+
+[2] [Greek: oud hotioun].
+
+
+
+
+THE SECOND PHILIPPIC (OR. VI)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. After settling affairs at Delphi in 346, Philip returned to
+Macedonia. During a considerable part of 345 and in the early months of 344 he
+was occupied with campaigns against the Illyrians, Dardani, and Triballi. But in
+the summer (probably) of 344 he resumed his activities in Greece, garrisoning
+Pherae and other towns of Thessaly with Macedonians, appropriating the revenues
+derived from the Thessalian ports, and establishing oligarchical governments
+throughout the country. At the same time negotiations were going on between
+himself and Athens with regard to the Thracian strongholds which he had captured
+in 346. He refused to give these up, though he offered to cut a canal across the
+Chersonese, for the protection of the Athenian allies there from the attacks of
+the Thracians. He also sent money and mercenaries to help the Messenians and
+Argives, who, like the Megalopolitans, were anxious to secure their independence
+of Sparta. Athens, which was on friendly terms with Sparta, sent envoys to the
+Peloponnesian states to counteract Philip's influence, and of these Demosthenes
+was one. In return, Argos and Messene complained to Athens of her interference
+with their attempt to secure freedom, and Philip sent envoys to deprecate the
+charges made against him by the Athenian ambassadors in the Peloponnese. He
+pointed out that he had not broken any promises made to Athens at the time of
+the Peace, for he had made none. (In fact, if Demosthenes' account is correct,
+he had confined himself to vague expressions of goodwill; the promises had been
+made by Aeschines.) The Second Philippic, spoken late in 344, proposes a reply
+to Philip, the text of which has unfortunately not come down to us. The
+Peloponnesian envoys appear also to have been in Athens at the time; and
+Philip's supporters had put forward various explanations of his conduct at the
+time when the Peace was made. To these also Demosthenes replies.]
+
+
+{1} In all our discussions, men of Athens, with regard to the acts of violence
+by which Philip contravenes the terms of the Peace, I observe that, although the
+speeches on our side are always manifestly just and sympathetic,[n] and although
+those who denounce Philip are always regarded as saying what ought to be said,
+yet practically nothing is done which ought to be done, or which would make it
+worth while to listen to such speeches. {2} On the contrary, the condition of
+public affairs as a whole has already been brought to a point at which, the more
+and the more evidently a speaker can convict Philip both of transgressing the
+Peace which he made with you and of plotting against all the Hellenes, the
+harder it is for him to advise you how you should act. {3} The responsibility
+for this rests with us all, men of Athens. It is by deeds and actions, not by
+words, that a policy of encroachment must be arrested: and yet, in the first
+place, we who rise to address you will not face the duty of proposing or
+advising such action, for fear of unpopularity with you, though we dilate upon
+the character of Philip's acts, upon their atrocity, and so forth; and, in the
+second place, you who sit and listen, better qualified though you doubtless are
+than Philip for using the language of justice and appreciating it at the mouths
+of others, are nevertheless absolutely inert, when it is a question of
+preventing him from executing the designs in which he is now engaged. {4} It
+follows as the inevitable and perhaps reasonable consequence, that you are each
+more successful in that to which your time and your interest is given--he in
+actions, yourselves in words. Now if it is still enough for you, that your words
+are more just than his, your course is easy, and no labour is involved in it.
+{5} But if we are to inquire how the evil of the present situation is to be
+corrected; if its advance is not still to continue, unperceived, until we are
+confronted by a power so great that we cannot even raise a hand in our own
+defence; then we must alter our method of deliberation, and all of us who speak,
+and all of you who listen, must resolve to prefer the counsels which are best,
+and which can save us, to those which are most easy and most attractive.
+
+{6} I am amazed, men of Athens, in the first place, that any one who sees the
+present greatness of Philip and the wide mastery which he has gained, can be
+free from alarm, or can imagine that this involves no peril to Athens, or that
+it is not against you that all his preparations are being made. And I would beg
+you, one and all, to listen while I put before you in a few words the reasoning
+by which I have come to entertain the opposite expectation, and the grounds upon
+which I regard Philip as an enemy; that so, if my own foresight appears to you
+the truer, you may believe me; but if that of the persons who have no fears and
+have placed their trust in him, you may give your adhesion to them. {7} Here
+then, men of Athens, is my argument. Of what, in the first place, did Philip
+become master, when the Peace was concluded? Of Thermopylae, and of the
+situation in Phocis. Next, what use did he make of his power? He deliberately
+chose to act in the interests of Thebes, not in those of Athens. And why? He
+scrutinized every consideration in the light of his own ambition and of his
+desire for universal conquest: he took no thought for peace, or tranquillity, or
+justice; {8} and he saw quite correctly that our state and our national
+character being what they are, there was no attraction that he could offer,
+nothing that he could do, which would induce you to sacrifice any of the other
+Hellenes to him for your own advantage. He saw that you would take account of
+what was right; that you would shrink from the infamy attaching to such a
+policy; that you would exercise all the foresight which the situation demanded,
+and would oppose any such attempt on his part, as surely as if you were at open
+war with him. {9} But the Thebans, he believed--and the event proved that he was
+right--in return for what they were getting would let him do as he pleased in
+all that did not concern them; and far from acting against him, or preventing
+him effectively, would even join him in his campaign, if he bade them. His
+services to the Messenians and the Argives at the present moment are due to his
+having formed the same conception of them. And this, men of Athens, is the
+highest of all tributes to yourselves: {10} for these actions of his amount to a
+verdict upon you, that you alone of all peoples would never, for any gain to
+yourselves, sacrifice the common rights of the Hellenes, nor barter away your
+loyalty to them for any favour or benefit at his hands. This conception of you
+he has naturally formed, just as he has formed the opposite conception of the
+Argives and the Thebans, not only from his observation of the present, but also
+from his consideration of the past. {11} He discovers, I imagine, and is told,
+how when your forefathers might have been rulers of the rest of the Hellenes, on
+condition of submitting to the king themselves, they not only refused to
+tolerate the suggestion, on the occasion when Alexander [n], the ancestor of the
+present royal house, came as his herald to negotiate, but chose rather to leave
+their country and to face any suffering which they might have to endure; and how
+they followed up the refusal by those deeds which all are so eager to tell, but
+to which no one has ever been able to do justice; and for that reason, I shall
+myself forbear to speak of them, and rightly; for the grandeur of their
+achievements passes the power of language to describe. He knows, on the other
+hand, how the forefathers of the Thebans and Argives, in the one case, joined
+the barbarian army, in the other, offered no resistance to it. {12} He knows,
+therefore, that both these peoples will welcome what is to their own advantage,
+instead of considering the common interests of the Hellenes: and so he thought
+that, if he chose you for his allies, he would be choosing friends who would
+only serve a righteous cause; while if he joined himself to them, he would win
+accomplices who would further his own ambitions. That is why he chose them, as
+he chooses them now, in preference to you. For he certainly does not see them in
+possession of more ships than you; nor has he discovered some inland empire, and
+withdrawn from the seaboard and the trading-ports; nor does he forget the words
+and the promises, on the strength of which he was granted the Peace.
+
+{13} But some one may tell us, with an air of complete knowledge of the matter,
+that what then moved Philip to act thus was not his ambition nor any of the
+motives which I impute to him, but his belief that the demands of Thebes were
+more righteous than your own. I reply, that this statement, above all others, is
+one which he cannot possibly make _now_. How can one who is ordering Sparta to
+give up Messene put forward his belief in the righteousness of the act, as his
+excuse for handing over Orchomenus and Coroneia to Thebes?
+
+{14} 'But,' we are told (as the last remaining plea), 'he was forced to make
+these concessions, and did so against his better judgement, finding himself
+caught between the cavalry of Thessaly and the infantry of Thebes.' Admirable!
+And so, we are informed, he intends henceforth to be wary of the Thebans, and
+the tale goes round that he intends to fortify Elateia [n]. 'Intends,' indeed!
+and I expect that it will remain an intention! {15} But the help which he is
+giving to the Messenians and Argives is no 'intention'; for he is actually
+sending mercenaries to them and dispatching funds, and is himself expected to
+arrive on the spot with a great force. Is he trying to annihilate the Spartans,
+the existing enemies of Thebes, and at the same time protecting the Phocians,
+whom he himself has ruined? Who will believe such a tale? {16} For if Philip had
+really acted against his will and under compulsion in the first instance--if he
+were now really intending to renounce the Thebans--I cannot believe that he
+would be so consistently opposing their enemies. On the contrary, his present
+course plainly proves that his former action also was the result of deliberate
+policy; and to any sound observation, it is plain that the whole of his plans
+are being organized for one end--the destruction of Athens. {17} Indeed, this
+has now come to be, in a sense, a matter of necessity for him. Only consider. It
+is empire that he desires, and you, as he believes, are his only possible rivals
+in this. He has been acting wrongfully towards you for a long time, as he
+himself best knows; for it is the occupation of your possessions that enables
+him to hold all his other conquests securely, convinced, as he is, that if he
+had let Amphipolis and Poteidaea go, he could not dwell in safety even at home.
+{18} These two facts, then, he well knows--first, that his designs are aimed at
+you, and secondly, that you are aware of it: and as he conceives you to be men
+of sense, he considers that you hold him in righteous detestation: and, in
+consequence, his energies are roused: for he expects to suffer disaster, if you
+get your opportunity, unless he can anticipate you by inflicting it upon you.
+{19} So he is wide awake; he is on the alert; he is courting the help of others
+against Athens--of the Thebans and those Peloponnesians who sympathize with
+their wishes; thinking that their desire of gain will make them embrace the
+immediate prospect, while their native stupidity will prevent them from
+foreseeing any of the consequences. Yet there are examples, plainly visible to
+minds which are even moderately well-balanced[n]--examples which it fell to my
+lot to bring before Messenian and Argive audiences, but which had better,
+perhaps, be laid before yourselves as well.
+
+{20} 'Can you not imagine,' I said, 'men of Messenia, the impatience with which
+the Olynthians used to listen to any speeches directed against Philip in those
+times, when he was giving up Anthemus to them--a city claimed as their own by
+all former Macedonian kings; when he was expelling the Athenian colonists from
+Poteidaea and presenting it to the Olynthians; when he had taken upon his own
+shoulders their quarrel with Athens, and given them the enjoyment of that
+territory? Did they expect, do you think, to suffer as they have done? if any
+one had foretold it, would they have believed him? {21} And yet,' I continued,
+'after enjoying territory not their own for a very short time, they are robbed
+of their own by him for a great while to come; they are foully driven forth--not
+conquered merely, but betrayed by one another and sold; for it is not safe for a
+free state to be on these over-friendly terms with a tyrant. {22} What, again,
+of the Thessalians? Do you imagine,' I asked, 'that when he was expelling their
+tyrants, or again, when he was giving them Nicaea and Magnesia, they expected to
+see the present Council of Ten[n] established in their midst? Did they expect
+that the restorer of their Amphictyonic rights would take their own revenues
+from them for himself? Impossible! And yet these things came to pass, as all men
+may know. {23} You yourselves,' I continued, 'at present behold only the gifts
+and the promises of Philip. Pray, if you are really in your right minds, that
+you may never see the accomplishment of his deceit and treachery. There are, as
+you know well,' I said, 'all kinds of inventions designed for the protection and
+security of cities--palisades, walls, trenches, and every kind of defence. {24}
+All these are made with hands, and involve expense as well. But there is one
+safeguard which all sensible men possess by nature--a safeguard which is a
+valuable protection to all, but above all to a democracy against a tyrant. And
+what is this? It is distrust. Guard this possession and cleave to it; preserve
+this, and you need never fear disaster. {25} What is it that you desire?' I
+said. 'Is it freedom? And do you not see that the very titles that Philip bears
+are utterly alien to freedom? For a king, a tyrant, is always the foe of freedom
+and the enemy of law. Will you not be on your guard,' I said, 'lest in striving
+to be rid of war, you find yourselves slaves?'[n]
+
+{26} My audience heard these words and received them with a tumult of
+approbation, as well as many other speeches from the envoys, both when I was
+present and again later. And yet, it seems, there is still no better prospect of
+their keeping Philip's friendship and promises at a distance. {27} In fact, the
+extraordinary thing is not that Messenians and certain Peloponnesians should act
+against their own better judgement, but that you who understand for yourselves,
+and who hear us, your orators, telling you, that there is a design against you,
+and that the toils are closing round you--that you, I say, by always refusing to
+act at once, should be about to find (as I think you will) that you have exposed
+yourselves unawares to the utmost peril: so much more does the pleasure and ease
+of the moment weigh with you, than any advantage to be reaped at some future
+date.
+
+{28} In regard to the practical measures which you must take, you will, if you
+are wise, deliberate by yourselves[n] later. But I will at once propose an
+answer which you may make to-day, and which it will be consistent with your duty
+to have adopted.
+
+[_The answer is read._]
+
+Now the right course, men of Athens, was to have summoned before you those who
+conveyed the promises[n] on the strength of which you were induced to make the
+Peace. {29} For I could never have brought myself to serve on the Embassy, nor,
+I am sure, would you have discontinued the war, had you imagined that Philip,
+when he had obtained peace, would act as he has acted. What we were then told
+was something very different from this. And there are others, too, whom you
+should summon. You ask whom I mean? After the Peace had been made, and I had
+returned from the Second Embassy, which was sent to administer the oaths, I saw
+how the city was being hoodwinked, and I spoke out repeatedly, protesting and
+forbidding you to sacrifice Thermopylae and the Phocians: {30} and the men to
+whom I refer were those who then said that a water-drinker[n] like myself was
+naturally a fractious and ill-tempered fellow; while Philip, if only he crossed
+the Pass, would fulfil your fondest prayers; for he would fortify Thespiae and
+Plataeae; he would put an end to the insolence of the Thebans; he would cut a
+canal through the Chersonese at his own charges, and would repay you for
+Amphipolis by the restoration of Euboea and Oropus. All this was said from this
+very platform, and I am quite sure that you remember it well, though your memory
+of those who injure you is but short. {31} To crown your disgrace, with nothing
+but these hopes in view, you resolved that this same Peace should hold good for
+your posterity also; so completely had you fallen under their influence. But why
+do I speak of all this now? why do I bid you summon these men? By Heaven, I will
+tell the truth without reserve, and will hold nothing back. {32} My object is
+not to give way to abuse, and so secure myself as good a hearing[n] as others in
+this place, while giving those who have come into collision with me from the
+first an opportunity for a further claim[n] upon Philip's money. Nor do I wish
+to waste time in empty words. {33} No; but I think that the plan which Philip is
+pursuing will some day trouble you more than the present situation does; for his
+design is moving towards fulfilment, and though I shrink from precise
+conjecture, I fear its accomplishment may even now be only too close at hand.
+And when the time comes when you can no longer refuse to attend to what is
+passing; when you no longer hear from me or from some other that it is all
+directed against you, but all alike see it for yourselves and know it for a
+certainty; then, I think, you will be angry and harsh enough. {34} And I am
+afraid that because your envoys have withheld from you the guilty secret of the
+purposes which they have been bribed to forward, those who are trying to remedy
+in some degree the ruin of which these men have been the instruments will fall
+victims to your wrath. For I observe that it is the general practice of some
+persons to vent their anger, not upon the guilty, but upon those who are most
+within their grasp. {35} While then the trouble is still to come, still in
+process of growth, while we can still listen to one another's words, I would
+remind each of you once more of what he well knows--who it was that induced you
+to sacrifice the Phocians and Thermopylae, the control of which gave Philip
+command of the road to Attica and the Peloponnesus; who it was, I say, that
+converted your debate about your rights and your interests abroad into a debate
+about the safety of your own country, and about war on your own borders--a war
+which will bring distress to each of us personally, when it is at our doors, but
+which sprang into existence on that day. {36} Had you not been misled by them,
+no trouble would have befallen this country. For we cannot imagine that Philip
+would have won victories by sea which would have enabled him to approach Attica
+with his fleet, or would have marched by land past Thermopylae and the Phocians;
+but he would either have been acting straightforwardly--keeping the Peace and
+remaining quiet; or else he would have found himself instantly plunged into a
+war no less severe than that which originally made him desirous of the Peace.
+{37} What I have said is sufficient by way of a reminder to you. Heaven grant
+that the time may not come when the truth of my words will be tested with all
+severity: for I at least have no desire to see any one meet with punishment,
+however much he may deserve his doom, if it is accompanied by danger and
+calamity to us all.
+
+
+
+
+ON THE EMBASSY (OR. XIX)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. The principal events with which a reader of this Speech ought
+to be acquainted have already been narrated (see especially the Introductions to
+the last two Speeches). The influence of the anti-Macedonian party grew
+gradually from the time of the Peace onwards. In 346, within a month after the
+return of the Second Embassy, the ambassadors presented their reports before the
+Logistae or Board of Auditors (after a futile attempt on the part of Aeschines
+to avoid making a report altogether); and Timarchus, supported by Demosthenes,
+there announced his intention of taking proceedings against Aeschines for
+misconduct on the Second Embassy. But Timarchus' own past history was not above
+reproach: he was attacked by Aeschines for the immoralities of his youth, which,
+it was stated, disqualified him from acting as prosecutor, and though defended
+by Demosthenes, was condemned and disfranchised (345 B.C.). But early in 343
+Hypereides impeached Philocrates for corruption as ambassador, and obtained his
+condemnation to death--a penalty which he escaped by voluntary exile before the
+conclusion of the trial; and, later in the same year, Demosthenes brought the
+same charge against Aeschines.
+
+In the meantime (since the delivery of Demosthenes' Second Philippic) Philip had
+been making fresh progress. The Arcadians and Argives (for the Athenian envoys
+to the Peloponnese in 344 seem to have had little success) were ready to open
+their gates to him. His supporters in Elis massacred their opponents, and with
+them the remnant of the Phocians who had crossed over to Elis with Phalaecus. At
+Megara, Perillus and Ptoeodorus almost succeeded in bringing a force of Philip's
+mercenaries into the town, but the attempt was defeated, by the aid of an
+Athenian force under Phocion. In Euboea Philip's troops occupied Porthmus, where
+the democratic party of Eretria had taken refuge, owing to an overthrow of the
+constitution (brought about by Philip's intrigues) which resulted in the
+establishment of Cleitarchus as tyrant. In the course of the same year (343)
+occurred two significant trials. The first was that of Antiphon, who had made an
+offer to Philip to burn the Athenian dockyards at the Peiraeus. He was summarily
+arrested by order of Demosthenes (probably in virtue of some administrative
+office): Aeschines obtained his release, but he was re-arrested by order of the
+Council of Areopagus[1] and condemned to death. The other trial was held before
+the Amphictyonic Council on the motion of the people of Delos, to decide whether
+the Athenians should continue to possess the right of managing the Temple of
+Delos. The Assembly chose Aeschines as counsel for Athens; but the Council of
+Areopagus, which had been given power to revise the appointment, put Hypereides
+in his place. Hypereides won the case. Early in 343 (or at all events before the
+middle of the year), Philip sent Python of Byzantium to complain of the language
+used about him by Athenian orators, and to offer to revise and amend the terms
+of the Peace of Philocrates. In response, an embassy was sent, headed by
+Hegesippus, a violent opponent of Macedonia, to propose to Philip (1) that
+instead of the clause 'that each party shall retain possession of what they
+have', a clause, 'that each party shall possess what is their own,' should be
+substituted; and (2) that all Greek States not included in the Treaty of Peace
+should be declared free, and that Athens and Philip should assist them, if they
+were attacked. These proposals, if sanctioned, would obviously have reopened the
+question of Amphipolis, Pydna, and Poteidaea, as well as of Cardia and the
+Thracian towns taken by Philip in 346. Hegesippus, moreover, was personally
+objectionable, and the embassy was dismissed with little courtesy by Philip, who
+even banished from Macedonia the Athenian poet Xenocleides for acting as host to
+the envoys. The feeling against Philip in Athens was evidently strong, when the
+prosecution of Aeschines by Demosthenes took place.
+
+The trial was held before a jury (probably consisting of 1,501 persons),
+presided over by the Board of Auditors. Demosthenes spoke first, and Aeschines
+replied in a speech which is preserved. There is no doubt, on a comparison of
+the two speeches, that each, before it was published, received alterations and
+insertions, intended to meet the adversary's points, or to give a better colour
+to passages which had been unfavourably received. Probably not all the
+refutations 'in advance' were such in reality. But there is no sufficient reason
+to doubt that the speeches were delivered substantially as we have them.
+Aeschines was acquitted by thirty votes.
+
+The question of the guilt or innocence of Aeschines will probably never be
+finally settled. A great part of his conduct can be explained as a sincere
+attempt to carry out the policy of Eubulus, or as the issue of a genuine belief
+that it was best for Athens to make terms with Philip and stand on his side.
+Even so the wisdom and the veracity of certain speeches which he had made is
+open to grave question; but this is a different thing from corruption. Moreover,
+to some of Demosthenes' arguments he has a conclusive reply. It is more
+difficult to explain his apparent change of opinion between the 18th and 19th of
+Elaphebolion, 346 (if Demosthenes' report of the debates is to be trusted); and
+some writers are disposed to date his corruption from the intervening night. Nor
+is it easy to meet Demosthenes' argument that if Aeschines had really been taken
+in by Philip, and believed the promises which he announced, or if he had
+actually heard Philip make the promises, he would have regarded Philip
+afterwards as a personal enemy, and not as a friend. But even on these points
+Aeschines might reply (though he could not reply so to the Athenian people or
+jury) that though he did not trust the promises, he regarded the interest of
+Athens as so closely bound up with the alliance with Philip, that he considered
+it justifiable to deceive the people into making the alliance, or at least to
+take the risk of the promises which he announced proving untrue. In any case
+there is no convincing evidence of corruption; and it may be taken as
+practically certain that he was not bribed to perform particular services. It is
+less certain that he was not influenced by generous presents from Philip in
+forming his judgement of Philip's character and intentions. The standard of
+Athenian public opinion in regard to the receipt of presents was not that of the
+English Civil Service; and the ancient orators accuse one another of corruption
+almost as a matter of course. (We have seen that Demosthenes began the attack
+upon Eubulus' party in this form as early as the Speech for the Rhodians; it
+appears in almost every subsequent oration: and in their turn, his opponents
+make the same charge against him.) It is, in any case, remarkable that at a time
+when the people was plainly exasperated with the Peace and its authors, and very
+ill-disposed towards Philip, a popular jury nevertheless acquitted Aeschines;
+and the verdict is not sufficiently explained either by the fact that Eubulus
+supported Aeschines or by the jurors' memory of Demosthenes' own part in the
+earlier peace-negotiations, though this must have weakened the force of his
+attack. That Demosthenes himself believed Aeschines to have been bribed, and
+could himself see no other explanation of his conduct, need not be doubted; and
+although the speech contains some of those misrepresentations of fact and
+passages of irrelevant personal abuse which deface some of his best work, it
+also contains some of his finest pieces of oratory and narrative.
+
+The second part of the speech is more broken up into short sections and less
+clearly arranged than the first; earlier arguments are repeated, and a few
+passages may be due (at least in their present shape) to revision after the
+trial: but the latter part even as it stands is successful in leaving the points
+of greatest importance strongly impressed upon the mind.
+
+The following analysis of the speech may enable the reader to find his way
+through it without serious difficulty:--
+
+
+INTRODUCTION (§§ 1-28)
+
+(i) _Exordium_ (§§ 1, 2). Impartiality requested of the jury, in view of
+Aeschines' attempt to escape by indirect means.
+
+(ii) _Points of the trial_ (§§ 3-8). An ambassador must (1) give true reports;
+(2) give good advice; (3) obey his instructions; (4) not lose time; (5) be
+incorruptible.
+
+(iii) _Preliminary exposition of the arguments_ (§§ 9-28).
+
+    (1) The previous anti-Macedonian zeal of Aeschines suddenly collapsed
+        after the First Embassy.
+
+    (2) In the deliberations on the Peace, Aeschines supported
+        Philocrates.
+
+    (3) After the Second Embassy, Aeschines prevented Athens from guarding
+        Thermopylae and saving the Phocians, by false reports and
+        promises.
+
+    (4) Such a change of policy is only explicable by corruption.
+
+PART 1 (§§ 29-178)
+
+The five points of Introduction (ii) are treated as three, or in three groups.
+
+(i) The reports made by Aeschines on his return from the Second Embassy, and his
+advice, especially as to the ruin of the Phocians (§§ 29-97).
+
+    (1) The reports (a) to the Senate, (b) to the People, and their
+        reception (§§ 29-46).
+
+    (2) Evidence that Aeschines conspired with Philip against the
+        Phocians, whose ruin is described (§§ 47-71).
+
+    (3) Refutation of three anticipated objections, beginning at § 72, §
+        78, § 80 respectively (§§ 72-82).
+
+    (4) The danger to Athens from Aeschines' treachery (§§ 83-7).
+
+    (5) Request to confine the trial strictly to relevant points
+        (§§ 88-97).
+
+(ii) The corruption of Aeschines by the bribes of Philip (§§ 98-149).
+
+    (1) Arguments (beginning § 102, § 111, § 114, § 116) showing the
+        corruption of Aeschines (§§ 98-119).
+
+    (2) Refutation of anticipated objections (beginning at § 120, § 134,
+        § 147) (§§ 120-49).
+
+(iii) Aeschines' loss of time, by which Philip profited, and disobedience
+to his instructions (§§ 150-77).
+
+    (1) Narrative of the Second Embassy (§§ 150-62).
+
+    (2) Comparison of the two Embassies (§§ 163-5).
+
+    (3) Comparison of Demosthenes' own conduct with that of the other
+        ambassadors (§§ 167-77). Recapitulation of the points established
+        (§§ 177, 178).
+
+PART II (§§ 179-343)
+
+(i) The injury done to Athens--
+
+    (a) by the loss of Thrace and the Hellespont;
+
+    (b) generally, by false reports from ambassadors (§§ 179-86).
+
+(ii) Refutation of anticipated objections--
+
+    (a) 'It is not Philip's fault that he has not satisfied Athens'
+        (§ 187).
+
+    (b) 'Demosthenes has no right to prosecute' (§§ 188-220): including a
+        digression (§§ 192-200) on Aeschines' character and incidents in
+        his life.
+
+(iii) Demosthenes' object in prosecuting, passing into reproof of the laxity of
+Athens towards traitors (§§ 221-33).
+
+(iv) Warning against any attempt by Aeschines to confuse the dates and incidents
+of the two Embassies (§§ 234-6.)
+
+(v) Criticism of Aeschines' brothers and his prosecution of Timarchus
+(§§ 237-58).
+
+(vi) The increasing danger from traitors, and the traditional attitude
+of Athens towards them (§§ 259-87).
+
+(vii) Attack upon Eubulus for defending Aeschines (§§ 288-99).
+
+(viii) Philip's policy and methods; proofs of Aeschines' complicity
+repeated (§§ 300-31).
+
+(ix) Warnings to the jury against Aeschines' attempts to mislead them; and
+conclusion (§§ 331-43).]
+
+
+{1} How much interest this case has excited, men of Athens, and how much
+canvassing has taken place, must, I feel sure, have become fairly evident to you
+all, after the persistent overtures just now made to you, while you were drawing
+your lots.[n] Yet I will make the request of you all--a request which ought to
+be granted even when unasked--that you will not allow the favour or the person
+of any man to weigh more with you than justice and the oath which each of you
+swore before he entered the court. Remember that what I ask is for your own
+welfare and for that of the whole State; while the entreaties and the eager
+interest of the supporters of the accused have for their aim the selfish
+advantage of individuals: and it is not to confirm criminals in the possession
+of such advantages that the laws have called you together, but to prevent their
+attainment of them. {2} Now I observe that while all who enter upon public life
+in an honest spirit profess themselves under a perpetual responsibility, even
+when they have passed their formal examination, the defendant Aeschines does the
+very reverse. For before entering your presence to give an account of his
+actions, he has put out of the way one of those[n] who appeared against him at
+his examination; and others he pursues with threats, thus introducing into
+public life a practice which is of all the most atrocious and most contrary to
+your interests. For if one who has transacted and managed any public business is
+to render himself secure against accusation by spreading terror round him,
+rather than by the justice of his case, your supremacy[n] must pass entirely out
+of your hands.
+
+{3} I have every confidence and belief that I shall prove the defendant guilty
+of many atrocious crimes, for which he deserves the extreme penalty of the law.
+But I will tell you frankly of the fear which troubles me in spite of this
+confidence. It seems to me, men of Athens, that the issue of every trial before
+you is determined as much by the occasion as by the facts; and I am afraid that
+the length of time which has elapsed since the Embassy may have caused you to
+forget the crimes of Aeschines, or to be too familiar with them. {4} I will tell
+you therefore how, in spite of this, you may yet, as I believe, arrive at a just
+decision and give a true verdict to-day. You have, gentlemen of the jury, to
+inquire and to consider what are the points on which it is proper to demand an
+account from an ambassador. He is responsible first for his report; secondly,
+for what he has persuaded you to do; thirdly, for his execution of your
+instructions; next, for dates; and, besides all these things, for the integrity
+or venality of his conduct throughout. {5} And why is he responsible in these
+respects? Because on his report must depend your discussion of the situation: if
+his report is true, your decision is a right one: if otherwise, it is the
+reverse. Again, you regard the counsels of ambassadors as especially
+trustworthy. You listen to them in the belief that they have personal knowledge
+of the matter with which they were sent to deal. Never, therefore, ought an
+ambassador to be convicted of having given you any worthless or pernicious
+advice. {6} Again, it is obviously proper that he should have carried out your
+instructions to him with regard to both speech and action, and your express
+resolutions as to his conduct. Very good. But why is he responsible for dates?
+Because, men of Athens, it often happens that the opportunity upon which much
+that is of great importance depends lasts but for a moment; and if this
+opportunity is deliberately and treacherously surrendered to the enemy, no
+subsequent steps can possibly recover it. {7} But as to the integrity or
+corruption of an ambassador, you would all, I am sure, admit that to make money
+out of proceedings that injure the city is an atrocious thing and deserves your
+heavy indignation. Yet the implied distinction was not recognized by the framer
+of our law. He absolutely forbade _all_ taking of presents, thinking, I believe,
+that a man who has once received presents and been corrupted with money no
+longer remains even a safe judge of what is to the interest of the city. {8} If
+then I can convict the defendant Aeschines by conclusive proofs of having made a
+report that was utterly untrue, and prevented the people from hearing the truth
+from me; if I prove that he gave advice that was entirely contrary to your
+interests; that on his mission he fulfilled none of your instructions to him;
+that he wasted time, during which opportunities for accomplishing much that was
+of great importance were sacrificed and lost to the city; and that he received
+presents in payment for all these services, in company with Philocrates; then
+condemn him, and exact the penalty which his crimes deserve. If I fail to prove
+these points, or fail to prove them all, then regard me with contempt, and let
+the defendant go.
+
+{9} I have still to charge him, men of Athens, with many atrocious acts in
+addition to these--acts which would naturally call forth the execration of every
+one among you. But I desire, before all else that I am about to say, to remind
+you (though most of you, I know, remember it well) of the position which
+Aeschines originally took up in public life, and the speeches which he thought
+it right to address to the people against Philip; for I would have you realize
+that his own actions, his own speeches at the beginning of his career, are the
+strongest evidence of his corruption. {10} According to his own public
+declaration at that time, he was the first Athenian to perceive that Philip had
+designs against the Hellenes and was corrupting certain leading men in Arcadia.
+With Ischander, the son of Neoptolemus, to second him in his performance, he
+came before the Council and he came before the people, to speak on the subject:
+he persuaded you to send envoys in all directions to bring together a congress
+at Athens to discuss the question of war with Philip: {11} then, on his return
+from Arcadia, he reported to you those noble and lengthy speeches which, he
+said, he had delivered on your behalf before the Ten Thousand[n] at Megalopolis,
+in reply to Philip's spokesman, Hieronymus; and he described at length the
+criminal wrong that was done, not only to their own several countries, but to
+all Hellas, by men who took bribes and received money from Philip. {12} Such
+was his policy at that time, and such the sample which he displayed of his
+sentiments. Then you were induced by Aristodemus, Neoptolemus, Ctesiphon, and
+the rest of those who brought reports from Macedonia in which there was not an
+honest word, to send ambassadors to Philip and to negotiate for peace. Aeschines
+himself is appointed one of them, in the belief, not that he was one of those
+who would sell your interests, or had placed confidence in Philip, but rather
+one who would keep an eye on the rest. The speeches which he had already
+delivered, and his antipathy to Philip, naturally led you to take this view of
+him. {13} Well, after this he came to me[n] and tried to make an agreement by
+which we should act in concert on the Embassy, and urged strongly that we should
+both keep an eye upon that abominable and shameless man Philocrates; and until
+we returned to Athens from the First Embassy, I at least, men of Athens, had no
+idea that he had been corrupted and had sold himself. For (not to mention the
+other speeches which, as I have told you, he had made on former occasions) at
+the first of the assemblies in which you debated about the Peace, he rose and
+delivered an exordium which I think I can repeat to you word for word as he
+uttered it at the meeting. {14} 'If Philocrates,' he said, 'had spent a very
+long time in studying how he could best oppose the Peace, I do not think he could
+have found a better device than a motion of this kind. The Peace which he
+proposes is one which I can never recommend the city to make, so long as a
+single Athenian remains alive. Peace, however, we ought, I think, to make.' {15}
+And he made a brief and reasonable speech in the same tone. But though he had
+spoken thus at the first meeting, in the hearing of you all, yet at the second
+meeting, when the Peace was to be ratified; when I was upholding the resolution
+of the allies and working for a Peace on just and equitable terms; when you in
+your desire for such a Peace would not even listen to the voice of the despicable
+Philocrates; then, I say, Aeschines rose and spoke in support of him, using
+language for which he deserves, God knows, to die many deaths, {16} saying that
+you must not remember your forefathers, nor tolerate speakers who recalled your
+trophies and your victories by sea; and that he would frame and propose a law,
+that you should assist no Hellene who had not previously assisted you. These
+words he had the callous shamelessness to utter in the very presence and hearing
+of the ambassadors[n] whom you had summoned from the Hellenic states, in
+pursuance of the advice which he himself had given you, before he had sold
+himself.
+
+{17} You elected him again, men of Athens, to receive the oaths. How he
+frittered away the time, how cruelly he injured all his country's interests, and
+what violent mutual enmity arose between myself and him in consequence of his
+conduct and of my desire to prevent it, you shall hear presently. But when we
+returned from this Embassy which was sent to receive the oaths, and the report
+of which is now under examination; when we had secured nothing, either small or
+great, of all that had been promised and expected when you were making the
+Peace, but had been totally deceived; when they had again acted without regard
+to their instructions,[n] and had conducted their mission in direct defiance of
+your decree; we came before the Council: and there are many who have personal
+knowledge of what I am about to tell you, for the Council-Chamber was crowded
+with spectators. {18} Well, I came forward and reported to the Council the whole
+truth: I denounced these men: I recounted the whole story, beginning with those
+first hopes, aroused in you by the report of Ctesiphon and Aristodemus, and
+going on to the speeches which Aeschines delivered during the time of the Peace-
+negotiations, and the position into which they had brought the city: as regards
+all that remained to you--I meant the Phocians and Thermopylae--I counselled you
+not to abandon these, not to be victims once more of the same mistake, not to
+let yourselves be reduced to extremities through depending upon a succession of
+hopes and promises: and I carried the Council with me. {19} But when the day of
+the Assembly came, and it was our duty to address you, the defendant Aeschines
+came forward before any of his colleagues--and I entreat you, in God's name, to
+follow me, and try to recollect whether what I tell you is true; for now we have
+come to the very thing which so cruelly injured and ruined your whole cause. He
+made not the remotest attempt to give any report of the results of the Embassy--
+if indeed he questioned the truth of my allegations at all--but instead of this,
+he made statements of such a character, promising you benefits so numerous and
+so magnificent, that he completely carried you away with him. {20} For he said
+that,[n] before his return, he had persuaded Philip upon all the points in which
+the interests of the city were involved, in regard both to the Amphictyonic
+dispute and to all other matters: and he described to you a long speech which he
+professed to have addressed to Philip against the Thebans, and of which he
+reported to you the substance, calculating that, as the result of his own
+diplomacy, you would within two or three days, without stirring from home or
+taking the field or suffering any inconvenience, hear that Thebes was being
+blockaded, alone and isolated from the rest of Boeotia, {21} that Thespiae and
+Plataeae were being repeopled, and that the debt due to the god[n] was being
+exacted not from the Phocians, but from the Thebans who had planned the seizure
+of the temple. For he said that he gave Philip to understand that those who
+planned the act were no less guilty of impiety than those whose hands executed
+the plan; and that on this account the Thebans had set a price upon his head.
+{22} Moreover, he said that he heard some of the Euboeans, who had been thrown
+into a state of panic and confusion by the friendly relations established
+between Athens and Philip, saying to the ambassadors, 'You have not succeeded,
+gentlemen, in concealing from us the conditions on which you have made your
+Peace with Philip; nor are we unaware that while you have given him Amphipolis,
+he has undertaken to hand over Euboea to you.' There was, indeed, another matter
+which he had arranged as well, but he did not wish to mention this at present,
+since even as it was some of his colleagues were jealous of him. {23} This was
+an enigmatical and indirect allusion to Oropus. These utterances naturally
+raised him high in your estimation; he seemed to be an admirable speaker and a
+marvellous man; and he stepped down with a very lofty air. Then I rose and
+denied all knowledge of these things, and at the same time attempted to repeat
+some part of my report to the Council. But they now took their stand by me, one
+on this side, one on that--the defendant and Philocrates; they shouted, they
+interrupted me, and finally they jeered, while you laughed. {24} You would not
+hear, and you did not wish to believe anything but what Aeschines had reported.
+Heaven knows, your feelings were natural enough; for who, that expected all
+these marvellous benefits, would have tolerated a speaker who said that the
+expectation would not be realized, or denounced the proceedings of those who
+made the promise? All else, of course, was of secondary importance at the time,
+in comparison with the expectations and the hopes placed before you; any
+contradiction appeared to be nothing but sheer obstruction and malignity, while
+the proceedings described seemed to be of incredible importance and advantage to
+the city.
+
+{25} Now with what object have I recalled these occurrences to you before
+everything else, and described these speeches of his? My first and chief object,
+men of Athens, is that none of you, when he hears me speak of any of the things
+that were done and is struck by their unparalleled atrocity, may ask in surprise
+why I did not tell you at once and inform you of the facts; {26} but may
+remember the promises which these men made at each critical moment, and by which
+they entirely prevented every one else from obtaining a hearing; and that
+splendid pronouncement by Aeschines; and that you may realize that in addition
+to all his other crimes, you have suffered this further wrong at his hands--that
+you were prevented from learning the truth instantly, when you ought to have
+learned it, because you were deluded by hopes, deceits and promises. {27} That
+is my first and, as I have said, my chief object in recalling all these
+occurrences. But there is a second which is of no less importance than the
+first, and what is this? It is that you may remember the policy which he adopted
+in his public life, when he was still uncorrupted--his guarded and mistrustful
+attitude towards Philip; and may consider the sudden growth of confidence and
+friendship which followed; {28} and then, if all that he announced to you has
+been realized, if the results achieved are satisfactory, you may believe that
+all has been done out of an honest interest in the welfare of Athens; but if, on
+the other hand, the issue has been exactly the opposite of that which he
+predicted: if his policy has involved the city in great disgrace and in grave
+perils, you may then be sure that his conversion was due to his own base
+covetousness and to his having sold the truth for money.
+
+{29} And now, since I have been led on to this subject, I desire to describe to
+you, before everything else, the way in which they took the Phocian question
+entirely out of your hands. And let none of you, gentlemen of the jury, when he
+looks at the magnitude of the transactions, imagine that the crimes with which
+the defendant is charged are on a grander scale than one of his reputation could
+compass. You have rather to observe that any one whom you would have placed in
+such a position as this--a position in which, as each critical moment arrived,
+the decision would be in his hands--could have brought about disasters equal to
+those for which Aeschines is responsible, if, like Aeschines, he had wished to
+sell his services, and to cheat and deceive you. {30} For however
+contemptible[n] may be the men whom you frequently employ in the public service,
+it does not follow that the part which the world expects this city to play is a
+contemptible one. Far from it! And further, though it was Philip, of course, who
+destroyed the Phocian people, it was Aeschines and his party who seconded
+Philip's efforts. And so what you have to observe and consider is whether, so
+far as the preservation of the Phocians came within the scope of their mission,
+these men deliberately destroyed and ruined that whole cause. You have not to
+suppose that Aeschines ruined the Phocians by himself. How could he have done
+so?
+
+{31} (_To the clerk._) Now give me the draft-resolution which the Council passed
+in view of my report, and the deposition of the clerk who wrote it. (_To the
+jury._) For I would have you know that I am not repudiating to-day transactions
+about which I held my peace at the time, but that I denounced them at once, with
+full prevision of what must follow; and that the Council, which was not
+prevented from hearing the truth from me, neither voted thanks to the
+ambassadors, nor thought fit to invite them to the Town Hall.[n] From the
+foundation of the city to this day, no body of ambassadors is recorded to have
+been treated so; nor even Timagoras,[n] whom the people condemned to death. {32}
+But these men have been so treated. (_To the clerk._) First read them the
+deposition, and then the resolution.
+
+[_The deposition and resolution are read._]
+
+Here is no expression of thanks, no invitation of the ambassadors to the Town
+Hall by the Council. If Aeschines asserts that there is any, let him point it
+out and produce it, and I give way to him. But there is none. Now on the
+assumption that we all fulfilled our mission in the same way, the Council had
+good reason not to thank any of us, for the transactions of all alike were in
+that case atrocious. But if some of us acted uprightly, while others did the
+reverse, it must, it seems, have been owing to the knavery of their colleagues
+that the virtuous were forced to take their share of this dishonour. {33} How
+then can you all ascertain without any difficulty who is the rogue? Recall to
+your minds who it is that has denounced the transaction from the outset. For it
+is plain that it must have been the guilty person who was well content to be
+silent, to stave off the day of reckoning for the moment, and to take care for
+the future not to present himself to give an account of his actions; while it
+must have been he whose conscience was clear to whom there occurred the thought
+of the danger, lest through keeping silence he might be regarded as a partner in
+such atrocious villany. Now it is I that have denounced these men from the
+outset, while none of them has accused me. {34} Such then was the resolution of
+the Council. The meeting of the Assembly took place when Philip was already at
+Thermopylae: for this was the first of all their crimes, that they placed Philip
+in command of the situation, so that, when you ought first to have heard the
+facts, then to have deliberated, and afterwards to have taken such measures as
+you had resolved upon, you in fact heard nothing until he was on the spot, and
+it was no longer easy to say what steps you ought to take. {35} In addition to
+this, no one read the resolution of the Council to the people, and the people
+never heard it; but Aeschines rose and delivered the harangue which I just now
+described to you, recounting the numerous and important benefits which he said
+he had, before his return, persuaded Philip to grant, and on account of which
+the Thebans had set a price upon his head. In consequence of this, appalled
+though you were at first at the proximity of Philip, and angry with these men
+for not having warned you of it, you became as mild as possible, having now
+formed the expectation that all your wishes would be realized; and you would not
+hear a word from me or from any one else. {36} After this was read the letter
+from Philip, which Aeschines had written[n] when we had left him behind, a
+letter which was nothing less than a direct and express defence in writing of
+the misconduct of the ambassadors. For in it is stated that Philip himself
+prevented them, when they were anxious to go to the several cities and receive
+the oaths, and that he retained them in order that they might help him to effect
+a reconciliation between the peoples of Halus and Pharsalus. He takes upon his
+own shoulders the whole of their misconduct, and makes it his own. {37} But as
+to the Phocians and Thespiae, and the promises contained in Aeschines' report to
+you--why, there is not the slightest mention of them! And it was no mere
+accident that the proceedings took this form. For the failure of the ambassadors
+to carry out or give effect to any of the instructions imposed upon them by your
+resolution--the failure for which you were bound to punish them--Philip makes
+himself responsible in their stead, and says that the fault was his; for you
+were not likely, of course, to be able to punish _him_. {38} But the points in
+regard to which Philip wished to deceive you and to steal a march upon the city
+were made the subject of the defendant's report, in order that you might be able
+to find no ground of accusation or reproach against Philip, since these points
+were not mentioned either in his letter or in any other part of the
+communications received from him. But (_to the clerk_) read the jury the actual
+letter--written by Aeschines, sent by Philip; and (_to the jury_) do you observe
+that it is such as I have described. (_To the clerk._) Read on.
+
+[_The letter is read._]
+
+{39} You hear the letter, men of Athens; you hear how noble and generous it is.
+But about the Phocians or the Thebans or the other subjects of the defendant's
+report--not a syllable. Indeed, in this letter there is not an honest word, as
+you will very shortly see for yourselves. He says that he retained the
+ambassadors to help him reconcile the people of Halus: and such is the
+reconciliation that they have obtained, that they are exiles from their country,
+and their city is laid waste. And as to the prisoners, though he professed to be
+wondering what he could do to gratify you, he says that the idea of procuring
+their release had not occurred to any one. {40} But evidence has, as you know,
+been laid before you many times in the Assembly, to the effect that I myself
+went to ransom them, taking a talent[n] for the purpose; and it shall now be
+laid before you once more. It follows, therefore, that it was to deprive me of
+my laudable ambition[n] that Aeschines persuaded Philip to insert this
+statement. But the strongest point of all is this. In his former letter--the
+letter which we brought back--he wrote, 'I should have mentioned expressly the
+great benefits that I propose to confer upon you, if I felt sure that you would
+grant me the alliance as well.' And yet when the alliance has been granted, he
+says that he does not know what he can do to gratify you. He does not even know
+what he had himself promised! Why, he must obviously have known that, unless he
+was trying to cheat you! To prove that he did write thus and in these terms,
+(_to the clerk_) take his former letter, and read the very passage, beginning at
+this point. Read on.
+
+[_An extract from the letter is read._]
+
+{41} Thus, before he obtained the Peace, he undertook to set down in writing the
+great benefits he would confer on the city, in the event of an alliance also
+being granted him. But as soon as he had obtained both his wishes, he says that
+he does not know what he can do to gratify you, but that if you will inform him,
+he will do anything that will not involve any disgrace or stigma upon himself.
+Such are the excuses in which he takes refuge, to secure his retreat, in case
+you should actually make any suggestion or should be induced to ask any favour.
+
+{42} It would have been possible to expose this whole proceeding at the time--
+and a great deal more--without delay; to inform you of the facts, and to prevent
+you from sacrificing your cause, had not the thought of Thespiae and Plataeae,
+and the idea that the Thebans were on the very point of paying the penalty,
+robbed you of the truth. While, however, there was good reason for mentioning
+these prospects, if the city was to hear of them and then be cheated, it would
+have been better, if their realization was actually intended, that nothing
+should have been said about them. For if matters had already reached a stage at
+which the Thebans would be no better off, even if they perceived the design
+against them, why was the design not fulfilled? But if its fulfilment was
+prevented because they perceived it in time, who was it that betrayed the
+secret? {43} Must it not have been Aeschines? Its fulfilment, however, was not
+in fact intended, nor did the defendant either desire or expect it; so that he
+may be relieved of the charge of betraying the secret. What was intended was
+that you should be hoodwinked by these statements, and should refuse to hear the
+truth from me; that you should not stir from home, and that such a decree should
+carry the day as would involve the destruction of the Phocians. Hence this
+prodigality in promises, and their proclamation in his speech to the people.
+
+{44} When I heard Aeschines making all these magnificent promises, I knew
+perfectly well that he was lying; and I will tell you how I knew. I knew it
+first, because when Philip was about to take the oath in ratification of the
+Peace, the Phocians were openly excluded from it. This was a point which it
+would have been natural to pass over in silence, if the Phocians were really to
+be saved. And secondly, I knew it because the promises were not made by Philip's
+ambassadors or in Philip's letter, but by the defendant. {45} Accordingly,
+drawing my conclusions from these facts, I rose and came forward and attempted
+to contradict him; but as you were not willing to hear me, I held my peace, with
+no more than these words of solemn protest, which I entreat you, in Heaven's
+name, to remember. 'I have no knowledge of these promises,' I said, 'and no
+share in making them; and,' I added, 'I do not believe they will be fulfilled.'
+This last expression roused your temper, and I proceeded, 'Take care, men of
+Athens, that if any of these things comes to pass, you thank these gentlemen for
+it, and give your honours and crowns to them, and not to me. If, however,
+anything of an opposite character occurs, you must equally vent your anger on
+them: I decline all responsibility.' {46} 'No, no!' interrupted Aeschines, 'do
+not decline responsibility now! Take care rather that you do not claim credit,
+when the time comes.' 'Indeed, it would be an injustice if I did so,' I replied.
+Then Philocrates arose with a most insolent air, and said, 'It is no wonder, men
+of Athens, that I and Demosthenes should disagree; for he drinks water, I drink
+wine.' And you laughed.
+
+{47} Now consider the decree which Philocrates proposed and handed in.[n] An
+excellent resolution it sounds, as you hear it now. But when you take into
+account the occasion on which it was proposed, and the promises which Aeschines
+was then making, you will see that their action amounts to nothing less than a
+surrender of the Phocians to Philip and the Thebans, and that, practically, with
+their hands tied behind their backs. (_To the clerk._) Read the decree.
+
+[_The decree is read._]
+
+{48} There, men of Athens, is the decree, overflowing with expressions of
+gratitude and auspicious language. 'The Peace,' it says, 'which is granted to
+Philip shall be granted on the same terms to his descendants, and also the
+alliance.' Again, we are 'to thank Philip for his promised acts of justice'. Yet
+Philip made no promises: so far was he from making promises that he said he did
+not know what he could do to gratify you. {49} It was Aeschines who spoke in his
+name, and made the promises. Then Philocrates took advantage of the enthusiasm
+which Aeschines' words aroused in you, to insert in the decree the clause, 'and
+unless the Phocians act as they are bound, and surrender the temple to the
+Amphictyons, the Athenian people will render their assistance against those who
+still stand in the way of such surrender.' {50} Thus, men of Athens, at a time
+when you were still at home and had not taken the field, when the Spartans had
+foreseen the deception and retired, and when none of the Amphictyons were on the
+spot but the Thessalians and Thebans, he proposes in the most innocent-sounding
+language in the world that they shall deliver up the temple to these. For he
+proposes that they shall deliver it up to the Amphictyons. But what Amphictyons?
+for there were none there but the Thessalians and Thebans. He does not propose
+that the Amphictyons should be convoked, or that they should wait until the
+Amphictyons met or that Proxenus should render assistance in Phocis, or that the
+Athenians should take the field, or anything of the sort. {51} Philip did indeed
+actually send two letters to summon you.[n] But he did not intend you really to
+march from Athens. Not a bit of it! For he would not have waited to summon you
+until he had seen the time go by in which you could have set out; nor would he
+have tried to prevent me, when I wished to set sail and return hither; nor would
+he have instructed Aeschines to speak to you in the terms which would be least
+likely to cause you to march. No! he intended that you should fancy that he was
+about to fulfil your desires, and in that belief should abstain from any
+resolution adverse to him; and that the Phocians should, in consequence, make
+no defence or resistance, in reliance upon any hopes inspired by you, but should
+put themselves into his hands in utter despair. (_To the clerk._) Read to the
+jury the letters of Philip.
+
+[_The letters are read._]
+
+{52} Now these letters summon you, and that, forsooth, instantly; and it was
+surely for Aeschines and his party, if the proceeding was in any way genuine, to
+support the summons, to urge you to march, and to propose that Proxenus, whom
+they knew to be in those parts, should render assistance at once. Yet it is
+plain that their action was of precisely the opposite character; and naturally
+so. For they did not attend to the terms of the letter, but to the intention
+with which Philip wrote it. {53} With this intention they co-operated, and to
+this they strove to give effect. As soon as the Phocians had learned the news of
+your proceedings in the Assembly, and had received this decree of Philocrates,
+and heard the defendant's announcement and his promises, everything combined to
+effect their doom. Consider the circumstances. There were some of them who had
+the wisdom to distrust Philip. These were induced to trust him. And why? Because
+they believed that even if Philip were trying to deceive them ten times over,
+the ambassadors of Athens, at least, would never dare to deceive their own
+countrymen. This report which Aeschines had made to you must therefore be true:
+it was the Thebans, and not themselves, whose hour had come. {54} There were
+others who advocated resistance at all hazards; but these too were weakened in
+their resolution, now that they were persuaded that they could count upon
+Philip's favour, and that, unless they did as they were bidden, you, whose
+assistance they were hoping for, would march against them. There was also a
+third party, who thought that you repented of having made the Peace with Philip;
+but to these they pointed out that you had decreed that the same Peace should
+hold good for posterity also; so that on every ground, all assistance from you
+was despaired of. That is why they crowded all these points into one decree.
+{55} And in this lies, I think, the very greatest of all their crimes against
+you. To have made a Peace with a mortal man, whose power was due to the
+accidents of the moment--a Peace, whereby they covenanted that the disgrace
+brought upon the city should be everlasting; to have robbed the city, not only
+of all beside, but even of the benefits that Fortune might hereafter bestow: to
+have displayed such superabundant villany as to have done this wicked wrong not
+only to their countrymen now living, but also to all those who should ever
+thereafter be born--is it not utterly atrocious? {56} And this last clause, by
+which the Peace was extended to your descendants, you would certainly never have
+allowed to be added to the conditions of peace had you not then placed your
+trust in the promises announced by Aeschines, as the Phocians placed their trust
+in them and perished. For, as you know, they delivered themselves up to Philip;
+they gave their cities into his hands; and the consequences which befell them
+were the exact opposite of all that Aeschines had predicted to you.
+
+{57} That you may realize plainly that this calamity was brought about in the
+manner that I have described, and that they are responsible for it, I will go
+through the dates at which each separate event occurred; and if any one can
+contradict me on any point, I invite him to rise and speak in the time allotted
+to me. The Peace was made on the 19th of Elaphebolion, and we were away on the
+mission which was sent to receive the oaths three whole months. {58} All this
+time the Phocians remained unharmed. We returned from that mission on the 13th
+of Scirophorion. Philip had already appeared at Thermopylae, and was making
+promises to the Phocians, none of which they believed--as is proved, when you
+consider that otherwise they would not have appealed to you. Then followed the
+Assembly, at which, by their falsehoods and by the deception which they
+practised upon you, Aeschines and his party ruined the whole cause. {59} That
+was on the 16th of Scirophorion. Now I calculate that it was on the fifth day
+that the report of your proceedings reached the Phocians: for the Phocian envoys
+were here on the spot, and were deeply concerned to know what report these men
+would make, and what your resolution would be. That gives us the 20th as the
+date on which, as we calculate, the Phocians heard of your proceedings; for,
+counting from the 16th, the 20th is the fifth day. Then followed the 21st, the
+22nd, and the 23rd. {60} On the latter day the truce was made, and the ruin of
+the Phocians was finally sealed. This can be proved as follows. On the 27th you
+were holding an Assembly in the Peiraeus, to discuss the business connected with
+the dockyards, when Dercylus arrived from Chalcis with the news that Philip had
+put everything into the hands of the Thebans, and that this was the fifth day
+since the truce had been made. 23rd, 24th, 25th, 26th, 27th--the 27th is the
+fifth day precisely. Thus the dates, and their reports and their proposals--
+everything, in short, convicts them of having co-operated with Philip, and of
+sharing with him the responsibility for the overthrow of the Phocians. {61}
+Again, the fact that none of the towns in Phocis was taken by siege or by an
+attack in force, and that the utter ruin of them all was the direct consequence
+of their truce with Philip, affords the strongest evidence that it was the
+belief inspired in the Phocians by these men, that they would be preserved from
+destruction by Philip, which was the cause of their fate. Philip himself they
+knew well enough. (_To the clerk._) Bring me our treaty of alliance with the
+Phocians, and the decrees under which they demolished their walls. (_To the
+jury._) You will then realize what were the relations between themselves and
+you, upon which they relied, and what nevertheless was the fate which befell
+them through the action of these accursed men. (_To the clerk._) Read.
+
+[_The Treaty of Alliance between the Athenians and Phocians is read._]
+
+{62} These, then, were the things for which they relied upon you--friendship,
+alliance, and assistance. Now listen to what befell them, because Aeschines
+prevented your going to their assistance. (_To the clerk._) Read.
+
+ [_The Agreement between Philip and the Phocians is read._]
+
+You hear it, men of Athens. 'An Agreement between Philip and the Phocians,' it
+runs--not between the Thebans and the Phocians, nor the Thessalians and the
+Phocians, nor the Locrians, nor any one else who was there. Again, 'the Phocians
+shall deliver up their cities to Philip'--not to the Thebans or Thessalians or
+any one else. {63} And why? Because the defendant's report to you was that
+Philip had crossed the Pass with a view to the preservation of the Phocians.
+Thus it was Aeschines in whom all their trust was placed; it was with him in
+their minds that they considered the whole situation; it was with him in their
+minds that they made the Peace. (_To the clerk._) Now read the remainder. (_To
+the jury._) And do you observe for what they trusted him, and what treatment
+they received. Does it show any resemblance or similarity to what Aeschines
+predicted in his report? (_To the clerk._) Read on.
+
+[_The decrees of the Amphictyons are read._]
+
+{64} Men of Athens, the horror and the immensity of this calamity have never
+been surpassed in our day in the Hellenic world, nor even, I believe, in the
+time before us. Yet these great and dreadful events a single man has been given
+power to bring about, by the action of these men, while the city of Athens was
+still in being--Athens, whose traditional policy is to stand as the champion of
+the Hellenic peoples, and not to suffer anything like this to take place. The
+nature of the ruin which the unhappy Phocians have suffered may be seen, not
+only from these decrees, but also from the actual results of the action taken,
+and an awful and piteous sight it is, men of Athens. {65} For when recently we
+were on our way to Delphi[n] we could not help seeing it all--houses razed to
+the ground, cities stripped of their walls, the land destitute of men in their
+prime--only a few poor women and little children left, and some old men in
+misery. Indeed, no words can describe the distress now prevailing there. Yet
+this was the people, I hear you all saying, that once gave its vote against the
+Thebans,[n] when the question of your enslavement was laid before them. {66}
+What then, men of Athens, do you think would be the vote, what the sentence,
+that your forefathers would give, if they could recover consciousness, upon
+those who were responsible for the destruction of this people? I believe that if
+they stoned them to death with their own hands, they would hold themselves
+guiltless of blood. Is it not utterly shameful--does it not, if possible, go
+beyond all shame--that those who saved us then, and gave the saving vote for us,
+should now have met with the very opposite fate through these men, suffering as
+no Hellenic people has ever suffered before, with none to hinder it? Who then is
+responsible for this crime? Who is the author of this deception? Who but
+Aeschines?
+
+{67} Of all the many reasons for which Philip might be congratulated with good
+cause upon his fortune, the chief ground of congratulation is a piece of good
+fortune, to which, by every Heavenly Power, I cannot find any parallel in our
+days. To have captured great cities, to have reduced a vast expanse of territory
+to subjection, and all similar actions, are, of course, enviable and brilliant
+achievements--undeniably so. But many other persons might be mentioned who had
+achieved as much. {68} The good fortune of which I am about to speak is peculiar
+to Philip, and has never been given to any other. It is this--that when he
+needed scoundrels to do his work for him, he found even greater scoundrels than
+he wanted. For as such we have surely good reason to think of them. For when
+there were falsehoods which Philip himself, in spite of the immense interests
+which he had at stake, did not dare to utter on his own behalf--which he did not
+set down in any of his letters, and which none of his envoys uttered--these men
+sold their services for the purpose, and undertook your deception. {69}
+Antipater and Parmenio, servants of a master as they were, and unlikely ever to
+find themselves in your presence again, none the less secured for themselves
+that _they_ should not be the instruments in your deception, while these men,
+who were Athenians, citizens of the most free city, and held an official
+position as your ambassadors--though they would have to meet you and look you
+in the face, and pass the remainder of their lives among you, and render before
+you an account of their actions--they, I say, undertook the task of deceiving
+you. How could vileness or desperation go further than this?
+
+{70} But I would have you understand further that he is under your curse, and
+that you cannot, without violation of religion and piety, acquit him, when he
+has thus lied to you. (_To the clerk._) Recite the Curse. Take it from me, and
+read it out of the law.
+
+[_The Curse is read._]
+
+This imprecation is pronounced in your name, men of Athens, by the herald, at
+every meeting of the Assembly, as the law appoints; and when the Council sits,
+it is pronounced again there. Nor can Aeschines say that he did not know it
+well. He was your under-clerk and servant to the Council, and used himself to
+read this law over[n] to the herald. {71} Surely, then, you will have done a
+strange and monstrous thing, men of Athens, if to-day, when you have it in your
+power, you should fail to do for yourselves the thing which you enjoin upon the
+gods, or rather claim from them as your due; and should acquit a man whom you
+pray to the gods to destroy utterly--himself, his race and his house. You must
+not do this. You may leave it to the gods to punish one whom you cannot
+yourselves detect; but when you have yourselves caught the criminal, you must no
+longer lay the task of punishing him upon the gods.
+
+{72} Now I am told that he intends to carry his shamelessness and impudence so
+far, as to avoid all mention of his own proceedings--his report, his promises,
+the deception he has practised upon the city--as though his trial were taking
+place before strangers, instead of before you, who know all the facts; and that
+he intends to accuse first the Spartans,[n] then the Phocians,[n] and then
+Hegesippus.[n] {73} That is mere mockery; or rather, it is atrocious
+shamelessness. For all that he will allege to-day against the Phocians or the
+Spartans or Hegesippus--their refusal to receive Proxenus, their impiety--let
+him allege what he will--all these allegations refer, as you know, to actions
+which were already past when these ambassadors returned to Athens, and which
+were no obstacle to the preservation of the Phocians--the admission is made by
+whom? By the defendant Aeschines himself. For what was his report on that
+occasion? {74} Not that if it had not been for their refusal to receive
+Proxenus, nor that if it had not been for Hegesippus, nor that if it had not
+been for such and such things, the Phocians would have been saved. No! he
+discarded all such qualifications, and stated expressly that before he returned
+he had persuaded Philip to save the Phocians, to repeople Boeotia, and to
+arrange matters to suit your convenience; that within two or three days these
+things would be accomplished facts, and that for this reason the Thebans had set
+a price upon his head. {75} Refuse then, to hear or to tolerate any mention of
+what had already been done, either by the Spartans or by the Phocians, before he
+made his report; and do not let him denounce the rascality of the Phocians. It
+was not for their virtue that you once saved the Spartans, nor the Euboeans,
+that accursed people! nor many others; but because the interests of the city
+demanded their preservation, as they demanded that of the Phocians just now. And
+what wrong was done either by the Phocians or by the Spartans, or by yourselves,
+or by any one else in the world after he made those declarations, to prevent the
+fulfilment of the promises which he then made? Ask him that: for that is what he
+will {76} not be able to show you. It was within five days--five days and no
+more--that Aeschines made his lying report, that you believed him, that the
+Phocians heard of it, surrendered themselves and perished. This, I think, makes
+it as plain as it can possibly be, that the ruin of the Phocians was the result
+of organized deceit and trickery, and of nothing else.[n] For so long as Philip
+was unable to proceed to Phocis on account of the Peace,[n] and was only waiting
+in readiness to do so, he kept sending for the Spartans, promising to do all
+that they wished,[n]in order that the Phocians might not win {77} them over to
+their side by your help. But when he had arrived at Thermopylae, and the
+Spartans had seen the trap and retired, he now sent Aeschines in advance to
+deceive you, in order that he might not, owing to your perceiving that he was
+playing into the hands of the Thebans, find himself once more involved in loss
+of time and war and delay, through the Phocians defending themselves and your
+going to their assistance, but might get everything into his power without a
+struggle; and this is what has in fact happened. Do not, then, let the fact that
+Philip deceived the Spartans and Phocians as well as yourselves enable Aeschines
+to escape his punishment for deceiving you. That would not be just.
+
+{78} But if he tells you that, to compensate for the Phocians and Thermopylae
+and all your other losses, you have retained possession of the Chersonese, do
+not, in Heaven's name, accept the plea! Do not tolerate the aggravation of all
+the wrong that you have suffered through his conduct as ambassador, by the
+reproach which his defence would bring upon the city--the reproach of having
+sacrificed the existence of your allies, in an underhand attempt to save part of
+your own possessions! You did not act thus; for when the Peace had already been
+made, and the Chersonese was no longer in danger, there followed four whole
+months[n] during which the Phocians remained unharmed; and it was not until
+after this that the lying statements of Aeschines brought about their ruin by
+deceiving you. {79} And further, you will find that the Chersonese is in much
+greater danger now than it was then. For when do you think that we had the
+greater facilities for punishing Philip for any trespass against the
+Chersonese?--before he stole any of these advantages from the city, or now? For
+my part, I think we had far greater facilities then. What, then, does this
+'retention of the Chersonese' amount to, when all the fears and the risks which
+attended one who would have liked to attack it have been removed?
+
+{80} Again, I am told that he will express himself to some such effect as this--
+that he cannot think why he is accused by Demosthenes, and not by any of the
+Phocians. It is better that you should hear the true state of the case from me
+beforehand. Of the exiled Phocians, the best, I believe, and the most
+respectable, after being driven into banishment and suffering as they have
+suffered, are content to be quiet, and none of them would consent to incur an
+enmity which would fall upon himself, on account of the calamities of his
+people: while those who would do anything for money have no one to give it to
+them. {81} For assuredly _I_ would never have given any one anything whatever to
+stand by my side here and cry aloud how cruelly they have suffered. The truth
+and the deeds that have been done cry aloud of themselves. And as for the
+Phocian people,[n] they are in so evil and pitiable a plight, that there is no
+question for them of appearing as accusers at the examination of every
+individual ambassador in Athens. They are in slavery, in mortal fear of the
+Thebans and of Philip's mercenaries, whom they are compelled to support, broken
+up into villages as they are and stripped of their arms. {82} Do not, then,
+suffer him to urge such a plea. Make him prove to you that the Phocians are not
+ruined, or that he did not promise that Philip would save them. For the
+questions upon which the examination of an ambassador turns are these: 'What
+have you effected? What have you reported? If the report is true, you may be
+acquitted; if it is false, you must pay the penalty.' How can you plead the non-
+appearance of the Phocians, when it was you yourself, I fancy, that brought
+them, so far as it lay in your power, into such a condition that they could
+neither help their friends nor repel their enemies.
+
+{83} And further, apart from all the shame and the dishonour in which also these
+proceedings are involved, it is easy to show that in consequence of them the
+city has been beset with grave dangers as well. Every one of you knows that it
+was the hostilities which the Phocians were carrying on, and their command of
+Thermopylae, that rendered us secure against Thebes, and made it impossible that
+either Philip or the Thebans should ever march into the Peloponese or into
+Euboea or into Attica. {84} But this guarantee of safety which the city
+possessed, arising out of the position of Thermopylae and the actual
+circumstances of the time, you were induced to sacrifice by the deceptions and
+the lying statements of these ambassadors--a guarantee, I say, fortified by
+arms, by a continuous campaign, by great cities of allies, and by a wide tract
+of territory; and you have looked on while it was swept away. Fruitless has your
+first expedition to Thermopylae become--an expedition made at a cost of more
+than two hundred talents, if you include the private expenditure of the
+soldiers--and fruitless your hopes of triumph over Thebes! {85} But of all the
+wicked services which he has done for Philip, let me tell you of that which is
+in reality the greatest outrage of all upon Athens and upon you all. It is this
+--that when Philip had determined from the very first to do for the Thebans all
+that he has done, Aeschines, by reporting the exact opposite to you, and so
+displaying to the world your antagonism to Philip's designs, has brought about
+for you an increase in the enmity between yourselves and the Thebans, and for
+Philip an increase in their gratitude. How could a man have treated you more
+outrageously than this?
+
+(_To the clerk._) {86} Now take and read the decrees of Diophantus[n] and
+Callisthenes[n]; (_to the jury_) for I would have you realize that when you
+acted as you ought, you were thought worthy to be honoured with public
+thanksgivings and praises, both at home and abroad; but when once you had been
+driven astray by these men, you had to bring your children and wives in from the
+country, and to decree that the sacrifice to Heracles[n] should take place
+within the walls, though it was a time of peace. And in view of this it is an
+amazing idea, that you should dismiss unpunished a man who even prevented the
+gods from receiving their worship from you after the manner of your fathers.
+(_To the clerk._) Read the decree.
+
+[_The decree of Diophantus is read._]
+
+This decree, men of Athens, was one which your conduct nobly deserved. (_To the
+clerk._) Now read the next decree.
+
+[_The decree of Callisthenes is read._]
+
+{87} This decree you passed in consequence of the action of these men. It was
+not with such a prospect in view that you made the Peace and the alliance at the
+outset, or that you were subsequently induced to insert the words which extended
+them to your posterity. You expected their action to bring you benefits of
+incredible value. Aye, and besides this, you know how often, after this, you
+were bewildered by the report that Philip's forces and mercenaries were
+threatening Porthmus or Megara. You have not then to reflect contentedly that
+Philip has not yet set foot in Attica. You have rather to consider whether their
+action has not given him power to do so when he chooses. It is that danger that
+you must keep before your eyes, and you must execrate and punish the man who is
+guilty of putting such power into Philip's hands.
+
+{88} Now I am aware that Aeschines will eschew all defence of the actions with
+which he is charged, and that, in his desire to lead you as far away as possible
+from the facts, he will enumerate the great blessings which Peace brings to all
+mankind, and will set against them the evils that follow in the train of war.
+His whole speech will be a eulogy of peace, and in that will consist his
+defence. But such an argument actually incriminates the defendant further. If
+peace, which brings such blessings to all other men, has been the source of such
+trouble and confusion to us, what explanation can be found, except that they
+have taken bribes and have cruelly marred a thing by nature so fair? {89}
+'What?' he may say, 'have you not to thank the Peace for three hundred ships,
+with their fittings, and for funds which remain and will remain yours?' In
+answer to this, you are bound to suppose that, thanks to the Peace, Philip's
+resources too have become far more ample--aye, and his command of arms, and of
+territory, and of revenues, which have accrued to him to such large amounts.
+{90} We, too, have had some increase of revenue. But as for power and alliances,
+by the establishment of which all men retain their advantages, either for
+themselves or their masters, ours have been sold by these men--ruined and
+enfeebled; while Philip's have become more formidable and extensive by far. Thus
+it is not fair that while Philip has been enabled by their action to extend both
+his alliances and his revenue, all that would in any case have been ours, as the
+result of the Peace, should be set off against what they themselves sold to
+Philip. The former did not come to us in exchange for the latter. Far from it!
+For had it not been for them, not only should we have had the former, as we have
+now, but we should have had the latter as well.
+
+{91} You would doubtless admit, men of Athens, in general terms, that, on the
+one hand, however many and terrible the disasters that have befallen the city,
+your anger cannot justly be visited upon Aeschines, if none of them has been
+caused by him; and that, on the other hand, Aeschines is not entitled to be
+acquitted on account of any satisfactory results that may have been accomplished
+through the action of others. You must examine the acts of Aeschines himself,
+and then show him your favour if he is worthy of it, or your resentment, on the
+other hand, if his acts prove to be deserving ing of that. {92} How, then, can
+you solve this problem fairly? You will do so if, instead of allowing him to
+confound all questions with one another--the criminal conduct of the generals,
+the war with Philip, the blessings that flow from peace--you consider each
+point by itself. For instance, were we at war with Philip? We were. Does any one
+accuse Aeschines on that ground? Does any one wish to bring any charge against
+him in regard to things that were done in the course of the war? No one
+whatever. He is therefore acquitted in regard to such matters, and must not say
+anything about them; for the witnesses and the proofs which a defendant produces
+must bear upon the matters which are in dispute; he must not deceive you by
+offering a defence upon points which are not disputed. Take care, then, that you
+say nothing about the war; for no one charges you with any responsibility for
+that. {93} Later on we were urged by certain persons to make peace. We
+consented; we sent ambassadors; and the ambassadors brought commissioners to
+Athens who were to conclude the Peace. Once more, does any one blame Aeschines
+for this? Does any one allege that Aeschines introduced the proposal of peace,
+or that he committed any crime in bringing commissioners here to make it? No one
+whatever. He must therefore say nothing in regard to the fact that the city made
+peace; for he is not responsible for that. {94} 'Then what _is_ your assertion,
+sir?' I may be asked. 'At what point _do_ your charges begin?' They begin, men
+of Athens, from the time when the question before you was not whether you should
+make peace or not (for that had already been settled), but what sort of peace
+you should make--when Aeschines opposed those who took the side of justice,
+supported for a bribe the hireling mover of the decree, and afterwards, when he
+had been chosen to receive the oaths, failed to carry out every one of your
+instructions, destroyed those of your allies who had passed unscathed through
+the war, and told you falsehoods whose enormity and grossness has never been
+surpassed, either before or since. At the outset, before Philip was given a
+hearing in regard to the Peace, Ctesiphon and Aristodemus took the leading part
+in the work of deception; but when the time had come for action, they
+surrendered their rôle to Philocrates and Aeschines, who took it up and ruined
+everything. {95} And then, when he is bound to answer for his actions and to
+give satisfaction for them--like the unscrupulous God-forsaken clerk that he
+is--he will defend himself as though it were the Peace for which he was being
+tried. Not that he wishes to account for more than is charged against him--that
+would be lunacy. No! He sees rather that in all his own proceedings no good can
+be found--that his crimes are his whole history; while a defence of the Peace,
+if it has no other merits, has at least the kindly sound of the name to
+recommend it. {96} I fear, indeed, men of Athens, I fear that, unconsciously, we
+are enjoying this Peace like men who borrow at heavy interest. The guarantees of
+its security--the Phocians and Thermopylae--they have betrayed. But, be that as
+it may, it was not through _Aeschines_ that we originally made it; for,
+paradoxical as it may seem, what I am about to say is absolutely true--that if
+any one is honestly pleased at the Peace, it is the generals, who are
+universally denounced, that he must thank for it: for had they been conducting
+the war as you desired them to do, {97}you would not have tolerated even the
+name of peace. For peace, then, we must thank the generals; but the perilous,
+the precarious, the untrustworthy nature of the Peace is due to the corruption
+of these men. Cut him off, then, cut him off, I say, from all arguments in
+defence of the Peace! Set him to defend his own actions! Aeschines is not being
+tried on account of the Peace. On the contrary, the Peace stands discredited
+owing to Aeschines. And here is evidence of the fact:--if the Peace had been
+made, and if no subsequent deception had been practised upon you, and none of
+your allies had been ruined, who on earth would have been hurt by the Peace,
+except in so far as it was inglorious? And for its inglorious character the
+defendant in fact shares the responsibility, for he spoke in support of
+Philocrates. At least no irreparable harm would have been done; whereas now, I
+believe, much has been done, and the guilt rests with the defendant. {98} That
+these men have been the agents in this shameful and wicked work of ruin and
+destruction, I think you all know. Yet so far am I, gentlemen of the jury, from
+putting any unfair construction upon these facts or asking you to do so, that if
+it has been through stupidity or simplicity, or ignorance in any form whatever,
+that such results have been so brought about, I acquit Aeschines myself, and I
+{99} recommend you also to acquit him. At the same time none of these excuses is
+either constitutional[n] or justifiable. For you neither command nor compel any
+one to undertake public business; but when any one has satisfied himself of his
+own capacity and has entered political life, then, like good-hearted, kindly
+men, you welcome him in a friendly and ungrudging manner, and even elect him to
+office and place your own interests in his hands. {100} Then, if a man succeeds,
+he will receive honour and will so far have an advantage over the crowd. But if
+he fails, is he to plead palliations and excuses? That is not fair. It would not
+satisfy our ruined allies, or their children, or their wives, or the rest of the
+victims, to know that it was through my stupidity--not to speak of the stupidity
+of the defendant--that they had suffered such a fate. Far from it! {101}
+Nevertheless, I bid you forgive Aeschines for these atrocious and unparalleled
+crimes if he can prove that it was simplicity of mind, or any form of ignorance
+whatever, which led him to work such ruin. But if it was the rascality of a man
+who had taken money and bribes--if he is plainly convicted of this by the very
+facts themselves--then, if it be possible, put him to death; or if not, make
+him, while he lives, an example to others.
+
+And now give your thoughts to the proof by which he is convicted on these
+points, and observe how straightforward it will be.
+
+{102} If the defendant Aeschines was not deliberately deceiving you for a price,
+he must necessarily, I presume, have had one of two reasons for making the
+statements in question to you, in regard to the Phocians and Thespiae and
+Euboea. Either he must have heard Philip promise in express terms that such
+would be his policy and the steps he would take; or else he must have been so
+far bewitched and deluded by Philip's generosity in all other matters as to
+conceive these further hopes of him. There is no possible alternative besides
+these two. {103} Now in both these cases he, more than any living man, ought to
+detest Philip. And why? Because, so far as Philip could bring it about, all that
+is most dreadful and most shameful has fallen upon him. He has deceived you; his
+reputation is gone [he is rightly ruined]; he is on his trial; aye, and were the
+course of the proceedings in any way that which his conduct called for, he would
+long ago have been impeached;[n] {104-109} whereas now, thanks to your innocence
+and meekness, he presents his report, and that at the time which suits his own
+wishes. I ask, then, if there is one among you who has ever heard Aeschines
+raise his voice in denunciation of Philip--one, I say, who has seen Aeschines
+exposing him or saying a word against him? Not one! All Athens denounces Philip
+before Aeschines does so. Every one whom you meet does so, though not one of
+them has been injured by him--I mean, of course, personally. On the assumption
+that Aeschines had not sold himself, I should have expected to hear him use some
+such expressions as these--'Men of Athens, deal with _me_ as you will. I trusted
+Philip; I was deceived; I was wrong; I confess my error. But beware of _him_,
+men of Athens. He is faithless--a cheat, a knave. Do you not see how he has
+treated me? how he has deceived me?' {110} But I hear no such expressions fall
+from him, nor do you. And why? Because he was _not_ misled; he was _not_
+deceived; he made these statements, he betrayed all to Philip, because he had
+sold his services and received the money for them; and gallantly and loyally has
+he behaved--as Philip's hireling. But as your ambassador, as your fellow
+citizen, he is a traitor who deserves to die, not once, but thrice.
+
+{111} This is not the only evidence which proves that all those statements of
+his were made for money. For, recently, the Thessalians came to you, and with
+them envoys from Philip, demanding that you should decree the recognition of
+Philip as one of the Amphictyons. Who then, of all men, should naturally have
+opposed the demand? The defendant Aeschines. And why? Because Philip had acted
+in a manner precisely contrary to the announcement which Aeschines had made to
+you. {112} Aeschines declared that Philip would fortify Thespiae and Plataeae;
+that he intended, not to destroy the Phocians, but to put down the insolence of
+Thebes. But in fact Philip has raised the Thebans to an undue height of power,
+while he has utterly destroyed the Phocians; and instead of fortifying Thespiae
+and Plataeae, he has brought Orchomenus and Coroneia into the same bondage with
+them. How could any contradiction be greater than this? Aeschines did not oppose
+the demand. He neither opened his lips nor uttered a sound in opposition to it.
+{113} But even this, monstrous as it is, is not yet the worst. For he, and he
+alone, in all Athens, actually supported the demand. This not even Philocrates
+dared to do, abominable as he was; it was left for the defendant Aeschines. And
+when you raised a clamour and would not listen to him, he stepped down from the
+platform, and, showing off before the envoys who had come from Philip, told them
+that there were plenty of men who made a clamour, but few who took the field
+when it was required of them--you remember the incident, no doubt--being
+himself, of course, a marvellous soldier, God knows!
+
+{114} Again, if we had been unable to prove that any of the ambassadors had
+received anything--if the fact were not patent to all--we might then have
+resorted to examination by torture,[n] and other such methods. But if
+Philocrates not only admitted the fact frequently in your presence at the
+Assembly, but used actually to make a parade of his guilt--selling wheat,
+building houses, saying that he was going[n] whether you elected him or not,
+importing timber, changing Macedonian gold openly at the bank--it is surely
+impossible for _him_ to deny that he received money, when he himself confesses
+and displays his guilt. {115} Now, is any human being so senseless or so ill-
+starred that, in order that Philocrates might receive money, while he himself
+incurred infamy and disgrace, he would want to fight against those upright
+citizens in whose ranks he might have stood, and to take the side of Philocrates
+and face a trial? I am sure that there is no such man; but in all these
+considerations, if you examine them aright, you will find strong and evident
+signs of the corruption of the defendant.
+
+{116} Consider next an incident which occurred last in order of time, but which
+is second to none as an indication that Aeschines had sold himself to Philip.
+You doubtless know that in the course of the recent impeachment of Philocrates
+by Hypereides, I came forward and expressed my dissatisfaction with one feature
+of the impeachment--namely, the idea that Philocrates alone had been responsible
+for all these monstrous crimes, and that the other nine ambassadors had no share
+in them. I said that it was not so, for Philocrates by himself would have been
+nowhere, had he not had some of them to co-operate with him. {117} 'And
+therefore,' I said, 'in order that I may not personally acquit or accuse any
+one, and that the guilty may be detected, and those who have had no share in the
+crime acquitted by the evidence of their own conduct, let any one who wishes to
+do so rise and come forward into your midst, and let him declare that he has no
+share in it, and that the actions of Philocrates are displeasing to him. Any one
+who does this,' I said, 'I acquit.' You remember the incident, I am sure. {118}
+Well, no one came forward or showed himself. Each of the others has some excuse.
+One was not liable to examination; another, perhaps, was not present; a third is
+related to Philocrates. But Aeschines has no such excuse. No! So completely has
+he sold himself, once for all--so plain is it that his wages are not for past
+services only, but that, if he escapes now, Philip can equally count upon his
+help against you in the future--that to avoid letting fall even a word that
+would be unfavourable to Philip, he does not accept his discharge[n] even when
+you offer to discharge him, but chooses to suffer infamy, to stand his trial and
+to endure any treatment in this court, rather than to take a step that would not
+please Philip. {119} But what is the meaning of this partnership, this careful
+forethought for Philocrates? For if Philocrates had by his diplomacy
+accomplished the most honourable results and achieved all that your interest
+required, and yet admitted (as he did admit) that he had made money by his
+mission, this very fact was one by which an uncorrupted colleague should have
+been repelled and set him on his guard, and led to protest to the best of his
+power. Aeschines has not acted in this way. Is it not all clear, men of Athens?
+Do not the facts cry aloud and tell you that Aeschines has taken money, that he
+is a rascal for a price, and that consistently--not through stupidity, or
+ignorance, or bad luck? {120} 'But where is the witness who testifies to my
+corruption?' he asks. Why, this is the finest thing of all![n] The witnesses,
+Aeschines, are facts; and they are the surest of all witnesses: none can assert
+or allege against them, that they are influenced by persuasion or by favour to
+any one: what your treachery and mischief have made them, such, when examined,
+they must appear. But, besides the facts, you shall at once bear witness against
+yourself. Come, stand up[n] and answer me! Surely you will not plead that you
+are so inexperienced as not to know what to say. For when, under the ordinary
+limitations of time, you prosecute and win cases that have all the novelty of a
+play[n]--cases, too, that have no witness to support them--you must plainly be a
+speaker of tremendous genius.
+
+{121} Many and atrocious as are the crimes of the defendant Aeschines, and great
+as is the wickedness which is implied by them (as I am sure you also feel) there
+is none which is more atrocious than that of which I am about to speak to you,
+and none which will afford more palpable proof that he has taken bribes and sold
+everything. For when once more, for the third time, you sent the ambassadors to
+Philip on the strength of those high and noble expectations which the
+defendant's promises had roused, you elected both Aeschines and myself, and most
+of those whom you had previously sent. {122} For my part I came forward and
+declined upon oath to serve;[n] and though some raised a clamour and bade me go,
+I declared that I would not; but the defendant had already been elected.
+Afterwards, when the Assembly had risen, he and his party met and discussed whom
+they should leave behind in Athens. For while everything was still in suspense,
+and the future doubtful, there were all kinds of gatherings and discussions in
+the market-place. {123} They were afraid, no doubt, that a special meeting of
+the Assembly might suddenly be called, and that you might then hear the truth
+from me, and pass some of the resolutions which it was your duty to pass in the
+interest of the Phocians, and that so Philip's object might slip from his grasp.
+For had you merely passed a resolution and shown them the faintest ray of hope
+of any kind, the Phocians would have been saved. It was absolutely impossible
+for Philip to stay where he was, unless you were misled. There was no corn in
+the country, for, owing to the war, the land had not been sown; and to import
+corn was impossible so long as your ships were there and in command of the sea;
+while the Phocian towns were many in number, and difficult to take except by a
+prolonged siege. Even assuming that he were taking a town a day, there are two
+and twenty of them. {124} For all these reasons they left Aeschines in Athens,
+to guard against any alteration of the course which you had been deluded into
+taking. Now to decline upon oath to serve, without any cause, was a dangerous
+and highly suspicious proceeding. 'What?' he would have been asked, 'are you not
+going on the mission which is to secure all those wonderful good things which
+you have foretold?' Yet he was bound to remain. How could it be done? He pleads
+illness. His brother took with him Execestus the physician, came before the
+Council, swore that Aeschines was too ill to serve, and was himself elected in
+his place. {125} Five or six days later the ruin of the Phocians had been
+accomplished, and Aeschines' contract--a mere matter of business--had been
+fulfilled. Dercylus turned back, and on his arrival here from Chalcis announced
+to you the destruction of the Phocians, while you were holding an Assembly in
+the Peiraeus. On hearing the news you were naturally struck with sympathy for
+them, and with terror for yourselves. You passed resolutions to bring in your
+children and wives from the country, to repair the garrison-forts, to fortify
+the Peiraeus, and to celebrate the sacrifice to Heracles within the city walls:
+{126} and in the midst of all this, in the midst of the confusion and the tumult
+which had fallen upon the city, this learned and able speaker, so loud of voice,
+though not elected[n] either by the Council or by the people, set off as
+ambassador to the man who had wrought the destruction, taking no account of the
+illness which he had previously made his excuse, upon oath, for not serving, nor
+of the election of another ambassador in his place, nor of the law which imposes
+the penalty of death for such offences; {127} nor yet reflecting how utterly
+atrocious it was, that after announcing that the Thebans had placed a price on
+his head, he should choose the moment when the Thebans had (in addition to all
+Boeotia, which they already possessed) become masters of the territory of the
+Phocians as well, to go into the very midst of Thebes, and into the very camp of
+the Thebans. But so beside himself was he, so utterly bent upon his profits and
+his bribe, that he ruled out and overlooked all such considerations, and took
+his departure.
+
+{128} Such was the nature of this transaction; and yet his proceedings when he
+arrived at his destination are far worse. All of you who are present, and all
+other Athenians as well, thought the treatment of the unhappy Phocians so
+atrocious and so cruel that you sent to the Pythian games neither the official
+deputation from the Council, nor the Thesmothetae,[n] but abandoned that ancient
+representation of yourselves at the festival. But Aeschines went to the
+triumphal feast[n] with which the Thebans and Philip were celebrating the
+victory of their cause and their arms. He joined in the festival: he shared in
+the libations and the prayers which Philip offered over the ruined walls and
+country and arms of your allies: with Philip he set garlands on his head, and
+raised the paean, and drank the loving-cup. {129} Nor is it possible for the
+defendant to give a different version of the facts from that which I have given.
+As regards his sworn refusal to serve, the facts are in your public records in
+the Metroon,[n] guarded by your officer; and a decree stands recorded with
+express reference to the name of Aeschines.[n] And as for his conduct there, his
+fellow ambassadors, who were present, will bear witness against him. They told
+me the story; for I was not with them on this Embassy, having entered a sworn
+refusal to serve.
+
+(_To the clerk._) {130} Now read me the resolution [and the record], and call
+the witnesses.
+
+[_The decree is read, and the witnesses called._]
+
+What prayers, then, do you imagine Philip offered to the gods, when he poured
+his libation, or the Thebans? Did they not ask them to give success in war, and
+victory, to themselves and their allies, and the contrary to the allies of the
+Phocians? In these prayers, therefore--in these imprecations upon his own
+country--Aeschines joined. It is for you to return them upon his own head to-
+day.
+
+{131} His departure, then, was a contravention of the law which imposes the
+penalty of death for the offence, and it has been shown that on his arrival he
+acted in a manner for which he deserves to die again and again, while his former
+proceedings and the work which he did as ambassador, in their interest,[n] would
+justly slay him. Ask yourselves what penalty can be found, which will adequately
+atone for all these crimes? {132} It would surely be shameful, men of Athens,
+that while all of you, and the whole people, denounce publicly all the
+consequences of the Peace; while you decline to take part in the business of the
+Amphictyons; while your attitude towards Philip is one of vexation and mistrust,
+because the deeds that have been done are impious and atrocious, instead of
+righteous and advantageous to you; that nevertheless, when you have come into
+court as the sworn representatives of the State, to sit in judgement upon the
+report of these proceedings, you should acquit the author of all the evil, when
+you have taken him red-handed in actions like these. {133} Who is there of all
+your fellow citizens--nay, who of all the Hellenes--that would not have good
+cause for complaint against you, when he saw that though you were enraged
+against Philip, who in making peace after war was merely purchasing the means to
+his end from those who offered them for sale--a very pardonable transaction--you
+were yet acquitting Aeschines, who sold your interests in this shameful manner,
+notwithstanding the extreme penalties which the laws appoint for such conduct?
+
+{134} Now it is possible that an argument may also be used by the other side to
+some such effect as this--that the condemnation of those whose diplomacy brought
+about the Peace will mean the beginning of enmity with Philip. If this is true,
+then, I can imagine, upon consideration, no more serious charge that I could
+bring against the defendant, than this. If Philip, who spent his money on the
+Peace which he wished to obtain, has become so formidable, so powerful, that you
+have already ceased to regard your oaths and the justice of the case, and are
+seeking how you can gratify Philip, what penalty, that those who are responsible
+for this could suffer, would be adequate to the offence? {135} I believe,
+however, that I shall actually show you that it would more probably mean the
+beginning of a friendship, advantageous to you. For you must be well assured,
+men of Athens, that Philip does not despise your city; nor was it because he
+regarded you as less serviceable than the Thebans, that he preferred them to
+you. No! {136} He had been instructed by these men and had heard from them, what
+I once told you in the Assembly, without contradiction from any of them, that
+the People is the most unstable thing in the world, and the most incalculable,
+inconstant as a wave of the sea, stirred by any chance wind. One comes, another
+goes; but no one cares for the public interest, or remembers it. Philip needs
+(he is told) friends upon whom he can rely to execute and manage his business
+with you--such friends, for instance, as his informant.[n] If this were secured
+for him, he would easily effect all that he desired in Athens. {137} Now if he
+heard that those who had used such language to him had immediately upon their
+return been beaten to death, he would doubtless have behaved as the Persian king
+did. And how was this? He had been deceived by Timagoras,[n] and had given him,
+it is said, forty talents; but when he heard that Timagoras had been put to
+death here, and had not even power to secure his own life, much less to carry
+out the promises he had made to him, he recognized that he had not paid the
+price to the man who had the power to effect his object. For first, as you know,
+he sent a dispatch, acknowledging once more your title to Amphipolis, which he
+had previously described as in alliance and friendship with himself; and
+secondly, he thenceforward wholly abstained from giving money to any one. {138}
+This is exactly what Philip would have done, if he had seen that any of these
+men had paid the penalty, and what, if he sees it, he will still do. But when he
+hears that they address you, and enjoy a high reputation with you, and prosecute
+others, what is he to do? Is he to seek to spend much, when he can spend less?
+or to desire to court the favour of all, when he need but court two or three?
+That would be madness. For even those public benefits which Philip conferred
+upon the Thebans he conferred not from choice-- far from it--but because he was
+induced to do so by their ambassadors; and I will tell you how. {139}
+Ambassadors came to him from Thebes just at the time when we were there upon our
+mission from you. Philip wished to give them money, and that (so they said) in
+very large amounts. The Theban ambassadors would not accept or receive it. After
+that, while drinking at a sacrificial banquet and displaying his generosity
+towards them, Philip offered, as he drank to them, presents of many kinds--
+captives and the like--and finally he offered them goblets of gold and silver.
+All these they steadily refused, declining to put themselves in his power in any
+way. {140} At last Philo, one of the ambassadors, made a speech, men of Athens,
+which was worthy to be made in the name, not of Thebes, but of yourselves. For
+he said that it gave them pleasure and delight to see the magnanimous and
+generous attitude of Philip towards them; but for their own personal part, they
+were already his good friends even without these presents; and they begged him
+to apply his generosity to the existing political situation of their country,
+and to do something worthy of himself and Thebes, promising that, if he did so,
+their whole city, as well as themselves, would become attached to him. {141} And
+now observe what the Thebans have gained by this, and what consequences have
+followed; and contemplate in a real instance the advantages of refusing to sell
+your country's interests. First of all, they obtained peace when they were
+already distressed and suffering from the war, in which they were the losing
+side. Next, they secured the utter ruin of their enemies, the Phocians, and the
+complete destruction of their walls and towns. And was this all? No, indeed! For
+besides all this they obtained Orchomenus, Coroneia, Corsia, the Tilphossaeum,
+and as much of the territory of the Phocians as they desired. {142} This then
+was what the Thebans gained by the Peace; and surely no more could they have
+asked even in their prayers. And the ambassadors of Thebes gained--what? Nothing
+but the credit of having brought this good fortune to their country; and a noble
+reward it was, men of Athens, a proud record on the score of merit and honour--
+that honour which Aeschines and his party sold for money. Let us now set against
+one another the consequences of the Peace to the city of Athens and to the
+Athenian ambassadors respectively; and then observe whether its effects have
+been similar in the case of the city and of these men personally. {143} The city
+has surrendered all her possessions and all her allies; she has sworn to Philip
+that even if another approaches them to preserve them for her, you will prevent
+him; that you will consider any one who wishes to give them up to you as your
+enemy and foe, and the man who has robbed you of them as your ally and friend.
+{144} That is the resolution which Aeschines supported, and which was moved by
+his accomplice Philocrates; and although on the first day I was successful, and
+had persuaded you to ratify the decree of the allies and to summon Philip's
+envoys,[n] the defendant forced an adjournment of the question till the next
+day, and persuaded you to adopt the resolution of Philocrates, in which these
+proposals, and many others even more atrocious, are made. {145} These were the
+consequences of the Peace to Athens. It would not be easy to devise anything
+more shameful. What were the consequences to the ambassadors who brought these
+things about? I say nothing of all that you have seen for yourselves--the
+houses, the timber, the wheat. But they also possess properties and extensive
+estates in the country of your ruined allies, bringing in incomes of a talent to
+Philocrates and thirty minae to the defendant. {146} Yet surely, men of Athens,
+it is an atrocious and a monstrous thing, that the calamities of your allies
+should have become sources of revenue to your ambassadors, and that the same
+Peace which to the city that sent them meant the ruin of her allies, the
+surrender of her possessions, and shame in the place of honour, should have
+created for the ambassadors who brought these things to pass against their
+country, revenue, affluence, property, and wealth, in the place of abject
+poverty. To prove, however, that what I am telling you is true (_to the clerk_)
+call me the witnesses from Olynthus.
+
+[_The witnesses are called._]
+
+{147} Now I should not wonder if he even dared to make some such statement as
+this--that the Peace which we were making could not have been made an honourable
+one, or such as I demanded, because our generals had mismanaged the war. If he
+argues thus, then remember, in Heaven's name, to ask him whether[n] it was from
+some other city that he went as ambassador, or from this city itself? If it was
+from some other, to whose success in war and to whose excellent generals he can
+point, then it was natural for him to take Philip's money: but if it was from
+Athens itself, why do we find him taking presents as part of a transaction which
+involved the surrender of her possessions by the city which sent him? For in any
+honest transaction the city that sent the ambassadors ought to have shared the
+same fortune as the ambassadors whom she sent. {148} Consider also this further
+point, men of Athens. Do you think that the successes of the Phocians against
+the Thebans in the war, or the successes of Philip against you, were the more
+considerable? Those of the Phocians against the Thebans, I am quite certain. At
+least, they held Orchomenus and Coroneia and the Tilphossaeum;[n] they had
+intercepted the Theban garrison at Neones;[n] they had slain two hundred of them
+on Hedyleum;[n] a trophy had been raised, their cavalry were victorious, and a
+whole Iliad of misfortunes had beset the Thebans. You were in no such position
+as this, and may you never be so in the future! Your most serious disadvantage
+in your hostilities with Philip was your inability to inflict upon him all the
+damage that you desired; you were completely secure against suffering any harm
+yourselves. How is it then that, as the result of one and the same Peace, the
+Thebans, who were being so badly worsted in the war, have recovered their own
+possessions and, in addition, have gained those of their enemies; while you, the
+Athenians, have lost under the Peace even what you retained safely through the
+war? It is because their ambassadors did not sell their interests, while these
+men have sold yours. [Ah! he will say,[n] but the allies were exhausted by the
+war....]. That this is how these things were accomplished, you will realize
+still more clearly from what I have yet to say.
+
+{150}For when this Peace was concluded--the Peace of Philocrates, which
+Aeschines supported--and when Philip's envoys had set sail, after receiving the
+oaths from us--and up to this time nothing that had been done was irreparable,
+for though the Peace was disgraceful and unworthy of Athens, still we were to
+get those marvellous good things in return--then I say, I asked and told the
+ambassadors to sail as quickly as possible to the Hellespont, and not to
+sacrifice any of our positions there, nor allow Philip to occupy them in the
+interval. {151} For I knew very well that everything that is sacrificed when
+peace is in process of being concluded after war, is lost to those who are so
+neglectful; since no one who had been induced to make peace with regard to the
+situation as a whole ever yet made up his mind to fight afresh for the sake of
+possessions which had been left unsecured; such possessions those who first take
+them keep. And, apart from this, I thought that, if we sailed, the city could
+not fail to secure one of two useful results. Either, when we were there and had
+received Philip's oath according to the decree, he would restore the possessions
+of Athens which he had taken, and keep his hands off the rest; {152} or, if he
+did not do so, we should immediately report the fact to you here, and so, when
+you saw his grasping and perfidious disposition in regard to those your remoter
+and less important interests, you would not in dealing with greater matters
+close at hand--in other words, with the Phocians and Thermopylae--let anything
+be lost. If he failed to forestall you in regard to these, and you were not
+deceived, your interests would be completely secured, and he would give you your
+rights without hesitation. {153} And I had good reason for such expectations.
+For if the Phocians were still safe and sound, as they then were, and were in
+occupation of Thermopylae, Philip would have had no terror to brandish before
+you, which could make you overlook any of your rights. For he was not likely
+either to make his way through by land, or to win a victory by sea, and so reach
+Attica; while if he refused to act as was right, you would instantly close his
+ports, reduce him to straits for money and other supplies, and place him in a
+state of siege; and in that case it would be he, and not you, to whom the
+advantages of peace would be the overmastering consideration. {154} And that I
+am not inventing this or claiming wisdom after the event--that I knew it at
+once, and, with your interest in view, foresaw what must happen and told my
+colleagues--you will realize from the following facts. When there was no longer
+any meeting of the Assembly available (since you had used up all the appointed
+days) and still the ambassadors did not depart, but wasted time here, I proposed
+a decree as a member of the Council, to which the people had given full powers,
+that the ambassadors should depart directly, and that the admiral Proxenus
+should convey them to any district in which he should ascertain Philip to be. My
+proposal was just what I now tell you, couched expressly in those terms. (_To
+the clerk_.) Take this decree and read it.
+
+[_The decree is read_.]
+
+{155} I brought them away, then, from Athens, sorely against their will, as you
+will clearly understand from their subsequent conduct. When we reached Oreus and
+joined Proxenus, instead of sailing and following their instructions, they made
+a circuitous journey by land, and before we reached Macedonia we had spent three
+and twenty days. All the rest of the time, until Philip's arrival, we were
+sitting idle at Pella; and this, with the journey, brought the time up to fifty
+days in all. {156} During this interval, in a time of peace and truce, Philip
+was taking Doriscus,[n] Thrace, the district towards the Walls, the Sacred
+Mountain--everything, in fact, and making his own arrangements there; while I
+spoke out repeatedly and insistently, first in the tone of a man giving his
+opinion to his colleagues, then as though I were informing the ignorant, till at
+last I addressed them without any concealment as men who had sold themselves and
+were the most impious of mankind. {157} And the man who contradicted me openly
+and opposed everything which I urged and which your decree enjoined, was
+Aeschines. Whether his conduct pleased all the other ambassadors as well, you
+will know presently; for as yet I allege nothing about any of them, and make no
+accusation: no one of them need appear an honest man to-day because I oblige him
+to do so, but only of his own free will, and because he was no partner in
+Aeschines' crimes. That the conduct in question was disgraceful, atrocious,
+venal, you have all seen. Who were the partners in it, the facts will show.
+
+{158} 'But of course, during this interval they received the oaths from Philip's
+allies, or carried out their other duties.' Far from it! For though they had
+been absent from home three whole months, and received 1,000 drachmae from you
+for their expenses, they did not receive the oaths from a single city, either on
+their journey to Macedonia, or on the way back. It was in the inn before the
+temple of the Dioscuri--any one who has been to Pherae will understand me--when
+Philip was already on the march towards Athens at the head of an army, that the
+oaths were taken, in a fashion which was disgraceful, men of Athens, and
+insulting to you. {159} To Philip, however, it was worth anything that the
+transaction should have been carried out in this form. These men had failed in
+their attempt to insert among the terms of the Peace the clause which excluded
+the people of Halus and Pharsalus; Philocrates had been forced by you to expunge
+the words, and to write down expressly 'the Athenians and the allies of the
+Athenians'; and Philip did not wish any of his own allies to have taken such an
+oath; for then they would not join him in his campaign against those possessions
+of yours which he now holds, but would plead their oaths in excuse; {160} nor
+did he wish them to be witnesses of the promises on the strength of which he was
+obtaining the Peace. He did not wish it to be revealed to the world that the
+city of Athens had not, after all, been defeated in the war, and that it was
+Philip who was eager for peace, and was promising to do great things for Athens
+if he obtained it. It was just to prevent the revelation of these facts that he
+thought it inadvisable that the ambassadors should go to any of the cities;
+while for their part, they sought to gratify him in everything, with
+ostentatious and extravagant obsequiousness. {161} But when all this is proved
+against them--their waste of time, their sacrifice of your position in Thrace,
+their complete failure to act in accordance either with your decree or your
+interests, their lying report to you--how is it possible that before a jury of
+sane men, anxious to be true to their oath, Aeschines can be acquitted? To
+prove, however, that what I say is true (_to the clerk_), first read the decree,
+under which it was our duty to exact the oaths, then Philip's letter, and then
+the decree of Philocrates and that of the people.
+
+[_The decrees and letter are read._]
+
+{162} And now, to prove that we should have caught Philip in the Hellespont, had
+any one listened to me, and carried out your instructions as contained in the
+decrees, (_to the clerk_) call the witnesses who were there on the spot.
+
+[_The witnesses are called._]
+
+(_To the clerk._) Next read also the other deposition--Philip's answer to
+Eucleides,[n] who is present here, when he went to Philip afterwards.
+
+[_The deposition is read._]
+
+{163} Now listen to me, while I show that they cannot even deny that it was to
+serve Philip's interest that they acted as they did. For when we set out on the
+First Embassy--that which was to discuss the Peace--you dispatched a herald in
+advance to procure us a safe conduct. Well, on that occasion, as soon as ever
+they had reached Oreus, they did not wait for the herald, or allow any time to
+be lost; but though Halus was being besieged, they sailed there direct, and
+then, leaving the town again, came to Parmenio, who was besieging it, set out
+through the enemy's camp to Pagasae, and, continuing their journey, only met the
+herald at Larissa: with such eager haste did they proceed. {164} But at a time
+when there was peace and they had complete security for their journey and you
+had instructed them to make haste, it never occurred to them either to quicken
+their pace or to go by sea. And why? Because on the former occasion Philip's
+interest demanded that the Peace should be made as soon as possible; whereas now
+it required that as long an interval as possible should be wasted before the
+oaths were taken. {165} To prove that this is so, (_to the clerk_) take and read
+this further deposition.
+
+[_The deposition is read._]
+
+How could men be more clearly convicted of acting to serve Philip's interest
+throughout, than by the fact that they sat idle, when in your interest they
+ought to have hurried, on the very same journey over which they hastened onward,
+without even waiting for the herald, when they ought not to have moved at all?
+
+{166} Now observe how each of us chose to conduct himself while we were there,
+sitting idle at Pella. For myself, I chose to rescue and seek out the captives,
+spending my own money and asking Philip to procure their ransom[n] with the sums
+which he was offering us in the form of presents. How Aeschines passed his whole
+time you shall hear presently. {167} What then was the meaning of Philip's
+offering money to us in common? He kept sounding us all--for this too I would
+have you know. And how? He sent round privately to each of us, and offered us,
+men of Athens, a very large sum in gold. But when he failed in a particular case
+(for I need not mention my own name myself, since the proceedings and their
+results will of themselves show to whom I refer), he thought that we should all
+be innocent enough to accept what was given to us in common; and then, if we all
+alike had a share, however small, in the common present, those who had sold
+themselves privately would be secure. {168} Hence these offers, under the guise
+of presents to his guest-friends. And when I prevented this, my colleagues
+further divided among themselves the sum thus offered. But when I asked Philip
+to spend this sum on the prisoners, he could neither, without discredit,
+denounce my colleagues, and say, 'But So-and-so has the money, and So-and-so,'
+nor yet evade the expense. So he gave the promise, but deferred its fulfilment,
+saying that he would send the prisoners home in time for the Panathenaea. (_To
+the clerk._) Read the evidence of Apollophanes, and then that of the rest of
+those present.
+
+[_The evidence is read._]
+
+{169} Now let me tell you how many of the prisoners I myself ransomed. For while
+we were sitting waiting there at Pella, before Philip's arrival, some of the
+captives--all, in fact, who were out on bail--not trusting, I suppose, my
+ability to persuade Philip to act as I wished, said that they wished to ransom
+themselves, and to be under no obligation to Philip for their freedom: and they
+borrowed, one three minae, another five, and another--whatever the amount of the
+ransom was in each case. {170} But when Philip had promised that he would ransom
+the rest, I called together those to whom I had advanced the money; I reminded
+them of the circumstances; and, lest they should seem to have suffered by their
+impatience, and to have been ransomed at their own cost, poor men as they were,
+when all their comrades expected to be set free by Philip, I made them a present
+of their ransom. To prove that I am speaking the truth, (_to the clerk_) read
+these depositions.
+
+[_The depositions are read._]
+
+{171} These, then, are the sums which I excused them, and gave as a free gift to
+fellow citizens who had met with misfortune. And so, when Aeschines says
+presently, in his speech to you, 'Demosthenes, if, as you say, you knew, from
+the time when I supported Philocrates' proposal, that we were acting altogether
+dishonestly, why did you go again as our colleague on the subsequent mission to
+take the oaths, instead of entering a sworn excuse?' remember this, that I had
+promised those whose freedom I had procured that I would bring them their
+ransom, and deliver them to the best of my power. {172} It would have been a
+wicked thing to break my word and abandon my fellow citizens in their
+misfortune; while, on the other hand, if I had excused myself upon oath from
+service, it would not have been altogether honourable, nor yet safe, to make a
+tour there in a private capacity. For let destruction, utter and early, fall
+upon me, if I would have joined in a mission with these men for a very large sum
+of money, had it not been for my anxiety to rescue the prisoners. It is a proof
+of this, that though you twice elected me to serve on the Third Embassy, I twice
+swore an excuse. And all through the journey in question my policy was entirely
+opposed to theirs. {173} All, then, that it was within my own power to decide in
+the course of my mission resulted as I have described; but wherever in virtue of
+their majority they gained their way, all has been lost. And yet, had there been
+any who listened to me, all would have been accomplished in a manner congruous
+with my own actions. For I was not so pitiful a fool as to give away money, when
+I saw others receiving it, in my ambition to serve you, and yet not to desire
+what could have been accomplished without expense, and would have brought far
+greater benefits to the whole city. I desired it intensely, men of Athens; but,
+of course, they had the advantage over me.
+
+{174} Come now and contemplate the proceedings of Aeschines and those of
+Philocrates, by the side of my own; for the comparison will bring out their
+character more vividly. Well, they first pronounced the exclusion from the Peace
+of the Phocians and the people of Halus, and of Cersobleptes, contrary to your
+decree and to the statements made to you. Then they attempted to tamper with and
+alter the decree, which we had come there as ambassadors to execute. Then they
+entered the Cardians as allies of Philip and voted against sending the dispatch
+which I had written to you, sending in its stead an utterly unsound dispatch of
+their own composition. {175} And then the gallant gentleman asserted that I had
+promised Philip that I would overthrow your constitution, because I censured
+these proceedings, not only from a sense of their disgracefulness, but also from
+fear lest through the fault of these men I might have to share their ruin: while
+all the time he was himself having incessant private interviews with Philip.
+And, to pass over all besides, Dercylus (not I) watched him through the night at
+Pherae, along with my slave who is here present; and as the slave came out of
+Philip's tent he took him and bade him report what he had seen, and remember it
+himself; and finally, this disgusting and shameless fellow was left behind with
+Philip for a night and a day, when we went away. {176} And to prove that I am
+speaking the truth, I will myself give evidence which I have committed to
+writing,[n] so as to put myself in the position of a responsible witness; and
+after that I call upon each of the other ambassadors, and I will compel them to
+choose their alternative--either to give evidence, or to swear that they have no
+knowledge of the matter. If they take the latter course, I shall convict them of
+perjury beyond doubt.
+
+[_Evidence is read._]
+
+{177} You have seen now by what mischief and trouble I was hampered, throughout
+our absence from home. For what must you imagine their conduct to have been
+there, with their paymaster close at hand, when they act as they do before your
+very eyes, though you have power either to confer honour or, on the other hand,
+to inflict punishment upon them?
+
+I wish now to reckon up from the beginning the charges which I have made, in
+order to show you that I have done all that I undertook to do at the beginning
+of my speech. {178} I have proved that there was no truth in his report--that,
+on the contrary, he deceived you--by the evidence not of words but of the actual
+course of events. I have proved that he was the cause of your unwillingness to
+hear the truth from my mouth, captivated as you were at the time by his promises
+and undertakings; that he gave you advice which was the exact opposite of that
+which he ought to have given, opposing the Peace which was suggested by the
+allies, and advocating the Peace of Philocrates; that he wasted time, in order
+that you might not be able to march to the aid of the Phocians, even if you
+wished to do so; and that he has done many atrocious deeds during his absence
+from home; for he has betrayed and sold everything, he has taken bribes, and has
+left no form of rascality untried. These are the points which I promised at the
+outset to prove, and I have proved them. {179} Observe, then, what follows; for
+what I have now to say to you has already become a simple matter. You have sworn
+that you will vote according to the laws and the decrees of the people and the
+Council of Five Hundred. The defendant is proved, in all his conduct as
+ambassador, to have acted in contravention of the laws, of the decrees, and of
+justice. He ought, therefore, to be convicted in any court composed of rational
+men. Even if there were no other crimes at his door, two of his actions are
+sufficient to slay him; for he betrayed to Philip not only the Phocians but also
+Thrace. {180} Two places in the whole world of greater value to Athens than
+Thermopylae on land, and the Hellespont over sea, could not possibly be found;
+and both these places these men have shamefully sold, and placed in Philip's
+hands to be used against you. The enormity of this crime alone--the sacrifice of
+Thrace and the Walls--apart from all the rest, might be proved in countless
+ways,[n] and it is easy to point out how many men have been executed or fined
+vast sums of money by you for such offences--Ergophilus,[n] Cephisodotus,[n]
+Timomachus,[n] Ergocles[n] long ago, Dionysius, and others; all of whom
+together, I may almost say, have done the city less harm than the defendant.
+{181} But in those days, men of Athens, you still guarded against danger by
+calculation and forethought; whereas now you overlook any danger which does not
+annoy you from day to day, or cause you pain by its immediate presence, and then
+pass such resolutions here as 'that Philip shall take the oath in favour of
+Cersobleptes also,' 'that we will not take part in the proceedings of the
+Amphictyons,' 'that we must amend the Peace.' But none of these resolutions
+would have been required, had Aeschines then been ready to sail and to do what
+was required. As it is, by urging us to go by land, he has lost all that we
+could have saved by sailing; and by lying, all that could have been saved by
+speaking the truth.
+
+{182} He intends, I am told, to express immediately his indignation that he
+alone of all the speakers in the Assembly should have to render an account of
+his words. I will not urge that all speakers would reasonably be called upon to
+render such an account, if any of their words were spoken for money; I only say
+this. If Aeschines in his private capacity has spoken wildly on some occasion or
+committed some blunder, do not be over-strict with him, but let it pass and
+grant him pardon: but if as your ambassador he has deliberately deceived you for
+money, then do not let him go, or tolerate the plea that he ought not to be
+called to account for what he _said_. {183} Why, for what, if not for his words,
+is an ambassador to be brought to justice? Ambassadors have no control over
+ships or places or soldiers or citadels--no one puts such things in their
+hands--but over words and times. As regards times, if he did not cause the times of
+the city's opportunities to be lost, he is not guilty; but if he did so, he has
+committed crime. And as to his words, if the words of his report were true or
+expedient, let him escape; but if they were at once false, venal, and
+disastrous, let him be convicted. {184} No greater wrong can a man do you, than
+is done by lying speeches. For where government is based upon speeches, how can
+it be carried on in security, if the speeches are not true? and if, in
+particular, a speaker takes bribes and speaks to further the interests of the
+enemy, how can you escape real danger? For to rob you of your opportunities is
+not the same thing as to rob an oligarchy or a tyrant. Far from it. {185} Under
+such governments, I imagine, everything is done promptly at a word of command.
+But with you the Council must first hear about everything, and pass its
+preliminary resolution--and even that not at any time, but only when notice has
+been given of the reception of heralds and embassies: then you must convoke an
+Assembly, and that only when the time comes for one, as ordained by law: then
+those who speak for your true good have to master and overcome those who,
+through ignorance or wickedness, oppose them. {186} Besides all this, even when
+a measure is resolved upon, and its advantages are already plain, time must be
+granted to the impecuniosity of the majority, in which they may procure whatever
+means they require in order to be able to carry out what has been resolved. And
+so he who causes times so critical to be lost, in a state constituted as ours
+is, has not caused you to lose times, but has robbed you absolutely of the
+realization of your aims.
+
+{187} Now all those who are anxious to deceive you are very ready with such
+expressions as 'disturbers of the city,' 'men who prevent Philip from conferring
+benefits on the city.' In reply to these, I will use no argument, but will read
+you Philip's letters, and will remind you of the occasion on which each piece of
+deception took place, that you may know that Philip has got beyond this
+exaggerated title of 'benefactor',[n] of which we are so sickened, in his
+attempts to take you in by it.
+
+[_Philip's letters are read._]
+
+{188} Now although his work as ambassador has been so shameful, so detrimental
+to you in many--nay, in all points, he goes about asking people what they think
+of Demosthenes, who prosecutes his own colleagues. I prosecute you indeed,
+whether I would or no, because throughout our entire absence from home you
+plotted against me as I have said, and because now I have the choice of only two
+alternatives: either I must appear to share with you the responsibility for such
+work as yours, or I must prosecute you. {189} Nay, I deny that I was ever your
+colleague in the Embassy. I say that your work as ambassador was an atrocious
+work, while my own was for the true good of those present here. It is
+Philocrates that has been your colleague, as you have been his, and Phrynon. For
+your policy was the same as theirs, and you all approved of the same objects.
+But 'where are the salt, the table, the libations that we shared?' So he asks
+everywhere in his theatrical style--as though it were not the criminals, but the
+upright, that were false to such pledges! {190} I am certain that though all the
+Prytanes offer their common sacrifice on each occasion, and join one with
+another in their meal and their libation, the good do not on this account copy
+the bad; but if they detect one of their own number in crime they report the
+fact to the Council and the people. In the very same way the Council offers its
+inaugural sacrifice and feasts together, and joins in libations and sacred
+rites. So do the generals, and, one may practically say, every body of
+magistrates. Does that mean that they grant an indemnity to any of their number
+who is guilty of crime? Very far from it. {191} Leon accuses Timagoras,[n] after
+being his fellow ambassador for four years: Eubulus accuses Tharrex and
+Smicythus, after sharing the banquet with them: the great Conon, the elder,
+prosecuted Adeimantus,[n] though they were generals together. Which sinned
+against the salt and the libation, Aeschines--the traitors and the faithless
+ambassadors and the hirelings, or their accusers? Plainly those who violated, as
+you have done, the sanctity, not of private libations, but of libations poured
+in the name of the whole country.
+
+{192} That you may realize that these men have been the most worthless and
+wicked not only of all who have ever gone to Philip in a public capacity, but
+even of those who have gone as private persons, and indeed of all mankind, I ask
+you to listen to me while I describe briefly an incident which falls outside the
+story of this Embassy. When Philip took Olynthus he celebrated Olympian games,
+and gathered together all the artists to the sacrifice and the festal gathering.
+{193} And while he was entertaining them at a banquet, and crowning the victors,
+he asked Satyrus, the well-known comic actor, why he alone requested no favour
+of him. Did he see any meanness in him, or any dislike towards himself? Satyrus
+answered (so the story goes) that he happened to stand in no need of the things
+for which the rest were asking, but that the boon which he would like to ask was
+a favour which it would be very easy indeed for Philip to bestow; only he was
+afraid that he might fail to obtain it. {194} Philip bade him name his request,
+declaring with some spirit that there was nothing that he would not do for him.
+Satyrus is then said to have stated that Apollophanes of Pydna was formerly his
+friend and guest-friend,[n] and that when he had perished by a treacherous
+assassination, his kinsman had, in alarm, conveyed his daughters, then little
+children, to Olynthus secretly. 'These girls,' said Satyrus, 'have been taken
+prisoners at the capture of the city; they are with you, and they are now of
+marriageable age. {195} It is these girls that I beg and entreat you to give to
+me. But I should like you to hear and understand what sort of present you will
+be giving me, if you really give it. I shall gain nothing by receiving it: I
+shall give them in marriage, and a dowry with them, and shall not allow them to
+suffer anything unworthy of us or of their father.' When those who were present
+at the feast heard this, there was such applause and cheering and approbation on
+all hands, that Philip was moved and granted the request, although the
+Apollophanes who was spoken of was one of the murderers of Alexander, Philip's
+brother. {196} Now let us examine side by side with this banquet of Satyrus,
+that in which these men took part in Macedonia. Observe what likeness and
+resemblance there is between the two! For these men were invited to the house of
+Xenophron, the son of Phaedimus, who was one of the Thirty,[n] and went. I did
+not go. But when it came to the time for wine, he brought in an Olynthian woman
+--good-looking, but well-bred and modest, as the event proved. {197} At first, I
+believe (according to the account which Iatrocles gave me the next day), they
+only forced her to drink a little wine quietly and to eat some dessert; but as
+the feast proceeded and they waxed warm, they bade her recline and even sing a
+song. And when the poor creature, who was in great distress, neither would nor
+could do as they bade her, Aeschines and Phrynon declared that it was an insult
+and quite intolerable, that a captive woman--one of those god-forsaken devils
+the Olynthians--should give herself airs. 'Call a slave,' they cried, 'and let
+some one bring a strap.' A servant came with a lash; they had been drinking, I
+imagine, and were easily annoyed; and as soon as she said something and burst
+into tears, the servant tore open her dress and gave her a number of cuts across
+the back. {198} Beside herself with the pain and the sense of her position, the
+woman leaped up and fell before the knees of Iatrocles, overturning the table as
+she did so. And had he not rescued her, she would have perished as the victim of
+a drunken debauch; for the drunkenness of this abominable creature is something
+horrible.[n] The case of this woman was also mentioned in Arcadia before the Ten
+Thousand, and Diophantus reported to you what I shall now force him to testify;
+for the matter was much talked of in Thessaly and everywhere.
+
+{199} Yet with all this on his conscience this unclean creature will dare to
+look you in the face, and will very soon be speaking to you of the life he has
+lived, in that magnificent voice of his. It chokes me to hear him! Does not the
+jury know how at first you used to read over the books to your mother at her
+initiations,[n] and wallow amid bands of drunken men at their orgies, while
+still a boy? {200} and how you were afterwards under-clerk to the magistrates,
+and played the rogue for two or three drachmae?[n] and how at last, in recent
+days, you thought yourself lucky to get a parasitic living in the training-rooms
+of others, as a third-rate actor? What then is the life of which you propose to
+speak? Where have you lived it? For the life which you have really lived has
+been what I have described. And how much does he take upon himself! He brought
+another man to trial here for unnatural offences! But I leave this point for the
+moment. (_To the clerk._) First, read me these depositions.
+
+[_The depositions are read._]
+
+{201} So many, then, and so gross, gentlemen of the jury, being the crimes
+against you of which he stands convicted--and what wickedness do they not
+include? he is corrupt, he is a minion, he is under the curse, a liar, a
+betrayer of his own people; all the most heinous offences are there--he will not
+defend himself against a single one of these charges, and will have no defence
+to offer that is either just or straightforward. But the statement which, I am
+told, he intends to make, borders on madness; though perhaps a man who has no
+other plea to offer must contrive anything that he can. {202} For I hear that he
+is to say that I, forsooth, have been a partner in everything of which I accuse
+him; that at first I used to approve of his policy and to act with him; and that
+I have suddenly changed my mind and become his accuser. As a defence of his
+conduct such assertions are, of course, neither legitimate nor to the point,
+though they do imply some kind of charge against myself; for, of course, if I
+have acted thus, I am a worthless person. But the conduct itself is no better
+for that. Far from it! {203} At the same time, I think it is proper for me to
+prove to you both the points in question--first, that if he makes such an
+assertion he will be lying; and secondly, what is the just line of defence. Now
+a just and straightforward defence must show either that the acts charged
+against him were not committed, or that having been committed, they are to the
+advantage of the city. {204} But Aeschines cannot do either of these things. For
+I presume that it is not possible for him to say that it is to the advantage of
+the city that the Phocians have been ruined, that Thermopylae is in Philip's
+hands, that Thebes is powerful, that there are soldiers in Euboea and plotting
+against Megara, and that the Peace should not have been sworn to,[n] when on the
+former occasion he announced the very contrary of all these things to you in the
+guise of advantages, and advantages about to be realized? Nor will he be able to
+persuade you that these things have not been done, when you yourselves have seen
+them and know the facts well. {205} It remains for me, therefore, to show you
+that I have had no share in any of their proceedings. Shall I then dismiss
+everything else from consideration--all that I have said against them in your
+presence, all my collisions with them during our absence, all my antagonism to
+them from first to last--and produce my opponents themselves as witnesses to the
+fact that my conduct and theirs have been absolutely contrary the one to the
+other--that they have taken money to your detriment, and that I refused to
+receive it? Then mark what I say.
+
+{206} Who, would you say, was of all men in Athens the most offensive, most
+overflowing with effrontery and contemptuousness? I am sure that none of you,
+even by mistake, would name any other than Philocrates. And who, would you say,
+possessed the loudest voice and could enunciate whatever he pleased most
+clearly? Aeschines the defendant, I am sure. Who is it then that these men
+describe as cowardly and timid before a crowd, while I call him cautious? It is
+myself; for I have never annoyed you or forced myself upon you against your
+will. {207} Now at every meeting of the Assembly, as often as a discussion has
+arisen upon these subjects, you hear me accusing and convicting these men,
+declaring explicitly that they have taken money and have sold all the interests
+of the city. And not one of them has ever to this day contradicted the
+statement, when he heard it, or opened his mouth, or shown himself. {208} What
+then is the reason, why the most offensive men in the city, the men with the
+loudest voices, are so cowed before me, the timidest of men, whose voice is no
+louder than any other? It is because Truth is strong; while to them, on the
+other hand, the consciousness of having sold public interests is a source of
+weakness. It is this that steals away the boldness of these men, this that binds
+down their tongues and stops their mouths--chokes them, and makes them silent.
+{209} You remember, of course, how at the recent meeting in the Peiraeus, when
+you would not have him for your representative,[n] he was shouting that he would
+impeach me and indict me, and crying, 'Oh! Oh!' But such steps are the beginning
+of long and numerous trials and speeches; whereas the alternative was but to
+utter perhaps two or three words, which even a slave purchased yesterday could
+have pronounced--'Men of Athens, this is utterly atrocious. Demosthenes is
+accusing me here of crimes in which he himself was a partner; he says that I
+have taken money, when he has taken money, or shared it, himself.' {210} But no
+such words, no such sound, did he utter, nor did one of you hear him do so; he
+only uttered threats to a different effect. And why? Because he knew that he had
+done what he was charged with doing; he was abjectly afraid to use any such
+expressions; his resolution could not rise to them, but shrank back; for it was
+in the grip of his conscience; whereas there was nothing to hinder him from
+uttering irrelevant abuse and slander. {211} But here is the strongest proof of
+all, and it consists not in words, but in fact. For when I was anxious to do
+what it was right to do, namely, to make a second report to you, after serving a
+second time as ambassador, Aeschines came before the Board of Auditors with a
+number of witnesses, and forbade them to call me before the court, since I had
+rendered my account already, and was no longer liable to give it. The incident
+was extremely ridiculous. And what was the meaning of it? He had made his report
+with reference to the First Embassy, against which no one brought any charge,
+and did not wish to go before the court again with regard to the Second Embassy,
+with reference to which he now appears before you, and within which all his
+crimes fell. {212} But if I came before you twice, it became necessary for him
+also to appear again; and so he tried to prevent them from summoning me. But
+this action of his, men of Athens, plainly proves to you two things--first, that
+he had so condemned himself that none of you can now acquit him without impiety;
+and secondly, that he will not speak a word of truth about me. Had he anything
+true to assert, he would have been found asserting it and accusing me then; he
+would certainly not have tried to prevent my being summoned. {213} To prove the
+truth of what I say, (_to the clerk_) call me the witnesses to the facts.
+
+But further, if he makes slanderous statements against me which have nothing to
+do with the Embassy, there are many good reasons for your refusing to listen to
+him. For I am not on my trial to-day, and when I have finished my speech I have
+no further time allotted to me.[n] What can such statements mean, except that he
+is bankrupt of legitimate arguments? For who that was on his trial and had any
+defence to make, would prefer to accuse another? {214} And consider also this
+further point, gentlemen of the jury. If I were on my trial, with the defendant
+Aeschines for accuser and Philip for judge; and if, being unable to disprove my
+guilt, I abused Aeschines and tried to sully his character, do you not think
+that Philip would be indignant at the very fact of a man abusing _his_
+benefactors in his own presence? Do not _you_ then prove worse than Philip; but
+force Aeschines to defend himself against the charges which are the subject of
+the trial. (_To the clerk._) Read the deposition.
+
+[_The deposition is read._]
+
+{215} So for my part, because I had nothing on my conscience, I felt it my duty
+to render an account and submit all the information that the laws required,
+while the defendant took the opposite view. How then can his conduct and mine
+have been the same? or how can he possibly assert against me now things of which
+he has never even accused me before? It is surely impossible. And yet he will
+assert these things, and, Heaven knows, it is natural enough. For you doubtless
+know well that ever since the human race began and trials were instituted, no
+one was ever convicted admitting his crime: they brazen it out, they deny it,
+they lie, they make up excuses, they take every means to escape paying the
+penalty. {216} _You_ must not let any of these devices mislead you to-day; your
+judgement must be given upon the facts, in the light of your own knowledge; you
+must not attend to words, whether mine or his, still less to the witnesses whom
+he will have ready to testify anything, since he has Philip to pay his expenses
+--you will see how glibly they will give evidence for him; nor must you care
+whether his voice is fine and loud, or whether mine is poor. {217} For it is no
+trial of orators or of speeches that you have to hold to-day, if you are wise
+men. You have rather, in the name of a cause shamefully and terribly ruined, to
+thrust off the present disgrace on to the shoulders of the guilty, after a
+scrutiny of those results which are known to you all. {218} And these results,
+which you know and do not require us to tell you of--what are they? If the
+consequences of the Peace have been all that they promised you; if you admit
+that you were so filled with an unmanly cowardice, that, though the enemy was
+not in your land, though you were not blockaded by sea, though your city was
+menaced by no other danger whatever, though, on the contrary, the price of corn
+was low and you were in other respects as well off as you are to-day, {219}
+though you knew beforehand on the information of these men that your allies were
+about to be ruined and Thebes to become powerful, that Philip was about to
+occupy the Thracian strongholds and to establish a basis of operations against
+you in Euboea, and that all that has now happened was about to come to pass, you
+nevertheless made peace cheerfully;--if that is so, then acquit Aeschines, and
+do not add perjury to all your disgrace. For in that case he is guilty of no
+crime against you; it is I that am mad and brainsick to accuse him now. {220}
+But if what they told you was altogether the reverse of this, if it was a tale
+of great generosity--of Philip's love for Athens, of his intention to save the
+Phocians, to check the insolence of the Thebans, and beside all this (if he
+obtained the Peace) to confer on you benefits that would more than compensate
+for Amphipolis, and to restore to you Euboea and Oropus; if, I say, they stated
+and promised all this, and have now totally deceived and cheated you, and have
+all but robbed you of Attica itself, then condemn him, and do not, in addition
+to all the outrages--I know not what other word to use--that you have suffered,
+carry with you to your homes, through upholding their corruption, the curse and
+the guilt of perjury.
+
+{221} Again, gentlemen of the jury, ask yourselves what reason I could have had
+for choosing to accuse these men, if they had done no wrong? You will find none.
+Is it pleasant to have many enemies? Pleasant? It is not even safe. Was there
+any quarrel between me and Aeschines? None. What then? 'You were afraid for
+yourself, and in your cowardice thought to save yourself this way:' for that, I
+have heard, is what he says. What? I was afraid, when, according to your own
+statement, there was nothing to be afraid of, and no crime had been committed?
+If he repeats such an assertion, men of Athens, consider[n] what these men
+themselves, the actual criminals, ought to suffer for their offences, if I, who
+am absolutely guiltless, was afraid of being ruined owing to them. {222} But
+what is my motive for accusing you? I am an informer, of course, and want to get
+money out of you![n] And which was the easier course for me--to get money out of
+Philip, who offered a large sum--to get as much as any of these men, and to have
+not only Philip for my friend, but also my opponents (for they would assuredly
+have been friends, had I been partner with them, since even now they have no
+inherited quarrel against me, but only the fact that I refused to join in their
+actions); or to beg them for a share of their gains, and be regarded with
+hostility both by Philip and by them? Is it likely that when I was ransoming the
+prisoners at such cost to myself, I should ask to receive a paltry sum from
+these men, in a disgraceful manner and with their enmity accompanying it? {223}
+Impossible! My report was true. I abstained from taking money for the sake of
+justice and truth and my own future. For I thought, as others among you have
+thought, that my own uprightness would receive its reward, and that I must not
+barter my ambition to stand well with you for gain of any kind. And I abhor
+these men, because I saw that they were vile and impious in the conduct of their
+mission, and because I have been robbed of the objects of my own ambition, owing
+to their corruption, now that you have come to be vexed with the Embassy as a
+whole. And it is because I foresee what must happen that I now accuse him, and
+appear to challenge his report; for I would have it decided here, in a trial
+before a jury, that my conduct has been the opposite of his. {224} And I am
+afraid--afraid, I say, for I will speak all my mind to you--that though when the
+time comes you may drag me in spite of my entire innocence to the same ruin with
+them, you are now utterly supine. For, men of Athens, you appear to me to be
+altogether unstrung, waiting to suffer the horrors which others are suffering
+before your eyes, and taking no precautions, no thought for the city, which for
+so long has been exposed to destruction in many a dreadful form. {225} Is it
+not, think you, dreadful and preternatural? For even where I had resolved upon
+silence, I am driven to speak. You doubtless know Pythocles here, the son of
+Pythodorus. I had been on very kindly terms with him, and to this day there has
+been no unpleasantness between us. He avoids me now, when he meets me--ever
+since he visited Philip--and if he is obliged to encounter me anywhere, he
+starts away immediately, lest any one should see him talking with me. But with
+Aeschines he walks all round the marketplace, discussing their plans. {226} Now
+is it not a terrible and shocking thing, men of Athens, that those who have made
+it their choice to foster Philip's interests should be able to rely upon so
+accurate a discrimination on Philip's part, that all that any one of them does
+here can no more be hid from Philip (so they believe) than if he were standing
+by their side, and that his friends and foes alike are those that Philip
+chooses; while those whose life is lived for _your_ good, who are greedy of
+honour at _your_ hands, and have not betrayed you, should be met by such
+deafness, such blindness, on your part, that to-day I have to wrestle with these
+devils incarnate on equal terms, and that before you, who know the whole truth?
+{227} Would you know or hear the cause of these things? I will tell you, and I
+beg that none of you be angry with me for speaking the truth. It is, I imagine,
+that Philip has but one body and one soul, and it is with all his heart that he
+cherishes those who do him good and detests those who do him evil: whereas each
+of you, in the first place, has no feeling that the good or the evil which is
+being done to the city, is being done to himself; {228} other feelings are of
+more consequence, and often lead you astray--pity, envy, anger, favour towards
+the suppliant, and an infinite number of other motives: while if a man has
+actually escaped all these, he will still not escape from those who do not want
+such a man to exist at all. And so the error due to each of these single causes
+steals on little by little, till the state is exposed to the whole accumulated
+mischief.
+
+{229} Do not fall victims to any such error to-day, men of Athens: do not let
+the defendant go, when he has done you all this wrong. For honestly, if you let
+him go, what will be said of you? 'Certain men,' it will be said, 'went as
+ambassadors to Philip yonder--Philocrates, Aeschines, Phrynon, and Demosthenes;
+and, what happened? One of them not only gained nothing by his mission, but
+ransomed the prisoners at his private expense; another, with the money for which
+he sold the interests of his country, went about purchasing harlots and fish.
+{230} One of them, the abominable Phrynon, sent his son to Philip before he had
+registered him as an adult; the other did nothing unworthy of himself or his
+city. One, though serving as choregus and trierarch,[n] felt it his duty
+voluntarily to incur that further expense [to ransom the prisoners] rather than
+see any of his fellow citizens suffering misfortune for want of means; the
+other, so far from rescuing any of those who were already in captivity, joined
+in bringing a whole district, and more than 10,000 infantry and 1,000 cavalry
+with them, the forces of the actual allies of his country, into captivity to
+Philip. What followed? {231} When the Athenians got them into their hands (for
+they had long known the truth) what did they do? They let go the men who had
+received bribes and had disgraced themselves, and their city, and their
+children; they thought that these were wise men, and that all was well[n] with
+the city; and as for their accuser, they thought him thunderstruck--a man who
+did not understand his country, and did not know where to fling his money away.'
+{232} And who, men of Athens, with this example before his eyes, will be willing
+to offer you his honest service? who will act as ambassador for nothing, if he
+is not only to gain nothing by it, but is not to be more trustworthy in your
+eyes than those who have taken money? You are not only trying these men to-day,
+but you are laying down a law for all future time--a law which will declare
+whether your ambassadors are to serve the enemy for a price, or to act
+disinterestedly for your true good and to take no bribe? {233} On all the other
+points you require no evidence; but to prove that Phrynon sent his son, (_to the
+clerk_) call me the witnesses to the facts.
+
+Aeschines then did not prosecute Phrynon, for sending his own son to Philip for
+a disgraceful purpose. But because a man, who in his youth was above the average
+in appearance, did not foresee the suspicion which his good looks might entail,
+and afterwards lived a somewhat fast life, he has prosecuted him for unnatural
+offences.
+
+{234} Now let me speak of the banquet and the decree; for I had almost
+overlooked what I was especially bound to tell you. In drawing up the resolution
+of the Council with reference to the First Embassy, and again in addressing the
+people, at the assemblies in which you were to discuss the question of peace,
+not a single word or act of a criminal nature on the part of these men having so
+far come to light, I followed the ordinary custom, and proposed to accord them a
+vote of thanks, and to invite them to the Town Hall. {235} And I did, of course,
+entertain Philip's ambassadors as well, and on a very splendid scale, men of
+Athens. For when I saw that in their own country they prided themselves even on
+things like these, as showing their prosperity and splendour, I thought that I
+must begin by outdoing them in this respect, and displaying even greater
+magnificence. These incidents Aeschines will shortly bring forward to prove that
+'Demosthenes himself voted thanks to us, and gave a banquet to the ambassadors',
+without telling you the precise time when the incidents occurred. {236} For
+these things belong to a time before any injury had been done to the city, and
+before it was evident that they had sold themselves. The ambassadors had only
+just arrived on their first visit; the people had still to hear what they
+proposed; and there was nothing as yet to show that Aeschines would support
+Philocrates, or that Philocrates would make such proposals as he did. If, then,
+Aeschines uses any such argument, remember that the dates of the incidents are
+earlier than those of his crimes. But since then there has been no friendliness
+between myself and them, and no common action. (_To the clerk._) Read the
+deposition.
+
+[_The deposition is read._]
+
+{237} Now perhaps his brother Philochares will support him, and Aphobetus. There
+is much that you may fairly urge in reply to both; and I am obliged, men of
+Athens, to speak to you quite freely and without any reserve. You, Philochares,
+are a painter of vase-cases and drums; your brothers are under-clerks and quite
+ordinary men--not that there is any harm in these things, but at the same time
+they do not qualify a man to be a general.[n] And yet, Aphobetus and
+Philochares, we thought you worthy to be ambassadors and generals, and to
+receive the highest honours; {238} so that even if none of you were guilty of
+any crime, we should owe no gratitude to you; you would rather owe gratitude to
+us for your preferment. For we passed by many others, more deserving of such
+honours than you were, and exalted you instead. But if in the enjoyment of these
+very honours one of you has actually committed crimes, and crimes of such a
+nature, how much more deserving are you of execration than of acquittal? Much
+more, I am sure. Perhaps they will force their claims upon you, for they are
+loud-voiced and shameless, and they have taken to themselves the motto that 'it
+is pardonable for brother to help brother'. {239} But you must not give way.
+Remember that if it is right for them to think of Aeschines, it is for you to
+think of the laws and the whole State, and, above all, of the oath which you
+yourselves, who sit here, have taken. Yes, and if they have entreated some of
+you to save the defendant, then ask yourselves whether you are to save him if he
+is proved innocent of crime, or even if he is proved guilty. If they ask you to
+do so, should he be innocent, I too say that you must acquit him. But if you are
+asked to acquit him, whatever he has done, then they have asked you to commit
+perjury. For though your vote is secret, it will not be hidden from the gods;
+and the framer of our law [which enjoins secret voting] was absolutely right,
+when he saw that though none of these men will know which of you has granted his
+request, the gods will know, and the unseen powers, who has given the unjust
+vote. {240} And it is better for a man to lay up, for his children and himself,
+those good hopes which _they_ can bestow, by giving the decision that is just
+and right, than to win credit from these men for a favour of whose reality they
+can have no certain knowledge, and to acquit the defendant, when his own
+testimony condemns him. For what stronger testimony can I produce, Aeschines, to
+prove how terrible your work as ambassador has been, than your own testimony
+against yourself? For when you thought it necessary to involve in so great and
+dreadful a calamity one who wished to reveal some of your actions as ambassador,
+it is plain that you expected your own punishment to be a terrible one, if your
+countrymen learned what you had done.
+
+{241} That step, if you are wise, he will prove to have taken to his own
+detriment; not only because it is an overwhelming proof of the nature of his
+conduct as ambassador, but also because of those expressions which he used in
+the course of the prosecution, and which are now at our disposal against
+himself. For the principles of justice, as defined by you when you were
+prosecuting Timarchus, must, I presume, be no less valid when used by others
+against yourself. {242} His words to the jury on that occasion were these.
+'Demosthenes intends to defend Timarchus, and to denounce my acts as ambassador.
+And then, when he has led you off the point by his speech, he will brag of it,
+and go about saying, "Well? what do you think?[2] Why I led the jury right away
+from the point, and stole the case triumphantly out of their hands."' Then you
+at least must not act thus, but must make your defence with reference to the
+real points of your case, though, when you were prosecuting Timarchus on that
+occasion, you permitted yourself to make any charges and assertions that you
+chose.
+
+{243} But there were verses too, which you recited before the jury, in your
+inability to produce any witness to the charges on which you were prosecuting
+Timarchus:--
+
+  Rumour, the voice of many folk, not all
+  Doth die, for Rumour too a goddess is.[3]
+
+Well, Aeschines, all those who are present say that you have made money out of
+your mission; and so it holds true against you, I suppose, that 'Rumour, the
+voice of many folk, not all doth die'. {244} For observe how easily you can
+ascertain how much larger a body of accusers appears in your case than in his.
+Timarchus was not known even to all his neighbors; while there is not a man,
+Hellene or foreigner, but says that you and your fellow ambassadors made money
+out of your mission. And so, if the rumour is true, then the rumour which is the
+voice of many folk is against you; and you have yourself laid down that such a
+rumour is to be believed, that 'Rumour too a goddess is', and that the poet who
+composed these lines was a wise man.
+
+{245} Then, you remember, he collected some iambic verses, and recited the whole
+passage; for instance:--
+
+  Whoso in evil company delights
+  Of him I ne'er enquired, for well I trow,
+  As is his company, such is the man.[3]
+
+And 'when a man goes to the cockpit[n] and walks about with Pittalacus'--he
+added more to the same effect--'surely,' said he, 'you know what to think of
+him.' Well, Aeschines, these same verses will now exactly serve my turn against
+you, and if I quote them to the jury, the quotation will be true and apposite.
+'But whoso in the company delights' of Philocrates, and that when he is an
+ambassador, 'Of him I ne'er enquired, for well I trow' that he has taken money,
+as did Philocrates who does not deny it.
+
+{246} He attempts to insult others by labelling them hack-writers[n] and
+sophists. He shall himself be proved liable to these very imputations. The
+verses he quoted are derived from the _Phoenix_ of Euripides--a play which has
+never to this day been acted either by Theodorus or Aristodemus, the actors
+under whom Aeschines always played third-rate parts, though it was performed by
+Molon, and no doubt by other actors of former times. But the _Antigone_ of
+Sophocles has often been acted by Theodorus and often by Aristodemus; and in
+this play there are some admirable and instructive verses, which he must know
+quite well by heart, since he has often delivered them himself, but which he has
+omitted to quote. {247} For you know, I am sure, that in every tragedy it is, as
+it were, the special privilege of third-rate actors to play in the rôle of
+tyrants and sceptred kings. Consider, then, these excellent lines, placed by the
+poet in the mouth of our Creon-Aeschines in this play--lines which he neither
+repeated to himself to guide him as an ambassador, nor yet quoted to the jury.
+(_To the clerk._) Read the passage.
+
+  _Verses from the 'Antigone' of Sophocles._
+
+  To learn aright the soul and heart and mind
+  Of any man--for that, device is none,
+  Till he be proved in government and law,
+  And so revealed. For he who guides the State,
+  Yet cleaves not in his counsels to the best,
+  But from some fear in prison locks his tongue,
+  Is in mine eyes, as he hath ever been,
+  Vilest of men. And him, who sets his friend
+  Before his land, I count of no esteem.
+  For I--be it known to God's all-viewing eye--
+  Would ne'er keep silence, seeing the march of doom
+  Upon this city--doom in safety's stead,
+  Nor ever take to me as mine own friend
+  My country's foe.' For this I know, that she,
+  Our country, is the ship that bears us safe,
+  And safe aboard her, while she sails erect,
+  We make good friends.
+
+{248} None of these lines did Aeschines ever repeat to himself during his
+mission. Instead of preferring his country he thought that to be friend and
+guest-friend of Philip was much more important and profitable for himself, and
+bade a long farewell to the wise Sophocles. He saw the 'march of doom' draw
+near, in the campaign against the Phocians; but he gave no warning, no
+announcement of what was to come. On the contrary, he helped to conceal it, he
+helped to carry out the doom, he prevented those who would have given warning--
+{249} not remembering that 'Our country is the ship that bears us safe, and safe
+aboard her' his mother with the help of her initiations and purifications and
+the property of the clients, on whom she lived, reared up these sons of hers to
+their destined greatness;[n] while his father, who kept an elementary school, as
+I am told by my elders, near the temple of the Hero-Physician,[n] made a living,
+such as he could indeed, but still on the same ship. The sons, who had received
+money as under-clerks and servants in all the magistrates' offices, were finally
+elected clerks by you, and for two years continued to get their living in the
+Round Chamber;[n] and Aeschines was just now dispatched as your ambassador--from
+this same ship. He regarded none of these things. {250} He took no care that the
+ship should sail erect. Nay, he capsized her; he sank the ship; he did all that
+he could to bring her into the power of the enemy. What then? Are you not a
+sophist? Aye, and a villanous one. Are you not a hack? Aye, and one detested of
+Heaven--for you passed over the scene which you had so often performed and knew
+well by heart, while you sought out a scene which you had never acted in your
+life, and produced the passage in the hope of injuring one of your fellow
+citizens.
+
+{251} And now examine his speech about Solon. He told us that the statue of
+Solon, with his hand concealed in the drapery of his robe, was erected as an
+illustration of the self-restraint of the orators of that day. (This was in the
+course of a scurrilous attack upon the impetuosity of Timarchus.) But the
+Salaminians tell us that this statue was erected less than fifty years ago,
+whereas some two hundred and forty years have passed between the time of Solon
+and the present day; so that not only was the artist, who modelled him in this
+attitude, not living in Solon's day, but even his grandfather was not. {252}
+That then is what he told the jury, copying the attitude as he did so. But that
+which it would have done his country far more good to see--the soul and the mind
+of Solon--he did not copy. No, he did the very reverse. For when Salamis had
+revolted from Athens and the death-penalty had been decreed against any one who
+proposed to attempt its recovery, Solon, by singing, at the risk of his own
+life,[n] a lay which he had composed, won back the island for his country, and
+wiped out her disgrace: {253} while Aeschines, when the king and all the
+Hellenes had decided that Amphipolis was yours, surrendered and sold it, and
+supported Philocrates, who proposed the resolution for this purpose. It is
+indeed worth his while (is it not?) to remember Solon! Nor was he content with
+acting thus in Athens; for when he had gone to Macedonia, he did not even
+mention the name of the place which it was the object of his mission to secure.
+This, in fact, he reported to you himself, in words which doubtless you
+remember: 'I too had something to say about Amphipolis; but in order that
+Demosthenes might have an opportunity of speaking upon the subject, I left it to
+him.' {254} Upon which I came forward and denied that Aeschines had left to me
+anything which he was anxious to say to Philip; he would rather have given any
+one a share in his lifeblood than in his speech. The truth is, I imagine, that
+he had taken money; and as Philip had given him the money in order that he might
+not have to restore Amphipolis, he could not speak in opposition to Philip's
+case. Now (_to the clerk_) take this lay of Solon's and read it; and (_to the
+jury_) then you will know how Solon used to hate all such men as this.
+
+{255} It is not when you are speaking, Aeschines, but when you are upon an
+embassy, that you should keep your hand within your robe. But on the Embassy you
+held out your hand, and held it open; you brought shame to your countrymen: and
+do you here assume a solemn air and recite in those practised tones the
+miserable phrases that you have learned by heart, and expect to escape the
+penalty for all your heinous crimes--even if you do go round with a cap on your
+head,[n] uttering abuse against me? (_To the clerk._) Read the verses.
+
+  _Solon's Lay._
+
+  The Father's voice hath spoken,
+    Whose word is Destiny,
+  And the blest Gods have willed it,
+    The Gods who shall not die;
+  That ne'er shall the Destroyer
+    Prevail against our land;
+  The Dread Sire's valiant Daughter
+    Guards us with eye and hand.
+  Yet her own sons, in folly,
+    Would lay their country low,
+  For pelf; and in her leaders
+    An heart of sin doth grow.
+  For them--their pride's fell offspring--
+    There waiteth grievous pain;
+  For sated still, they know not
+    Their proud lust to contain.
+  Not theirs, if mirth be with them,
+    The decent, peaceful feast;
+  To sin they yield, and sinning
+    Rejoice in wealth increased.
+  No hallowed treasure sparing,
+    Nor people's common store,
+  This side and that his neighbour
+    Each robs with havoc sore.
+  The holy law of Justice
+    They guard not. Silent she,
+  Who knows what is and hath been,
+    Awaits the time to be.
+  Then cometh she to judgement,
+    With certain step, tho' slow;
+  E'en now she smites the city,
+    And none may 'scape the blow.
+  To thraldom base she drives us,
+    From slumber rousing strife,--
+  Fell war of kin, destroying
+    The young, the beauteous life.
+  The foemen of their country
+    In wicked bands combine,
+  Fit company; and stricken
+    The lovely land doth pine.
+  These are the Wrong, the Mischief,
+    That pace the earth at home;
+  But many a beggared exile
+    To other lands must roam--
+  Sold, chained in bonds unseemly;
+    For so to each man's hall
+  Comes home the People's Sorrow,
+    And leaps the high fence-wall.
+  No courtyard door can stay it;
+    It follows to his side,
+  Flee tho' he may, and crouching
+    In inmost chamber hide.
+  Such warning unto Athens
+    My spirit bids me sound,
+  That Lawlessness in cities
+    Spreads evil all around;
+  But Lawfulness and Order
+    Make all things good and right,
+  Chaining Sin's hands in fetters,
+    Quenching the proud soul's light,
+  Smoothing the rough, the sated
+    Staying, and withering
+  The flowers, that, fraught with ruin,
+    From fatal seed upspring.
+  The paths of crooked justice
+    Are turned into straight;
+  The ways of Pride grow gentle,
+    The ways of Strife and Hate;
+  Then baleful Faction ceases,
+    Then Health prevails alway,
+  And Wisdom still increases,
+    Beneath Law's wholesome sway.
+
+{256} You hear, men of Athens, how Solon speaks of men like these, and of the
+gods, who, he says, preserve the city. It is my belief and my hope that this
+saying of his, that the gods preserve our city, is true at all times; but I
+believe that all that has happened in connexion with the present examination is,
+in a sense, a special proof of the goodwill of some unseen power towards the
+city. {257} Consider what has happened. A man who as ambassador did a work of
+great wickedness, and has surrendered countries in which the gods should have
+been worshipped by yourselves and your allies, has disfranchised one who
+accepted the challenge[n] to prosecute him. To what end? To the end that he
+himself might meet with no pity or mercy for his own iniquities. Nay, more;
+while prosecuting his victim he deliberately set himself to speak evil of me;
+and again, before the People, he threatened to enter an indictment against me,
+and said more to the same effect. And to what end? To the end that I, who had
+the most perfect knowledge of all his acts of villany, and had followed them
+closely throughout, might have your full indulgence in prosecuting him. {258}
+Aye, and through postponing his appearance before you continually up to the
+present moment, he has been insensibly brought to a time when, on account of
+what is coming upon us, if for no other reason, it is neither possible nor safe
+for you to allow him (after his corruption) to escape unscathed. For though, men
+of Athens, you ought always to execrate and to punish those who are traitors and
+corrupt, to do so at this time would be more than ever seasonable, and would
+confer a benefit upon all mankind in common. {259} For a disease, men of Athens,
+an awful disease has fallen upon Hellas--a disease hard to cope with, and
+requiring abundant good fortune, and abundant carefulness on your own part. For
+the most notable men in their several cities, the men who claim[n] to lead in
+public affairs, are betraying their own liberty--unhappy men!--and bringing upon
+themselves a self-chosen servitude, under the milder names of friendship and
+companionship with Philip, and other such phrases; while the other citizens, and
+the sovereign bodies in each city, however composed, whose duty it was to punish
+these men and slay them out of hand, are so far from taking any such action,
+that they admire and envy them, and every one would be glad to be in the same
+case. {260} Yet it is from this very cause--it is through entertaining ambitions
+like these--that the Thessalians, who up to yesterday or the day before had lost
+thereby only their paramount position[n] and their dignity as a state, are now
+already being stripped of their very liberty; for there are Macedonian garrisons
+in some of their citadels. This same disease it is which has invaded the
+Peloponnese and brought about the massacres in Elis, infecting the unhappy
+people of that country with such insanity and frenzy, that in order to be lords
+over one another and to gratify Philip, they murder their kinsmen and fellow
+citizens. {261} Not even here has the disease been stayed: it has penetrated
+Arcadia and turned it upside-down; and now many of the Arcadians, who should be
+no less proud of liberty than yourselves--for you and they alone are indigenous
+peoples--are declaring their admiration for Philip, erecting his image in
+bronze, and crowning him; and, to complete the tale, they have passed a
+resolution that, if he comes to the Peloponnese, they will receive him within
+their walls. {262} The Argives have acted in exactly the same way. These events,
+I say it in all solemnity and earnestness, call for no small precautions: for
+this plague, men of Athens, that is spreading all around us, has now found its
+way to Athens itself. While then we are still safe, ward it off, and take away
+the citizenship of those who first introduced it. Beware lest otherwise you
+realize the worth of the advice given you this day, only when there is no longer
+anything that you can do. {263} Do you not perceive, men of Athens, how vivid
+and plain an example has been afforded you by the unhappy Olynthians? The
+destruction of those wretched men was due to nothing so much as to conduct like
+that of which I speak. You can test this clearly if you review their history.
+{264} For at a time when they possessed only 400 cavalry, and numbered not more
+than 5,000 men in all, since the Chalcidians were not yet all united under one
+government, the Spartans came against them with a large force, including both
+army and fleet (for you doubtless remember that at that period the Spartans were
+virtually masters both of land and sea); and yet, though this great force came
+against them, the Olynthians lost neither the city nor any single fortress, but
+won many battles, killed three of the enemy's commanders, and finally concluded
+the war on their own terms.[n] {265} But when some of them began to take bribes,
+and the people as a whole were foolish enough, or rather unfortunate enough, to
+repose greater confidence in these men than in those who spoke for their own
+good; when Lasthenes roofed his house with the timber which came from Macedonia,
+and Euthycrates was keeping a large herd of cattle for which he had paid no one
+anything; when a third returned with sheep, and a fourth with horses, while the
+people, to whose detriment all this was being done, so far from showing any
+anger or any disposition to chastise men who acted so, actually gazed on them
+with envy, and paid them honour and regarded them as heroes--{266} when, I say,
+such practices were gaining ground in this way, and corruption had been
+victorious; then, though they possessed 1,000 cavalry and numbered more than
+10,000 men; though all the surrounding peoples were their allies; though you
+went to their assistance with 10,000 mercenaries and 50 ships, and with 4,000
+citizen-soldiers as well, none of these things could save them. Before a year of
+the war had expired they had lost all the cities in Chalcidice, while Philip
+could no longer keep pace with the invitations of the traitors, and did not know
+which place to occupy first. {267} Five hundred horsemen were betrayed by their
+own commanders and captured by Philip, with their arms--a larger number than
+were ever before captured by any one. And the men who acted thus were not
+ashamed to face the sun or the earth--the soil of their native land--on which
+they stood, or the temples, or the sepulchres of the dead, or the disgrace which
+was bound to follow upon such deeds afterwards. Such is the madness and
+distraction which corruption engenders. So it is for you--for you, the People--
+to be wise, to refuse to suffer such things, and to visit them with public
+chastisement. For it would be monstrous indeed, if, after the terrible
+condemnation which you passed upon those who betrayed the Olynthians, it were
+seen that you allowed the criminals who are in your very midst to go unpunished.
+(_To the clerk._) Read the decree passed with reference to the Olynthians.
+
+[_The decree is read._]
+
+{268} This decree, gentlemen of the jury, is one which in the eyes of all,
+Hellenes and foreigners alike, it was right and honourable in you to have passed
+in condemnation of traitors and men detested of Heaven. And so, since the taking
+of the bribe is the step which precedes such actions, and it is the bribe that
+prompts the traitor's deeds, whenever, men of Athens, you find a man receiving a
+bribe, you must count him a traitor as well. That one man betrays opportunities,
+and another affairs of state, and another soldiers, means only, I imagine, that
+each works mischief in the particular department over which he has control; but
+there should be no distinction in your execration of all such men. {269} You,
+men of Athens, are the only people in the world who can draw from your own
+history examples which bear upon this matter, and who have those ancestors, whom
+you rightly praise, to imitate in your actions. You may not be able, at the
+present time, to imitate them in the battles, the campaigns, the perils in which
+they distinguished themselves, since at the present moment you are at peace; but
+at least you can imitate their wisdom. {270} For of wisdom there is need
+everywhere; and a right judgement is no more laborious or troublesome a thing
+than a wrong one. Each of you need sit here no longer, in order to judge and
+vote on the question before him aright, and so to make his country's position a
+better one, and worthy of our ancestors, than he must in order to judge and vote
+wrongly, and so make it worse and unworthy of our ancestors. What then were
+their sentiments on this matter? (_To the clerk._) Take this, clerk, and read
+it: (_to the jury_) for I would have you see that the acts towards which you are
+so indifferent are acts for which your forefathers voted death to the doers.
+(_To the clerk._) Read.
+
+[_An inscription is read._]
+
+{271} You hear the inscription, men of Athens, declaring that Arthmius[n] of
+Zeleia, son of Pythonax, is a foe and a public enemy to the people of Athens and
+their allies--both he and all his house. And why? Because he brought the gold
+from the foreigner to the Hellenes. Apparently, therefore, we may judge from
+this, that your ancestors sought to ensure that no one, not even a stranger,
+should work mischief against Hellas for money; whereas you do not even seek to
+prevent any of your fellow citizens from injuring his own city. {272} 'But,' it
+may be said, 'the inscription occupies a quite unimportant position.' On the
+contrary, although all yonder Acropolis is sacred and there is no lack of space
+upon it, this inscription stands on the right hand of the great bronze statue of
+Athena, the prize of valour in the war against the barbarians, set up by the
+State with funds which the Hellenes had presented to her. In those days,
+therefore, uprightness was so sacred, and such merit was attached to the
+punishment of actions like these, that the sentences passed upon such crimes
+were thought to deserve the same position as the prize-statue of the goddess.
+And now, unless you, in your turn, set a check upon this excess of licence, the
+result must be ridicule, impunity, and shame.[5] {273} You would do well, I
+think, men of Athens, to imitate your forefathers, not in this or that point
+alone, but continuously, and in all that they did. Now I am sure that you have
+all heard the story of Callias,[n] the son of Hipponicus, to whose diplomacy was
+due the Peace which is universally celebrated, and which provided that the king
+should not come down by land within a day's ride of the sea, nor sail with a
+ship of war between the Chelidonian islands and the Cyanean rocks. He was
+thought to have taken bribes on his mission; and your forefathers almost put him
+to death, and actually fined him, at the examination of his report, a sum of 50
+talents. {274} True it is, that no more honourable peace can be mentioned than
+this, of all which the city ever made before or afterwards. But it was not to
+this that they looked. The nature of the Peace they attributed to their own
+prowess and the glory of their city: but whether the transaction was
+disinterested or corrupt, depended upon the character of the ambassador; and
+they expected the character displayed by one who took part in public affairs to
+be upright and incorruptible. {275} Your ancestors, then, regarded corruption as
+so inimical, so unprofitable, to the state, that they would not admit it in
+connexion with any single transaction or any single man; while you, men of
+Athens, though you have seen that the Peace which has laid low the walls of your
+own allies is building the houses of your ambassadors--that the Peace which has
+robbed the city of her possessions has secured for them more than they had ever
+before hoped for even in their dreams--you, I say, instead of putting them to
+death of your own accord, need a prosecutor to assist you; and when all can see
+their crimes in very deed, you are making their trial a trial of words.
+
+{276} It is not, however, by the citation of ancient history, nor by these
+examples alone, that one may stimulate you to vengeance: for even within the
+lifetime of yourselves, who are here and still living, many have paid the
+penalty. All the rest of these I will pass over; but I will mention one or two
+of those who were punished with death, on returning from a mission whose results
+have been far less disastrous to the city than those of the present Embassy.
+(_To the clerk._) Take then this decree and read it.
+
+[_The decree is read._]
+
+{277} In this decree, men of Athens, you passed sentence of death upon those
+ambassadors, one of whom was Epicrates,[n] a good man, as I am told by my
+elders, and one who had in many ways been of service to his country--one of
+those who brought the people back from the Peiraeus,[n] and who was generally an
+upholder of the democracy. Yet none of these services helped him, and rightly.
+For one who claims to manage affairs of such magnitude has not merely to be half
+honest; he must not secure your confidence and then take advantage of it to
+increase his power to do mischief; he must do absolutely no wrong against you of
+his own will. {278} Now if there is one of the things for which those men were
+sentenced to death, that these men have not done, you may put me to death
+without delay. Observe what the charges were. 'Since they conducted their
+mission,' says the decree,[n] 'contrary to the terms of the resolution'--that is
+the first of the charges. And have not these men contravened the terms of the
+resolution? Does not the decree speak of peace 'for the Athenians and the allies
+of the Athenians?' and did they not exclude the Phocians from the treaty? Does
+not the decree bid them administer the oath to the magistrates in the several
+cities? and did they not administer it to men sent to them by Philip? Does not
+the resolution forbid them 'to meet Philip anywhere alone?' and did they not
+incessantly do business with him privately? {279} Again I read, 'And some of
+them have been convicted of making a false report before the Council.' But these
+men have been convicted of doing so before the People as well. And convicted by
+whom? for this is the splendid thing.[n] Convicted by the actual facts; for all
+that has happened, as you know, has been the exact reverse of what they
+announced. 'And,' the decree goes on, 'of not sending true dispatches.' Nor did
+these men. 'And of accusing our allies falsely and taking bribes.' Instead of
+'accusing falsely', say, 'of having utterly ruined'--surely a far more heinous
+thing than a false accusation. And as for the charge of taking bribes, if it had
+been denied, it would still have required proof; but since they admitted it, a
+summary procedure was surely the proper one. {280} What then will you do, men of
+Athens? You are the offspring of that generation, and some of you are actually
+survivors from it; and will you endure it, that Epicrates, the benefactor of the
+people, one of the men from the Peiraeus, should have been exiled and
+punished;[n] that Thrasybulus, again, the son of the great Thrasybulus, the
+People's friend, who brought the people back from Phyle, should recently have
+been fined ten talents; and that the descendant of Harmodius,[n] and of those
+who achieved for you the greatest of blessings, and whom, for the benefits which
+they conferred upon you, you have caused to share in the libations and the bowls
+outpoured, in every temple where sacrifice is offered, singing of them and
+honouring them as you honour heroes and gods--{281} that all these, I say,
+should have undergone the penalty ordained by the laws, and that no feeling of
+compassion or pity, nor the tears of their children who bore the names of our
+benefactors, nor aught else, should have availed them anything: and yet, when
+you have to do with the son of Atrometus the schoolmaster, and Glaucothea, who
+used to hold those meetings of the initiated, a practice for which another
+priestess[n] was put to death--when you have in your hands the son of such
+parents, a man who never did a single service to his country--neither himself,
+nor his father, nor any of his house--will you let him go? {282} Where is the
+horse, the trireme, the military service, the chorus, the burden undertaken[n]
+for the state, the war-contribution, the loyal action, the peril undergone, for
+which in all their lifetime the city has had to thank him or his? Aye, and even
+if all these stood to his credit, and those other qualifications, of uprightness
+and integrity in his mission, were not also to be found in him, it would surely
+have been right that he should perish. But when neither the one nor the other
+are to be found, will you not avenge yourselves upon him? {283} Will you not
+call to mind his own words, when he was prosecuting Timarchus--that there was no
+help for a city which had no sinews to use against the criminal, nor for a
+constitution in which compassion and solicitation were more powerful than the
+laws--that it was your duty not to pity the aged mother of Timarchus, nor his
+children, nor any one else, but to attend solely to one point, namely, that if
+you abandoned the cause of the laws and the constitution, you would look in vain
+for any to have pity on yourselves. {284} Is that unhappy man to have lost his
+rights as a citizen, because he witnessed the guilt of Aeschines, and will you
+then suffer Aeschines to escape unscathed? On what ground can you do so? for if
+Aeschines demanded so heavy a penalty from those whose sins were against their
+own persons, what must be the magnitude of the penalty which _you_ should
+require--you, the sworn judges of the case--from those who have sinned so
+greatly against their country's interests, and of whom Aeschines is convincingly
+proved to be one? {285} 'But,' we are told, 'that was a trial which will raise
+the moral standard of our young men.' Yes, and this trial will raise that of our
+statesmen, upon whose character the supreme interests of the city are staked.
+For your care ought to extend to them also. But you must realize that his real
+motive for ruining Timarchus himself was not, Heaven knows, to be found in any
+anxiety for the virtue of your sons. Indeed, men of Athens, they are virtuous
+even now; for I trust that the city will never have fallen so low, as to need
+Aphobetus and Aeschines to reform the morals of the young. {286} No! the reason
+was that Timarchus had proposed in the Council, that if any one was convicted of
+conveying arms or fittings for ships of war to Philip, the penalty should be
+death. And here is a proof. How long had Timarchus been in the habit of
+addressing you? For a long time. Now throughout all this time Aeschines was in
+Athens, and never showed any vexation or indignation at the fact of such a man
+addressing you, until he had been to Macedonia and made himself a hireling. (_To
+the clerk._) Come, take the actual decree which Timarchus proposed, and read it.
+
+[_The decree is read._]
+
+{287} So the man who proposed on your behalf the resolution which forbade, on
+pain of death, the supply of arms to Philip during the war, has been ruined and
+treated with contumely; while Aeschines, who had surrendered the arms of your
+very allies to Philip, was his accuser, and charged him--I call Heaven and Earth
+to witness--with unnatural offences, although two of his own kinsmen stood by
+his side, the very sight of whom would call forth a cry of protest from you--the
+disgusting Nicias, who went to Egypt and hired himself to Chabrias, and the
+accursed Cyrebion,[n] who joins in processions, as a reveller,[n] without a
+mask. Nay, why mention these things? His own brother Aphobetus was there before
+his eyes! In very truth all the words that were spoken on that day about
+unnatural offences were water flowing up stream.[n]
+
+{288} And now, to show you the dishonour into which the villainy and mendacity
+of the defendant have brought our country, passing by all besides, I will
+mention a fact known to you all. Formerly, men of Athens, all the other Hellenes
+used to watch attentively, to see what had been resolved in your Assembly; but
+now we are already going about and inquiring what others have decided--trying to
+overhear what the Arcadians are doing, or the Amphictyons, or where Philip will
+be next, and whether he is alive or dead. {289} We do this, do we not? But for
+me the terrible question is not whether Philip is alive, but whether in this
+city the habit of execrating and punishing criminals is dead. Philip has no
+terrors for me, if your own spirit is sound; but the prospect that you may grant
+security to those who wish to receive their wages from him--that they may be
+supported by some of those whom you have trusted, and that those who have all
+along denied that they were acting in Philip's interests may now mount the
+platform in their defence--that is the prospect which terrifies me. {290} Tell
+me, Eubulus, why it was, that at the recent trial of your cousin Hegesilaus,[n]
+and of Thrasybulus, the uncle of Niceratus, when the primary question[n] was
+before the jury, you would not even respond when they called upon you; and that
+when you rose to speak on the assessment of the penalty,[n] you uttered not a
+word in their defence, but only asked the jury to be indulgent to you? Do you
+refuse to ascend the platform in defence of kinsmen and relations, {291} and
+will you then do so in defence of Aeschines, who, when Aristophon was
+prosecuting Philonicus, and in accusing him was denouncing your own acts, joined
+with him in accusing you, and was found in the ranks of your enemies? You
+frightened your countrymen here by saying that they must either march down to
+the Peiraeus at once, and pay the war-tax, and convert the festival-fund into a
+war-fund, or else pass the decree advocated by Aeschines and proposed by the
+shameless Philocrates--{292} a decree, of which the result was that the Peace
+became a disgraceful instead of a fair one, and that these men have ruined
+everything by their crimes: and have you, after all this, become reconciled to
+him? You uttered imprecations upon Philip, in the presence of the people, and
+swore by the life of your children that you would be glad if perdition seized
+him; and will you now come to the aid of Aeschines? How can perdition seize
+Philip, when you are trying to save those who take bribes from him? {293} Why is
+it that you prosecuted Moerocles for misappropriating 20 drachmae out of the
+sums paid by each of the lessees of the mines, and indicted Ctesiphon for the
+theft of sacred moneys, because he paid 7 minae into the bank three days too
+late; and yet, when men have taken money and confess it, and are convicted, by
+being caught in the very act, of having done so in order to bring about the ruin
+of our allies, you do not prosecute them, but even command their acquittal?
+{294} But the appalling character of these crimes and the great watchfulness and
+caution that they call for, and the triviality of the offences for which you
+prosecuted those other men, may further be seen in this way. Were there any men
+in Elis who stole public funds? It is very likely indeed. Well, had any of them
+anything to do with the overthrow of the democracy there? Not one of them.
+Again, while Olynthus was standing, were there others of the same character
+there? I am sure that there were. Was it then through them that Olynthus was
+destroyed? No. Again, do you not suppose that in Megara there was someone who
+was a thief and who embezzled public funds? There must have been. Well, has any
+such person been shown to be responsible for the recent crisis there? {295} Not
+one. But of what sort _are_ the men who commit crimes of such a character and
+magnitude? They are those who count themselves worthy to be styled friends and
+guest-friends of Philip, who would fain be generals, who claim[n] to be leaders,
+who must needs be exalted above the people. Was not Perillus put on his trial
+lately before the Three Hundred at Megara, because he went to Philip's court;
+and did not Ptoeodorus, the first man in Megara in wealth, family, and
+distinction, come forward and beg him off, and send him back again to Philip?
+and was not the consequence that the one came back at the head of the
+mercenaries, while the other was churning the butter[n] at home? {296} For there
+is nothing, nothing, I say, in the world, which you must be so careful not to
+do, as not to allow any one to become more powerful than the People. I would
+have no man acquitted or doomed, to please any individual. Only let us be sure
+that the man whose actions acquit or condemn him will receive from you the
+verdict he deserves. {297} That is the true democratic principle. And further,
+it is true that many men have come to possess great influence with you at
+particular times--Callistratus, and again Aristophon, Diophantus, and others
+before them. But where did each of these exercise his primacy? In the Assembly
+of the People. But in the law-courts no man has ever, to this day, carried more
+influence than the laws and the juror's oath. Do not then allow the defendant to
+have such influence to-day. To prove to you that there is good reason for you
+not to trust, but to beware of such influence, I will read you an oracle of the
+gods, who always protect the city far better than do its foremost citizens. (_To
+the clerk._) Read the oracles.
+
+[_The oracles are read._]
+
+{298} You hear, men of Athens, the warnings of the gods. If these responses were
+given by them when you were at war, they mean that you must beware of your
+generals, since in war it is the generals who are leaders; but if they were
+uttered after you had made peace, they must refer to those who are at the head
+of your government; for these are the leaders whom you obey, and it is by these
+that you are in danger of being led astray. 'And hold the state together' [says
+the oracle] 'until all are of one mind, and afford no joy to their foes.' {299}
+Which event then, men of Athens, do you think would afford joy to Philip--the
+acquittal of one who has brought about all this evil, or his punishment? His
+acquittal, I am sure. But the oracle, you see, says that we should so act as not
+to afford joy to our foes; and therefore, by the mouth of Zeus, of Dione,[n] and
+of all the gods, is this exhortation given to us all, that with one mind we
+chastise those who have done any service to our enemies. Without are those who
+are plotting against us, within are their confederates. The part of the plotters
+is to offer the bribe; that of their confederates is to receive it, and to save
+from condemnation those who have received it.
+
+{300} And further, it needs no more than human reason to arrive at the
+conclusion that nothing can be more hateful and dangerous than to allow your
+first citizen to be intimate with those whose objects are not those of the
+People. Consider by what means Philip has become master of the entire situation,
+and by what means he has accomplished the greatest of his successes. It has been
+by purchasing the opportunities for action from those who offered them for sale
+--by corrupting and exciting the aspirations of the leaders of their several
+cities. {301} These have been the means. Now both of these methods it is in your
+power, if you wish it, to render futile to-day, if you will refuse to listen to
+prominent persons who speak in defence of such practices, and will thus prove
+that they have no power over you--for now they assert that they have you under
+their control--while at the same time you punish the man who has sold himself,
+and let all the world see what you have done. {302} For you would have reason
+enough, men of Athens, for being angry with any man who had acted so, and had
+betrayed your allies and your friends and your opportunities (for with these are
+bound up the whole prosperity or adversity of every people), but with no one
+more than with Aeschines, or with greater justice. After taking up a position as
+one of those who mistrusted Philip--after being the first and the only man to
+perceive that Philip was the common enemy of all the Hellenes--he deserted, he
+betrayed you; he suddenly became Philip's supporter. Surely he deserves to die
+many times over! {303} Nay, he himself will not be able to deny that these
+things are so. For who was it that brought Ischander forward before you
+originally, stating that he had come from the friends of Athens in Arcadia? Who
+was it that cried out that Philip was organizing Hellas and the Peloponnese
+against you, while you were asleep? Who was it that delivered those long and
+noble orations to the people, that read to you the decrees of Miltiades and
+Themistocles, and the oath of the young soldiers[n] in the temple of Aglaurus?
+{304} Was it not the defendant? Who was it that persuaded you to send embassies
+almost as far as the Red Sea, on the ground that Philip was plotting against
+Hellas, and that it was for you to foresee this and not to sacrifice the
+interests of the Hellenes? Was it not Eubulus who proposed the decree, while the
+ambassador to the Peloponnese was the defendant Aeschines? What expressions he
+used in his address to the people, after he arrived there, is best known to
+himself: but I know you all remember what he reported to you. {305} Many a time
+in the course of his speech he called Philip 'barbarian' and 'devil'; and he
+reported the delight of the Arcadians at the thought that Athens was now waking
+up and attending to public affairs. One thing he told us, which caused him, he
+said, more distress than anything else. As he was leaving, he met Atrestidas,
+who was travelling home from Philip's court, and with him were walking some
+thirty women and children. Wondering at this, he asked one of the travellers who
+the man was, and what this crowd was along with him; {306} and on hearing that
+it was Atrestidas, who was on his way home, and that these with him were
+captives from Olynthus whom Philip had given him as a present, he was struck
+with the atrocity of the thing and burst into tears, and lamented the unhappy
+condition of Hellas, that she should allow such tragedies to pass unnoticed. At
+the same time he counselled you to send representatives to Arcadia to denounce
+Philip's agents, saying that his friends told him that if Athens took notice of
+the matter and sent envoys, Philip's agents would be punished. {307} Such, men
+of Athens, was the tenor of his speeches then; and very noble they were, and
+worthy of this city. But when he had been to Macedonia, and had seen the enemy
+of himself and of the Hellenes, were his speeches couched any more in the same
+or a similar tone? Far from it! He told you that you must neither remember your
+forefathers nor mention your trophies, nor go to the aid of any one. He was
+amazed, he said, at those who urged you to confer with the rest of the Hellenes
+in regard to the Peace with Philip, as though there was any need to convince
+some one else about a matter which was purely your own affair. {308} And as for
+Philip, 'Why, good gracious!' said he, 'Philip is the most thorough Hellene in
+the world, a most able speaker, and most friendly towards Athens: only there are
+certain persons in Athens so unreasonable and so churlish, that they are not
+ashamed to slander him and call him "barbarian".' Now is it possible that the
+man who had formerly spoken as Aeschines did, should now have dared to speak in
+such a way, if he had not been corrupted? What? {309} Is there a man who after
+conceiving such detestation for Atrestidas, owing to those children and women
+from Olynthus, could have endured to act in conjunction with Philocrates, who
+brought freeborn Olynthian women here to gratify his lust, and is so notorious
+for his abominable living, that it is unnecessary for me now to use any
+offensive or unpleasant expression about him; for if I say that Philocrates
+brought women here, the rest will be understood by all of you and of the
+bystanders, and you will, I am sure, pity the poor unhappy creatures--though
+Aeschines felt no pity for them, and shed no tears for Hellas at the sight of
+them, or at the thought of the outrages they were suffering among their own
+allies at the hands of our ambassadors. {310} No! he will shed tears on his own
+behalf--he whose proceedings as ambassador have had such results--and perhaps he
+will bring forward his children, and mount them upon the platform. But,
+gentlemen of the jury, when you see the children of Aeschines, remember that the
+children of many of your allies and friends are now vagabonds, wandering in
+beggary, owing to the cruel treatment they have suffered in consequence of his
+conduct, and that these deserve your compassion far more than those whose father
+is a criminal and a traitor. Remember that your own children have been robbed
+even of their hopes by these men, who inserted among the terms of the Peace the
+clause which extended it to posterity. And when you see the tears of Aeschines,
+remember that you have now before you a man who urged you to send
+representatives to Arcadia to denounce the agents of Philip. {311} Now to-day
+you need send no embassy to the Peloponnese; you need take no long journey; you
+need incur no travelling expenses. Each of you need only come as far as this
+platform, to deposit the vote which piety and justice demand of him, on behalf
+of your country; and to condemn the man who--I call Earth and Heaven to
+witness!--after originally delivering the speeches which I described, speaking
+of Marathon and of Salamis, and of your battles and your trophies, suddenly--so
+soon as he had set foot in Macedonia--changed his tone completely, and told you
+that you must not remember your forefathers, nor recount your trophies, nor go
+to the aid of any one, nor take common counsel with the Hellenes--who all but
+told you that you must pull down your walls. {312} Never throughout all time, up
+to this day, have speeches more shameful than these been delivered before you.
+What Hellene, what foreigner, is so dense, or so uninstructed, or so fierce in
+his hatred of our city, that if one were to put to him this question, and say,
+'Tell me now; of all Hellas, as it now is--all this inhabited country--is there
+any part which would have been called by this name, or inhabited by the Hellenes
+who now possess it, unless those who fought at Marathon and Salamis, our
+forefathers, had displayed that high prowess on their behalf?' Why, I am certain
+that not one would answer 'Yes': they would say that all these regions must have
+been conquered by the barbarians. {313} If then no single man, not even one of
+our enemies, would have deprived them of these their panegyrics and praises,
+does Aeschines forbid you to remember them--you their descendants--in order that
+he himself may receive money? In all other blessings, moreover, the dead have no
+share; but the praises which follow their noble deeds are the peculiar
+possession of those who have died thus; for then even envy opposes them no
+longer. Of these praises Aeschines would deprive them; and justly, therefore,
+would he now be deprived of his privileges as as a citizen, and justly, in the
+name of your forefathers, would you exact from him this penalty. Such words you
+used, nevertheless, in the wickedness of your heart, to despoil and traduce the
+deeds of our forefathers, and by your word you ruined all our interests in very
+deed. {314} And then, as the outcome of this, you are a landed gentleman, and
+have become a personage of consequence! For this, too, you must notice. Before
+he had wrought every kind of mischief against the city he acknowledged that he
+had been a clerk; he was grateful to you for having elected him, and behaved
+himself modestly. But since he has wrought countless evils, he has drawn up his
+eyebrows, and if any one speaks of 'Aeschines the late clerk', he is his enemy
+at once, and declares that he has been insulted: he walks through the market-
+place with his cloak trailing down to his ankles, keeping step with
+Pythocles,[n] and puffing out his cheeks--already one of Philip's friends and
+guest-friends, if you please--one of those who would be rid of the democracy,
+and who regard the established constitution as so much tempestuous madness--he
+who was once the humble servant of the Round Chamber.
+
+{315} I wish now to recapitulate to you summarily the ways in which Philip got
+the better of you in policy, when he had taken these heaven-detested men to aid
+him. It is well worth while to review and contemplate the course of his
+deception as a whole. It began with his anxiety for peace; for his country was
+being plundered, and his ports were closed, so that he could enjoy none of the
+advantages which they afforded; and so he sent the messengers who uttered those
+generous sentiments on his behalf--Neoptolemus, Aristodemus, and Ctesiphon.
+{316} But so soon as we went to him as your ambassadors, he immediately hired
+the defendant to second and co-operate with the abominable Philocrates, and so
+get the better of those who wished to act uprightly; and he composed such a
+letter to you as he thought would be most likely to help him to obtain peace.
+{317} But even so, he had no better chance than before of effecting anything of
+importance against you, unless he could destroy the Phocians. And this was no
+easy matter. For he had now been reduced, as if by chance, to a position in
+which he must either find it impossible to effect any of his designs, or else
+must perforce lie and forswear himself, and make all men, whether Hellenes or
+foreigners, witnesses of his own baseness. {318} For if, on the one hand, he
+received the Phocians as allies, and administered the oath to them together with
+yourselves, it at once became necessary for him to break his oaths to the
+Thessalians and Thebans; for he had sworn to aid the latter in the reduction of
+Boeotia, and the former in the recovery of their place in the Amphictyonic
+Council; but if, on the other hand, he refused to receive them (as in fact he
+did reject them), he thought that you would not let him cross the Pass, but
+would rally to Thermopylae--and so you would have done, had you not been misled;
+and if this happened, he calculated that he would be unable to march across.
+{319} Nor had he to learn this from others; he had already the testimony of his
+own experience. For on the occasion of his first defeat of the Phocians, when he
+destroyed their mercenaries and their leader and general, Onomarchus, although
+not a single human being, Hellene or foreigner, came to the aid of the Phocians,
+except yourselves, so far was he from crossing the Pass and thereafter carrying
+out any of his designs, that he could not even approach near it. {320} He
+realized, I imagine, quite clearly, that at a time when the feelings of the
+Thessalians were turning against him, and the Pheraeans (to take the first
+instance) refused to accompany him--when the Thebans were being worsted and had
+lost a battle, and a trophy had been erected to celebrate their defeat--it was
+impossible for him to cross the Pass, if you rallied to its defence; and that if
+he made the attempt he would regret it, unless some cunning could be called in
+to aid him. How then, he asked, can I avoid open falsehood, and yet accomplish
+all that I wish without appearing perjured? How can it be done? It can be done,
+if I can get some of the Athenians to deceive the Athenians. In that case the
+discredit no longer falls to my share. {321} And so Philip's own envoys first
+informed you that Philip declined to receive the Phocians as allies; and then
+these men took up the tale, and addressed you to the effect that it was
+inconvenient to Philip to receive the Phocians as your allies openly, on account
+of the Thebans and the Thessalians; but if he gets command of the situation,
+they said, and is granted the Peace, he will do just what we should now request
+him to promise to do. {322} So they obtained the Peace from you, by holding out
+these seductive hopes, without including the Phocians. But they had still to
+prevent the expedition to Thermopylae, for the purpose of which, despite the
+Peace, your fifty ships were still lying ready at anchor, in order that, if
+Philip marched, you might prevent him. {323} How then could it be done? what
+cunning could be used in regard to this expedition in its turn? They must
+deprive you of the necessary time, by bringing the crisis upon you suddenly, so
+that, even if you wished to set out, you might be unable to do so. So this, it
+appears, was what these men undertook to do; while for my part, as you have
+often been told, I was unable to depart in advance of them, and was prevented
+from sailing even when I had hired a boat for the purpose. {324} But it was
+further necessary that the Phocians should come to believe in Philip and give
+themselves up to him voluntarily, in order that there might be no delay in
+carrying out the plan, and that no hostile decree whatever might issue from you.
+'And therefore,' said he, 'the Athenian ambassadors shall announce that the
+Phocians are to be preserved from destruction, so that even if any one persists
+in distrusting me, he will believe them, and put himself in my hands. We will
+summon the Athenians themselves, so that they may imagine that all that they
+want is secured, and may pass no hostile decree: but the ambassadors shall make
+such reports about us, and give such promises, as will prevent them from moving
+under any circumstances.' {325} It was in this way, and by such trickery as
+this, that all was ruined, through the action of these doomed wretches. For
+immediately afterwards, as you know, instead of seeing Thespiae and Plataeae
+repeopled, you heard that Orchomenus and Coroneia had been enslaved; instead of
+Thebes being humbled and stripped of her insolence and pride, the walls of your
+own allies were being razed, and it was the Thebans who were razing them--the
+Thebans who, according to Aeschines' story, were as good as broken up into
+villages. {326} Instead of Euboea being handed over to you in exchange for
+Amphipolis, Philip is making new bases of operations against you in Euboea
+itself, and is plotting incessantly against Geraestus and Megara. Instead of the
+restoration of Oropus to you, we are making an expedition under arms to defend
+Drymus and the country about Panactum[n]--a step which we never took so long as
+the Phocians remained unharmed. {327} Instead of the restoration of the
+ancestral worship in the temple, and the exaction of the debt due to the god,
+the true Amphictyons are fugitives, who have been banished and their land laid
+desolate; and Macedonians, foreigners, men who never were Amphictyons in the
+past, are now forcing their way to recognition; while any one who mentions the
+sacred treasures is thrown from the rocks, and our city has been deprived of her
+right to precedence in consulting the oracle. {328} Indeed, the story of all
+that has happened to the city sounds like a riddle. Philip has spoken no
+falsehood, and has accomplished all that he wished: you hoped for the fulfilment
+of your fondest prayers, and have seen the very opposite come to pass; you
+suppose yourselves to be at peace, and have suffered more terribly than if you
+had been at war; while these men have received money for all this, and up to
+this very day have not paid the penalty. {329} For that the situation has been
+made what it is solely by bribery, and that these men have received their price
+for it all, has, I feel sure, long been plain to you in many ways; and I am
+afraid that, quite against my will, I may long have been wearying you by
+attempting to prove with elaborate exactness what you already know for
+yourselves. {330} Yet this one point I ask you still to listen to. Is there,
+gentlemen of the jury, one of the ambassadors whom Philip sent, whose statue in
+bronze you would erect in the market-place? Nay, one to whom you would give
+maintenance in the Town Hall, or any other of those complimentary grants with
+which you honour your benefactors? I think not. And why? For you are of no
+ungrateful or unfair or mean disposition. You would reply, that it is because
+all that they did was done in the interest of Philip, and nothing in your own;
+and the reply would be true and just. {331} Do you imagine then that, when such
+are your sentiments, Philip's are not also such? Do you imagine that he gives
+all these magnificent presents because your ambassadors conducted their mission
+honourably and uprightly with a view to _your_ interest? Impossible. Think of
+Hegesippus, and the manner in which he and the ambassadors who accompanied him
+were received by Philip. To go no further, he banished Xenocleides, the well-
+known poet, by public proclamation, because he received the ambassadors, his own
+fellow citizens. For so it is that he behaves to men who honestly say what they
+think on your behalf: while to those who have sold themselves he behaves as he
+has to these men. Do we then need witnesses? do we need stronger proofs than
+these to establish my conclusions? Will any one be able to steal these
+conclusions from your minds?
+
+{332} Now I was told a most extraordinary thing just now by some one who
+accosted me in front of the Court, namely, that the defendant is prepared to
+accuse Chares, and that by such methods and such arguments as that, he hopes to
+deceive you. I will not lay undue stress on the fact that Chares,[n] subjected
+to every form of trial, was found to have acted on your behalf, so far as was in
+his power, with faithfulness and loyalty, while his frequent shortcomings were
+due to those who, for money, were cruelly injuring your cause. But I will go
+much further. Let it be granted that all that the defendant will say of Chares
+is true. {333} Even so it is utterly absurd that Aeschines should accuse him.
+For I do not lay the blame on Aeschines for anything that was done in the course
+of the war--it is the generals who have to account for all such proceedings--nor
+do I hold him responsible for the city's having made peace. So far I acquit him
+of everything. What then do I allege, and at what point does my accusation
+begin? I accuse him of having supported Philocrates, at the time when the city
+was making peace, instead of supporting those who proposed what was for your
+real good. I accuse him of taking bribes, and subsequently, on the Second
+Embassy, of wasting time, and of not carrying out any of your instructions. I
+accuse him of cheating the city, and ruining everything, by the suggestion of
+hopes that Philip would do all that we desired; and then I accuse him of
+speaking afterwards in defence of one of whom[n] all warned him to beware, on
+account of the great crimes of which he had been guilty. {334} These are my
+charges, and these are what you must bear in mind. For a Peace that was honest
+and fair, and men that had sold nothing and had told no falsehoods afterwards, I
+would even have commended, and would have bidden you crown them. But the
+injuries which some general may have done you have nothing to do with the
+present examination. Where is the general who has caused the loss of Halus? or
+of the Phocians? or of Doriscus? or of Cersobleptes? or of the Sacred Mountain?
+or of Thermopylae? Who has secured Philip a road to Attica that leads entirely
+through the country of allies and friends? who has given Coroneia and Orchomenus
+and Euboea to others? who has all but given Megara to the enemy, only recently?
+who has made the Thebans powerful? {335} Not one of all these heavy losses was
+the work of the generals; nor does Philip hold any of these places because you
+were persuaded to concede it to him by the treaty of peace. The losses are due
+to these men and to their corruption. If then he evades these points, and tries
+to mislead you by speaking of every other possible subject, this is how you must
+receive his attempt. 'We are not sitting in judgement upon any general,' you
+must say, 'nor are you on your trial for the things of which you speak. Do not
+tell us whether some one else may not also be responsible for the ruin of the
+Phocians: prove to us that no responsibility attaches to yourself. Why do you
+tell us _now_ of the alleged iniquities of Demosthenes, instead of accusing him
+when his report was under examination? For such an omission alone you deserve to
+perish. {336} Do not speak of the beauty of peace, nor of its advantages. No one
+holds you responsible for the city's having made peace. But show that it was not
+a shameful and discreditable peace; that we have not since been deceived in many
+ways; that all was not lost. It is for all these things that the responsibility
+has been proved to be yours. And why, even to this hour, do you praise the man
+who has done us all this evil?' If you keep a watch upon him thus, he will have
+nothing to say; and then he will lift up his voice here, in spite of all his
+vocal exercises, to no purpose.
+
+{337} And yet perhaps it is necessary for me to speak about his voice also. For
+of this too, I am told, he is extremely proud, and expects to carry you away by
+his declamation. But seeing that you used to drive him away and hiss him out of
+the theatre and almost stone him, when he was performing the tragic story of
+Thyestes or of the Trojan War, so that at last he gave up his third-rate
+playing, you would be acting in the most extraordinary way if, now that he has
+wrought countless ills, not on the stage, but in the most important affairs in
+the public life of the state, you listened to him for his fine voice. {338} By
+no means must you do this, or give way to any foolish sentiment. Rather reflect,
+that if you were testing the qualifications of a herald, you would then indeed
+look for a fine voice; but when you are testing those of an ambassador, or a man
+who claims the administration of any public business, you must look for an
+upright man--a man who bears himself proudly indeed, as your representative, but
+seeks no more than equality with yourselves--as I myself refused to pay respect
+to Philip, but did pay respect to the captives, whom I saved, and never for a
+moment drew back; whereas Aeschines rolled at Philip's feet, and chanted his
+paeans, while he looks down upon you. {339} And further, whenever you notice
+that cleverness or a good voice or any other natural advantage has been given to
+an honest and public-spirited man, you ought all to congratulate him and help
+him to cultivate his gift; for the gift is an advantage in which you all share,
+as well as he. But when the gift is found in a corrupt and villainous man, who
+can never resist the chance of gain, then you should exclude him from your
+presence, and give a harsh and hostile reception to his words: for villainy,
+which wins from you the reputation of ability, is the enemy of the State. {340}
+You see what great troubles have fallen upon the city, through those qualities
+which have brought renown to Aeschines. But whereas all other faculties are more
+or less independent, the gift of eloquence, when it meets with hostility from
+you who listen, is a broken thing. Listen, then, to the defendant as you would
+listen to a corrupt villain, who will not speak a single word of truth.
+
+{341} Observe also that the conviction of the defendant is in every way
+expedient, not only on all other grounds, but even when you consider our
+relations with Philip himself. For if ever Philip finds himself compelled to
+give the city any of her rights, he will change his methods. As it is, he has
+chosen to deceive the people as a whole, and to show his favours to a few
+persons; whereas, if he learns that these men have perished, he will prefer for
+the future to act in the interest of yourselves collectively, in whose hands all
+power rests. {342} If, however, he intends to persist in his present domineering
+and outrageous insolence, you will, by getting rid of these men, have rid the
+city of those who would do anything in the world for him. For when they have
+acted as they have done, with the expectation of having to pay the penalty in
+their minds, what do you think they will do, if you relax your severity towards
+them? Where is the Euthycrates,[n] or the Lasthenes, or the traitor of any
+description, whom they will not outdo? {343} And who among all the rest will not
+be a worse citizen, when he sees that, for those who have sold themselves, the
+friendship of Philip serves, in consequence, for revenue, for reputation, and
+for capital; while to those who have conducted themselves uprightly, and have
+spent their own money as well, the consequences are trouble, hatred, and ill
+will from a certain party. Let it not be so. It is not for your good--whether
+you regard your reputation or your duty towards Heaven or your safety or any
+other object, that you should acquit the defendant; but rather that you should
+avenge yourselves upon him, and make him an example in the eyes of all your
+fellow citizens and of the whole Hellenic world.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] This body was composed of life-members, the archons passing into it annually
+at the conclusion of their term of office. A certain religious solemnity
+attached to it, and it was generally respected as a public-spirited and high-
+minded body.
+
+[2] [Greek: p_os: ti;].
+
+[3] Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 761.
+
+[4] Euripides, _Phoenix_ fragment.
+
+[5] [Greek: adeia, aischuv_e.].
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Public Orations of Demosthenes,
+volume 1, by Demosthenes
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PUBLIC ORATIONS OF ***
+
+This file should be named 8pbd110.txt or 8pbd110.zip
+Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks get a new NUMBER, 8pbd111.txt
+VERSIONS based on separate sources get new LETTER, 8pbd110a.txt
+
+Anne Soulard, Jon Ingram and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team.
+
+Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the US
+unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we usually do not
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+We are now trying to release all our eBooks one year in advance
+of the official release dates, leaving time for better editing.
+Please be encouraged to tell us about any error or corrections,
+even years after the official publication date.
+
+Please note neither this listing nor its contents are final til
+midnight of the last day of the month of any such announcement.
+The official release date of all Project Gutenberg eBooks is at
+Midnight, Central Time, of the last day of the stated month.  A
+preliminary version may often be posted for suggestion, comment
+and editing by those who wish to do so.
+
+Most people start at our Web sites at:
+http://gutenberg.net or
+http://promo.net/pg
+
+These Web sites include award-winning information about Project
+Gutenberg, including how to donate, how to help produce our new
+eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email newsletter (free!).
+
+
+Those of you who want to download any eBook before announcement
+can get to them as follows, and just download by date.  This is
+also a good way to get them instantly upon announcement, as the
+indexes our cataloguers produce obviously take a while after an
+announcement goes out in the Project Gutenberg Newsletter.
+
+http://www.ibiblio.org/gutenberg/etext03 or
+ftp://ftp.ibiblio.org/pub/docs/books/gutenberg/etext03
+
+Or /etext02, 01, 00, 99, 98, 97, 96, 95, 94, 93, 92, 92, 91 or 90
+
+Just search by the first five letters of the filename you want,
+as it appears in our Newsletters.
+
+
+Information about Project Gutenberg (one page)
+
+We produce about two million dollars for each hour we work.  The
+time it takes us, a rather conservative estimate, is fifty hours
+to get any eBook selected, entered, proofread, edited, copyright
+searched and analyzed, the copyright letters written, etc.   Our
+projected audience is one hundred million readers.  If the value
+per text is nominally estimated at one dollar then we produce $2
+million dollars per hour in 2002 as we release over 100 new text
+files per month:  1240 more eBooks in 2001 for a total of 4000+
+We are already on our way to trying for 2000 more eBooks in 2002
+If they reach just 1-2% of the world's population then the total
+will reach over half a trillion eBooks given away by year's end.
+
+The Goal of Project Gutenberg is to Give Away 1 Trillion eBooks!
+This is ten thousand titles each to one hundred million readers,
+which is only about 4% of the present number of computer users.
+
+Here is the briefest record of our progress (* means estimated):
+
+eBooks Year Month
+
+    1  1971 July
+   10  1991 January
+  100  1994 January
+ 1000  1997 August
+ 1500  1998 October
+ 2000  1999 December
+ 2500  2000 December
+ 3000  2001 November
+ 4000  2001 October/November
+ 6000  2002 December*
+ 9000  2003 November*
+10000  2004 January*
+
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation has been created
+to secure a future for Project Gutenberg into the next millennium.
+
+We need your donations more than ever!
+
+As of February, 2002, contributions are being solicited from people
+and organizations in: Alabama, Alaska, Arkansas, Connecticut,
+Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Hawaii, Illinois,
+Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Massachusetts,
+Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New
+Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Ohio,
+Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, South
+Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, West
+Virginia, Wisconsin, and Wyoming.
+
+We have filed in all 50 states now, but these are the only ones
+that have responded.
+
+As the requirements for other states are met, additions to this list
+will be made and fund raising will begin in the additional states.
+Please feel free to ask to check the status of your state.
+
+In answer to various questions we have received on this:
+
+We are constantly working on finishing the paperwork to legally
+request donations in all 50 states.  If your state is not listed and
+you would like to know if we have added it since the list you have,
+just ask.
+
+While we cannot solicit donations from people in states where we are
+not yet registered, we know of no prohibition against accepting
+donations from donors in these states who approach us with an offer to
+donate.
+
+International donations are accepted, but we don't know ANYTHING about
+how to make them tax-deductible, or even if they CAN be made
+deductible, and don't have the staff to handle it even if there are
+ways.
+
+Donations by check or money order may be sent to:
+
+Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+PMB 113
+1739 University Ave.
+Oxford, MS 38655-4109
+
+Contact us if you want to arrange for a wire transfer or payment
+method other than by check or money order.
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation has been approved by
+the US Internal Revenue Service as a 501(c)(3) organization with EIN
+[Employee Identification Number] 64-622154.  Donations are
+tax-deductible to the maximum extent permitted by law.  As fund-raising
+requirements for other states are met, additions to this list will be
+made and fund-raising will begin in the additional states.
+
+We need your donations more than ever!
+
+You can get up to date donation information online at:
+
+http://www.gutenberg.net/donation.html
+
+
+***
+
+If you can't reach Project Gutenberg,
+you can always email directly to:
+
+Michael S. Hart <hart@pobox.com>
+
+Prof. Hart will answer or forward your message.
+
+We would prefer to send you information by email.
+
+
+**The Legal Small Print**
+
+
+(Three Pages)
+
+***START**THE SMALL PRINT!**FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN EBOOKS**START***
+Why is this "Small Print!" statement here? You know: lawyers.
+They tell us you might sue us if there is something wrong with
+your copy of this eBook, even if you got it for free from
+someone other than us, and even if what's wrong is not our
+fault. So, among other things, this "Small Print!" statement
+disclaims most of our liability to you. It also tells you how
+you may distribute copies of this eBook if you want to.
+
+*BEFORE!* YOU USE OR READ THIS EBOOK
+By using or reading any part of this PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm
+eBook, you indicate that you understand, agree to and accept
+this "Small Print!" statement. If you do not, you can receive
+a refund of the money (if any) you paid for this eBook by
+sending a request within 30 days of receiving it to the person
+you got it from. If you received this eBook on a physical
+medium (such as a disk), you must return it with your request.
+
+ABOUT PROJECT GUTENBERG-TM EBOOKS
+This PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm eBook, like most PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm eBooks,
+is a "public domain" work distributed by Professor Michael S. Hart
+through the Project Gutenberg Association (the "Project").
+Among other things, this means that no one owns a United States copyright
+on or for this work, so the Project (and you!) can copy and
+distribute it in the United States without permission and
+without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth
+below, apply if you wish to copy and distribute this eBook
+under the "PROJECT GUTENBERG" trademark.
+
+Please do not use the "PROJECT GUTENBERG" trademark to market
+any commercial products without permission.
+
+To create these eBooks, the Project expends considerable
+efforts to identify, transcribe and proofread public domain
+works. Despite these efforts, the Project's eBooks and any
+medium they may be on may contain "Defects". Among other
+things, Defects may take the form of incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
+intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged
+disk or other eBook medium, a computer virus, or computer
+codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.
+
+LIMITED WARRANTY; DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES
+But for the "Right of Replacement or Refund" described below,
+[1] Michael Hart and the Foundation (and any other party you may
+receive this eBook from as a PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm eBook) disclaims
+all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including
+legal fees, and [2] YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE OR
+UNDER STRICT LIABILITY, OR FOR BREACH OF WARRANTY OR CONTRACT,
+INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE
+OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES, EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE
+POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGES.
+
+If you discover a Defect in this eBook within 90 days of
+receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any)
+you paid for it by sending an explanatory note within that
+time to the person you received it from. If you received it
+on a physical medium, you must return it with your note, and
+such person may choose to alternatively give you a replacement
+copy. If you received it electronically, such person may
+choose to alternatively give you a second opportunity to
+receive it electronically.
+
+THIS EBOOK IS OTHERWISE PROVIDED TO YOU "AS-IS". NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, ARE MADE TO YOU AS
+TO THE EBOOK OR ANY MEDIUM IT MAY BE ON, INCLUDING BUT NOT
+LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR A
+PARTICULAR PURPOSE.
+
+Some states do not allow disclaimers of implied warranties or
+the exclusion or limitation of consequential damages, so the
+above disclaimers and exclusions may not apply to you, and you
+may have other legal rights.
+
+INDEMNITY
+You will indemnify and hold Michael Hart, the Foundation,
+and its trustees and agents, and any volunteers associated
+with the production and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm
+texts harmless, from all liability, cost and expense, including
+legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of the
+following that you do or cause:  [1] distribution of this eBook,
+[2] alteration, modification, or addition to the eBook,
+or [3] any Defect.
+
+DISTRIBUTION UNDER "PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm"
+You may distribute copies of this eBook electronically, or by
+disk, book or any other medium if you either delete this
+"Small Print!" and all other references to Project Gutenberg,
+or:
+
+[1]  Only give exact copies of it.  Among other things, this
+     requires that you do not remove, alter or modify the
+     eBook or this "small print!" statement.  You may however,
+     if you wish, distribute this eBook in machine readable
+     binary, compressed, mark-up, or proprietary form,
+     including any form resulting from conversion by word
+     processing or hypertext software, but only so long as
+     *EITHER*:
+
+     [*]  The eBook, when displayed, is clearly readable, and
+          does *not* contain characters other than those
+          intended by the author of the work, although tilde
+          (~), asterisk (*) and underline (_) characters may
+          be used to convey punctuation intended by the
+          author, and additional characters may be used to
+          indicate hypertext links; OR
+
+     [*]  The eBook may be readily converted by the reader at
+          no expense into plain ASCII, EBCDIC or equivalent
+          form by the program that displays the eBook (as is
+          the case, for instance, with most word processors);
+          OR
+
+     [*]  You provide, or agree to also provide on request at
+          no additional cost, fee or expense, a copy of the
+          eBook in its original plain ASCII form (or in EBCDIC
+          or other equivalent proprietary form).
+
+[2]  Honor the eBook refund and replacement provisions of this
+     "Small Print!" statement.
+
+[3]  Pay a trademark license fee to the Foundation of 20% of the
+     gross profits you derive calculated using the method you
+     already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  If you
+     don't derive profits, no royalty is due.  Royalties are
+     payable to "Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation"
+     the 60 days following each date you prepare (or were
+     legally required to prepare) your annual (or equivalent
+     periodic) tax return.  Please contact us beforehand to
+     let us know your plans and to work out the details.
+
+WHAT IF YOU *WANT* TO SEND MONEY EVEN IF YOU DON'T HAVE TO?
+Project Gutenberg is dedicated to increasing the number of
+public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed
+in machine readable form.
+
+The Project gratefully accepts contributions of money, time,
+public domain materials, or royalty free copyright licenses.
+Money should be paid to the:
+"Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+If you are interested in contributing scanning equipment or
+software or other items, please contact Michael Hart at:
+hart@pobox.com
+
+[Portions of this eBook's header and trailer may be reprinted only
+when distributed free of all fees.  Copyright (C) 2001, 2002 by
+Michael S. Hart.  Project Gutenberg is a TradeMark and may not be
+used in any sales of Project Gutenberg eBooks or other materials be
+they hardware or software or any other related product without
+express permission.]
+
+*END THE SMALL PRINT! FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN EBOOKS*Ver.02/11/02*END*
+
diff --git a/old/8pbd110.zip b/old/8pbd110.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6042cb2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/8pbd110.zip