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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Public Orations of Demosthenes, volume 1, by
+Demosthenes
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
+other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
+whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
+the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
+www.gutenberg.org.  If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
+to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
+
+Title: The Public Orations of Demosthenes, volume 1
+
+Author: Demosthenes
+
+Posting Date: October 13, 2014 [EBook #9060]
+Release Date: October, 2005
+First Posted: September 2, 2003
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PUBLIC ORATIONS DEMOSTHENES, VOL I ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Anne Soulard, Jon Ingram and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+  THE PUBLIC ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES
+  IN TWO VOLUMES
+  VOL I
+
+  TRANSLATED BY
+  ARTHUR WALLACE PICKARD
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+The translations included in this volume were written at various times
+during the last ten years for use in connexion with College Lectures,
+and a long holiday, for which I have to thank the Trustees of the
+Balliol College Endowment Fund, as well as the Master and Fellows of
+Balliol College, has enabled me to revise them and to furnish them with
+brief introductions and notes. Only those speeches are included which
+are generally admitted to be the work of Demosthenes, and the spurious
+documents contained in the MSS. of the Speech on the Crown are omitted.
+The speeches are arranged in chronological order, and the several
+introductions to them are intended to supply an outline of the history
+of the period, sufficient to provide a proper setting for the speeches,
+but not more detailed than was necessary for this purpose. No
+discussion of conflicting evidence has been introduced, and the views
+which are expressed on the character and work of Demosthenes must
+necessarily seem somewhat dogmatic, when given without the reasons for
+them. I hope, however, before long to treat the life of Demosthenes
+more fully in another form. The estimate here given of his character as
+a politician falls midway between the extreme views of Grote and
+Schaefer on the one hand, and Beloch and Holm on the other.
+
+I have tried to render the speeches into such English as a political
+orator of the present day might use, without attempting to impart to
+them any antique colouring, such as the best-known English translations
+either had from the first or have acquired by lapse of time. It is of
+the essence of political oratory that it is addressed to
+contemporaries, and the translation of it should therefore be into
+contemporary English; though the necessity of retaining some of the
+modes of expression which are peculiar to Greek oratory and political
+life makes it impossible to produce completely the appearance of an
+English orator's work. The qualities of Demosthenes' eloquence
+sometimes suggest rather the oratory of the pulpit than that of the
+hustings or that of Parliament and of the law-courts. I cannot hope to
+have wholly succeeded in my task; but it seemed to be worth
+undertaking, and I hope that the work will not prove to have been
+altogether useless.
+
+I have made very little use of other translations; but I must
+acknowledge a debt to Lord Brougham's version of the Speeches on the
+Chersonese and on the Crown, which, though often defective from the
+point of view of scholarship and based on faulty texts, are (together
+with his notes) very inspiring. I have also, at one time or another,
+consulted most of the standard German, French, and English editions of
+Demosthenes. I cannot now distinguish how much I owe to each; but I am
+conscious of a special debt to the editions of the late Professor Henri
+Weil, and of Sir J.E. Sandys, and (in the Speech on the Crown) to that
+of Professor W.W. Goodwin. I also owe a few phrases in the earliest
+speeches to Professor W.R. Hardie, whose lectures on Demosthenes I
+attended twenty years ago. My special thanks are due to my friend Mr.
+P.E. Matheson of New College, for his kindness in reading the
+proof-sheets, and making a number of suggestions, which have been of
+great assistance to me.
+
+The text employed has been throughout that of the late Mr. S.H. Butcher
+in the _Bibliotheca Classica Oxoniensis_. Any deviations from this are
+noted in their place.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+INTRODUCTION                                 i. 7
+
+LIST OF SPEECHES TRANSLATED
+
+  Traditional Order                   In this Edition
+  ORATION I. OLYNTHIAC I                       i. 87
+         II. OLYNTHIAC II                      i. 99
+        III. OLYNTHIAC III                     i. 109
+         IV. PHILIPPIC I                       i. 68
+          V. ON THE PEACE                      i. 120
+         VI. PHILIPPIC II                      i. 133
+       VIII. ON THE CHERSONESE                ii. 3
+         IX. PHILIPPIC III                    ii. 26
+        XIV. ON THE NAVAL BOARDS               i. 31
+         XV. FOR THE FREEDOM OF THE RHODIANS   i. 56
+        XVI. FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS            i. 45
+      XVIII. ON THE CROWN                     ii. 47
+        XIX. ON THE EMBASSY                    i. 144
+
+  NOTES                                       ii. 149
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+
+Demosthenes, the son of Demosthenes of Paeania in Attica, a rich and
+highly respected factory-owner, was born in or about the year 384 B.C.
+He was early left an orphan; his guardians mismanaged his property for
+their own advantage; and although, soon after coming of age in 366, he
+took proceedings against them and was victorious in the law-courts, he
+appears to have recovered comparatively little from them. In preparing
+for these proceedings he had the assistance of Isaeus, a teacher and
+writer of speeches who was remarkable for his knowledge of law, his
+complete mastery of all the aspects of any case with which he had to
+do, and his skill in dealing with questions of ownership and
+inheritance. Demosthenes' speeches against his guardians show plainly
+the influence of Isaeus, and the teacher may have developed in his
+pupil the thoroughness and the ingenuity in handling legal arguments
+which afterwards became characteristic of his work.
+
+Apart from this litigation with his guardians, we know little of
+Demosthenes' youth and early manhood. Various stories have come down to
+us (for the most part not on the best authority), of his having been
+inspired to aim at an orator's career by the eloquence and fame of
+Callistratus; of his having overcome serious physical defects by
+assiduous practice; of his having failed, nevertheless, owing to
+imperfections of delivery, in his early appearances before the people,
+and having been enabled to remedy these by the instruction of the
+celebrated actor Satyrus; and of his close study of the _History_ of
+Thucydides. Upon the latter point the evidence of his early style
+leaves no room for doubt, and the same studies may have contributed to
+the skill and impressiveness with which, in nearly every oration, he
+appeals to the events of the past, and sums up the lessons of history.
+Whether he came personally under the influence either of Plato, the
+philosopher, or of Isocrates, the greatest rhetorical teacher of his
+time, and a political pamphleteer of high principles but little
+practical insight, is much more doubtful. The two men were almost as
+different in temperament and aims as it was possible to be, but
+Demosthenes' familiarity with the published speeches of Isocrates, and
+with the rhetorical principles which Isocrates taught and followed, can
+scarcely be questioned.
+
+In the early years of his manhood, Demosthenes undertook the
+composition of speeches for others who were engaged in litigation. This
+task required not only a very thorough knowledge of law, but the power
+of assuming, as it were, the character of each separate client, and
+writing in a tone appropriate to it; and, not less, the ability to
+interest and to rouse the active sympathy of juries, with whom feeling
+was perhaps as influential as legal justification. This part, however,
+of Demosthenes' career only concerns us here in so far as it was an
+admirable training for his later work in the larger sphere of politics,
+in which the same qualities of adaptability and of power both to argue
+cogently and to appeal to the emotions effectively were required in an
+even higher degree.
+
+At the time when Demosthenes' interest in public affairs was beginning
+to take an active form, Athens was suffering from the recent loss of
+some of her most powerful allies. In the year 358 B.C. she had counted
+within the sphere of her influence not only the islands of Lemnos,
+Imbros, and Scyros (which had been guaranteed to her by the Peace of
+Antalcidas in 387), but also the chief cities of Euboea, the islands of
+Chios, Cos, Rhodes, and Samos, Mytilene in Lesbos, the towns of the
+Chersonese, Byzantium (a city of the greatest commercial importance),
+and a number of stations on the south coast of Thrace, as well as
+Pydna, Potidaea, Methone, and the greater part of the country bordering
+upon the Thermaic Gulf. But her failure to observe the terms of
+alliance, laid down when the new league was founded in 378, had led to
+a revolt, which ended in 355 or 354 in the loss to her of Chios, Cos,
+Rhodes, and Byzantium, and of some of the ablest of her own commanders,
+and left her treasury almost empty. About the same time Mytilene and
+Corcyra also took the opportunity to break with her. Moreover, her
+position in the Thermaic region was threatened first by Olynthus, at
+the head of the Chalcidic League, which included over thirty towns; and
+secondly by Philip, the newly-established King of Macedonia, who seemed
+likely to displace both Olynthus and Athens from their positions of
+commanding influence.[1]
+
+Nevertheless, Athens, though unable to face a strong combination, was
+probably the most powerful single state in Greece. In her equipment and
+capacity for naval warfare she had no rival, and certainly no other
+state could vie with her in commercial activity and prosperity. The
+power of Sparta in the Peloponnese had declined greatly. The
+establishment of Megalopolis as the centre of a confederacy of Arcadian
+tribes, and of Messene as an independent city commanding a region once
+entirely subject to Sparta, had seriously weakened her position; while
+at the same time her ambition to recover her supremacy kept alive a
+feeling of unrest throughout the Peloponnese. Of the other states of
+South Greece, Argos was hostile to Sparta, Elis to the Arcadians;
+Corinth and other less important cities were not definitely attached to
+any alliance, but were not powerful enough to carry out any serious
+movement alone. In North Greece, Thebes, though she lacked great
+leaders, was still a great power, whose authority throughout Boeotia
+had been strengthened by the complete or partial annihilation of
+Platacae, Thespiae, Orchomenus,[2] and Coroneia. In Athens the ill
+feeling against Thebes was strong, owing to the occupation by the
+Thebans of Oropus,[2] a frontier town which Athens claimed, and their
+treatment of the towns just mentioned, towards which the Athenians were
+kindly disposed. The Phocians, who had until recently been unwilling
+allies of Thebes, were now hostile and not insignificant neighbours,
+and about this time entered into relations with both Sparta and Athens.
+The subject of contention was the possession or control of the Temple
+of Apollo at Delphi, which the Phocians had recently taken by force
+from the Delphians, who were supported by Thebes; and in the 'Sacred
+War' to which this act (which was considered to be sacrilege) gave rise
+in 355 B.C., the Thebans and Locrians fought against the Phocians in
+the name of the Amphictyonic Council, a body (composed of
+representatives of tribes and states of very unequal importance[3]) to
+which the control of the temple traditionally belonged. Thessaly
+appears to have been at this time more or less under Theban influence,
+but was immediately dominated by the tyrants of Pherae, though the
+several cities seem each to have possessed a nominally independent
+government. The Greek peoples were disunited in fact and unfitted for
+union by temperament. The twofold desire, felt by almost all the more
+advanced Greek peoples, for independence on the one hand, and for
+'hegemony' or leadership among other peoples, on the other, rendered
+any effective combination impossible, and made the relations of states
+to one another uncertain and inconstant. While each people paid respect
+to the spirit of autonomy, when their own autonomy was in question,
+they were ready to violate it without scruple when they saw their way
+to securing a predominant position among their neighbours; and although
+the ideal of Panhellenic unity had been put before Greece by Gorgias
+and Isocrates, its realization did not go further than the formation of
+leagues of an unstable character, each subject, as a rule, to the more
+or less tyrannical domination of some one member.
+
+Probably the power which was most generally feared in the Greek world
+was that of the King of Persia. Several times in recent years (and
+particularly in 387 and 367) he had been requested to make and enforce
+a general settlement of Hellenic affairs. The settlement of 387 (called
+the King's Peace, or the Peace of Antalcidas, after the Spartan officer
+who negotiated it) had ordained the independence of the Greek cities,
+small and great, with the exception of those in Asia Minor, which were
+to form part of the Persian Empire, and of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros,
+which were to belong to Athens as before. The attempt to give effect to
+the arrangement negotiated in 367 failed, and the terms of the Peace of
+Antalcidas, though it was still appealed to, when convenient, as a
+charter of liberty, also came to be disregarded. But there was always a
+sense of the possibility or the danger of provoking the great king to
+exert his strength, or at least to use his wealth, to the detriment of
+some or all of the Greek states; though at the moment of which we are
+speaking (about 355) the Persian Empire itself was suffering from
+recent disorders and revolutions, and the king had little leisure for
+interfering in the affairs of Greece.
+
+It was to the department of foreign and inter-Hellenic affairs that
+Demosthenes principally devoted himself. His earliest political
+speeches, however, were composed and delivered in furtherance of
+prosecutions for the crime of proposing illegal legislation. These were
+the speeches against Androtion (spoken by Diodorus in 355) and against
+Leptines (in 354). Both these were written to denounce measures which
+Demosthenes regarded as dishonest or unworthy of Athenian traditions.
+In the former he displays that desire for clean-handed administration
+which is so prominent in some of his later speeches; and in the
+prosecution of Leptines he shows his anxiety that Athens should retain
+her reputation for good faith. Both speeches, like those of the year
+352 against Timocrates (spoken by Diodorus), and against Aristocrates
+(spoken by Euthycles), are remarkable for thoroughness of argument and
+for the skill which is displayed in handling legal and political
+questions, though, like almost all Athenian forensic orations, they are
+sometimes sophistical in argument.
+
+The first speech which is directly devoted to questions of external
+policy is that on the Naval Boards in 354; and this is followed within
+the next two years by speeches delivered in support of appeals made to
+Athens by the people of Megalopolis and by the exiled democratic party
+of Rhodes. From these speeches it appears that the general lines of
+Demosthenes' policy were already determined. He was in opposition to
+Eubulus, who, after the disastrous termination of the war with the
+allies, had become the leading statesman in Athens. The strength of
+Eubulus lay in his freedom from all illusion as to the position in
+which Athens stood, in his ability as a financier, and in his readiness
+to take any measures which would enable him to carry out his policy. He
+saw that the prime necessity of the moment was to recruit the financial
+and material strength of the city; that until this should be effected,
+she was quite incapable of carrying on war with any other power; and
+that she could only recover her strength through peace. In this policy
+he had the support of the well-to-do classes, who suffered heavily in
+time of war from taxation and the disturbance of trade. On the other
+hand, the sentiments of the masses were imperialistic and militant. We
+gather that there were plenty of orators who made a practice of
+appealing to the glorious traditions of the past and the claim always
+made by Athens to leadership among the Greek states. To buy off the
+opposition which his policy might be expected to encounter, Eubulus
+distributed funds freely to the people, in the shape of
+'Festival-money', adopting the methods employed before him by
+demagogues, very different from himself, in order that he might
+override the real sentiments of the democracy; and in spite of the
+large amounts thus spent he did in fact succeed, in the course of a few
+years, in collecting a considerable sum without resorting to
+extraordinary taxation, in greatly increasing the navy and in enlarging
+the dockyards. For the success of this policy it was absolutely
+necessary to avoid all entanglement in war, except under the strongest
+compulsion. The appeals of the Megalopolitans and the Rhodians, to
+yield to which would probably have meant war with Sparta and with
+Persia, must be rejected. Even in dealing with Philip, who was making
+himself master of the Athenian allies on the Thermaic coast, the fact
+of the weakness of Athens must be recognized, and all idea of a great
+expedition against Philip must be abandoned for the present. At the
+same time, some necessary measures of precaution were not neglected. It
+was essential to secure the route to the Euxine, over which the
+Athenian corn-trade passed, if corn was not to be sold at famine
+prices. For this purpose, therefore, alliance was made with the
+Thracian prince, Cersobleptes; and when Philip threatened Heraeon
+Teichos on the Propontis, an expedition was prepared, and was only
+abandoned because Philip himself was forced to desist from his attempt
+by illness. Similarly, when Philip appeared likely to cross the Pass of
+Thermopylae in 352, an Athenian force was sent (on the proposal of
+Diophantus, a supporter of Eubulus) to prevent him. The failure of
+Eubulus and his party to give effective aid to Olynthus against Philip
+was due to the more pressing necessity of attempting to recover control
+of Euboea: it had clearly been their intention to save Olynthus, if
+possible. But when this had proved impossible, and the attempt to form
+a Hellenic league against Philip had also failed, facts had once more
+to be recognized; and, since Athens was now virtually isolated, peace
+must be made with Philip on the only terms which he would accept--that
+each side should keep what it _de facto_ possessed at the time.
+
+Demosthenes was generally in opposition to Eubulus and his party, of
+which Aeschines (once an actor and afterwards a clerk, but a man of
+education and great natural gifts) was one of the ablest members.
+Demosthenes was inspired by the traditions of the past, but had a much
+less vague conception of the moral to be drawn from them than had the
+multitude. Athens, for him as for them, was to be the first state in
+Hellas; she was above all to be the protectress of democracy
+everywhere, against both absolutism and oligarchy, and the leader of
+the Hellenes in resistance to foreign aggression. But, unlike the
+multitude, Demosthenes saw that this policy required the greatest
+personal effort and readiness for sacrifice on the part of every
+individual; and he devotes his utmost energies to the task of arousing
+his countrymen to the necessary pitch of enthusiasm, and of effecting
+such reforms in administration and finance as, in his opinion, would
+make the realization of his ideal for Athens possible. In the speeches
+for the Megalopolitans and the Rhodians, the nature of this ideal is
+already becoming clear both in its Athenian and in its Panhellenic
+aspects. But so soon as it appeared that Philip, at the head of the
+half-barbarian Macedonians, and not Athens, was likely to become the
+predominant power in the Hellenic world, it was against Philip that all
+his efforts were directed; and although in 346 he is practically at one
+with the party of Eubulus in his recognition of the necessity of peace,
+he is eager, when the opportunity seems once more to offer itself, to
+resume the conflict, and, when it is resumed, to carry it through to
+the end.
+
+We have then before us the sharp antagonism of two types of
+statesmanship. The strength of the one lies in the recognition of
+actual facts, and the avoidance of all projects which seem likely,
+under existing circumstances, to fail. The other is of a more sanguine
+type, and believes in the power of enthusiasm and self-sacrifice to
+transform the existing facts into something better, and to win success
+against all odds. Statesmen of the former type are always attacked as
+unpatriotic and mean-spirited; those of the latter, as unpractical and
+reckless. There is truth and falsehood in both accusations: but since
+no statesman has ever combined all the elements of statesmanship in a
+perfect and just proportion, and since neither prudence and
+clear-sightedness, nor enthusiastic and generous sentiment, can ever be
+dispensed with in the conduct of affairs without loss, a larger view
+will attach little discredit to either type. While, therefore, we may
+view with regret some of the methods which both Demosthenes and
+Aeschines at times condescended to use in their conflicts with one
+another, and with no less regret the disastrous result of the policy
+which ultimately carried the day, we need not hesitate to give their
+due to both of the contending parties: nor, while we recognize that
+Eubulus and Phocion (his sturdiest supporter in the field and in
+counsel) took the truer view of the situation, and of the character of
+the Athenians as they were, need we (as it is now fashionable to do)
+denounce the orator who strove with unstinting personal effort and
+self-sacrifice to rouse the Athenians into a mood in which they could
+and would realize the ideal to which they, no less than he, professed
+their devotion.
+
+But the difficulties in the way of such a realization were wellnigh
+insuperable. Neither the political nor the military system of Athens
+was adapted to such a policy. The Sovereign Assembly, though capable of
+sensible and energetic action at moments of special danger, was more
+likely to be moved by feeling and prejudice than by businesslike
+argument, particularly at a time when the tendency of the best educated
+and most intelligent men was to withdraw from participation in public
+life; and meeting, as the Assembly did (unless specially summoned),
+only at stated intervals, it was incapable of taking such rapid,
+well-timed, and decisive action as Philip could take, simply because he
+was a single man, sole master of his own policy, and personally in
+command of his own forces. The publicity which necessarily attached to
+the discussions of the Assembly was a disadvantage at a time when many
+plans would better have been kept secret; and rapid modifications of
+policy, to suit sudden changes in the situation, were almost
+impossible. Again, while no subjects are so unsuited under any
+circumstances for popular discussion as foreign and military affairs,
+the absence in Athens of a responsible ministry greatly increased the
+difficulties of her position. It is true that the Controller of the
+Festival Fund (whose office gradually became more and more important)
+was now appointed for four years at a time, while all other offices
+were annual; and that he and his friends, and their regular opponents,
+were generally ready to take the lead in making proposals to the
+Council or the Assembly. But if they chose to remain silent, they could
+do so;[4] no one was bound to make any proposal at all; and, on the
+other hand, any one might do so. With such a want of system, far too
+much was left to chance or to the designs of interested persons.
+Moreover, the Assembly felt itself under no obligation to follow for
+any length of time any lead which might be given to it, or to maintain
+any continuity or consistency between its own decrees. In modern times,
+a minister, brought into power by the will of the majority of the
+people, can reckon for a considerable period upon the more or less
+loyal support of the majority for himself and his official colleagues.
+In Athens the leader of the moment had to be perpetually adapting
+himself afresh to the mood of the Assembly, and even to deceive it, in
+order that he might lead at all, or carry out the policy which, in his
+opinion, his country's need required. It is therefore a remarkable
+thing that both Eubulus and Demosthenes succeeded for many years in
+maintaining a line of action as consistent as that taken by practical
+men can ever be.
+
+The fact that the Council of Five Hundred, which acted as a standing
+committee of the people, and prepared business for the Assembly and was
+responsible for the details of measures passed by the Assembly in
+general form, was chosen by lot and changed annually, as did
+practically all the civil and the military officials (though the latter
+might be re-elected), was all against efficiency and continuity of
+policy.[5] After the system of election by lot, the most characteristic
+feature of the Athenian democracy was the responsibility of statesmen
+and generals to the law-courts.[6] Any citizen might accuse them upon
+charges nominally limited in scope, but often serving in reality to
+bring their whole career into question. Had it been certain that the
+courts would only punish incompetence or misconduct, and not failure as
+such, little harm would have resulted. But although there were very
+many acquittals in political trials, the uncertainty of the issue was
+so great, and the sentences inflicted upon the condemned so severe
+(commonly involving banishment at least), that the liability to trial
+as a criminal must often have deterred the statesman and the general
+from taking the most necessary risks; while the condemnation of the
+accused had usually the result of driving a really able man out of the
+country, and depriving his fellow countrymen of services which might be
+urgently required when they were no longer available.
+
+The financial system was also ill adapted for the purposes of a people
+constantly liable to war. The funds required for the bare needs of a
+time of peace seem indeed to have been sufficiently provided from
+permanent sources of income (such as the silver mines, the rent of
+public lands, court fees and fines, and various indirect taxes): but
+those needed for war had to be met by a direct tax upon property,
+levied _ad hoc_ whenever the necessity arose, and not collected without
+delays and difficulties. And although the equipment of ships for
+service was systematically managed under the trierarchic laws,[7] it
+was still subject to delays no less serious. There was no regular
+system of contribution to State funds, and no systematic accumulation
+of a reserve to meet military needs. The raising of money by means of
+loans at interest to the State was only adopted in Greece in a few
+isolated instances:[8] and the practice of annually distributing
+surplus funds to the people,[9] however necessary or excusable under
+the circumstances, was wholly contrary to sound finance.
+
+An even greater evil was the dependence of the city upon mercenary
+forces and generals, whose allegiance was often at the call of the
+highest bidder, and in consequence was seldom reliable. There is no
+demand which Demosthenes makes with greater insistence, than the demand
+that the citizens themselves shall serve with the army. At a moment of
+supreme danger, they might do so. But in fact Athens had become more
+and more an industrial state, and men were not willing to leave their
+business to take care of itself for considerable periods, in order to
+go out and fight, unless the danger was very urgent, or the interests
+at stake of vital importance; particularly now that the length of
+campaigns had become greater and the seasons exempted from military
+operations shorter. In many minds the spread of culture, and of the
+ideal of self-culture, had produced a type of individualism indifferent
+to public concerns, and contemptuous of political and military
+ambitions. Moreover, the methods of warfare had undergone great
+improvement; in most branches of the army the trained skill of the
+professional soldier was really necessary; and it was not possible to
+leave the olive-yard or the counting-house and become an efficient
+fighter without more ado. But the expensiveness of the mercenary
+forces; the violent methods by which they obtained supplies from
+friends and neutrals, as well as foes, if, as often happened, their pay
+was in arrear; and the dependence of the city upon the goodwill of
+generals and soldiers who could without much difficulty find employment
+under other masters, were evils which were bound to hamper any attempt
+to give effect to a well-planned and far-sighted scheme of action.
+
+It also resulted from the Athenian system of government that the
+general, while obviously better informed of the facts of the military
+situation than any one else could be, and at the same time always
+liable to be brought to trial in case of failure, had little influence
+upon policy, unless he could find an effective speaker to represent
+him. In the Assembly and in the law-courts (where the juries were large
+enough to be treated in the same manner as the Assembly itself) the
+orator who could win the people's ear was all powerful, and expert
+knowledge could only make itself felt through the medium of oratory.
+
+A constitution which gave so much power to the orator had grave
+disadvantages. The temptation to work upon the feelings rather than to
+appeal to the reason of the audience was very strong, and no charge is
+more commonly made by one orator against another than that of deceiving
+or attempting to deceive the people. It is, indeed, very difficult to
+judge how far an Athenian Assembly was really taken in by sophistical
+or dishonest arguments: but it is quite certain that such arguments
+were continually addressed to it; and the main body of the citizens can
+scarcely have had that first-hand knowledge of facts, which would
+enable them to criticize the orator's statements. Again, the oration
+appealed to the people as a performance, no less than as a piece of
+reasoning. Ancient political oratory resembled the oratory of the
+pulpit at the present day, not only because it appealed perpetually to
+the moral sense, and was in fact a kind of preaching; but also because
+the main difficulty of the ancient orator and the modern preacher was
+the same: for the Athenians liked being preached at, as the modern
+congregation 'enjoys' a good sermon, and were, therefore, almost
+equally immune against conversion. The conflicts of rival orators were
+regarded mainly as an entertainment. The speaker who was most likely to
+carry the voting (except when a great crisis had roused the Assembly to
+seriousness) was the one who found specious and apparently moral
+reasons for doing what would give the audience least trouble; and
+consequently one who, like Demosthenes, desired to stir them up to
+action and personal sacrifices, had always an uphill fight: and if he
+also at times 'deceived the people' or employed sophistical arguments
+in order to secure results which he believed to be for their good, we
+must remember the difficulty (which, in spite of the wide circulation
+of authentic information, is at least equally great at the present day)
+of putting the true reasons for or against a policy, before those who,
+whether from want of education or from lack of training in the
+subordination of feeling to thought, are not likely to understand or to
+listen to them. Nor, if we grant the genuineness of Demosthenes'
+conviction as to the desirability of the end for which he contended,
+can many statesmen be pointed out, who have not been at least as guilty
+as he in their choice of means. That he did not solve the problem, how
+to lead a democracy by wholly honest means, is the less to his
+discredit, in that the problem still remains unsolved.
+
+It should be added that with an audience like the Athenian, whose
+aesthetic sensitiveness was doubtless far greater than that of any
+modern assembly, delivery counted for much. Aeschines' fine voice was a
+real danger to Demosthenes, and Demosthenes himself spoke of delivery,
+or the skilled acting of his part, as the all-important condition of an
+orator's success. But it is clear that this can have been no advantage
+from the standpoint of the public interest.
+
+In the law-courts the drawbacks to which the commanding influence of
+oratory was liable were intensified. In the Assembly a certain amount
+of reticence and self-restraint was imposed by custom: an opponent
+could not be attacked by name or on purely personal grounds; and an
+appearance of impartiality was commonly assumed. But in the courts much
+greater play was allowed to feeling; and the arguments were often much
+more disingenuous, not only because the personal interests at stake
+made the speaker more unscrupulous, but also, perhaps, because the
+juries ordinarily included a larger proportion of the poorer, the
+idler, and the less-educated citizens than the Assembly. The legal
+question was often that to which the jury were encouraged to pay least
+attention, and the condemnation or acquittal of the accused was
+demanded upon grounds quite extraneous to the indictment. (The two
+court-speeches contained in these volumes afford abundant illustrations
+of this.) Personalities were freely admitted, of a kind which it is
+difficult to excuse and impossible to justify. To attempt to blacken
+the personal character of an opponent by false stories about his
+parentage and his youth, and by the ascription to him and his relations
+of nameless immoralities, is a very different thing from the assignment
+of wrong motives for his political actions, though even in purely
+political controversy the ancients far exceeded the utmost limits of
+modern invective. And this both Demosthenes and Aeschines do freely.
+There is also reason to suspect that some of the tales which each tells
+of the other's conduct, both while serving as ambassadors and on other
+occasions, may be fabrications. The descriptive passages for which such
+falsehoods gave an opening had doubtless their dramatic value in the
+oratorical performance: possibly they were even expected by the
+listeners; but their presence in the speeches does not increase our
+admiration either for the speaker or for his audience.
+
+All the force of Demosthenes' oratory was unable to defeat the great
+antagonist of his country. To Philip of Macedon failure was an
+inconceivable idea. Resident during three impressionable years of his
+youth at Thebes, he had there learned, from the example of Epaminondas,
+what a single man could do: and he proceeded to each of the three great
+tasks of his life--the welding of the rough Macedonians into one great
+engine of war, the unification of Greece under his own leadership, and
+the preparation for the conquest of the East by a united Greece and
+Macedonia--without either faltering in face of difficulties, or
+hesitating, out of any scrupulosity, to use the most effective means
+towards the end which he wished at the moment to achieve; though in
+fact the charges of bad faith made against him by Demosthenes are found
+to be exaggerated, when they are impartially examined. Philip intended
+to become master of Greece: Demosthenes realized this early, and, with
+all the Hellenic detestation of a master, resolved to oppose him to the
+end. Philip was, indeed, in spite of the barbarous traits which
+revealed themselves in him at times, not only gracious and courteous by
+nature, but a sincere admirer of Hellenic--in other words, of
+Athenian--culture; the relations between his house and the people of
+Athens had generally been friendly; and there was little reason to
+suppose that, if he conquered Athens, he would treat her less
+handsomely than in fact he did. Yet this could not justify one who
+regarded freedom as Demosthenes regarded it, in making any concession
+not extorted by the necessities of the situation: his duty and his
+country's duty, as he conceived it, was to defeat the enemy of Hellenic
+independence or to fall in the attempt. Nor was it for him to consider
+(as Isocrates might) whether or no Philip's plans had now developed
+into, or could be transformed into, a beneficent scheme for the
+conquest of the barbarian world by a united Hellas, if the union was to
+be achieved at the price of Athenian liberty. It is because, in spite
+of errors and of the questionable methods to which he sometimes
+stooped, Demosthenes devoted himself unflinchingly to the cause of
+freedom, for Athens and for the Hellenes as a whole, that he is
+entitled, not merely as an orator but as a politician, to the
+admiration which posterity has generally accorded him. It is, above
+all, by the second part of his career, when his policy of antagonism to
+Philip had been accepted by the people, and he was no longer in
+opposition but, as it were, in office, that Demosthenes himself claims
+to be justified; and Aeschines' attempt to invalidate the claim is for
+the most part unconvincing.
+
+It is not easy to describe in a few paragraphs the characteristics of
+Demosthenes as an orator. That he stands on the highest eminence that
+an orator has ever reached is generally admitted. But this is not to
+say that he was wholly free from faults. His contemporaries, as well as
+later Greek critics, were conscious of a certain artificiality in his
+eloquence. It was, indeed, the general custom of Athenian orators to
+prepare their speeches with great care: the speakers who, like
+Aeschines and Demades, were able to produce a great effect without
+preparation, and the rhetoricians who, like Alcidamas, thought of the
+studied oration as but a poor imitation of true eloquence, were only a
+small minority; and in general, not only was the arrangement of topics
+carefully planned, but the greatest attention was paid to the sound and
+rhythm of the sentences, and to the appropriateness and order of the
+words. The orator had also his collections of passages on themes which
+were likely to recur constantly, and of arguments on either side of
+many questions; and from these he selected such passages as he
+required, and adapted them to his particular purpose. The rhetorical
+teachers appear to have supplied their pupils with such collections; we
+find a number of instances of the repetition of the same passage in
+different speeches, and an abundance of arguments formed exactly on the
+model of the precepts contained in rhetorical handbooks.[10] Yet with
+all this art nothing was more necessary than that a speech should
+appear to be spontaneous and innocent of guile. There was a general
+mistrust of the 'clever speaker', who by study or rhetorical training
+had learned the art of arguing to any point, and making the worse cause
+appear the better. To have studied his part too carefully--even to have
+worked up illustrations from history and poetry--might expose the
+orator to suspicion.[11] Demosthenes, in spite of his frequent attempts
+to deprecate such suspicion, did not succeed wholly in keeping on the
+safe side. Aeschines describes him as a wizard and a sophist, who
+enjoyed deceiving the people or the jury. Another of his opponents
+levelled at him the taunt that his speeches 'smelt of the lamp'.
+Dionysius of Halicarnassus, one of the best of the ancient critics,
+says that the artificiality of Demosthenes and his master Isaeus was
+apt to excite suspicion, even when they had a good case. Nor can a
+modern reader altogether escape the same impression. Sometimes,
+especially in the earlier speeches to the Assembly, the argument seems
+unreal, the joints between the previously prepared commonplaces or
+illustrations and their application to the matter in hand are too
+visible, the language is artificially phrased, and wanting in
+spontaneity and ease. There are also parts of the court speeches in
+which the orator seems to have calculated out all the possible methods
+of meeting a particular case, and to be applying them in turn with more
+ingenuity than convincingness. An appearance of unreality also arises
+at times (again principally in the earlier speeches) from a certain
+want of imagination. He attributes feelings and motives to others,
+which they were really most unlikely to have entertained, and argues
+from them. Some of the sentiments which he expects Artaxerxes or
+Artemisia to feel (in the Speeches on the Naval Boards and for the
+Rhodians) were certainly not to be looked for in them. Similar
+misconceptions of the actual or possible sentiments of the Spartans
+appear in the Speech for the Megalopolitans, and of those of the
+Thebans in the Third Olynthiac (Sec. 15). The early orations against
+Philip also show some misunderstanding of his character. And if, in
+fact, Demosthenes lived his early years largely in solitary
+studiousness and was unsociable by disposition, this lack of a quick
+grasp of human nature and motives is quite intelligible. But this
+defect grew less conspicuous as his experience increased; and though
+even to the end there remained something of the sophist about him, as
+about all the disciples of the ancient rhetoric, the greatness of his
+best work is not seriously affected by this. For, in his greatest
+speeches, and in the greatest parts of nearly all his speeches, the
+orator is white-hot with genuine passion and earnestness; and all his
+study and preparation resulted, for the most part, not in an artificial
+product, but in the most convincing expression of his real feeling and
+belief; so that it was the man himself, and not the rhetorical
+practitioner that spoke.
+
+The lighter virtues of the orator are not to be sought for in him. In
+gracefulness and humour he is deficient: his humour, indeed, generally
+takes the grim forms of irony and satire, or verges on personality and
+bad taste. Few of his sentences can be imagined to have been delivered
+with a smile; and something like ferocity is generally not far below
+the surface. Pathos is seldom in him unmixed with sterner qualities,
+and is usually lost in indignation. But of almost every other variety
+of tone he has a complete command. The essential parts of his reasoning
+(even when it is logically or morally defective) are couched, as a
+rule, in a forcible and cogent form;[12] and he has a striking power of
+close, sustained, and at the same time lucid argumentation. His matter
+is commonly disposed with such skill that each topic occurs where it
+will tell most powerfully; and while one portion of a speech affords
+relief to another (where relief is needed, and particularly in the
+longer orations) all alike bear on the main issue or strengthen the
+orator's position with his audience. Historical allusions are not (as
+they often are by Aeschines and Isocrates) enlarged out of proportion
+to their importance, but are limited to what is necessary, in order to
+illustrate the orator's point or drive his lesson home. Add to these
+qualities his combination of political idealism with absolute mastery
+of minute detail; the intensity of his appeal to the moral sense and
+patriotism of his hearers; the impressiveness of his denunciation of
+political wrong; the vividness of his narrative, the rapid succession
+of his impassioned phrases, and some part of the secret of his power
+will be explained. For the rest, while there is in his writing every
+degree of fullness or brevity, there is no waste of words, no 'fine
+language' out of place. His language, indeed, is ordinarily
+simple--sometimes even colloquial; though in the arrangement of his
+words in their most telling order he shows consummate art, and his
+metaphors are often bold and sometimes even violent. In the use of the
+'figures of speech' he excels; above all, in the use of antitheses
+(whether for the purpose of vivid contrast or of precise logical
+expression), and of the rhetorical question, used now in indignation,
+now in irony, now in triumphant conclusion of an argument: and at times
+there are master-strokes of genius, which defy all analysis, such as
+the great appeal to the men of Marathon in the Speech on the Crown.[13]
+He does not as a rule (and this is particularly true of the Speech on
+the Crown) cover the whole of the ground with the same adequacy; but so
+concentrates all his forces upon certain points as to be irresistible,
+and thus 'with thunder and lightning confounds'[14] the orators who
+oppose him. It is no wonder that some of the greatest of English
+orators, and notably of those of the eighteenth and early nineteenth
+centuries, borrow from him not only words and phrases, but inspiration
+and confidence in their cause, and look upon him as a model whom they
+may emulate, but cannot excel.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] See Introduction to First Philippic.
+
+[2] See notes on Speech for the Megalopolitans.
+
+[3] See note on Speech on the Crown, Sec. 140.
+
+[4] See Speech on the Crown, Secs. 170 ff.
+
+[5] See Zimmern, _The Greek Commonwealth_, pp. 159 ff., for an
+excellent short account of the constitution and functions of the
+Council. That the councillors themselves sat (for administrative
+purposes) in relays, changing ten times a year, was also against
+continuity.
+
+[6] See Speech on Embassy, Sec. 2 n.
+
+[7] See Introduction to Speech on Naval Boards, and Philippic I, Secs. 36,
+37.
+
+[8] See Zimmern, _The Greek Commonwealth_, p. 205.
+
+[9] See Zimmern, _The Greek Commonwealth_, p. 205.
+
+[10] The 'Art' of Anaximenes is an interesting extant example of a
+fourth-century handbook for practical orators. The Rhetoric of
+Aristotle stands on a higher plane, but probably follows the lines laid
+down by custom in the rhetorical schools.
+
+[11] See Speech on Embassy, Sec. 246, and note.
+
+[12] He is especially fond of the dilemma, which is not indeed cogent
+in strict logic, but is peculiarly telling and effective in producing
+conviction in large audiences.
+
+[13] See [Longinus] 'On the Sublime', especially chap, xvi-xviii
+(English translation by A. O. Prickard in this series). This treatise
+should be read by all students of Demosthenes, especially chap. xii,
+xvi-xviii, xxxii, xxxiv, xxxix.
+
+[14] 'On the Sublime', chap. xxxiv.
+
+
+
+
+[TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE: The text for all notes marked [n] will be found at
+the end of the second volume.]
+
+
+
+
+ON THE NAVAL BOARDS (OR. XIV)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. The speech was delivered in 354 B.C. News had been
+brought to Athens that the Persian King Artaxerxes Ochus was making
+great military and naval preparations, and though these were, in fact,
+directed against his own rebellious subjects in Egypt, Phoenicia, and
+Cyprus, the Athenians had some ground for alarm: for, two years before
+this, Chares, in command of an Athenian fleet, had given assistance to
+Artabazus, Satrap of Ionia, who was in revolt against the king. The
+king had made a protest, and (late in 355) Athens had ordered Chares to
+withdraw his aid from Artabazus. A party in Athens now wished to
+declare war on Persia, and appealed strongly to Athenian traditions in
+favour of the proposal. Demosthenes opposes them, on the ground that it
+was not certain that the king was aiming at Athens at all, and that the
+disunion of the Hellenic peoples would render any such action unsafe:
+Athens had more dangerous enemies nearer home, and her finances were
+not in a condition for such a campaign. But he takes advantage of the
+interest aroused, to propose a reform of the trierarchic system,
+designed to secure a more efficient navy, and to remedy certain abuses
+in the existing method of equipping vessels for service.
+
+In earlier times, the duty of equipping and commanding each trireme was
+laid upon single citizens of means, the hull and certain fittings being
+found by the state. When, early in the fourth century, the number of
+wealthy men had diminished, each ship might be shared by two citizens,
+who commanded in turn. In 357 a law was passed, on the proposal of
+Periander, transferring the responsibility from individuals to
+'Symmories' or Boards. (The system had been instituted in a slightly
+different form for the collection of the war-tax in the archonship of
+Nausinicus, 378-7 B.C.) The collection of the sums required became the
+work of twenty Boards, formed by the subdivision of the 1,200 richest
+citizens: each contributor, whatever his property, paid the same share.
+The richer men thus got off with the loss of a very small proportion of
+their income, as compared with the poorer members of the Boards,[1] and
+in managing the business of the Boards they sometimes contrived to
+exact the whole sum from their colleagues, and to escape payment
+themselves. At the same time the duties of the several Boards and their
+members were not allocated with sufficient precision to enable the
+responsibility to be brought home in case of default; and the nominal
+Twelve Hundred had fallen to a much smaller number, on whom the burden
+accordingly fell with undue weight. Demosthenes' proposal provided for
+the distribution of the responsibility of equipping the vessels and
+providing the funds, in the most detailed manner, with a view to
+preventing all evasion; but it was not carried. In fact, it was not
+until 340 that he succeeded in reforming the trierarchy, and he then
+made the burden vary strictly with property. The proposal, however, to
+declare war upon Persia went no further.
+
+While, in this speech, Demosthenes is in accord with the policy of
+Eubulus, so far as concerns the avoidance of war with Persia, his
+proposals of financial reform would not be viewed with favour by the
+wealthy men who were Eubulus' firm supporters. Some of the themes which
+recur continually in later speeches are prominent in this--the futility
+of rhetorical appeals to past glories, without readiness for personal
+service, and the need of a thorough organization of the forces. While
+the speech shows rather too strongly the marks of careful preparation,
+and seldom rises to eloquence--the style, indeed, is often rather
+cramped and stiff, and the sentiments, especially at the beginning,
+artificially phrased--it is moderate and practical in tone, and shows a
+characteristic mastery of minute detail.]
+
+
+{1} Those who praise your forefathers,[n] men of Athens, desire, no
+doubt, to gratify you by their speeches; and yet I do not think that
+they are acting in the interests of those whom they praise. For the
+subject on which they attempt to speak is one to which no words can do
+justice; and so, although they thus win for themselves the reputation
+of capable speakers, the impression which they convey to their hearers
+of the merit of our forefathers is not adequate to our conception of
+it. For my part I believe that their highest praise is constituted by
+Time: for the time that has passed has been long, and still no
+generation has arisen, whose achievements could be compared with
+advantage to theirs. {2} As for myself, I shall attempt to point out
+the way in which, in my opinion, you can best make your preparations.
+For the truth is, that if all of us who propose to address you were to
+succeed in proving to you our rhetorical skill, there would not be the
+slightest improvement in your condition--I am sure of it; but if a
+single speaker were to come forward, whoever he might be, who could
+instruct and convince you as to the nature of the preparations which
+would meet the city's need, as to their extent, and the resources upon
+which we can draw for them, your present fears would instantly be
+dissolved. This I will attempt to do--if indeed it is in my power. But
+first I must briefly express my views as to our relations with the king.
+
+{3} I hold the king to be the common enemy of all the Hellenes; and yet
+I should not on that account urge you, alone and unsupported, to raise
+war against him. For I observe that there is no common or mutual
+friendship even among the Hellenes themselves: some have more faith in
+the king than in some other Hellenes. When such are the conditions,
+your interest requires you, I believe, to see to it that you only begin
+war from a fair and just cause, and to make all proper preparations:
+this should be the basis of your policy. {4} For I believe, men of
+Athens, that if it were made plain to the eyes and understandings of
+the Hellenes, that the king was making an attempt upon them, they would
+both fight in alliance with those who undertook the defence for them
+and with them, and would feel very grateful to them. But if we quarrel
+with him prematurely, while his intentions are still uncertain, I am
+afraid, men of Athens, that we may be forced to fight not only against
+the king, but also against those for whose benefit we are exercising
+such forethought. {5} For he will pause in the execution of his
+project, if indeed he has really resolved to attack the Hellenes, and
+will bribe some of them with money and offers of friendship; while
+they, desirous of bringing their private wars to a successful end, and
+animated only by such a spirit, will disregard the common safety of
+all. I urge you then, not to hurl the city needlessly into the midst of
+any such chaos of selfish passions. {6} Moreover, I see that the
+question of the policy to be adopted towards the king does not even
+stand on the same footing for the other Hellenes as for you. It is
+open, I think, to many of them to manage certain of their own interests
+as they please, and to disregard the rest of the Hellenes. But for you
+it is not honourable, even if you are the injured party, and are
+dealing with those who have injured you, to punish them so severely as
+to leave some of them to fall under the domination of the foreigner:
+{7} and this being so, we must take care, first, that we do not find
+ourselves involved in an unequal war, and secondly, that he, whom we
+believe to be plotting against the Hellenes, does not gain credit from
+the supposition that he is their friend. How then can this be achieved?
+It will be achieved if it is manifest to all that the forces of Athens
+have been overhauled and put in readiness, and if her intentions in
+regard to their use are plainly righteous. {8} But to those who take a
+bold line, and urge you, without any hesitation whatever, to go to war,
+my reply is this--that it is not difficult to win a reputation for
+bravery, when the occasion calls for deliberation; nor to prove
+yourself an accomplished orator, when danger is at the door: but to
+display your courage in the hour of danger, and, in debate, to have
+wiser advice to offer than others--that is the hard thing, and that is
+what is required of you. {9} For my part, men of Athens, I consider
+that the proposed war with the king would be a difficult undertaking
+for the city; while the decisive conflict in which the war would result
+would be an easier matter, and for this reason. Every war, I suppose,
+necessarily requires ships and money and the command of positions. All
+such advantages the king, I find, possesses more abundantly than we.
+But a conflict of forces requires nothing so much as brave men; and of
+these, I believe, the larger number is with us, and with those who
+share our danger. {10} For this reason I exhort you not to be the
+first, in any way whatever, to take up the war; but for the decisive
+struggle I think you ought to be ready and your preparations made. And
+further, if the forces[n] with which foreigners and Hellenes could
+respectively be repelled were really different in kind, the fact that
+we were arraying our forces against the king would naturally, it may
+be, admit of no concealment. {11} But since all military preparations
+are of the same character, and the main points of a force must always
+be the same--the means to repel enemies, to help allies, and to retain
+existing advantages--why, when we have our acknowledged foes,[n] do we
+seek to procure others? Let us rather prepare ourselves to meet the
+enemies whom we have, and we shall then repel the king also, if he
+takes the aggressive against us. {12} Suppose that you yourselves
+summon the Hellenes to your side now. If, when the attitude of some of
+them towards you is so disagreeable, you do not fulfil their demands,
+how can you expect that any one will listen to you? 'Why,' you say, 'we
+shall tell them that the king is plotting against them.' Good Heavens!
+Do you imagine that they do not foresee this themselves? Of course they
+do. But their fear of this does not yet outweigh the quarrels which
+some of them have against you and against each other. And so the tour
+of your envoys will end in nothing but their own rhapsodies.[n] {13}
+But if you wait, then, if the design which we now suspect is really on
+foot, there is not one of the Hellenes who stands so much upon his
+dignity that he will not come and beg for your aid, when he sees that
+you have a thousand cavalry, and infantry as many as any one can
+desire, and three hundred ships: for he will know that in these lies
+his surest hope of deliverance. Appeal to them now, and we shall be
+suppliants, and, if unsuccessful, rejected suppliants. Make your own
+preparations and wait, and then they will be the suppliants and we
+their deliverers; and we may rest assured that they will all come to us
+for help.
+
+{14} In thinking out these points and others like them, men of Athens,
+my object was not to devise a bold speech,[n] prolonged to no purpose:
+but I took the greatest pains to discover the means by which our
+preparations could be most effectively and quickly made; and therefore,
+if my proposal meets with your approval, when you have heard it, you
+ought, I think, to pass it. Now the first element in our preparation,
+men of Athens (and it is the most important), must be this: your minds
+must be so disposed, that every one of you will perform willingly and
+heartily any service that is required of him. {15} For you see, men of
+Athens, that whenever you have unanimously desired any object, and the
+desire has been followed by a feeling on the part of every individual,
+that the practical steps towards it were for himself to take, the
+object has never yet slipped from your grasp: but whenever the wish has
+had no further result than that each man has looked to his neighbour,
+expecting his neighbour to act while he himself does nothing, the
+object has never yet been attained. {16} But supposing you to be filled
+with the keenness that I have described, I am of opinion that we should
+make up the Twelve Hundred to their full number, and increase it to
+2,000, by the addition of 800. For if you can display this total, then,
+when you have allowed for the unmarried heiresses and orphans,[n] for
+property outside Attica,[n] or held in partnership, and for any persons
+who may be unable to contribute,[n] you will, I believe, actually have
+the full 1,200 persons available. {17} These you must divide into
+twenty boards, as at present, with sixty persons to each board; and
+each of these boards you must divide into five sections of twelve
+persons each, taking care in every case to associate with the richest
+man the poorest men,[n] to maintain the balance. Such is the
+arrangement of persons which I recommend, and my reason you will know
+when you have heard the nature of the entire system. {18} I pass to the
+distribution of the ships. You must provide a total complement of 300
+ships, forming twenty divisions of fifteen ships apiece, and including
+in each division five of the first hundred vessels,[n] five of the
+second hundred, and five of the third hundred. Next, you must assign by
+lot[n] to each board of persons its fifteen ships, and each board must
+assign three ships to each of its sections. {19} This done, in order
+that you may have the payments also systematically arranged, you must
+divide the 6,000 talents (for that is the taxable capital[n] of the
+country) into 100 parts of sixty talents each. Five of each of these
+parts you must allot to each of the larger boards--the twenty--and each
+board must assign one of these sums of sixty talents to each of its
+sections; {20} in order that, if you need 100 ships,[n] there may be
+sixty talents to be taxed for the expense of each ship, and twelve
+persons responsible for it; if 200, thirty talents will be taxed to
+make up the cost, and six persons will be responsible; if 300, then
+twenty talents must be taxed to defray the expense, and four persons
+will be responsible. {21} In the same way, men of Athens, I bid you
+make a valuation according to the register of all those fittings of the
+ships which are in arrear,[n] divide them into twenty parts, and allot
+to each of the large boards one-twentieth of the debtors: these must
+then be assigned by each board in equal numbers to each of its
+sections, and the twelve persons composing each section must call up
+their share of the arrears, and provide, ready-equipped, the ships
+which fall to them. {22} Such is the plan by which, in my opinion, the
+expense, the ships, the trierarchs, and the recovery of the fittings
+could best be provided for and put into working order. I proceed to
+describe a simple and easy scheme for the manning of the vessels. I
+recommend that the generals should divide the whole space of the
+dockyards into ten, taking care to have in each space thirty slips for
+single vessels close together. This done they should apportion to each
+space two of the boards and thirty ships; and should then assign a
+tribe to each space by lot. {23} Each captain should divide into three
+parts the space which falls to his tribe, with the corresponding ships,
+and should allot these among the three wards[n] of each tribe, in such
+a way that if each tribe has one division of the entire docks, each
+ward will have a third of one of these divisions; and you will know, in
+case of need, first the position assigned to the tribe; next, that of
+the ward; and then the names of the trierarchs and their ships; each
+tribe will be answerable for thirty, and each ward for ten ships. If
+this system is put in train, circumstances as they arise will provide
+for anything that I may have overlooked to-day (for perhaps it is
+difficult to think of everything), and there will be a single
+organization for the whole fleet and every part of it.
+
+{24} But what of funds? What resources have we immediately at our
+command? The statement which I am about to make on this subject will no
+doubt be astonishing; but I will make it nevertheless; for I am
+convinced that upon a correct view of the facts, this statement alone
+will be proved true, and will be justified by the event. I say then,
+that this is not the time to discuss the financial question. We have
+large resources upon which, in case of necessity, we may honourably and
+rightly draw: but if we inquire for them now, we shall not believe that
+we can rely upon them even against the hour of need; so far shall we be
+from supplying them now. 'What then,' you will ask me, 'are these
+resources, which are non-existent now, but will be ours then? This is
+really like a riddle.' I will tell you. {25} Men of Athens, you see all
+this great city.[n] In this city there is wealth which will compare, I
+had almost said, with the united wealth of all other cities. But such
+is the disposition of those who own it, that if all your orators were
+to raise the alarm that the king was coming--that he was at the
+doors--that there was no possible escape; and if with the orators an
+equal number of prophets foretold the same thing; even then, far from
+contributing funds, they would show no sign[2] [and make no
+acknowledgement] of their possession of them. {26} If, however, they
+were to see in course of actual realization all the terrors with which
+at present we are only threatened in speeches, not one of them is so
+blind that he would not both offer his contribution, and be among the
+first to pay the tax. For who will prefer to lose his life and
+property, rather than contribute a part of his substance to save
+himself and the remainder of it? Funds, then, we can command, I am
+certain, if there is a genuine need of them, and not before; and
+accordingly I urge you not even to look for them now. For all that you
+would provide now, if you decided upon a levy, would be more ludicrous
+than nothing at all. {27} Suppose that we are told to pay 1 per cent.
+now; that gives you sixty talents. Two per cent. then--double the
+amount; that makes 120 talents. And what is that to the 1,200 camels
+which (as these gentlemen tell us) are bringing the king's money for
+him? Or would you have me assume a payment of one-twelfth, 500 talents?
+Why, you would never submit to this; and if you paid the money down, it
+would not be adequate to the war. {28} You must, therefore, make all
+your other preparations, but allow your funds to remain for the present
+in the hands of their owners--they could nowhere be more safely kept
+for the use of the State; and then, if ever the threatened crisis
+arises, you will receive them as the voluntary gift of their
+possessors. This, men of Athens, is not only a possible course of
+action, but a dignified and a politic one. It is a course of action
+which is worthy to be reported to the ears of the king, and which would
+inspire him with no slight apprehension. {29} For he well knows that by
+two hundred ships, of which one hundred were Athenian,[n] his ancestors
+were deprived of one thousand; and he will hear that Athens alone has
+now equipped three hundred; so that, however great his infatuation, he
+could certainly not imagine it a light thing to make this country his
+foe. But if it is his wealth that suggests proud thoughts to his mind,
+he will find that in this respect too his resources are weaker than
+ours. {30} It is true that he is said to be bringing a great quantity
+of gold with him. But if he distributes this, he must look for more:
+for just so it is the way of springs and wells to give out, if large
+quantities are drawn from them all at once; whereas we possess, as he
+will hear, in the taxable capital of the country, resources which we
+defend against attack in a way of which those ancestors of his who
+sleep at Marathon can best tell him: and so long as we are masters of
+the country there is no risk of our resources being exhausted.
+
+{31} Nor again can I see any grounds for the fear, which some feel,
+lest his wealth should enable him to collect a large mercenary force.
+It may be that many of the Hellenes would be glad to serve under him
+against Egypt,[n] against Orontas,[n] or against certain other foreign
+powers--not from a wish that the king should conquer any such enemies,
+but because each desires individually to obtain some private means to
+relieve his present poverty. But I cannot believe that any Hellene
+would march against Hellas. Whither will he turn afterwards? Will he go
+to Phrygia and be a slave? {32} For the war with the foreigner is a war
+for no other stake than our country, our life, our habits, our freedom,
+and all that we value. Where is the wretch who would sacrifice self,
+parents, sepulchres, fatherland, for the sake of some short-lived gain?
+I do not believe that he exists. And indeed it is not even to the
+king's own interest to conquer the Hellenes with a mercenary force; for
+an army which has conquered us is, even more certainly,[n] stronger
+than he; and his intention is not to destroy us only that he may fall
+into the power of others: he wishes to rule, if it may be, over all the
+world; but if not, at least over those who are already his slaves.
+
+{33} It may be supposed that the Thebans will be on the king's side.
+Now this subject is one upon which it is hard to address you. For such
+is your hatred of them, that you cannot hear a good word about them,
+however true, without displeasure. And yet those who have grave
+questions to consider must not on any pretext pass over any profitable
+line of argument. {34} I believe, then, that so far are the Thebans
+from being likely ever to march with him against the Hellenes, that
+they would give a great deal, if they had it to give, for an
+opportunity of cancelling their former sins against Hellas.[n] But if
+any one does believe that the Thebans are so unhappily constituted, at
+least you are all aware, I presume, that if the Thebans take the part
+of the king, their enemies must necessarily take the part of the
+Hellenes.
+
+{35} My own belief is that our cause, the cause of justice, and its
+supporters, will prove stronger in every emergency than the traitor and
+the foreigner. And therefore I say that we need feel no excessive
+apprehension, and that we must not be led on into taking the first step
+towards war. Indeed, I cannot even see that any of the other Hellenes
+has reason to dread this war. {36} Are they not all aware, that so long
+as they thought of the king as their common foe, and were at unity with
+one another, they were secure in their prosperity; but that ever since
+they imagined that they could count upon the king as their friend, and
+fell to quarrelling over their private interests, they have suffered
+such evils as no malediction could have devised for them? Must we then
+dread a man whose friendship, thanks to Fortune and Heaven, has proved
+so unprofitable, and his enmity so advantageous? By no means! Let us
+not, however, commit any aggression, in view of our own interests, and
+of the disturbed and mistrustful spirit which prevails among the rest
+of the Hellenes. {37} Were it possible, indeed, to join forces with
+them all, and with one accord to attack the king in his isolation, I
+should have counted it no wrong even were we to take the aggressive.
+But since this is impossible, we must be careful to give the king no
+pretext for trying to enforce the claims of the other Hellenes against
+us. If you keep the peace, any such step on his part would arouse
+suspicion; but if you are the first to begin war, his hostility to you
+would make his desire to befriend your rivals appear natural enough.
+{38} Do not then lay bare the evil condition of Hellas, by calling the
+powers together when they will not obey, or undertaking a war which you
+will be unable to carry on. Keep the peace; take courage, and make your
+preparations. Resolve that the news which the king hears of you shall
+certainly not be that all Hellas, and Athens with it, in distress or
+panic or confusion. Far from it! {39} Let him rather know that if
+falsehood and perjury were not as disgraceful in Hellenic eyes as they
+are honourable in his, you would long ago have been on the march
+against him: and that though, as it is, your regard for yourselves
+forbids you to act thus, you are praying to all the gods that the same
+madness may seize him as once seized his ancestors. And if it occurs to
+him to reflect upon this, he will find that your deliberations are not
+conducted in any careless spirit. {40} He at least shares the knowledge
+that it was your wars with his own ancestors that raised Athens to the
+summit of prosperity and greatness; while the peaceful policy which she
+previously pursued never gave her such a superiority as she now enjoys
+over any single state in Hellas. Aye, and he sees that the Hellenes are
+in need of one who, whether intentionally or not, will reconcile them
+one to another; and he knows that if he were to stir up war, he himself
+would assume that character in relation to them; so that the news which
+he will hear of you will be intelligible and credible to him.
+
+{41} But I do not wish to trouble you, men of Athens, by unduly
+prolonging my speech. I will therefore recapitulate my advice and
+retire. I bid you prepare your forces with a view to the enemies whom
+you have. If the king or any other power attempts to do you injury, you
+must defend yourselves with these same forces. But you must not take
+the aggressive by word or deed; and you must take care that it is your
+deeds, and not your platform speeches, that are worthy of your
+forefathers. If you act thus, you will be consulting both your own
+interests and those of the speakers who are opposing me; since you will
+have no cause to be angry with them afterwards, because you have
+decided wrongly to-day.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] See Speech on Crown, Secs. 102 ff. and notes.
+
+[2] See Speech on Crown, Secs. 102 ff. and notes.
+
+
+
+
+FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS (OR. XVI)
+
+[_Introduction_. In 371 B.C. the Thebans under Epaminondas defeated the
+Spartans at Leuctra, and, assisted by Thebes, the Arcadians and
+Messenians threw off the Spartan yoke. The former founded Megalopolis
+as their common centre, the latter Messene. But after the death of
+Epaminondas in 362, Thebes was left without a leader; and when, in 355,
+she became involved in the 'Sacred War' with the Phocians, the new
+Peloponnesian states turned towards Athens, and Messene received a
+solemn promise of Athenian assistance, if ever she was attacked by
+Sparta. In 353 Thebes was suffering considerably from the Sacred War,
+and the Spartans made an ingenious attempt to recover their power, in
+the form of a proposal for the restoration of territory to its original
+owners. This meant that Athens would recover Oropus, which had been in
+the hands of Thebes since 366, and had previously been the subject of a
+long-standing dispute; that Orchomenus, Thespiae, and Plataeae, which
+had all been overthrown by Thebes, would be restored; and that Elis and
+Phlius would also recover certain lost possessions. All these states
+would then be morally bound (so the Spartans thought) to help Sparta to
+reconquer Arcadia and Messenia.
+
+On the occasion of this speech (delivered in 353) the Megalopolitans
+had appealed to Athens, and an Arcadian and a Spartan embassy had each
+had an audience of the Assembly, and had each received strong support
+from Athenian speakers. The principal motives of the supporters of
+Sparta were their hostility to Thebes, and their desire not to break
+with the Spartans, whom Athens had assisted at Mantineia in 362 against
+the Thebans and Megalopolitans. Demosthenes supports the Arcadians, and
+lays great stress on the desirability of maintaining a balance of power
+between Sparta and Thebes, so that neither might become too strong. To
+allow Sparta to reconquer Arcadia, and, as the next step, Messenia,
+would be to render her too formidable; and to reject the proposal of
+Sparta would not preclude Athens from recovering Oropus and demanding
+the restoration of the Boeotian towns. But the promise of assistance to
+the Arcadians should be accompanied by a request for the termination of
+their alliance with Thebes.
+
+Demosthenes' advice was not followed. In fact Athens was hardly in a
+position to risk becoming entangled in a war with Sparta, particularly
+in view of the danger to her northern possessions from Philip. She
+therefore remained neutral, while the Thebans, relieved from the
+pressure of the Sacred War owing to the defeat of the Phocian leader
+Onomarchus by Philip, were able to send aid to Megalopolis. A truce
+between Sparta and Megalopolis was made about 350. It was, however, a
+result of the neutrality of Athens, that she was unable, a few years
+later, to secure the support of the Arcadians against Philip, whose
+allies they subsequently became.
+
+Lord Brougham describes the oration as 'one of extraordinary subtlety
+and address in handling delicate topics'; and, after quoting the
+passage in which Demosthenes urges the necessity of maintaining a
+balance of power between rival states, adds that 'this is precisely the
+language of modern policy'. At the same time, the speech has in places
+a somewhat academic and theoretical air: it is much occupied with the
+weighing of hypothetical considerations and obligations against one
+another: and though it enunciates some plain and reasonable political
+principles, and makes an honest attempt to satisfy those who wished to
+help the Arcadians, but at the same time desired to regain ground
+against Thebes, it is not always convincing, and the tone is more
+frankly opportunist than is usually the case with Demosthenes.]
+
+ {1} I think, men of Athens, that those who have spoken on the Arcadian side and
+those who have spoken on the Spartan, are alike making a mistake. For
+their mutual accusations and their attacks upon one another would
+suggest that they are not, like yourselves, Athenians, receiving the
+two embassies, but actually delegates of the two states. Such attacks
+it was for the two deputations to make. The duty of those who claim to
+advise you here was to discuss the situation impartially, and to
+inquire, in an uncontentious spirit, what course is best in your
+interests. {2} As it is, if one could alter the fact that they are
+known to us, and that they speak the dialect of Attica, I believe that
+many would imagine that those on the one side actually were Arcadians,
+and those on the other, Spartans. For my part, I see plainly enough the
+difficulty of offering the best advice. For you, like them, are
+deluded, in your desire for one extreme or the other: and one who
+endeavours to propose an intermediate course, which you will not have
+the patience to understand, will satisfy neither side and will forfeit
+the confidence of both. {3} But in spite of this, I shall prefer, for
+my own part, to risk being regarded as an idle chatterer (if such is
+really to be my lot), rather than to abandon my conviction as to what
+is best for Athens, and leave you to the mercy of those who would
+deceive you. And while I shall deal with all other points later, by
+your leave, I shall take for my starting-point, in explaining the
+course which I believe to be best, those principles which are admitted
+by all.
+
+{4} There can be no possible question that it is to the interest of the
+city that both the Spartans and these Thebans should be weak; and the
+present situation, if one may judge at all from what has constantly
+been asserted in your presence, is such, that if Orchomenus, Thespiae,
+and Plataeae[n] are re-established, Thebes becomes weak; and that if
+the Spartans can reduce Arcadia to subjection and destroy Megalopolis,
+Sparta will recover her former strength. {5} We must, therefore, take
+care not to allow the Spartans to attain a formidable degree of
+strength, before the Thebans have become insignificant, lest there
+should take place, unobserved by us, such an increase in the power of
+Sparta as would be out of proportion to the decrease in the power of
+Thebes which our interests demand. For it is, of course, out of the
+question that we should desire merely to substitute the rivalry of
+Sparta for that of Thebes: that is not the object upon which we are
+bent. Our object is rather that neither people shall be capable of
+doing us any injury. That is what will best enable us to live in
+security.
+
+{6} But, granted that this is what ought to be, still, we are told, it
+is a scandalous thing to choose for our allies the men against whom we
+were arrayed at Mantineia, and further, to help them against those
+whose perils we shared that day. I agree; but I think that we need to
+insert the condition, 'provided that the two parties are willing to act
+rightly.' {7} For if all alike prove willing to keep the peace, we
+shall not go to the aid of the Megalopolitans, since there will be no
+need to do so; and so there will be no hostility whatever on our part
+towards our former comrades in battle. They are already our allies, as
+they tell us; and now the Arcadians will become our allies as well.
+What more could we desire? {8} But suppose they act wrongfully and
+think fit to make war. In that case, if the question before us is
+whether we are to abandon Megalopolis to Sparta or not, then I say
+that, wrong though it is, I will acquiesce in our permitting this, and
+declining to oppose our former companions in danger. But if you all
+know that, after capturing Megalopolis, they will march against
+Messene, let me ask any of those who are now so harshly disposed
+towards Megalopolis to say what action he will _then_ advise. No answer
+will be given. {9} In fact you all know that, whether they advise it or
+not, we _must_ then go to the rescue, both because of the oath which we
+have sworn to the Messenians, and because our interests demand the
+continued existence of that city. Ask yourselves, then, on which
+occasion you can most honourably and generously interpose to check the
+aggressions of Sparta--in defence of Megalopolis, or in defence of
+Messene? {10} On the present occasion it will be understood that you
+are succouring the Arcadians, and are anxious that the Peace, which you
+fought for and risked your lives to win, may be secure. But if you
+wait, all the world will see plainly that it is not in the name of
+right that you desire the existence of Messene, but because you are
+afraid of Sparta. And while we should always seek and do the right, we
+should at the same time take good care that what is right shall also be
+advantageous.
+
+{11} Now an argument is used by speakers on the other side to the
+effect that we ought to attempt to recover Oropus,[n] and that if we
+make enemies of those who might come to our assistance against it we
+shall have no allies. I too say that we should try to recover Oropus.
+But the argument that the Spartans will be our enemies now, if we make
+alliance with those Arcadians who desire our friendship, is an argument
+which no one has less right even to mention, than those who induced you
+to help the Spartans when they were in danger. {12} Such was not their
+argument, when all the Peloponnesians came to you,[n] entreating you to
+support them in their campaign against Sparta, and they persuaded you
+to reject the entreaty, with the result that the Peloponnesians took
+the only remaining course and applied to Thebes--when they bade you
+contribute funds and imperil your lives for the deliverance of the
+Spartans. Nor, I presume, would you have been willing to protect them,
+had they warned you that you must expect no gratitude for their
+deliverance, unless, after saving them, you allowed them once more to
+do as they pleased and commit fresh aggressions. {13} And further,
+however antagonistic it may be to the designs of the Spartans, that we
+should make the Arcadians our allies, they are surely bound to feel a
+gratitude towards us for saving them when they were in the utmost
+extremity, which will outweigh their vexation at our preventing their
+present wrongdoing. Must they not then either assist us to recover
+Oropus, or else be regarded as the basest of mankind? For, by Heaven, I
+can see no other alternative.
+
+{14} I am astonished, also, to hear it argued that if we make the
+Arcadians our allies, and carry out my advice, it will seem as though
+Athens were changing her policy, and were utterly unreliable. I believe
+that the exact reverse of this is the case, men of Athens, and I will
+tell you why. I suppose that no one in the world can deny that when
+this city saved the Spartans,[n] and before them the Thebans,[n] and
+finally the Euboeans,[n] and subsequently made them her allies, she had
+one and the same end always in view. {15} And what was this? It was to
+deliver the victims of aggression. And if this is so, it is not we that
+should be changing, but those who refuse to adhere to the right; and it
+will be manifest that, although circumstances change from time to time
+with the ambitious designs of others, Athens does not change.
+
+{16} I believe that the Spartans are playing a very unscrupulous part.
+At present they tell us that the Eleans are to recover part of
+Triphylia,[n] and the Phliasians, Tricaranum;[n] other Arcadians are to
+recover their own possessions, and we ourselves are to recover
+Oropus--not that they have any desire to see every state enjoying its
+own--far from it!-- such generosity on their part would be late indeed
+in showing itself. {17} They wish rather to present the appearance of
+co-operating with each separate state in the recovery of the territory
+that it claims, in order that when they themselves march against
+Messene, all may take the field with them, and give them their hearty
+assistance, on pain of seeming to act unfairly, in refusing to return
+an equivalent for the support which each of them received from Sparta
+in regard to their own several claims. {18} My own view is that, even
+without the tacit surrender of some of the Arcadians to Sparta, we can
+recover Oropus, aided not only by the Spartans, if they are ready to
+act honourably, but by all who disapprove of allowing Thebes to retain
+what is not her own. But even if it were made quite plain to us, that
+without allowing Sparta to subdue the Peloponnese, we should not be
+able to take Oropus, I should still think it preferable, if I may dare
+to say so, to let Oropus go, rather than sacrifice Messene and the
+Peloponnese to Sparta. For our quarrel with them would not, I believe,
+be confined to this; since--I will not say what occurs to me; but there
+are many risks which we should run.
+
+{19} But, to pass on, it is a monstrous thing to use the hostile
+actions which, they say, the Megalopolitans committed against us, under
+the influence of Thebes, as a ground of accusation against them to-day;
+and, when they wish to be friends and so atone for their action by
+doing us good, to look askance at them, to seek for some way of
+avoiding their friendship, to refuse to recognize that in proportion to
+the zeal which my opponents can prove the Megalopolitans to have shown
+in supporting Thebes will be the resentment to which my opponents
+themselves will deservedly be exposed, for depriving the city of such
+allies as these, when they have appealed to you before appealing to
+Thebes. {20} Such a policy is surely the policy of men who wish to make
+the Arcadians for the second time the allies of others. And so far as
+one can forecast the future by calculation, I am sure, and I believe
+that most of you will agree with me, that if the Spartans take
+Megalopolis, Messene will be in peril; and if they take Messene also,
+then I predict that we shall find ourselves allies of Thebes.[n] {21}
+It is a far more honourable, a far better, course that we should
+ourselves take over the Theban confederacy,[n] refusing to leave the
+field open to the cupidity of the Spartans, than that we should be so
+afraid of protecting the allies of Thebes, as first to sacrifice them,
+and then to save Thebes itself; and, in addition, to be in a state of
+apprehension for our own safety. {22} For if the Spartans capture
+Megalopolis and become a great power once more, the prospect, as I
+conceive it, is not one which this city can view without alarm. For I
+can see that even now they are determining to go to war, not to prevent
+any evil which threatens them, but to recover their own ancient power:
+and what their aims were when they possessed that power, you, I think,
+know[n] perhaps better than I, and with that knowledge may well be
+alarmed.
+
+{23} Now I should be glad if the speakers who profess their hatred for
+Thebes on the one side, or for Sparta on the other, would tell me if
+their professed hatred is based on consideration for you and your
+interests, or whether the one party hates Thebes from an interest in
+Sparta, and the other Sparta from an interest in Thebes. If the latter
+is the case, you should not listen to either, but treat them as insane:
+but if the former, why this inordinate exaltation of one side or the
+other? {24} For it is possible, perfectly possible, to humiliate Thebes
+without rendering Sparta powerful. Indeed, it is by far the easier
+course; and I will try to tell you how it can be done. We all know
+that, however unwilling men may be to do what is right, yet up to a
+certain point they are ashamed not to do so, and that they withstand
+wrongdoers openly, particularly if there are any who receive damage
+through the wrong done: and we shall find that what ruins everything
+and is the source of all evil is the unwillingness to do what is right
+without reserve. {25} Now in order that no such obstacle may stand in
+the way of the humiliation of Thebes, let us demand the
+re-establishment of Thespiae, Orchomenus, and Plataeae, co-operating
+with their citizens ourselves, and requiring others to do so; for the
+principle of refusing to allow ancient cities to lie desolate is a
+right and honourable one. But let us at the same time decline to
+abandon Megalopolis and Messene to the aggressors, or to suffer the
+destruction of existing and inhabited cities, on the pretext of
+restoring Plataeae and Thespiae. {26} Then, if our policy is made plain
+to all, there is no one who will not wish to terminate the Thebans'
+occupation of territory not their own. But if it is not, not only will
+our designs be opposed by the Arcadians, in the belief that the
+restoration of these towns carries with it their own ruin, but we shall
+have troubles without end. For, honestly, where can we expect to reach
+an end, when we permit the annihilation of existing cities, and require
+the restoration of those that have been annihilated?
+
+{27} It is demanded by those whose speeches display the strongest
+appearance of fairness, that the Megalopolitans shall take down the
+pillars[n] which commemorate their alliance with Thebes, if they are to
+be trustworthy allies of Athens. The Megalopolitans reply that for them
+it is not pillars, but interest, that creates friendship; and that it
+is those who help them, that they consider to be their allies. Well,
+that may be their attitude. Nevertheless, my own view is, roughly
+speaking, this:--I say that we should simultaneously require the
+Megalopolitans to take down the pillars, and the Spartans to keep the
+peace: and that in the event of either side refusing to fulfil our
+request, we should at once take the part of those who are willing to
+fulfil it. {28} For if the Megalopolitans obtain peace, and yet adhere
+to the Theban alliance, it will be clear to all that they prefer the
+grasping policy of Thebes to that which is right. If, on the other
+hand, Megalopolis makes alliance frankly with us, and the Spartans then
+refuse to keep the peace, it will surely be clear to all that what the
+Spartans desire so eagerly is not the re-establishment of Thespiae, but
+an opportunity of subduing the Peloponnese while the Thebans are
+involved in the war.[n] {29} And I am surprised to find that there are
+some who are alarmed at the prospect of the enemies of Sparta becoming
+allies of Thebes, and yet see nothing to fear in the subjugation of
+these enemies by Sparta herself; whereas the experience of the past can
+teach us that the Thebans always use such allies against Sparta, while,
+when Sparta had them, she used to use them against us.
+
+{30} There is another point which I think you should consider. Suppose
+that you reject the overtures of the Megalopolitans. If they are
+annihilated and dispersed, Sparta can recover her power at once. If
+they actually survive--for things have happened before now beyond all
+hope--they will quite rightly be the firm allies of Thebes. But suppose
+you receive them. Then the immediate result, so far as they are
+concerned, is that they are saved by you: and as to the future, let us
+now transfer our calculation of possible risks to the case of the
+Thebans and Spartans. {31} If the Thebans are crushed, as they ought to
+be, the Spartans will not be unduly powerful, for they will always have
+these Arcadians at their doors to hold them in check. But if the
+Thebans actually recover and survive the attack, they will at least be
+weaker; for the Arcadians will have become our allies, and will owe
+their preservation to us. Thus on every ground it is to our interest
+not to sacrifice the Arcadians, nor to let them think that their
+deliverance, if they are really saved, is due to themselves, or to any
+other people than you.
+
+{32} And now, men of Athens, I solemnly declare that what I have said
+has been prompted by no personal feeling, friendly or hostile, towards
+either side. I have told you only what I believe to be expedient for
+you; and I exhort you not to sacrifice the people of Megalopolis, and
+to make it your rule, never to sacrifice a smaller power to a greater.
+
+
+
+
+FOR THE FREEDOM OF THE RHODIANS (OR. XV)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. Dionysius of Halicarnassus places the speech in 351
+B.C. He is not always accurate, and the internal evidence has been
+thought by some to suggest a date perhaps two years earlier. The
+reasons, however, for this are not strong, and there has recently been
+a disposition to accept Dionysius' date.
+
+As the result of the Social War, Chios, Cos, Rhodes, and Byzantium had
+made themselves independent of Athens. They had been assisted by
+Mausolus, King of Caria, a vassal of Persia. After the termination of
+the war, a Carian garrison occupied Cos and Rhodes; the democratic
+constitution of Rhodes was overthrown and the democratic party driven
+into banishment, as the result of an oligarchic plot, which Mausolus
+had fostered. In 353 Mausolus died, and was succeeded by Artemisia, his
+sister and wife. The exiles appealed to Athens for restoration, and for
+the liberation of Rhodes from the Carian domination. It is evident that
+the feeling in Athens against the Rhodians was very strong, owing to
+their part in the late war, for which the democratic party had been
+responsible; and there was some fear of the possible consequences of
+offending Artemisia and perhaps becoming involved in war with Persia.
+Demosthenes, nevertheless, urges the people to assist them, and to
+forget their misconduct. He appeals to the traditional policy of
+Athens, as the saviour of the oppressed and protectress of democracies,
+and warns them of the danger which would threaten Athens herself, if
+the conversion of free constitutions into oligarchies were allowed to
+go unchecked. He takes a different view from that of his opponents of
+the probable attitude of Artemisia, and utters an impressive warning
+against corrupt and unpatriotic statesmen, which foreshadows his more
+vehement attacks in the orations against Philip.
+
+The appeal was unsuccessful, for in the speech on the Peace (Sec. 25)
+Demosthenes speaks of Cos and Rhodes as still subject to Caria.
+
+The speech is more eloquent than the last, and more outspoken.
+Political principles and ideals are enunciated with some confidence,
+and illustrated by striking examples from history. But there also
+appears for the first time that sense of the difficulty of rousing the
+Athenians to action of any kind, which is so strongly expressed in
+later speeches.]
+
+
+{1} It is, I think, your duty, men of Athens, when you are deliberating
+upon affairs of such importance, to grant freedom of speech to every
+one of your advisers. And for my part, I have never yet felt any
+difficulty in pointing out to you the best course; for I believe that,
+broadly speaking, you all know from the first what this is. My
+difficulty is to persuade you to act upon your knowledge. For when a
+measure is approved and passed by you, it is as far from execution as
+it was before you resolved upon it. {2} Well, you have to render thanks
+to Heaven for this, among other favours--that those who went to war
+with you not long ago, moved by their own insolent pride, now place
+their own hopes of preservation in you alone. Well may we rejoice at
+our present opportunity! For if your decision in regard to it is what
+it should be, you will find yourselves meeting the calumnies of those
+who are slandering this city with a practical and a glorious
+refutation. {3} For the peoples of Chios, Byzantium, and Rhodes accused
+us of entertaining designs against them; and on this ground they
+combined against us in the recent war. But now it will be seen[n] that,
+while Mausolus, who under the pretence of friendship towards Rhodes,
+directed and instigated their efforts, in reality robbed the Rhodians
+of their freedom; while their declared allies, Chios and Byzantium,
+never came to aid them in their misfortunes; {4} you, of whom they were
+afraid, and you alone, have been the authors of their salvation. And
+because all the world will have seen this, you will cause the popular
+party in every city to consider your friendship a guarantee of their
+own safety; nor could you reap any greater blessing than the goodwill
+which will thus be offered to you, spontaneously and without
+misgivings, upon every hand.
+
+{5} I notice, to my surprise, that those who urge us to oppose the king
+in the interest of the Egyptians,[n] are the very persons who are so
+afraid of him when it is the interest of the popular party in Rhodes
+that is in question. And yet it is known to every one that the Rhodians
+are Hellenes, while the Egyptians have a place assigned them in the
+Persian Empire. {6} I expect that some of you remember that, when you
+were discussing our relations with the king, I came forward and was the
+first to advise you[n] (though I had, I believe, no supporters, or one
+at the most), that you would show your good sense, in my opinion, if
+you did not make your hostility to the king the pretext of your
+preparations, but prepared yourselves against the enemies whom you
+already had; though you would resist him also, if he attempted to do
+you any injury. {7} Nor, when I spoke thus, did I fail to convince you,
+but you also approved of this policy. What I have now to say is the
+sequel to my argument on that occasion. For if the king were to call me
+to his side and make me his counsellor, I should give him the same
+advice as I gave you--namely, that he should fight in defence of his
+own possessions, if he were opposed by any Hellenic power, but should
+absolutely forego all claim to what in no way belongs to him. {8} If,
+therefore, you have made a general resolve, men of Athens, to retire
+from any place of which the king makes himself master, either by
+surprise or by the deception of some of the inhabitants, you have not
+resolved well, in my judgement: but if you are prepared, in defence of
+your rights, even to fight, if need be, and to endure anything that may
+be necessary, not only will the need for such a step be less, the more
+firmly your minds are made up, but you will also be regarded as showing
+the spirit which you ought to show.
+
+{9} To prove to you that I am not suggesting anything unprecedented in
+bidding you liberate the Rhodians, and that you will not be acting
+without precedent, if you take my advice, I will remind you of one of
+those incidents in the past which have ended happily for you. You once
+sent out Timotheus, men of Athens, to assist Ariobarzanes,[n] adding to
+your resolution the provision that he must not break our treaty with
+the king; and Timotheus, seeing that Ariobarzanes was now openly in
+revolt against the king, but that Samos was occupied by a garrison
+under Cyprothemis, who had been placed there by Tigranes, the king's
+viceroy, abandoned his intention of helping Ariobarzanes, but sat down
+before Samos, relieved it, and set it free. {10} And to this day no war
+has ever arisen to trouble you on account of this. For to enter upon a
+war for the purpose of aggrandizement is never the same thing as to do
+so in defence of one's own possessions. Every one fights his hardest to
+recover what he has lost; but when men endeavour to gain at the expense
+of others, it is not so. They desire to do this, if it is allowed them;
+but if they are prevented, they do not consider that their opponents
+have done them any wrong.
+
+{11} Now listen for a moment, and consider whether I am right or wrong,
+when I conclude that if Athens were actively at work, Artemisia herself
+would now not even oppose our action. If the king effects in Egypt all
+that he is bent upon, I believe that Artemisia would make every attempt
+to secure for him the continued possession of Rhodes--not from any
+goodwill towards him, but from the desire to be credited with a great
+service to him, while he is still in her neighbourhood,[n] and so to
+win from him as friendly a reception as possible. {12} But if he is
+faring as we are told, if all his attempts have failed, she will
+consider, and rightly, that the island can be of no further use to the
+king, except as a fortified post to command her own dominions--a
+security against any movement on her part. Accordingly she would
+prefer, I believe, that you should have it, without her openly
+surrendering it to you, rather than that he should occupy it. I think,
+therefore, that she would not even make an attempt to save it; or that
+if she actually did so, it would be but weakly and ineffectively. {13}
+For although I cannot, of course, profess to know what the king will
+do, I must insist that it is high time that it should be made clear, in
+the interests of Athens, whether he intends to lay claim to Rhodes or
+not: for if he does so, we have then to take counsel, not for the
+Rhodians alone, but for ourselves and for the Hellenes as a whole.
+
+{14} At the same time, even if the Rhodians who are now in
+possession[n] of the town held it by their own strength, I should never
+have urged you to take them for your allies, for all the promises in
+the world. For I observe that they took to their side some of their
+fellow citizens, to help them overthrow the democracy, and that, having
+done this, they turned and expelled them: and I do not think that men
+who failed to keep faith with either party would ever be trustworthy
+allies for yourselves. {15} And further, I should never have made my
+present proposal, had I been thinking only of the interests of the
+popular party in Rhodes. I am not their official patron,[n] nor have I
+a single personal friend among them; and even if both these things were
+otherwise, I should not have made this proposal, had I not believed it
+to be for your advantage. For as for the Rhodians, if I may use such an
+expression when I am pleading with you to save them, I share your
+joy[1] at what has happened to them. For it is because they grudged you
+the recovery of your rights that they have lost their own freedom; and
+that, instead of the equal alliance which they might have had with
+Hellenes, better than themselves, they are in bondage to foreigners and
+slaves, whom they have admitted to their citadels. {16} Indeed, if you
+resolve to go to their aid, I may almost say that this calamity has
+been good for them; for, Rhodians as they are, I doubt if they would
+ever have come to their right mind in prosperity; whereas actual
+experience has now taught them that folly generally leads to manifold
+adversities; and perhaps they will be wiser for the future. This
+lesson, I feel sure, will be no small advantage to them. I say then
+that you should endeavour to save these men, and should bear no malice,
+remembering that you too have been greatly deceived by conspirators
+against you, and yet would not admit that you deserved yourselves to
+suffer for such mistakes.
+
+Observe this also, men of Athens. {17} You have waged many wars both
+against democracies and against oligarchies; and of this no doubt you
+are as well aware as I. But I doubt whether any of you considers for
+what objects you are fighting in each case. What then are these
+objects? In fighting against a democracy, you are fighting either over
+some private quarrel, when the parties have failed to settle their
+disputes by the means publicly provided;[n] or you are contending for a
+piece of territory, or about a boundary, or for a point of honour, or
+for paramountcy. But in fighting against an oligarchy, it is not for
+any such objects--it is your constitution and your freedom that are at
+stake. {18} And therefore I should not hesitate to say that I believe
+it would be better for you, that all the Hellenic peoples should be
+democracies, and be at war with you, than that they should be governed
+by oligarchies, and be your friends. For with a free people you would
+have no difficulty, I believe, in making peace whenever you desired:
+but with an oligarchical State friendship itself cannot be safe. For
+there can be no goodwill between Few and Many--between those who seek
+for mastery, and those who have chosen the life of political equality.
+
+{19} It surprises me also that though Chios and Mytilene are ruled by
+oligarchies, and though now the Rhodians and all mankind, I may almost
+say, are being brought into the same bondage, no one considers that any
+danger threatens our own constitution also, or reflects that if every
+State is organized upon an oligarchic basis, it is not possible that
+your own democracy should be suffered to remain. For they know that no
+people but you could ever bring them forth into a state of liberty
+again; and they will wish to put an end to so likely a source of
+trouble to themselves. {20} As a rule we may regard wrongdoers as
+enemies only to those whom they have wronged. But when men destroy free
+constitutions and convert them into oligarchies, I say that you must
+think of them as the common enemies of all whose hearts are set on
+freedom. {21} Again, men of Athens, it is only right that you, a
+democracy yourselves, should show towards other democracies in distress
+the same spirit as you would expect them to show towards you, if any
+such calamity (which God forbid!) should happen to you. It may be said
+that the Rhodians are justly punished. If so, this is not the time to
+exult over them. When men are prosperous they should always be found
+taking thought how best to help the distressed; for the future is
+unknown to all men.
+
+{22} I have often heard it stated here in your presence, that when our
+democracy had met with disaster,[n] you were joined by certain others
+in your anxiety for its preservation. Of these I will only refer on the
+present occasion to the Argives, and that briefly. For I cannot desire
+that you, who enjoy the reputation of being always the saviours of the
+distressed, should prove inferior to the Argives in that work. These
+Argives, though their territory borders on that of the Spartans, whom
+they saw to be masters by land and sea, neither hesitated nor feared to
+display their goodwill towards you; but when envoys came from Sparta
+(so the story goes) to demand the persons of certain Athenian refugees,
+they even voted that unless the envoys departed before sunset, they
+should be adjudged public enemies. {23} If then the democracy of Argos
+in those days showed no fear of the might of the Spartan Empire, will
+it not be a disgrace if you, who are Athenians, are afraid of one who
+is a barbarian--aye, and a woman?[n] The Argives, moreover, could point
+to many defeats sustained at the hands of Sparta, while you have often
+defeated the king, and have not once proved inferior either to his
+servants or to himself. For if ever the king has gained any success
+against Athens, it has been by bribing the basest of the Hellenes to
+betray their countrymen; in no other way has he ever succeeded. {24}
+Indeed, even such success has done him no good. You will find that no
+sooner had he rendered Athens weak,[n] by the help of the Spartans,
+than he had to fight for his own kingdom against Clearchus and Cyrus.
+His successes, therefore, have not been won in the open field, nor have
+his plots brought him any good. Now some of you, I notice, are in the
+habit of speaking contemptuously of Philip, as though he were not worth
+reckoning with; while you dread the king, as a powerful enemy to any
+whom he chooses to oppose. But if we are not to defend ourselves
+against Philip, because he is so mean a foe, and are to give way in
+everything to the king, because he is so formidable, who is there, men
+of Athens, against whom we shall ever take the field?
+
+{25} Men of Athens, you have among you those who are particularly
+skilful in pleading with you the rights of the rest of the world; and I
+should be glad to give them this single piece of advice--that they
+should seek to plead your rights with the rest of the world,[n] and so
+set an example of duty. It is monstrous to instruct you about rights,
+without doing right oneself; and it is not right that a fellow citizen
+of yours should have studied all the arguments against you and none of
+those in your favour. {26} Ask yourselves, in God's name, why it is
+that there is no one in Byzantium to tell the Byzantines that they must
+not occupy Chalcedon,[n] which belongs to the king and formerly
+belonged to you, but upon which they had no sort of claim; or that they
+must not make Selymbria, once your ally, a contributory portion of the
+Byzantine state; or include the territory of Selymbria[n] within the
+Byzantine frontier, in defiance of the sworn treaty which ordains the
+independence of the cities? {27} Why was there no one to tell Mausolus,
+while he lived, and Artemisia after his death, that they must not
+occupy Cos and Rhodes and other Hellenic cities as well, which the king
+their master ceded to the Hellenes by the treaty,[n] and for the sake
+of which the Hellenes of those days faced many a peril and fought many
+a gallant fight? Even if there actually are such advisers[n] in both
+cases, at least it is not likely that they will find listeners. {28}
+For my part I believe that it is right to restore the exiled democracy
+of Rhodes. But even if it were not right, I think it would be proper to
+urge you to do it, when I consider the course taken by such speakers as
+these; and for this reason. If all the world, men of Athens, were bent
+upon doing right, it would be a disgrace to us if we alone were
+unwilling to do so: but when all the world is preparing itself in order
+to be able to commit wrong, then for us alone to abstain from every
+enterprise, on the plea of right, is no righteousness, to my mind, but
+cowardice. For I observe that the extent to which rights are admitted
+is always in proportion to the claimant's power at the moment. {29} I
+can illustrate this by an instance familiar to all of you. There are
+two treaties[n] between the Hellenes and the king. The first was made
+by our own city, and all men praise it; the second by the Spartans, and
+it is denounced by all. The rights defined in these two treaties are
+not the same. For whereas a common and equal share of private rights is
+given by law to weak and strong alike, in a settlement of international
+rights it is the stronger who legislate for the weaker.
+
+Well, you already know what the right course is.[n] {30} It remains to
+inquire how you can carry out your knowledge into action; and this will
+be possible, if you come to be regarded as public champions of
+universal liberty. But the great difficulty which you find in doing
+your duty is, to my mind, natural enough. All other men have only one
+conflict to face--the conflict with their declared foes; and when these
+are subdued, there is no further obstacle to their secure enjoyment of
+their happiness. {31} But for you there is a double conflict. In
+addition to that to which all men are liable, there is another which is
+harder, and which must be faced first: for you have to win the victory
+in your councils over those who are deliberately working in your midst
+against the interests of the city; and because, thanks to them, you can
+effect nothing that is demanded of you without a struggle, it is
+natural that you should often miss your mark. {32} The chief reason for
+the fearless adoption of such a course in public life by so many men is
+perhaps to be found in the benefits which they obtain from those who
+hire them. Yet at the same time, some of the blame may fairly be laid
+at your own doors. For you ought, men of Athens, to think of a man's
+post in public life as you think of his post in the army in the field.
+And how do you think of this? If a man leaves the post assigned to him
+by his general, you think that he deserves to be disfranchised and to
+lose all share in the privileges of a citizen. {33} And so when men
+desert the post of civil duty, committed to them by our forefathers,
+and follow an oligarchical[n] policy, they should forfeit the privilege
+of acting as advisers to yourselves. As it is, while you believe that
+those of your allies are best disposed towards you, who have sworn to
+have the same friends and foes as yourselves, the politicians in whom
+you place most faith are those whom you well know to have chosen the
+side of the enemies of Athens.
+
+{34} It is easy enough, however, to find reasons for accusing them and
+reproaching all of you. But to find words or actions which will enable
+us to rectify what is now amiss with us, is a task indeed. Moreover,
+the present is not, perhaps, the time for entering into every point:
+but if only you can confirm the policy which you have chosen by some
+suitable action, it may be that other conditions will each in turn show
+some improvement. {35} I think, therefore, that you ought to take this
+enterprise in hand with vigour, and to act worthily of your country.
+Remember with what delight you listen to the praises of your
+forefathers,[n] the recital of their deeds, the enumeration of their
+trophies. Consider then that your forefathers dedicated these trophies,
+not that you might gaze at them in idle wonder, but that you might
+imitate the actions of those who placed them there.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] [Greek: humin sygchair_o].
+
+
+
+
+THE FIRST PHILIPPIC (OR. IV)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. Philip became King of Macedonia in 359 B.C. Being in
+great difficulties both from external enemies and from internal
+division, he made peace with the Athenians, who were supporting the
+pretensions of Argaeus to the throne, in the hope of recovering (by
+agreement with Argaeus) the colony of Amphipolis on the Strymon, which
+they had lost in 424. Philip acknowledged the title of Athens to
+Amphipolis, and sent home the Athenian prisoners, whom he had captured
+among the supporters of Argaeus, without ransom. The Athenians,
+however, neglected to garrison Amphipolis. In 358 (the year in which
+Athens temporarily recovered her hold over Euboea, by compelling the
+Thebans to evacuate the island), Philip carried on a successful
+campaign against the Paeonian and Illyrian tribes, who were standing
+enemies of Macedonia. For the next three years Athens was kept occupied
+by the war with her allies, and Philip saw his opportunity. He besieged
+Amphipolis: when the citizens sent Hierax and Stratocles to ask Athens
+for help, he dispatched a letter promising the Athenians that he would
+give them Amphipolis when he had taken it; and a secret understanding
+was arrived at between Philip and the Athenian envoys sent to him, that
+Athens should give him Pydna (once a Macedonian town, but now an ally
+of Athens) in exchange. Athens, therefore, listened neither to
+Amphipolis nor to Olynthus, which had also made overtures to her. The
+Olynthians in consequence made a treaty with Philip, who gave them
+Anthemus and promised to help them against their old rival Poteidaea, a
+town in alliance with Athens. The Olynthians on their part agreed not
+to make peace with Athens except in conjunction with him. But Philip,
+when he had captured Amphipolis by a combination of siege and intrigue,
+did not give it up to Athens, and instead of waiting to receive Pydna
+from Athens, besieged and took it, aided once more by treachery from
+within. In 356 he took Poteidaea (in conjunction with the Olynthians,
+to whom he gave the town), the Athenians arriving too late to relieve
+it; and then pursued his conquests along the Thracian coast. Further
+inland he expelled the Thasians (allies of Athens) from Crenides and
+founded Philippi on the site, in the centre of the gold-mines of Mount
+Pangaeus, from which he henceforward derived a very large revenue;
+while the forests of the district provided him with timber for
+ship-building, of which he took full advantage: for in the next few
+years his ships made descents upon the Athenian islands of Lemnos and
+Imbros, plundered the Athenian corn-vessels off the coast of Euboea,
+and even landed a force at Marathon. In the latter part of 356 and in
+355 he was occupied with the conquest of the Paeonians and Illyrians,
+with whom Athens had made an alliance in 356. At the end of 355 he laid
+siege to Methone, the last Athenian port on the Thermaic gulf, and
+captured it in 354. (Some place the siege and capture of Methone in
+354-3, but an inscription, C.I.G. II. 70, makes it at least probable
+that the siege had begun by the last month of 355.) In 353 Philip made
+his way to the Thracian coast, and conquered Abdera and Maroneia. At
+Maroneia we find him in company with Pammenes (his former host at
+Thebes), who had been sent by the Thebans to assist Artabazus in his
+revolt against the Persian king; and at the same place he received
+Apollonides of Cardia, the envoy of the Thracian prince Cersobleptes.
+On his way home his ships escaped from Chares, off Neapolis, by a ruse.
+In the same year he interfered in the affairs of Thessaly, where the
+Aleuadae of Larissa had invited his assistance against Lycophron and
+Peitholaus of Pherae, who had invoked the aid of the Phocians. (In
+opposing the Phocians, the antagonists of the Thebans in the Sacred
+War, Philip was also helping the Thebans themselves, and gaining credit
+as the opponent of the plunderers of the temple of Apollo at Delphi.)
+Onomarchus, the Phocian leader, twice defeated Philip, but was
+overthrown and slain in 352. Philip took Pherae and Pagasae (its port),
+occupied Magnesia, and, by means of promises, obtained financial aid
+from the Thessalians. The expedition sent by Athens to relieve Pagasae
+arrived too late; but when Philip, after putting down the tyrants of
+Pherae and arranging matters in Thessaly, advanced towards the Pass of
+Thermopylae, an Athenian force, sent on the advice of Diophantus and
+Eubulus, appeared in time to oblige him to retire to Macedonia. Late in
+the autumn of 352 we find him once more in Thrace. It was probably now
+that he assisted the peoples of Byzantium and Perinthus, together with
+Amadocus, a rival of Cersobleptes, against the latter; with the result
+that Cersobleptes was obliged to give up his son to Philip as a
+hostage. Philip had also made alliance with Cardia, which, like
+Byzantium, was on bad terms with Athens. He now laid siege to Heraeon
+Teichos, a fortress on the Propontis, but illness obliged him to
+suspend operations, and the rumour of his death prevented the Athenians
+from sending against him the expedition which they had resolved upon.
+(The retention of her influence in this region was essential for
+Athens, if her corn-supply was to be secure.) In 351, on recovering
+from his illness, he entered the territory of Olynthus, which, contrary
+to the agreement with him, had made peace with Athens in the previous
+year, apart from himself: but he did not at present pursue the invasion
+further. In October 351 Athens sent Charidemus to the Hellespont with
+ten ships, but no soldiers and little money. If these are the ships
+alluded to in Sec. 43 of the present Speech, the Speech must have been
+delivered after that date. Otherwise any date after Philip's incursion
+into the territory of Olynthus would suit the contents of the Speech,
+and many writers place it earlier in the year. The question of the
+relations of Athens with Philip had been brought forward; and
+Demosthenes, who had risen first to speak, proposes the creation of a
+large permanent fleet, and of a smaller force for immediate action,
+laying great stress on the necessity of sending Athenian citizens both
+to command and to form a substantial proportion of the troops, which,
+had so far been mostly mercenaries. The scheme was worked out in
+detail, both in its military and in its financial aspects, and
+supported with an eloquence and an earnestness which are far in advance
+of those displayed in the earlier speeches.
+
+The statement of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, that the Speech as we have
+it, is really a conflation of two speeches, of which the second
+(beginning at Sec. 30) was delivered in 347, is generally (and rightly)
+discredited.]
+
+
+{1} If some new subject were being brought before us, men of Athens, I
+would have waited until most of your ordinary advisers had declared
+their opinion; and if anything that they said were satisfactory to me,
+I would have remained silent, and only if it were not so, would I have
+attempted to express my own view. But since we find ourselves once more
+considering a question upon which they have often spoken, I think I may
+reasonably be pardoned for rising first of all. For if their advice to
+you in the past had been what it ought to have been, you would have had
+no occasion for the present debate.
+
+{2} In the first place, then, men of Athens, we must not be downhearted
+at our present situation, however wretched it may seem to be. For in
+the worst feature of the past lies our best hope for the future-in the
+fact, that is, that we are in our present plight because you are not
+doing your duty in any respect; for if you were doing all that you
+should do, and we were still in this evil case, we could not then even
+hope for any improvement. {3} In the second place, you must bear in
+mind (what some of you have heard from others, and those who know can
+recollect for themselves), how powerful the Spartans were, not long
+ago, and yet how noble and patriotic your own conduct was, when instead
+of doing anything unworthy of your country you faced the war with
+Sparta [n] in defence of the right. [n] Now why do I remind you of
+these things? It is because, men of Athens, I wish you to see and to
+realize, that so long as you are on your guard you have nothing to
+fear; but that if you are indifferent, nothing can be as you would
+wish: for this is exemplified for you both by the power of Sparta in
+those days, to which you rose superior because you gave your minds to
+your affairs; and by the insolence of Philip to-day, which troubles us
+because we care nothing for the things which should concern us. {4} If,
+however, any of you, men of Athens, when he considers the immense force
+now at Philip's command, and the city's loss of all her strongholds,
+thinks that Philip is a foe hard to conquer, I ask him (right though he
+is in his belief) to reflect also that there was a time when we
+possessed Pydna and Poteidaea and Methone; when all the surrounding
+country was our own, and many of the tribes [n] which are now on his
+side were free and independent, and more inclined to be friendly to us
+than to him. {5} Now if in those days Philip had made up his mind that
+it was a hard thing to fight against the Athenians, with all their
+fortified outposts on his own frontiers, while he was destitute of
+allies, he would have achieved none of his recent successes, nor
+acquired this great power. But Philip saw quite clearly, men of Athens,
+that all these strongholds were prizes of war, displayed for
+competition. He saw that in the nature of things the property of the
+absent belongs to those who are on the spot, and that of the negligent
+to those who are ready for toil and danger. {6} It is, as you know, by
+acting upon this belief, that he has brought all those places under his
+power, and now holds them--some of them by right of capture in war,
+others in virtue of alliances and friendly understandings; for every
+one is willing to grant alliance and to give attention to those whom
+they see to be prepared and ready to take action as is necessary. {7}
+If then, men of Athens, you also will resolve to adopt this principle
+to-day--the principle which you have never observed before--if each of
+you can henceforward be relied upon to throw aside all this pretence of
+incapacity, and to act where his duty bids him, and where his services
+can be of use to his country; if he who has money will contribute, and
+he who is of military age will join the campaign; if, in one plain
+word, you will resolve henceforth to depend absolutely on yourselves,
+each man no longer hoping that he will need to do nothing himself, and
+that his neighbour will do everything for him; then, God willing, you
+will recover your own; you will take back all that your indolence has
+lost, and you will have your revenge upon Philip. {8} Do not imagine
+that his fortune is built to last for ever, as if he were a God. He
+also has those who hate him and fear him, men of Athens, and envy him
+too, even among those who now seem to be his closest friends. All the
+feelings that exist in any other body of men must be supposed to exist
+in Philip's supporters. Now, however, all such feelings are cowed
+before him: your slothful apathy has taken away their only rallying
+point; and it is this apathy that I bid you put off to-day. {9} Mark
+the situation, men of Athens: mark the pitch which the man's outrageous
+insolence has reached, when he does not even give you a choice between
+action and inaction, but threatens you, and utters (as we are told)
+haughty language: for he is not the man to rest content in possession
+of his conquests: he is always casting his net wider; and while we
+procrastinate and sit idle, he is setting his toils around us on every
+side. {10} When, then, men of Athens, when, I say, will you take the
+action that is required? What are you waiting for? 'We are waiting,'
+you say, 'till it is necessary.' But what must we think of all that is
+happening at this present time? Surely the strongest necessity that a
+free people can experience is the shame which they must feel at their
+position! What? Do you want to go round asking one another, 'Is there
+any news?' Could there be any stranger news than that a man of
+Macedonia is defeating Athenians in war, and ordering the affairs of
+the Hellenes? {11} 'Is Philip dead?' 'No, but he is sick.' And what
+difference does it make to you? For if anything should happen to him,
+you will soon raise up for yourselves a second Philip, if it is thus
+that you attend to your interests. Indeed, Philip himself has not risen
+to this excessive height through his own strength, so much as through
+our neglect. I go even further. {12} If anything happened to Philip--if
+the operation of Fortune, who always cares for us better than we care
+for ourselves, were to effect this too for us--you know that if you
+were at hand, you could descend upon the general confusion and order
+everything as you wished; but in your present condition, even if
+circumstances offered you Amphipolis, you could not take it; for your
+forces and your minds alike are far away.
+
+{13} Well, I say no more of the obligation which rests upon you all to
+be willing and ready to do your duty; I will assume that you are
+resolved and convinced. But the nature of the armament which, I
+believe, will set you free from such troubles as these, the numbers of
+the force, the source from which we must obtain funds, and the best and
+quickest way, as it seems to me, of making all further
+preparations--all this, men of Athens, I will at once endeavour to
+explain when I have made one request of you. {14} Give your verdict on
+my proposal when you have heard the whole of it; do not prejudge it
+before I have done; and if at first the force which I propose appears
+unprecedented, do not think that I am merely creating delays. It is not
+those whose cry is 'At once', 'To-day', whose proposals will meet our
+need; for what has already happened cannot be prevented by any
+expedition now. {15} It is rather he who can show the nature, the
+magnitude, and the financial possibility of a force which when provided
+will be able to continue in existence either until we are persuaded to
+break off the war, or until we have overcome the enemy; for thus only
+can we escape further calamity for the future. These things I believe I
+can show, though I would not stand in the way of any other speaker's
+professions. It is no less a promise than this that I make; the event
+will soon test its fulfilment, and you will be the judges of it.
+
+First then, men of Athens, I say that fifty warships must {16} at once
+be got in readiness: and next, that you must be in such a frame of mind
+that, if any need arises, you will embark in person and sail. In
+addition, you must prepare transports for half our cavalry, and a
+sufficient number of boats. {17} These, I think, should be in readiness
+to meet those sudden sallies of his from his own country against
+Thermopylae, the Chersonese, Olynthus, and any other place which he may
+select. For we must make him realize that there is a possibility of
+your rousing yourselves out of your excessive indifference, just as
+when once you went to Euboea,[n] and before that (as we are told) to
+Haliartus,[n] and finally, only the other day, to Thermopylae. {18}
+Such a possibility, even if you are unlikely to make it a reality, as I
+think you ought to do, is not one which he can treat lightly; and you
+may thus secure one of two objects. On the one hand, he may know that
+you are on the alert--he will in fact know it well enough: there are
+only too many persons, I assure you, in Athens itself, who report to
+him all that happens here: and in that case his apprehensions will
+ensure his inactivity. But if, on the other hand, he neglects the
+warning, he may be taken off his guard; for there will be nothing to
+hinder you from sailing to his country, if he gives you the
+opportunity. {19} These are the measures upon which I say you should
+all be resolved, and your preparations for them made. But before this,
+men of Athens, you must make ready a force which will fight without
+intermission, and do him damage. Do not speak to me of ten thousand or
+twenty thousand mercenaries. I will have none of your paper-armies. [n]
+Give me an army which will be the army of Athens, and will obey and
+follow the general whom you elect, be there one general or more, be he
+one particular individual, or be he who he may. {20} You must also
+provide maintenance for this force. Now what is this force to be? how
+large is it to be? how is it to be maintained? how will it consent to
+act in this manner? I will answer these questions point by point. The
+number of mercenaries--but you must not repeat the mistake which has so
+often injured you, the mistake of, first, thinking any measures
+inadequate, and so voting for the largest proposal, and then, when the
+time for action comes, not even executing the smaller one; you must
+rather carry out and make provision for the smaller measure, and add to
+it, if it proves too small--{21} the total number of soldiers, I say,
+must be two thousand, and of these five hundred must be Athenians,
+beginning from whatever age you think good: they must serve for a
+definite period--not a long one, but one to be fixed at your
+discretion--and in relays. The rest must be mercenaries. With these
+must be cavalry, two hundred in number, of whom at least fifty must be
+Athenians, as with the infantry; and the conditions of service must be
+the same. {22} You must also find transports for these. And what next?
+Ten swift ships of war. For as he has a fleet, we need swift-sailing
+warships too, to secure the safe passage of the army. And how is
+maintenance to be provided for these? This also I will state and
+demonstrate, as soon as I have given you my reasons for thinking that a
+force of this size is sufficient, and for insisting that those who
+serve in it shall be citizens.
+
+{23} The size of the force, men of Athens, is determined by the fact
+that we cannot at present provide an army capable of meeting Philip in
+the open field; we must make plundering forays, and our warfare must at
+first be of a predatory nature. Consequently the force must not be
+over-big--we could then neither pay nor feed it--any more than it must
+be wholly insignificant. {24} The presence of citizens in the force
+that sails I require for the following reasons. I am told that Athens
+once maintained a mercenary force in Corinth,[n] under the command of
+Polystratus, Iphicrates, Chabrias and others, and that you yourselves
+joined in the campaign with them; and I remember hearing that these
+mercenaries, when they took the field with you, and you with them, were
+victorious over the Spartans. But even since your mercenary forces have
+gone to war alone, it is your friends and allies that they conquer,
+while your enemies have grown more powerful than they should be. After
+a casual glance at the war to which Athens has sent them, they sail off
+to Artabazus,[n] or anywhere rather than to the war; and the general
+follows them naturally enough, for his power over them is gone when he
+can give them no pay. You ask what I bid you do. {25} I bid you take
+away their excuses both from the general and the soldiers, by supplying
+pay and placing citizen-soldiers at their side as spectators of these
+mysteries of generalship;[n] for our present methods are a mere
+mockery. Imagine the question to be put to you, men of Athens, whether
+you are at peace or no. 'At peace?' you would say; 'Of course not! We
+are at war with Philip.' {26} Now have you not all along been electing
+from among your own countrymen ten captains and generals,[n] and
+cavalry-officers, and two masters-of-the-horse? and what are they
+doing? Except the one single individual whom you happen to send to the
+seat of war, they are all marshalling your processions for you with the
+commissioners of festivals. You are no better than men modelling
+puppets of clay. Your captains and your cavalry-officers are elected to
+be displayed in the streets, not to be sent to the war. {27} Surely,
+men of Athens, your captains should be elected from among yourselves,
+and your master-of-the-horse from among yourselves; your officers
+should be your own countrymen, if the force is to be really the army of
+Athens. As it is, the master-of-the-horse who is one of yourselves has
+to sail to Lemnos; while the master-of-the-horse with the army that is
+fighting to defend the possessions of Athens is Menelaus.[n] I do not
+wish to disparage that gentleman; but whoever holds that office ought
+to have been elected by you.
+
+{28} Perhaps, however, while agreeing with all that I have said, you
+are mainly anxious to hear my financial proposals, which will tell you
+the amount and the sources of the funds required. I proceed, therefore,
+with these at once. First for the sum. The cost of the bare rations for
+the crews, with such a force, will be 90 talents and a little over--40
+talents for ten swift ships, and 20 minae a month for each ship; and
+for the soldiers as much again, each soldier to receive rations to the
+value of 10 drachmae a month; and for the cavalry (two hundred in
+number, each to receive 30 drachmae a month) twelve talents. {29} It
+may be said that the supply of bare rations to the members of the force
+is an insufficient initial provision; but this is a mistake. I am quite
+certain that, given so much, the army will provide everything else for
+itself from the proceeds of war, without injury to a single Hellene or
+ally of ours, and that the full pay will be made up by these means. I
+am ready to sail as a volunteer and to suffer the worst, if my words
+are untrue. The next question then is of ways and means, in so far as
+the funds are to come from yourselves. I will explain this at once.
+
+[_A schedule of ways and means is read_.]
+
+{30} This, men of Athens, is what we have been able to devise; and when
+you put our proposals to the vote, you will pass them, if you approve
+of them; that so your war with Philip may be a war, not of resolutions
+and dispatches, but of actions.
+
+{31} I believe that the value of your deliberations about the war and
+the armament as a whole would be greatly enhanced, if you were to bear
+in mind the situation of the country against which you are fighting,
+remembering that most of Philip's plans are successfully carried out
+because he takes advantage of winds and seasons; for he waits for the
+Etesian winds[n] or the winter-season, and only attacks when it would
+be impossible for us to effect a passage to the scene of action. {32}
+Bearing this in mind, we must not carry on the war by means of isolated
+expeditions; we shall always be too late. We must have a permanent
+force and armament. As our winter-stations for the army we have Lemnos,
+Thasos, Sciathos, and the islands in that region, which have harbours
+and corn, and are well supplied with all that an army needs. And as to
+the time of year, whenever it is easy to approach the shore and the
+winds are not dangerous, our force can without difficulty lie close to
+the Macedonian coast itself, and block the mouths of the ports.
+
+{33} How and when he will employ the force is a matter to be
+determined, when the time comes, by the commander whom you put in
+control of it. What must be provided from Athens is described in the
+scheme which I have drafted. If, men of Athens, you first supply the
+sum I have mentioned, and then, after making ready the rest of the
+armament--soldiers, ships, cavalry--bind the whole force in its
+entirety,[n] by law, to remain at the seat of war; if you become your
+own paymasters, your own commissioners of supply, but require your
+general to account for the actual operations; {34} then there will be
+an end of these perpetual discussions of one and the same theme, which
+end in nothing but discussion: and in addition to this, men of Athens,
+you will, in the first place, deprive him of his chief source of
+supply. For what is this? Why, he carries on the war at the cost of
+your own allies, harrying and plundering those who sail the seas! And
+what will you gain besides this? You will place yourselves out of reach
+of disaster. It will not be as it was in the past, when he descended
+upon Lemnos and Imbros, and went off, with your fellow-citizens as his
+prisoners of war, or when he seized the vessels off Geraestus,[n] and
+levied an enormous sum from them; or when (last of all) he landed at
+Marathon, seized the sacred trireme,[n] and carried it off from the
+country; while all the time you can neither prevent these aggressions,
+nor yet send an expedition which will arrive when you intend it to
+arrive. {35} But for what reason do you think, men of Athens, do the
+festival of the Panathenaea and the festival of the Dionysia[n] always
+take place at the proper time, whether those to whom the charge of
+either festival is allotted are specially qualified persons or
+not--festivals upon which you spend larger sums of money than upon any
+armament whatsoever, and which involve an amount of trouble[n] and
+preparation, which are unique, so far as I know, in the whole world--;
+and yet your armaments are always behind the time--at Methone, at
+Pagasae, at Potidaea? {36} It is because for the festivals all is
+arranged by law. Each of you knows long beforehand who is to supply the
+chorus,[n] and who is to be steward of the games,[n] for his tribe: he
+knows what he is to receive, and when, and from whom, and what he is to
+do with it. No detail is here neglected, nothing is left indefinite.
+But in all that concerns war and our preparation for it, there is no
+organization, no revision, no definiteness. Consequently it is not
+until the news comes that we appoint our trierarchs and institute
+exchanges of property for them, and inquire into ways and means. When
+that is done, we first resolve that the resident aliens and the
+independent freedmen[n] shall go on board; then we change our minds and
+say that citizens shall embark; then that we will send substitutes; and
+while all these delays are occurring, the object of the expedition is
+already lost. {37} For we spend on preparation the time when we should
+be acting, and the opportunities which events afford will not wait for
+our slothful evasions; while as for the forces on which we think we can
+rely in the meantime, when the critical moment comes, they are tried
+and found wanting. And Philip's insolence has reached such a pitch,
+that he has sent such a letter as the following to the Euboeans.
+
+[_The letter is read_.]
+
+{38} The greater part of the statements that have been read are true,
+men of Athens; and they ought not to be true! but I admit that they may
+possibly be unpleasant to hear; and if the course of future events
+would pass over all that a speaker passes over in his speech, to avoid
+giving pain, we should be right in speaking with a view to your
+pleasure. But if attractive words, spoken out of season, bring their
+punishment in actual reality, then it is disgraceful to blind our eyes
+to the truth, to put off everything that is unpleasant, {39} to refuse
+to understand even so much as this, that those who conduct war rightly
+must not follow in the wake of events, but must be beforehand with
+them: for just as a general may be expected to lead his army, so those
+who debate must lead the course of affairs, in order that what they
+resolve upon may be done, and that they may not be forced to follow at
+the heels of events. {40} You, men of Athens, have the greatest power
+in the world-warships, infantry, cavalry, revenue. But none of these
+elements of power have you used as you ought, down to this very day.
+The method of your warfare with Philip is just that of barbarians in a
+boxing-match. Hit one of them, and he hugs the place; hit him on the
+other side, and there go his hands; but as for guarding, or looking his
+opponent in the face, he neither can nor will do it. {41} It is the
+same with you. If you hear that Philip is in the Chersonese, you
+resolve to make an expedition there; if he is at Thermopylae, you send
+one there; and wherever else he may be, you run up and down in his
+steps. It is he that leads your forces. You have never of yourselves
+come to any salutary decision in regard to the war. No single event do
+you ever discern before it occurs--before you have heard that something
+has happened or is happening. Perhaps there was room for this
+backwardness until now; but now we are at the very crisis, and such an
+attitude is possible no longer. {42} Surely, men of Athens, it is one
+of the gods--one who blushes for Athens, as he sees the course which
+events are taking--that has inspired Philip with this restless
+activity. If he were content to remain at peace, in possession of all
+that he has won by conquest or by forestalling us--if he had no further
+plans--even then, the record against us as a people, a record of shame
+and cowardice and all that is most dishonourable, would, I think, seem
+complete enough to some of you. But now he is always making some new
+attempt, always grasping after something more; and unless your spirit
+has utterly departed, his conduct will perhaps bring you out into the
+field. {43} It amazes me, men of Athens, that not one of you remembers
+with any indignation, that this war had its origin in our intention to
+punish Philip; and that now, at the end of it, the question is, how we
+are to escape disaster at his hands. But that he will not stay his
+progress until some one arrests it is plain enough. Are we then to wait
+for that? Do you think that all is right, when you dispatch nothing but
+empty ships and somebody's hopes? Shall we not embark? {44} Shall we
+not now, if never before, go forth ourselves, and provide at least some
+small proportion of Athenian soldiers? Shall we not sail to the enemy's
+country? But I heard the question, 'At what point on his coast are we
+to anchor?' The war itself, men of Athens, if you take it in hand, will
+discover his weak points: but if we sit at home listening to the mutual
+abuse and recriminations of our orators, you can never realize any of
+the results that you ought to realize. {45} I believe that whenever any
+portion of Athens is sent with the forces, even if the whole city does
+not go, the favour of Heaven and of Fortune fights on our side. But
+whenever you dispatch anywhere a general with an empty resolution and
+some platform-hopes to support him, then you achieve nothing that you
+ought to achieve, your enemies laugh at you, and your allies are in
+deadly fear of all such armaments. {46} It is impossible, utterly
+impossible, that any one man should be able to effect all that you wish
+for you. He can give undertakings and promises;[n] he can accuse this
+man and that; and the result is that your fortunes are ruined. For when
+the general is at the head of wretched, unpaid mercenaries, and when
+there are those in Athens who lie to you light-heartedly about all that
+he does, and, on the strength of the tales that you hear, you pass
+decrees at random, what _must_ you expect?
+
+{47} How then can this state of things be terminated? Only, men of
+Athens, when you expressly make the same men soldiers, witnesses of
+their general's actions, and judges at his examination[n] when they
+return home; for then the issue of your fortunes will not be a tale
+which you hear, but a thing which you will be on the spot to see. So
+shameful is the pass which matters have now reached, that each of your
+generals is tried for his life before you two or three times, but does
+not dare to fight in mortal combat with the enemy even once. They
+prefer the death of kidnappers and brigands to that of a general. {48}
+For it is a felon's death, to die by sentence of the court: the death
+of a general is to fall in battle with the enemy. Some of us go about
+saying that Philip is negotiating with Sparta[n] for the overthrow of
+the Thebans and the breaking up of the free states; others, that he has
+sent ambassadors to the king;[n] others, that he is fortifying cities
+in Illyria. {49} We all go about inventing each his own tale. I quite
+believe, men of Athens, that he is intoxicated with the greatness of
+his successes, and entertains many such visions in his mind; for he
+sees that there are none to hinder him, and he is elated at his
+achievements. But I do not believe that he has chosen to act in such a
+way that the most foolish persons in Athens can know what he intends to
+do; for no persons are so foolish as newsmongers. {50} But if we
+dismiss all such tales, and attend only to the certainty--that the man
+is our enemy, that he is robbing us of our own, that he has insulted us
+for a long time, that all that we ever expected any one to do for us
+has proved to be against us, that the future is in our own hands, that
+if we will not fight him now in his own country we shall perhaps be
+obliged to do so in ours--if, I say, we are assured of this, then we
+shall have made up our minds aright, and shall be quit of idle words.
+For you have not to speculate what the future may be: you have only to
+be assured that the future must be evil, unless you give heed and are
+ready to do your duty.
+
+{51} Well, I have never yet chosen to gratify you by saying anything
+which I have not felt certain would be for your good; and to-day I have
+spoken freely and without concealment, just what I believe. I could
+wish to be as sure of the good that a speaker will gain by giving you
+the best advice as of that which you will gain by listening to him. I
+should then have been far happier than I am. As it is, I do not know
+what will happen to me, for what I have said: but I have chosen to
+speak in the sure conviction that if you carry out my proposals, it
+will be for your good; and may the victory rest with that policy which
+will be for the good of all!
+
+
+
+
+THE OLYNTHIAC ORATIONS (OR. I-III)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. It has already been noticed that when Philip took
+Amphipolis in 357 B.C., the Olynthians made overtures to the Athenians,
+with whom they had been at war for some years, and that, being
+rejected, they became allies of Philip, who gave them Anthemus and
+Poteidaea. In 352, alarmed at Philip's growing power, they once more
+applied to Athens. Peace was made, and negotiations began with regard
+to an alliance. In 351 Philip appeared in the territory of Olynthus. He
+did not, however, at once carry the invasion further, but took pains,
+during this year and the next, to foster a Macedonian party in the
+town. In 349 Philip virtually declared war on the Olynthians by
+demanding the surrender of his step-brother Arrhidaeus, who had taken
+refuge with them. The Olynthians again appealed to Athens; an alliance
+was made; Chares was sent with thirty ships and 2,000 mercenaries, but
+seems to have mismanaged the war by misfortune or by design. Probably
+he had been badly supplied with funds, and instead of helping Olynthus,
+resorted to acts of piracy to satisfy his men. The Macedonian troops
+proceeded to take Stageira and other towns of the Olynthian League,
+though Philip still professed to have no hostile intentions against
+Olynthus (see Phil. III, Sec. ii). Chares was recalled and put on his
+trial; and, probably in response to a further message from Olynthus,
+Charidemus was transferred thither from the Hellespont. With a
+considerable mercenary force at his disposal, Charidemus overran
+Pallene and Bottiaea, and did some damage to Philip's territory, but
+afterwards gave himself up to dissipation in Olynthus. In the meantime,
+some of the Thessalians had become restless under Philip's supremacy
+(see Olynth. I, Sec. 22, II, Sec. ii), and he was obliged to undertake an
+expedition to suppress the revolt, and to put down Peitholaus (who had
+apparently become tyrant of Pherae once more, though he had been
+expelled in 352). But early in 348 he appeared in person in Chalcidice,
+and took one after another of the towns of the League, including
+Mecyberna the port of Olynthus, and Torone. He thrice defeated the
+Olynthians in battle, and at last obtained possession of Olynthus
+itself by the treachery of Euthycrates and Lasthenes, the commanders of
+the Olynthian cavalry.
+
+Athens had probably been occupied during the early part of the year [1]
+with an expedition which she sent (against the advice of Demosthenes)
+to help Plutarchus of Eretria to repel attacks which were partly, at
+least, instigated by Philip; and in consequence she had done little for
+Olynthus, though on a request of the Olynthians for cavalry, she had
+ordered some of those which had been sent to Euboea to go to Olynthus,
+and these may have been the Athenians whom Philip captured in that
+city. The seventeen ships, 2,000 infantry, and 300 cavalry (all
+citizens), which Athens dispatched under Chares in response to a last
+urgent appeal from Olynthus, were delayed by storms and arrived too
+late. Philip entirely destroyed Olynthus and thirty-two other towns,
+sold their inhabitants into slavery, brought the whole of Chalcidice
+within the Macedonian Empire, and celebrated his conquests by a
+festival in honour of the Olympian Zeus at Dium.
+
+The First Olynthiac Oration was delivered before Olynthus itself was
+attacked or any other towns actually taken (Olynth. I, Sec. 17); and both
+the First and Second before the discontent with Philip in Thessaly had
+taken an active form (I, Sec. 22, II, Sec. 7). Both, that is, belong to the
+summer of 349, and the situation implied is very much the same in both.
+The First was perhaps spoken when the Olynthians first appealed to
+Athens in that year, before the mission of Chares; the Second, to
+counteract the effect of something which had caused despondency in
+Athens (possibly the conduct of the Athenian generals, or the account
+given by other orators of Philip's power). In both Demosthenes urges
+the importance of resisting Philip while he is still far away, and of
+sending, not mercenaries, but a citizen-army; and while hinting at what
+he regards as the true solution of the financial difficulty, proposes a
+special war-tax. The solution which he thinks the right one is more
+explicitly described in the Third Olynthiac, spoken (probably
+[Footnote: See note on Olynth. III, Section 4]) in the autumn of the
+same year, and certainly at a time when the situation had become much
+more grave. The root of the financial difficulty lay in the existence
+of a law which prohibited (evidently under severe penalties, Olynth.
+III, Section 12) any proposal to devote to military purposes that
+portion of the revenues which constituted the 'Festival' or 'Theoric
+Fund', and was for the most part distributed to the citizens to enable
+them to take part in the public festivals, and so join in fulfilling
+what was no doubt a religious duty as well as a pleasure. This
+particular form of expenditure is stated to have been introduced by the
+demagogue Agyrrhius in 394, when it revived in an extended form a
+distribution of theatre money instituted late in the fifth century by
+Cleophon; but the special law in question appears to have been of
+recent date (Olynth. III, Section 12), and was almost certainly the
+work of Eubulus and his party. Demosthenes himself proposes an
+extraordinary Legislative Commission, to repeal the mischievous laws
+and leave the way clear for financial reform. At the same time he
+attacks the whole policy of Eubulus, charging him with distributing
+doles without regard to public service, adding to the amenities of
+Athens instead of maintaining her honour in war, and enriching her
+politicians while degrading her people. The main object of the speech
+was unsuccessful; and just about this time (though whether before or
+after the speech is disputed) Apollodorus proposed that the people
+should decide whether the surplus revenues should go to the Festival
+Fund, or be applied to military purposes, and was heavily fined for the
+illegality of the proposal.
+
+The Three Olynthiacs rank high among the Orations of Demosthenes. Some
+passages, indeed, show that he had hardly as yet appreciated the genius
+of Philip, or the unlikelihood of his making a false move either
+through over-confidence or because he had come to the end of his
+resources. But the noble patriotism of the speaker, the lofty tone of
+his political reflections, the clearness of his diagnosis of the evils
+of his time, and the fearlessness of his appeal for loyal and united
+self-sacrifice, are nowhere more conspicuous.]
+
+
+THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC
+
+{1} I believe, men of Athens, that you would give a great sum to know
+what policy, in reference to the matter which you are now considering,
+will best serve the interests of the city, and since that is so, you
+ought to be ready and eager to listen to those who desire to give you
+their advice. For not only can you hear and accept any useful proposals
+which a speaker may have thought out before he came here; but such, I
+conceive, is your fortune, that the right suggestion will often occur
+to some of those present on the spur of the moment; and out of all
+these suggestions it should be easy for you to choose the most
+advantageous course.
+
+{2} The present time, men of Athens, seems almost to cry aloud that you
+must take matters into your own hands yonder, if you have any interest
+in a successful termination of the crisis: and yet our attitude appears
+to be--I do not know what. My own opinion, at all events, is that you
+should at once resolve to send this assistance; that you should prepare
+for the departure of the expedition at the first possible moment--you
+must not fall victims to the same error as before--and that you should
+dispatch an embassy to announce our intention, and to be present at the
+scene of action. {3} For what we have most to fear is this--that he,
+with his unscrupulous cleverness in taking advantage of
+circumstances--now, it may be, by making concessions; now by uttering
+threats, which he may well seem likely to fulfil; now by
+misrepresenting ourselves and our absence from the scene--may turn and
+wrest to his own advantage some of the vital elements of our power. {4}
+And yet it may fairly be said, men of Athens, that our best hope lies
+in that very circumstance which renders Philip's power so hard to
+grapple with. The fact that the entire control over everything, open or
+secret,[n] is concentrated in the hands of a single man; that he is at
+one and the same time general, master, and treasurer; that he is always
+present in person with his army--all this is a great advantage, in so
+far as military operations must be prompt and well-timed. But as
+regards the compact which he would so gladly make with the Olynthians,
+the effect is just the reverse. {5} For the Olynthians know well that
+they are not fighting now for honour and glory, nor for a strip of
+territory, but to avert the devastation and enslavement of their
+country. They know how he treated[n] those who betrayed to him their
+city at Amphipolis, and those who received him at Pydna; and it is, I
+imagine, universally true that tyranny is a faithless friend to a free
+state, and that most of all, when they occupy adjoining territories.
+{6} With this knowledge, men of Athens, and with all the reflections
+that the occasion calls for in your minds, I say that now, if ever
+before, you must make your resolve, rouse all your energies, and give
+your minds to the war: you must contribute gladly, you must go forth in
+person, you must leave nothing undone. There is no longer any reason or
+excuse remaining, which can justify you in refusing to do your duty.
+{7} For every one was but recently harping on the desirability of
+exciting Olynthus to war with Philip; and this has now come to pass of
+itself, and in the way which most completely suits your interests. Had
+they taken up the war because you had persuaded them to do so, their
+alliance might perhaps have been precarious, and their resolution might
+only have carried them a certain way. But now their detestation of
+Philip is based upon grievances which affect themselves; and we may
+suppose that a hostility which is occasioned by their own fears and
+sufferings will be a lasting one. {8} Since, therefore, men of Athens,
+such an opportunity has been thrown in your way, you must not let it
+go, nor fall victims to the mistake from which you have often suffered
+before. If, for instance, when we had returned from our expedition in
+aid of the Euboeans,[n] and Hierax and Stratocles came from Amphipolis
+and stood upon this platform and urged us to sail and take over the
+city; if, I say, we had continued to display in our own interest the
+eagerness which we displayed in the deliverance of the Euboeans, you
+would have kept Amphipolis then, and we should have been free from all
+the trouble that we have had since. {9} And again, when news kept
+coming of the investment of Pydna, Poteidaea, Methone, Pagasae, and all
+the other places--I will not stay to enumerate them all--if we had
+acted at once, and had gone to the rescue of the first place attacked,
+with the energy which we ought to have shown, we should now have found
+Philip much less proud and difficult to deal with. As it is, we are
+always sacrificing the present, always fancying that the future will
+turn out well of itself; and so we have raised Philip to a position of
+such importance as no king of Macedonia has ever before attained. {10}
+And now an opportunity has come to Athens, in this crisis at Olynthus,
+as great as any of those former ones: and I believe, men of Athens,
+that one who was to draw up a true account of the blessings which have
+been given us by the gods, would, in spite of much that is not as it
+should be, find great cause for thankfulness to them; and naturally so.
+For our many losses in the war must in fairness be set down to our own
+indifference; but that we did not suffer such losses long ago, and that
+an alliance has presented itself to us, which, if we will only take
+advantage of it, will act as a counterpoise to them--all this I, for
+one, should set down as a favour due to their goodness towards us. But
+it is, I imagine, in politics, as it is in money-making. {11} If a man
+is able to keep all that he gets, he is abundantly grateful to Fortune;
+but if he loses it all before he is aware, he loses with it his memory
+of Fortune's kindness. So it is in politics. When men have not made a
+right use of their opportunities, they do not remember any good that
+heaven may actually have granted them: for it is by the ultimate issue
+that men estimate all that they have enjoyed before. Therefore, men of
+Athens, you must pay the very utmost heed to the future, that by the
+better use you make of it, you may wipe out the dishonour of the past.
+{12} But if you sacrifice these men also, men of Athens, and Philip in
+consequence reduces Olynthus to subjection, I ask any of you to tell me
+what is to prevent him from marching where he pleases. Is there a man
+among you, men of Athens, who considers or studies the steps by which
+Philip, weak enough at first, has become so strong? First he took
+Amphipolis, next Pydna, then again Poteidaea, and then Methone. Next he
+set foot in Thessaly. {13} Then when Pherae, Pagasae, Magnesia[n] were
+secured for his purposes, just as it suited him, he departed to Thrace.
+In Thrace, after expelling one prince and setting up another, he fell
+ill. When he grew easier again, he showed no inclination to take things
+easily, but at once attacked the Olynthians[n]--and I am passing over
+his campaigns against the Illyrians and the Paeonians, against
+Arybbas,[n] and in every possible direction.
+
+{14} Why, I may be asked, do I mention these things at the present
+moment? I wish you to understand, men of Athens, and to realize these
+two points: first, the unprofitableness of perpetually sacrificing your
+interests one by one; and, secondly, the restless activity which is a
+part of Philip's very being, and which will not allow him to content
+himself with his achievements and remain at peace. For if it is to be
+his fixed resolve, that he must always be aiming at something greater
+than he has yet attained; and ours, that we will never set ourselves
+resolutely to work; ask yourselves what you can expect to be the end of
+the matter. {15} In God's name, is there one of you so innocent as not
+to know that the war will be transferred from Olynthus to Attica, if we
+pay no heed? But if that happens, men of Athens, I fear that we shall
+be like men who light-heartedly borrow at a high rate of interest, and
+after a brief period of affluence, lose even their original estate;
+that like them we shall find that our carelessness has cost us dear;
+that through making pleasure our standard in everything, we shall find
+ourselves driven to do many of those unpleasant things which we wished
+to avoid, and shall find our position even in our own country
+imperilled.
+
+{16} I may be told that it is easy to criticize--any one can do that;
+but that a political adviser is expected to offer some practical
+proposal to meet the existing situation. Now I am well aware, men of
+Athens, that in the event of any disappointment, it is not upon those
+who are responsible that your anger falls, but upon those who have
+spoken last upon the subject in question. Yet I do not think that
+consideration for my own safety should lead me to conceal my conviction
+as to the course which your interests demand. {17} I say then that
+there are two things which you must do to save the situation. You must
+rescue these towns [n] for the Olynthians, and send troops to
+accomplish this: and you must damage Philip's country with your ships
+and with a second body of troops. {18} If you neglect either of these
+things, our campaign, I greatly fear, will be in vain. For suppose that
+you inflict damage on his country, and that he allows you to do so,
+while he reduces Olynthus; he will have no difficulty in repelling you
+when he returns. Suppose, on the other hand, that you only go to the
+help of Olynthus; he will see that he has nothing to fear at home, and
+so he will sit down before the town and remain at his task, until time
+enables him to get the better of the besieged. The expedition,
+therefore, must be large, and it must be in two parts.
+
+Such is my view with regard to the expedition. {19} As to the sources
+of supply, you have funds, men of Athens--funds larger than any one
+else in the world; but you appropriate these without scruple, just as
+you choose. Now if you will assign these to your troops, you need no
+further supplies: otherwise, not only do you need further supplies--you
+are destitute of supplies altogether. 'Well' (does someone say?), 'do
+you move that this money should form a war-fund?' I assure you that I
+make no such motion. {20} For while I do indeed believe that a force
+ought to be made ready [and that this money should form a war-fund],
+and that the receipt of money should be connected, as part of one and
+the same system, with the performance of duty; you, on the contrary,
+think it right to take the money, after your present fashion, for your
+festivals, and spare yourselves trouble. And therefore, I suppose, our
+only resource is a general tax--larger or smaller, according to the
+amount required. In any case, we need funds, and without funds nothing
+can be done that we ought to do. Various other sources of supply are
+suggested by different persons. Choose whichever you think best of
+these, and get to work, while you have the opportunity.
+
+{21} It is worth while to remember and to take into account the nature
+of Philip's position at this moment. For neither are his affairs at
+present in such good order, or in so perfectly satisfactory a state, as
+might appear to any but a careful observer; nor would he ever have
+commenced this present war, if he had thought that he would really have
+to fight. He hoped at first that by his mere advance he would carry all
+before him; and he has since discovered his mistake. This
+disappointment, then, is the first thing which disturbs him and causes
+him great despondency: {22} and next there is the disposition of the
+Thessalians, naturally inconstant as we know it has always been found
+by all men; and what it has always been, that, in the highest degree,
+Philip finds it now. For they have formally resolved to demand from him
+the restitution of Pagasae; they have prevented him from fortifying
+Magnesia, and I myself heard it stated that they intend even to refuse
+him the enjoyment of their harbour and market dues for the future.
+These, they say, should go to maintain the public administration of
+Thessaly, instead of being taken by Philip. But if he is deprived of
+these funds, the resources from which he must maintain his mercenaries
+will be reduced to the narrowest limits. {23} Nay, more: we must surely
+suppose that the chieftains of the Paeonians and Illyrians, and in fact
+all such personages--would prefer freedom to slavery; for they are not
+accustomed to obey orders, and the man, they say, is a bully. Heaven
+knows, there is nothing incredible in the statement. Unmerited success
+is to foolish minds a fountain-head of perversity, so that it is often
+harder for men to keep the good they have, than it was to obtain it.
+{24} It is for you then, men of Athens, to regard his difficulty as
+your opportunity, to take up your share of the burden with readiness,
+to send embassies to secure all that is required, to join the forces
+yourselves, and to stir up every one else to do so. Only consider what
+would happen, if Philip got such an opportunity to strike at us, and
+there was war on our frontier. Can you not imagine how readily he would
+march against us? Does it arouse no shame in you, that, when you have
+the opportunity, you should not dare to do to him even as much as you
+would have to suffer, were he able to inflict it?
+
+{25} There is a further point, men of Athens, which must not escape
+you. I mean that you have now to choose whether you are to carry on war
+yonder, or whether he is to do so in your own country. If the
+resistance of Olynthus is maintained, you will fight there and will
+inflict damage on Philip's territory, while you remain secure in the
+enjoyment of this land of your own which you now possess. But if Philip
+captures Olynthus, who is to hinder him from marching to Athens? The
+Thebans? {26} It seems, I fear, too bitter a thing to say; but they
+will be glad to join him in the invasion. The Phocians? They cannot
+protect their own country, unless you go to their aid, or some other
+power. 'But, my good Sir,'[n] you say, 'he will not want to march
+here.' And yet it would be one of the strangest things in the world,
+if, when he has the power, he does not carry out the threats, which he
+now blurts out in spite of the folly that they show. {27} But I suppose
+that I need not even point out how vast is the difference between war
+here and war in his country. For had you to camp outside the walls
+yourselves, for only thirty days, and to take from the country such
+things as men in camp must have--and I am assuming that there is no
+enemy in the country--I believe that the loss your farmers would suffer
+would exceed your whole expenditure on the war up to the present time.
+What then must we think will be the extent of our loss, if ever war
+comes to our doors? And besides the loss there is his insolence, and
+the shame of our position, which to right-minded men is as serious as
+any loss.
+
+{28} When you take a comprehensive view of these things you must all go
+to the rescue and stave the war off yonder; you who are well-to-do, in
+order that, with a small expense in defence of the great fortunes which
+you quite rightly enjoy, you may reap the benefit of the remainder
+without fear; you who are of military age, that you may gain your
+experience of war in Philip's country, and so become formidable
+guardians of a fatherland unspoiled; and your orators, that they may
+find it easy to render an account of their public life; for your
+judgement upon their conduct will itself depend upon the position in
+which you find yourselves. And may that be a happy one, on every ground!
+
+
+THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC
+
+{1} Many as are the occasions, men of Athens, on which we may discern
+the manifestation of the goodwill of Heaven towards this city, one of
+the most striking is to be seen in the circumstances of the present
+time. For that men should have been found to carry on war against
+Philip; men whose territory borders on his and who possess some power;
+men, above all, whose sentiments in regard to the war are such that
+they think of the proposed compact with him, not only as untrustworthy,
+but as the very ruin of their country--this seems to be certainly the
+work of a superhuman, a divine, beneficence. {2} And so, men of Athens,
+we must take care that we do not treat ourselves less well than
+circumstances have treated us. For it is a shameful thing--nay, it is
+the very depth of shame--to throw away openly, not only cities and
+places which were once in our power, but even the allies and the
+opportunities which have been provided for us by Fortune.
+
+{3} Now to describe at length the power of Philip, men of Athens, and
+to incite you to the performance of your duty by such a recital, is
+not, I think, a satisfactory proceeding; and for this reason--that
+while all that can be said on this subject tends to Philip's glory, it
+is a story of failure on our part. For the greater the extent to which
+his success surpasses his deserts, the greater is the admiration with
+which the world regards him; while, for your part, the more you have
+fallen short of the right use of your opportunities, the greater is the
+disgrace that you have incurred. {4} I will therefore pass over such
+considerations. For any honest inquirer must see that the causes of
+Philip's rise to greatness lie in Athens, and not in himself. Of the
+services for which he has to thank those whose policy is determined by
+his interest--services for which you ought to require their
+punishment--the present is not, I see, the moment to speak. But apart
+from these, there are things which may be said, and which it is better
+that you should all have heard--things which (if you will examine them
+aright) constitute a grave reproach against him; and these I will try
+to tell you.
+
+{5} If I called him perjured and faithless, without giving his actions
+in evidence, my words would be treated as idle abuse, and rightly: and
+it happens that to review all his actions up to the present time, and
+to prove the charge in every case, requires only a short speech. It is
+well, I think, that the story should be told, for it will serve two
+purposes; first, to make plain the real badness of the man's character;
+and secondly, to let those who are over-alarmed at Philip, as if he
+were invincible, see that he has come to the end of all those forms of
+deceit by which he rose to greatness, and that his career is already
+drawing to its close. {6} For I, too, men of Athens, should be
+regarding Philip with intense fear and admiration, if I saw that his
+rise was the result of a righteous policy. {7} But when I study and
+consider the facts, I find that originally, when certain persons wished
+to drive from your presence the Olynthians who desired to address you
+from this place, Philip won over our innocent minds by saying that he
+would deliver up Amphipolis to us, and by inventing the famous secret
+understanding; that he afterwards conciliated the Olynthians by seizing
+Poteidaea, which was yours, and injuring their former allies by handing
+it over to themselves; and that, last of all, he recently won over the
+Thessalians, by promising to give up Magnesia to them, and undertaking
+to carry on the war with the Phocians on their behalf. There is
+absolutely no one who has ever had dealings with him that he has not
+deluded; and it is by deceiving and winning over, one after another,
+those who in their blindness did not realize what he was, that he has
+risen as he has done. {8} And therefore, just as it was by these
+deceptions that he rose to greatness, in the days when each people
+fancied that he intended to do some service to themselves; so it is
+these same deceptions which should drag him down again, now that he
+stands convicted of acting for his own ends throughout. Such, then, is
+the crisis, men of Athens, to which Philip's fortunes have now come. If
+it is not so, let any one come forward and show me (or rather you) that
+what I say is untrue; or that those who have been deceived at the
+outset trust him as regards the future; or that those who have been
+brought into unmerited bondage would not gladly be free.
+
+{9} But if any of you, while agreeing with me so far, still fancies
+that Philip will maintain his hold by force, because he has already
+occupied fortified posts and harbours and similar positions, he is
+mistaken. When power is cemented by goodwill, and the interest of all
+who join in a war is the same, then men are willing to share the
+labour, to endure the misfortunes, and to stand fast. But when a man
+has become strong, as Philip has done, by a grasping and wicked policy,
+the first excuse, the least stumble, throws him from his seat and
+dissolves the alliance. {10} It is impossible, men of Athens, utterly
+impossible, to acquire power that will last, by unrighteousness, by
+perjury, and by falsehood. Such power holds out for a moment, or for a
+brief hour; it blossoms brightly, perhaps, with fair hopes; but time
+detects the fraud, and the flower falls withered about its stem. In a
+house or a ship, or any other structure, it is the foundations that
+must be strongest; and no less, I believe, must the principles, which
+are the foundation of men's actions, be those of truth and
+righteousness. Such qualities are not to be seen to-day in the past
+acts of Philip.
+
+{11} I say, then, that we should help the Olynthians; and the best and
+quickest method which can be proposed is the method which I approve.
+Further, we should send an embassy to the Thessalians--to some, to
+inform them of our intention; to others, to spur them on; for even now
+they have resolved to demand the restitution of Pagasae, and to make
+representations in regard to Magnesia. {12} Take care, however, men of
+Athens, that our envoys may not only have words to speak, but also
+actions of yours to point to. Let it be seen that you have gone forth
+in a manner that is worthy of Athens, and are already in action. Words
+without the reality must always appear a vain and empty thing, and
+above all when they come from Athens; for the more we seem to excel in
+the glib use of such language, the more it is distrusted by every one.
+{13} The change, then, which is pointed out to them must be great, the
+conversion striking. They must see you paying your contributions,
+marching to war, doing everything with a will, if any of them is to
+listen to you. And if you resolve to accomplish all this in very deed,
+as it should be accomplished, not only will the feeble and
+untrustworthy nature of Philip's alliances be seen, but the weakness of
+his own empire and power will also be detected.
+
+{14} The power and empire of Macedonia is, indeed, to speak generally,
+an element which tells considerably as an addition to any other power.
+You found it so when it helped you against the Olynthians in the days
+of Timotheus;[n] the Olynthians in their turn found its help of some
+value, in combination with their own strength, against Poteidaea; and
+it has recently come to the aid of the Thessalians, in their disordered
+and disturbed condition, against the ruling dynasty: and wherever even
+a small addition is made to a force, it helps in every way. {15} But in
+itself the Macedonian Empire is weak and full of manifold evils. Philip
+has in fact rendered his own tenure of it even more precarious than it
+naturally was, by these very wars and campaigns which might be supposed
+to prove his power. For you must not imagine, men of Athens, that
+Philip and his subjects delight in the same things. Philip has a
+passion for glory--that is his ambition; and he has deliberately chosen
+to risk the consequences of a life of action and danger, preferring the
+glory of achieving more than any King of Macedonia before him to a life
+of security. {16} But his subjects have no share in the honour and
+glory. Constantly battered about by all these expeditions, up and down,
+they are vexed with incessant hardships: they are not suffered to
+pursue their occupations or attend to their own affairs: for the little
+that they produce, as best they can, they can find no market, the
+trading stations of the country being closed on account of the war.
+{17} From these facts it is not difficult to discover the attitude of
+the Macedonians in general towards Philip; and as for the mercenaries
+and Infantry of the Guard who surround him, though they have the
+reputation of being a fine body of well-drilled warriors, I am told by
+a man who has been in Macedonia, and who is incapable of falsehood,
+that they are no better than any other body of men. {18} Granted that
+there may be experienced campaigners and fighters among them; yet, he
+tells me, Philip is so jealous of honour, that he thrusts all such men
+away from him, in his anxiety to get the credit of every achievement
+for himself; for in addition to all his other qualities, his jealousy
+is insurpassable. On the other hand, any generally temperate or upright
+man, who cannot endure the dissolute life there, day by day, nor the
+drunkenness and the lewd revels, is thrust on one side and counts for
+nothing. {19} Thus he is left with brigands and flatterers, and men
+who, when in their cups, indulge in dances of a kind which I shrink
+from naming to you now. And it is evident that this report is true; for
+men whom every one tried to drive out of Athens, as far viler than even
+the very juggler in the street--Callias the public slave and men like
+him, players of farces, composers of indecent songs, written at the
+expense of their companions in the hope of raising a laugh--these are
+the men he likes and keeps about him. {20} You may think that these are
+trivial things, men of Athens: but they are weighty, in the judgement
+of every right-minded man, as illustrations of the temper with which
+Philip is cursed. At present, I suppose, these facts are overshadowed
+by his continual prosperity. Success has a wonderful power of throwing
+a veil over shameful things like these. But let him only stumble, and
+then all these features in his character will be displayed in their
+true light. And I believe, men of Athens, that the revelation is not
+far off, if Heaven be willing and you desirous of it. {21} So long as a
+man is in good health, he is unconscious of any weakness; but if any
+illness comes upon him, the disturbance affects every weak point, be it
+a rupture or a sprain or anything else that is unsound in his
+constitution. And as with the body, so it is with a city or a tyrant.
+So long as they are at war abroad, the mischief is hidden from the
+world at large, but the close grapple of war on the frontier brings all
+to light.
+
+{22} Now if any of you, men of Athens, seeing Philip's good fortune,
+thinks that this makes him a formidable enemy to fight against, he
+reasons like a sensible man: for fortune weighs heavily in the
+scale--nay, fortune is everything, in all human affairs. And yet, if I
+were given the choice, it is the fortune of Athens that I should
+choose, rather than that of Philip, provided that you yourselves are
+willing to act even to a small extent as you should act. For I see that
+there are far more abundant grounds for expecting the goodwill of
+Heaven on your side than on his. {23} But here, of course, we are
+sitting idle; and one who is a sluggard himself cannot require his
+friends to help him, much less the gods. It is not to be wondered at
+that Philip, who goes on campaigns and works hard himself, and is
+always at the scene of action, and lets no opportunity go, no season
+pass, should get the better of us who delay and pass resolutions and
+ask for news; nor do I wonder at it. It is the opposite that would have
+been wonderful--if we, who do nothing that those who are at war ought
+to do, were successful against one who leaves nothing undone. {24} But
+this I do wonder at, that you who once raised your hand against Sparta,
+in defence of the rights of the Hellenes--you, who with opportunities
+often open to you for grasping large advantages for yourselves, would
+not take them, but to secure for others their rights spent your own
+fortunes in war-contributions, and always bore the brunt of the dangers
+of the campaign--that you, I say, are now shrinking from marching, and
+hesitating to make any contribution to save your own possessions; and
+that, though you have often saved the rest of the Hellenes, now all
+together and now each in their turn, you are sitting idle, when you
+have lost what was your own. {25} I wonder at this; and I wonder also,
+men of Athens, that none of you is able to reckon up the time during
+which you have been fighting with Philip, and to consider what you have
+been doing while all this time has been going by. Surely you must know
+that it is while we have been delaying, hoping that some one else would
+act, accusing one another, bringing one another to trial, hoping
+anew--in fact, doing practically what we are doing now--that all the
+time has passed. {26} And have you now so little sense, men of Athens,
+as to hope that the very same policy, which has made the position of
+the city a bad one instead of a good, will actually make it a good one
+instead of a bad? Why, it is contrary both to reason and to nature to
+think so! It is always much easier to retain than to acquire. But now,
+owing to the war, none of our old possessions is left for us to retain;
+and so we must needs acquire. {27} This, therefore, is our own personal
+and immediate duty; and accordingly I say that you must contribute
+funds, you must go on service in person with a good will, you must
+accuse no one before you have become masters of the situation; and then
+you must honour those who deserve praise, and punish the guilty, with a
+judgement based upon the actual facts. You must get rid of all excuses
+and all deficiencies on your own part; you cannot examine mercilessly
+the actions of others, unless you yourselves have done all that your
+duty requires. {28} For why is it, do you think, men of Athens, that
+all the generals whom you dispatch avoid this war,[n] and discover
+private wars of their own--if a little of the truth must be told even
+about the generals? It is because in this war the prizes for which the
+war is waged are yours, and if they are captured, you will take them
+immediately for your own; but the dangers are the personal privilege of
+your commanders, and no pay is forthcoming: while in those wars the
+dangers are less, and the profits--Lampsacus, Sigeum, and the ships
+which they plunder--go to the commanders and their men. Each force
+therefore takes the road that leads to its own advantage. {29} For your
+part, when you turn your attention to the serious condition of your
+affairs, you first bring the commanders to trial; and then, when you
+have given them a hearing, and have been told of the difficulties which
+I have described, you acquit them. The result, therefore, is that while
+you are quarrelling with one another and broken into factions-one party
+persuaded of this, another of that--the public interest suffers. You
+used, men of Athens, to pay taxes by Boards:[n] to-day you conduct your
+politics by Boards. On either side there is an orator as leader, and a
+general under him; and for the Three Hundred, there are those who come
+to shout. The rest of you distribute yourselves between the two
+parties, some on either side. {30} This system you must give up: you
+must even now become your own masters; you must give to all alike their
+share in discussion, in speech and in action. If you assign to one body
+of men the function of issuing orders to you, like tyrants; to another,
+that of compulsory service as trierarchs or tax-payers or soldiers; and
+to another, only that of voting their condemnation, without taking any
+share in the labour, nothing that ought to be done will be done in
+time. For the injured section will always be in default, and you will
+only have the privilege of punishing them instead of the enemy. {31} To
+sum up, all must contribute, each according to his wealth, in a fair
+proportion: all must go on active service in turn, until you have all
+served: you must give a hearing to all who come forward, and choose the
+best course out of all that you hear--not the course proposed by this
+or that particular person. If you do this, you will not only commend
+the proposer of that course at the time, but you will commend
+yourselves hereafter, for the whole position of your affairs will be a
+better one.
+
+
+THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC
+
+{1} Very different reflections suggest themselves to my mind, I men of
+Athens, when I turn my eyes to our real situation, and when I think of
+the speeches that I hear. For I observe that the speeches are all
+concerned with the taking of vengeance upon Philip; whereas in reality
+matters have gone so far, that we have to take care that we are not
+ourselves the first to suffer: so that those who speak of vengeance are
+actually, as it seems to me, suggesting to you a false conception of
+the situation which you are discussing. {2} That there was a time when
+the city could both keep her own possessions in safety, and punish
+Philip, I am very well aware. For it was not long ago, but within my
+own lifetime, that both these things were so. But I am convinced that
+it is now quite enough for us as a first step to make sure of the
+preservation of our allies. If this is safely secured, we shall then be
+able to consider upon whom vengeance is to fall, and in what way. But
+until the first step is properly conceived, I consider it idle to say
+anything whatever about the last.
+
+{3} If ever the most anxious deliberation was required, it is required
+in the present crisis; and my greatest difficulty is not to know what
+is the proper advice to give you in regard to the situation: I am at a
+loss rather to know, men of Athens, in what manner I should address you
+in giving it. For I am convinced by what I have heard with my own ears
+in this place that, for the most part, the objects of our policy have
+slipped from our grasp, not because we do not understand what our duty
+is, but because we will not do it; and I ask you to suffer me, if I
+speak without reserve, and to consider only whether I speak truly, and
+with this object in view--that the future may be better than the past.
+For you see that it is because certain speakers make your gratification
+the aim of their addresses, that things have gone on getting worse,
+till at last the extremity has been reached.
+
+{4} I think it necessary, first, to remind you of a few of the events
+which have taken place. You remember, men of Athens, that two or three
+years ago[n] the news came that Philip was in Thrace, besieging Heraeon
+Teichos. That was in the month of November. Amidst all the discussion
+and commotion which took place in this Assembly, you passed a
+resolution that forty warships should be launched, that men under
+forty-five years of age should embark in person, and that we should pay
+a war-tax of 60 talents. {5} That year came to an end, and there
+followed July, August, September. In the latter month, after the
+Mysteries,[n] and with reluctance, you dispatched Charidemus[n] with
+ten ships, carrying no soldiers, and 5 talents of silver. For so soon
+as news had come that Philip was sick or dead--both reports were
+brought--you dismissed the armament, men of Athens, thinking that there
+was no longer any occasion for the expedition. But it was the very
+occasion; for had we then gone to the scene of action with the same
+enthusiasm which marked our resolution to do so, Philip would not have
+been preserved to trouble us to-day. {6} What was done then cannot be
+altered. But now a critical moment in another campaign has arrived; and
+it is in view of this, and to prevent you from falling into the same
+error, that I have recalled these facts. How then shall we use this
+opportunity, men of Athens? For unless you will go to the rescue 'with
+might and main to the utmost of your power',[n] mark how in every
+respect you will have served Philip's interest by your conduct of the
+war. {7} At the outset the Olynthians possessed considerable strength,
+and such was the position of affairs, that neither did Philip feel safe
+against them, nor they against Philip. We made peace with them, and
+they with us. It was as it were a stumbling-block in Philip's path, and
+an annoyance to him, that a great city which had made a compact with us
+should sit watching for any opportunity he might offer. We thought that
+we ought to excite them to war with him by every means; and now this
+much-talked-of event has come to pass--by what means, I need not
+relate. {8} What course then is open to us, men of Athens, but to go to
+their aid resolutely and eagerly? I can see none. Apart from the shame
+in which we should be involved, if we let anything be lost through our
+negligence, I can see, men of Athens, that the subsequent prospect
+would be alarming in no small degree, when the attitude of the Thebans
+towards us is what it is, when the funds of the Phocians are
+exhausted,[n] and when there is no one to prevent Philip, so soon as he
+has made himself master of all that at present occupies him, from
+bringing his energies to bear upon the situation further south. {9} But
+if any of you is putting off until then his determination to do his
+duty, he must be desirous of seeing the terrors of war close at hand,
+when he need only hear of them at a distance, and of seeking helpers
+for himself, when now he can give help to others. For that this is what
+it must come to, if we sacrifice the present opportunity, we must all,
+I think, be fairly well aware.
+
+{10} 'But,' some one may say, 'we have all made up our minds that we
+must go to their aid, and we will go. Only tell us how we are to do
+it.' Now do not be surprised, men of Athens, if I give an answer which
+will be astonishing to most of you. You must appoint a Legislative
+Commission.[n] But when the commissioners meet, you must not enact a
+single law--you have laws enough--you must cancel the laws which, in
+view of present circumstances, are injurious to you. {11} I mean the
+laws which deal with the Festival Fund--to put it quite plainly--and
+some of those which deal with military service: for the former
+distribute your funds as festival-money to those who remain at home;
+while the latter give immunity to malingerers,[n] and thereby also take
+the heart out of those who want to do their duty. When you have
+cancelled these laws, and made the path safe for one who would give the
+best advice, then you can look for some one to propose what you all
+know to be expedient. {12} But until you have done this, you must not
+expect to find a man who will be glad to advise you for the best, and
+be ruined by you for his pains; for you will find no one, particularly
+when the only result will be that some unjust punishment will be
+inflicted on the proposer or mover of such measures, and that instead
+of helping matters at all, he will only have made it even more
+dangerous in future than it is at present to give you the best advice.
+Aye, and you should require the repeal of these laws, men of Athens,
+from the very persons who proposed them.[n] {13} It is not fair that
+those who originally proposed them should enjoy the popularity which
+was fraught with such mischief to the whole State, and that the
+unpopularity, which would lead to an improvement in the condition of us
+all, should be visited to his cost upon one who now advises you for the
+best. Until you have thus prepared the way, men of Athens, you must
+entertain no expectation whatever that any one will be influential
+enough here to transgress these laws with impunity, or senseless enough
+to fling himself to certain ruin.
+
+{14} At the same time, men of Athens, you must not fail to realize this
+further point. No resolution is worth anything, without the willingness
+to perform at least what you have resolved, and that heartily. For if
+decrees by themselves could either compel you to do what you ought, or
+could realize their several objects unaided, you would not be decreeing
+many things and performing few--nay, none--of the things that you
+decree, nor would Philip have insulted you so long. {15} If decrees
+could have done it, he would have paid the penalty long ago. But it is
+not so. Actions come later than speeches and voting in order of
+procedure, but in effectiveness they are before either and stronger
+than either. It is action that is still needed; all else you already
+have. For you have those among you, men of Athens, who can tell you
+what your duty is; and no one is quicker than you are to understand the
+speaker's bidding. Aye, and you will be able to carry it out even now,
+if you act aright. {16} What time, what opportunity, do you look for,
+better than the present? When, if not now, will you do your duty? Has
+not the man seized every position from us already? If he becomes master
+of this country too, will not our fate be the most shameful in the
+world? And the men whom we promised to be ready to save, if they went
+to war--are they not now at war? {17} Is he not our enemy? Are not our
+possessions in his hands? Is he not a barbarian? Is he not anything
+that you choose to call him? In God's name, when we have let everything
+go, when we have all but put everything into his hands, shall we then
+inquire at large who is responsible for it all? That we shall never
+admit our own responsibility, I am perfectly sure. Just so amid the
+perils of war, none of those who have run away accuses himself; he
+accuses his general, his neighbour--any one but himself; and yet, I
+suppose, all who have run away have helped to cause the defeat. He who
+now blames the rest might have stood fast; and if every one had done
+so, the victory would have been theirs. {18} And so now, if a
+particular speaker's advice is not the best, let another rise and make
+a proposal, instead of blaming him; and if some other has better advice
+to give, carry it out, and good fortune be with you. What? Is the
+advice disagreeable? That is no longer the speaker's fault--unless, of
+course, he leaves out the prayer that you expect of him. There is no
+difficulty in the prayer, men of Athens; a man need only compress all
+his desires into a short sentence. But to make his choice, when the
+question for discussion is one of practical policy, is by no means
+equally easy. _Then_ a man is bound to choose what is best, instead of
+what is pleasant, if both are not possible at once. {19} But suppose
+that some one is able, without touching the Festival Fund, to suggest
+other sources of supply for military purposes--is not he the better
+adviser? Certainly, men of Athens--if such a thing _is_ possible. But I
+should be surprised if it ever has happened or ever should happen to
+any one to find, after spending what he has upon wrong objects, that
+what he has _not_ is wealth enough to enable him to effect right ones.
+Such arguments as these find, I think, their great support in each
+man's personal desire, and, for that reason, nothing is easier than to
+deceive oneself; what a man desires, he actually fancies to be true.
+{20} But the reality often follows no such principle. Consider the
+matter, therefore, men of Athens, after this fashion; consider in what
+way our objects can be realized under the circumstances, and in what
+way you will be able to make the expedition and to receive your pay.
+Surely it is not like sober or high-minded men to submit
+light-heartedly to the reproach which must follow upon any shortcomings
+in the operations of the war through want of funds--to seize your
+weapons and march against Corinthians and Megareans,[n] and then to
+allow Philip to enslave Hellenic cities, because you cannot find
+rations for your troops.
+
+{21} These words do not spring from a wanton determination to court the
+ill-will of any party among you. I am neither so foolish nor so
+unfortunate as to desire unpopularity when I do not believe that I am
+doing any good. But a loyal citizen ought, in my judgement, to care
+more for the safety of his country's fortunes than for the popularity
+of his utterances. Such, I have heard, and perhaps you have heard it
+also, was the principle which the orators of our forefather's time
+habitually followed in public life--those orators who are praised by
+all who rise to address you, though they are far from imitating
+them--the great Aristides, and Nicias, and my own namesake, and
+Pericles. {22} But ever since these speakers have appeared who are
+always asking you, 'what would you like?' 'what may I propose for you?'
+'what can I do to please you?' the interests of the city have been
+wantonly given away for the sake of the pleasure and gratification of
+the moment; and we see the consequences--the fortunes of the speakers
+prosper, while your own are in a shameful plight. {23} And yet
+consider, men of Athens, the main characteristics of the achievements
+of your forefathers' time, and those of your own. The description will
+be brief and familiar to you; for you need not have recourse to the
+history of others, when your own will furnish examples, by following
+which you may achieve prosperity. {24} Our forefathers, who were not
+courted and caressed by their politicians as you are by these persons
+to-day, were leaders of the Hellenes, with their goodwill, for
+forty-five years;[n] they brought up into the Acropolis more than
+10,000 talents; the king[n] who then ruled Macedonia obeyed them as a
+foreigner ought to obey a Hellenic people; serving in person, they set
+up many glorious trophies for victories by land and sea; and alone of
+all mankind they left behind them, as the crown of their exploits, a
+fame that is beyond the reach of envy. {25} Such was the part they
+played in the Hellenic world: and now contemplate the manner of men
+they were in the city, both in public and in private life. As public
+men, they gave us buildings and objects of such beauty and grandeur, in
+the temples which they built and the offerings which they dedicated in
+them, that no room has been left for any of those that come after to
+surpass them: while in private life they were so modest, {26} so
+intensely loyal to the spirit of the constitution, that if any one
+actually knows what the house of Aristides, or Miltiades, or any other
+of the glorious men of that day, is like, he can see that it is no more
+imposing than those of their neighbours. For it was not to win a
+fortune that they undertook affairs of State; but each thought it his
+duty to add to the common weal. And thus, acting in a spirit of good
+faith towards the Hellenes, of piety towards the gods, and of equality
+towards one another, they naturally attained great prosperity. {27}
+Such was the national life of those times, when those whom I have
+mentioned were the foremost men in the State. How do matters stand
+to-day, thanks to these worthy persons? Is there any likeness, any
+resemblance, to old times? Thanks to them (and though I might say much,
+I pass over all but this), when we had the field, as you see,
+completely open to us--when the Spartans had been ruined,[n] and the
+Thebans had their hands full,[n] and no other power could seriously
+dispute the supremacy with us on the field of battle--when we could
+have retained our own possessions in safety, and have stood as umpires
+of the rights of others--we have been deprived of our own territory;
+{28} we have spent more than 1,500 talents to no good purpose; the
+allies whom we had gained in the war,[n] these persons have lost in
+time of peace; and we have trained Philip to be the powerful enemy to
+us that he is. Let any one rise and tell me how Philip has grown so
+strong, if we ourselves are not the source of his strength. {29} 'But,
+my good Sir,' you say, 'if we are badly off in these respects, we are
+at any rate better off at home.' And where is the proof of this? Is it
+in the whitewashing of the battlements, the mending of the roads, the
+fountains, and all such trumperies? Look then at the men whose policy
+gives you these things. Some of them who were poor have become rich;
+others, who were unknown to fame, have risen to honour; some of them
+have provided themselves with private houses more imposing than our
+public buildings; and the lower the fortunes of the city have fallen,
+the higher theirs have risen.
+
+{30} What is the cause of all these things? Why is it that all was well
+then, and all is amiss to-day? It is because then the people itself
+dared to act and to serve in the army; and so the people was master of
+its politicians; all patronage was in its own hands; any separate
+individual was content to receive from the people his share of honour
+or office or other emolument. The reverse is now the case. {31} All
+patronage is in the hands of the politicians, while you, the people,
+emasculated, stripped of money and allies, have been reduced to the
+position of servile supernumeraries, content if they give you
+distributions of festival-money, or organize a procession at the
+Boedromia;[n] and to crown all this bravery, you are expected also to
+thank them for giving you what is your own. They pen you up closely in
+the city; they entice you to these delights; they tame you till you
+come to their hand. {32} But a high and generous spirit can never, I
+believe, be acquired by men whose actions are mean and poor; for such
+as a man's practice is, such must his spirit be. And in all solemnity I
+should not be surprised if I suffered greater harm at your hands for
+telling you the things that I have told you, than the men who have
+brought them to pass. Even freedom of speech is not possible on all
+subjects in this place, and I wonder that it has been granted me to-day.
+
+{33} If, even now, you will rid yourselves of these habits, if you will
+resolve to join the forces and to act worthily of yourselves,
+converting the superfluities which you enjoy at home into resources to
+secure our advantage abroad, then it may be, men of Athens, it may be,
+that you will gain some great and final good, and will be rid of these
+your perquisites, which are like the diet that a physician gives a sick
+man--diet which neither puts strength into him nor lets him die. For
+these sums which you now share among yourselves are neither large
+enough to give you any adequate assistance, nor small enough to let you
+renounce them and go about your business; but these it is that[2]
+increase the indolence of every individual among you. {34} 'Is it,
+then, paid service that you suggest?'[n] some one will ask. I do, men
+of Athens; and a system for immediate enforcement which will embrace
+all alike; so that each, while receiving his share of the public funds
+may supply whatever service the State requires of him.[3] If we can
+remain at peace, then he will do better to stay at home, free from the
+necessity of doing anything discreditable through poverty. But if a
+situation like the present occurs, then supported by these same sums,
+he will serve loyally in person, in defence of his country. If a man is
+outside the military age, then let him take, in his place among the
+rest, that which he now receives irregularly and without doing any
+service, and let him act as an overseer and manager of business that
+must be done. {35} In short, without adding or subtracting anything,[n]
+beyond a small sum, and only removing the want of system, my plan
+reduces the State to order, making your receipt of payment, your
+service in the army or the courts, and your performance of any duty
+which the age of each of you allows, and the occasion requires, all
+part of one and the same system. But it has been no part of my proposal
+that we should assign the due of those who act to those who do nothing;
+that we should be idle ourselves and enjoy our leisure helplessly,
+listening to tales of victories won by somebody's mercenaries;[n] for
+this is what happens now. {36} Not that I blame one who is doing some
+part of your duty for you; but I require you to do for yourselves the
+things for which you honour others, and not to abandon the position
+which your fathers won through many a glorious peril, and bequeathed to
+you.
+
+I think I have told you all that, in my belief, your interest demands.
+May you choose the course which will be for the good of the city and of
+you all!
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] See notes to Speech on the Peace, Sec. 5. Some date the Euboean
+expedition and the sending of the cavalry one or two years earlier, and
+the whole chronology is much disputed; but there are strong arguments
+for the date (348) given in the text.
+
+[2] [Greek: esti tauta ta].
+
+[3] [Greek: touto parechae].
+
+
+
+
+ON THE PEACE (OR. V)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. After the fall of Olynthus in 348, the Athenians, on
+the proposal of Eubulus, sent embassies to the Greek States in the
+Peloponnese and elsewhere, to invite them to join in a coalition
+against Philip. Aeschines went for this purpose to Megalopolis, and did
+his best to counteract Philip's influence in Arcadia. When the
+embassies proved unsuccessful, it became clear that peace must be made
+on such terms as were possible. Philip himself was anxious for peace,
+since he wished to cross the Pass of Thermopylae without such
+opposition from Athens as he had encountered in 352, and to be free
+from the attacks of hostile ships upon his ports. Even before the fall
+of Olynthus, informal communications passed between himself and Athens
+(see Speech on Embassy, Secs. 12, 94, 315); and in consequence of these,
+Philocrates proposed and the Assembly passed a decree, under which ten
+ambassadors were appointed to go to Philip and invite him to send
+plenipotentiaries to Athens to conclude a peace. Demosthenes (who had
+strongly supported Philocrates) was among the ten, as well as Aeschines
+and Philocrates himself. Delighted with Philip's reception of them, and
+greatly attracted by his personality, the ambassadors returned with a
+letter from him, promising in general terms to confer great benefits
+upon Athens, if he were granted alliance as well as peace: in the
+meantime he undertook not to interfere with the towns allied to Athens
+in the Chersonese. Demosthenes proposed (in the Council, of which he
+was a member in the year 347-346) the usual complimentary resolution in
+honour of the ambassadors, and on his motion it was resolved to hold
+two meetings of the Assembly, on the 18th and 19th of the month
+Elaphebolion (i.e. probably just after the middle of April 346), when
+Philip's envoys would have arrived, to discuss the terms of peace. The
+envoys--Antipater, Parmenio, and Eurylochus--reached Athens shortly
+after this; and before the first of the two meetings was held, the
+Synod of the allies of Athens, now assembled in the city, agreed to
+peace on such terms as the Athenian people should decide, but added a
+proposal that it should be permitted to any Greek State to become a
+party to the Peace within three months. They said nothing of alliance.
+Of the two meetings of the Assembly, in view of the conflicting
+statements of Demosthenes and Aeschines, only a probable account can be
+given. At the first, Philocrates proposed that alliance as well as
+peace should be made by Athens and her allies with Philip and his
+allies, on the understanding that both parties should keep what they
+_de facto_ possessed--a provision entailing the renunciation by Athens
+of Amphipolis and Poteidaea; but that the Phocians and the people of
+Halus should be excluded. Aeschines opposed this strongly; and both he
+and Demosthenes claim to have supported the resolution of the allies,
+which would have given the excluded peoples a chance of sharing the
+advantage of the Peace. The feeling of the Assembly was with them,
+although the Phocians had recently insulted the Athenians by declining
+to give up to Proxenus (the Athenian admiral) the towns guarding the
+approaches to Thermopylae, which they had themselves offered to place
+in the hands of Athens. But Philocrates obtained the postponement of
+the decision till the next day. On the next day, if not before, it
+became plain that Philip's envoys would not consent to forgo the
+exclusion of the Phocians and Halus; but in order that the Assembly
+might be induced to pass the resolution, the clause expressly excluding
+them was dropped, and peace and alliance were made between Athens and
+Philip, each with their allies.[n] Even this was not secured before
+Aeschines and his friends had deprecated rash attempts to imitate the
+exploits of antiquity by continuing the war, and had explained that
+Philip could not openly accept the Phocians as allies, but that when
+the Peace was concluded, he would satisfy all the wishes of the
+Athenians in every way; while Eubulus threatened the people with
+immediate war, involving personal service and heavy taxation, unless
+they accepted Philocrates' decree. A few days afterwards the Athenians
+and the representatives of the allies took the oath to observe the
+Peace: nothing was said about the Phocians and Halus: Cersobleptes'
+representative was probably not permitted to swear with the rest. The
+same ten ambassadors as before were instructed to receive Philip's
+oath, and the oaths of his allies, to arrange for the ransom of
+prisoners, and generally to treat with Philip in the interests of
+Athens. Demosthenes urged his colleagues (and obtained an instruction
+from the Council to this effect) to sail at once, in order that Philip,
+who was now in Thrace, might not make conquests at the expense of
+Athens before ratifying the Peace; but they delayed at Oreus, went by
+land, instead of under the escort of Proxenus by sea, and only reached
+Pella (the Macedonian capital) twenty-three days after leaving Athens.
+Philip did not arrive for twenty-seven days more. By this time he had
+taken Cersobleptes prisoner, and captured Serrhium, Doriscus, and other
+Thracian towns, which were held by Athenian troops sent to assist
+Cersobleptes. Demosthenes was now openly at variance with his
+colleagues. He had no doubt realized the necessity of peace, but
+probably regarded the exclusion of the Phocians as unwarrantable, and
+thought that the policy of his colleagues must end in Philip's conquest
+of all Greece. At Pella he occupied himself in negotiations for the
+ransom of prisoners. After taking the oath, Philip kept the ambassadors
+with him until he had made all preparations for his march southward,
+and during this time he played with them and with the envoys from the
+other Greek States who were present at the same time. His intention of
+marching to Thermopylae was clear; but he seems to have led all alike
+to suppose that he would fulfil their particular wishes when he had
+crossed the Pass. The ambassadors accompanied him to Pherae, where the
+oath was taken by the representatives of Philip's allies; the Phocians,
+Halus, and Cersobleptes were excluded from the Peace. (Halus was taken
+by Philip's army shortly afterwards.) The ambassadors of Athens then
+returned homewards, bearing a letter from Philip, but did not arrive at
+Athens before Philip had reached Thermopylae. On their return
+Demosthenes denounced them before the Council, which refused them the
+customary compliments, and (on Demosthenes' motion) determined to
+propose to the people that Proxenus with his squadron should be ordered
+to go to the aid of the Phocians and to prevent Philip from crossing
+the Pass. When the Assembly met on the 16th of Scirophorion (shortly
+before the middle of July), Aeschines rose first, and announced in
+glowing terms the intention of Philip to turn round upon Thebes and to
+re-establish Thespiae and Plataeae; and hinted at the restoration to
+Athens of Euboea and Oropus. Then Philip's letter was read, containing
+no promises, but excusing the delay of the ambassadors as due to his
+own request. The Assembly was elated at the promises announced by
+Aeschines; Demosthenes' attempt to contradict the announcement failed;
+and on Philocrates' motion, it was resolved to extend the Peace and
+alliance with Philip to posterity, and to declare that if the Phocians
+refused to surrender the Temple of Delphi to the Amphictyons, Athens
+would take steps against those responsible for the refusal. Demosthenes
+refused to serve on the Embassy appointed to convey this resolution to
+Philip: Aeschines was appointed, but was too ill to start. The
+ambassadors set out, but within a few days returned with the news that
+the Phocian army had surrendered to Philip (its leader, Phalaecus, and
+his troops being allowed to depart to the Peloponnese). The surrender
+had perhaps been accelerated by the news of the Athenian resolution.
+The Assembly, in alarm lest Philip should march southwards, now
+resolved to take measures of precaution and defence, and to send the
+same ambassadors to Philip, to do what they could. They went, Aeschines
+among them, and arrived in the midst of the festivities with which
+Philip was celebrating the success of his plans. The invitation which
+Philip sent to Athens--to send a force to join his own, and to assist
+in settling the affairs of Phocis--was (on Demosthenes' advice)
+declined by the Assembly; and soon afterwards another letter from
+Philip expressed surprise at the unfriendly attitude taken up by the
+Athenians towards him. Philip next summoned the Amphictyonic Council
+(the legitimate guardians of the Delphian Temple, on whose behalf the
+Thebans and Thessalians, aided by Philip, were now at war with the
+Phocians): and the Council, in the absence of many of its members,
+resolved to transfer the votes of the Phocians in the Council-meeting
+to Philip, to break up the Phocian towns into villages, disarming their
+inhabitants and taking away their horses, to require them to repay the
+stolen treasure to the temple by instalments, and to pronounce a curse
+upon those actually guilty of sacrilege, which would render them liable
+to arrest anywhere. The destructive part of the sentence was rigorously
+executed by the Thebans. In order to punish the former supporters of
+the Phocians, the right to precedence in consulting the oracle was
+transferred from Athens to Philip, by order of the Council, and the
+Spartans were excluded from the temple: Orchomenus and Coroneia were
+destroyed and their inhabitants enslaved; and Thebes became absolute
+mistress of all Boeotia. The Pythian games (at Delphi) in September 346
+were celebrated under Philip's presidency; but both Sparta and Athens
+refused to send the customary deputation to them, and Philip
+accordingly sent envoys to Athens, along with representatives of the
+Amphictyons, to demand recognition for himself as an Amphictyonic
+power. Aeschines supported the demand, his argument being apparently to
+the effect that Philip had been forced to act as he had done by the
+Thebans and Thessalians; but the Assembly was very angry at the results
+(as they seemed to be) of Aeschines' diplomacy and the calamities of
+the Phocians; and it was only when Demosthenes, in the Speech on the
+Peace, advised compliance, that they were persuaded to give way. To
+have refused would have brought the united forces of the Amphictyonic
+States against Athens: and these she could not have resisted. It was
+therefore prudent to keep the Peace, though Demosthenes evidently
+regarded it only as an armistice.]
+
+
+{1} I see, men of Athens, that our present situation is one of great
+perplexity and confusion, for not only have many of our interests been
+sacrificed, so that it is of no use to make eloquent speeches about
+them; but even as regards what still remains to us, there is no general
+agreement in any single point as to what is expedient: some hold one
+view, and some another. {2} Perplexing, moreover, and difficult as
+deliberation naturally is, men of Athens, you have made it far more
+difficult. For while all the rest of mankind are in the habit of
+resorting to deliberation before the event, you do not do so until
+afterwards: and consequently, during the whole time that falls within
+my memory, however high a reputation for eloquence one who upbraids you
+for all your errors may enjoy, the desired results and the objects of
+your deliberation pass out of your grasp. {3} And yet I believe--and it
+is because I have convinced myself of this that I have risen--that if
+you resolve to abandon all clamour and contention, as becomes men who
+are deliberating on behalf of their country upon so great an issue, I
+shall be able to describe and recommend measures to you, by which the
+situation may be improved, and what we have sacrificed, recovered.
+
+{4} Now although I know perfectly well, men of Athens, that to speak to
+you about one's own earlier speeches, and about oneself, is a practice
+which is always extremely repaying, I feel the vulgarity and
+offensiveness of it so strongly, that I shrink from it even when I see
+that it is necessary. I think, however, that you will form a better
+judgement on the subject on which I am about to speak, if I remind you
+of some few of the things which I have said on certain previous
+occasions. {5} In the first place, men of Athens, when at the time of
+the disturbances in Euboea[n] you were being urged to assist
+Plutarchus, and to undertake an inglorious and costly campaign, I came
+forward first and unsupported to oppose this action, and was almost
+torn in pieces by those who for the sake of their own petty profits had
+induced you to commit many grave errors: and when only a short time had
+elapsed, along with the shame which you incurred and the treatment
+which you received--treatment such as no people in the world ever
+before experienced at the hands of those whom they went to
+assist--there came the recognition by all of you of the baseness of
+those who had urged you to this course, and of the excellence of my own
+advice. {6} Again, men of Athens, I observed that Neoptolemus[n] the
+actor, who was allowed freedom of movement everywhere on the ground of
+his profession, and was doing the city the greatest mischief, was
+managing and directing your communications with Philip in Philip's own
+interest: and I came forward and informed you; and that, not to gratify
+any private dislike or desire to misrepresent him, as subsequent events
+have made plain. {7} And in this case I shall not, as before, throw the
+blame on any speakers or defenders of Neoptolemus--indeed, he had no
+defenders; it is yourselves that I blame. For had you been watching
+rival tragedies in the theatre, instead of discussing the vital
+interests of a whole State, you could not have listened with more
+partiality towards him, or more prejudice against me. {8} And yet, I
+believe, you have all now realized that though, according to his own
+assertion, this visit to the enemy's country was paid in order that he
+might get in the debts owing to him there, and return with funds to
+perform his public service[n] here; though he was always repeating the
+statement that it was monstrous to accuse those who were transferring
+their means from Macedonia to Athens; yet, when the Peace had removed
+all danger, he converted his real estate here into money, and took
+himself off with it to Philip. {9} These then are two events which I
+have foretold--events which, because their real character was exactly
+and faithfully disclosed by me, are a testimony to the speeches which I
+have delivered. A third, men of Athens, was the following; and when I
+have given you this one instance, I will immediately proceed to the
+subject on which I have come forward to speak. When we returned from
+the Embassy, after receiving from Philip his oath to maintain the
+Peace, {10} there were some[n] who promised that Thespiae and
+Plataeae[n] would be repeopled, and said that if Philip became master
+of the situation, he would save the Phocians, and would break up the
+city of Thebes into villages; that Oropus would be yours, and that
+Euboea would be restored to you in place of Amphipolis--with other
+hopes and deceptions of the same kind, by which you were seduced into
+sacrificing the Phocians in a manner that was contrary to your interest
+and perhaps to your honour also. But as for me, you will find that
+neither had I any share in this deception, nor yet did I hold my peace.
+On the contrary, I warned you plainly, as, I know you remember, that
+_I_ had no knowledge and no expectations of this kind, and that I
+regarded such statements as nonsense.
+
+{11} All these plain instances of superior foresight on my part, men of
+Athens, I shall not ascribe to any cleverness, any boasted merits, of
+my own. I will not pretend that my foreknowledge and discernment are
+due to any causes but such as I will name; and they are two. The first,
+men of Athens, is that good fortune, which, I observe, is more powerful
+than all the cleverness and wisdom on earth. {12} The second is the
+fact that my judgement and reasoning are disinterested. No one can
+point to any personal gain in connexion with my public acts and words:
+and therefore I see what is to our interest undistorted, in the light
+in which the actual facts reveal it. But when you throw money into one
+scale of the balance, its weight carries everything with it; your
+judgement is instantly dragged down with it, and one who has acted so
+can no longer think soundly or healthily about anything.
+
+{13} Now there is one primary condition which must be observed by any
+one who would furnish the city with allies or contributions or anything
+else--he must do it without breaking the existing Peace: not because
+the Peace is at all admirable or creditable to you, but because,
+whatever its character, it would have been better, in the actual
+circumstances, that it should never have been made, than that having
+been made, it should now be broken through our action. For we have
+sacrificed many advantages which we possessed when we made it, and
+which would have rendered the war safer and easier for us then than it
+is now. {14} The second condition, men of Athens, is that we shall not
+draw on these self-styled Amphictyons,[n] who are now assembled, until
+they have an irresistible or a plausible reason for making a united war
+against us. My own belief is that if war broke out again between
+ourselves and Philip about Amphipolis or any such claim of our own, in
+which the Thessalians and Argives and Thebans had no interest, none of
+these peoples would go to war against us, least of all--{15} and let no
+one raise a clamour before he hears what I have to say--least of all
+the Thebans; not because they are in any pleasant mood towards us; not
+because they would not be glad to gratify Philip; but because they know
+perfectly well, however stupid one may think them,[n] that if war
+springs up between themselves and you, _they_ will get all the
+hardships of war for their share, while another will sit by, waiting to
+secure all the advantages; and they are not likely to sacrifice
+themselves for such a prospect, unless the origin and the cause of the
+war are such as concern all alike. {16} Nor again should we, in my
+opinion, suffer at all, if we went to war with Thebes on account of
+Oropus[n] or any other purely Athenian interest. For I believe that
+while those who would assist ourselves or the Thebans would give their
+aid if their ally's own country were invaded, they would not join
+either in an offensive campaign. For this is the manner of
+alliances--such, at least, as are worth considering; and the
+relationship is naturally of this kind. {17} The goodwill of each
+ally--whether it be towards ourselves or towards the Thebans--does not
+imply the same interest in our conquest of others as in our existence.
+Our continued existence they would all desire for their own sakes; but
+none of them would wish that through conquest either of us should
+become their own masters. What is it then that I regard with
+apprehension? What is it that we must guard against? I fear lest a
+common pretext should be supplied for the coming war, a common charge
+against us, which will appeal to all alike. {18} For if the Argives[n]
+and Messenians and Megalopolitans, and some of the other Peloponnesians
+who are in sympathy with them, adopt a hostile attitude towards us
+owing to our negotiations for peace with Sparta, and the belief that to
+some extent we are giving our approval to the policy which the Spartans
+have pursued: if the Thebans already (as we are told) detest us, and
+are sure to become even more hostile, because we are harbouring those
+whom they have exiled,[n] and losing no opportunity of displaying our
+ill-will towards them; {19} and the Thessalians, because we are
+offering a refuge to the Phocian fugitives;[n] and Philip, because we
+are preventing his admission to Amphictyonic rank; my fear is that,
+when each power has thus its separate reasons for resentment, they may
+unite in the war against us, with the decrees of the Amphictyons for
+their pretext: and so each may be drawn on farther than their several
+interests would carry them, just as they were in dealing with the
+Phocians. {20} For you doubtless realize that it was not through any
+unity in their respective ambitions, that the Thebans and Philip and
+the Thessalians all acted together just now. The Thebans, for instance,
+could not prevent Philip from marching through and occupying the
+passes, nor even from stepping in at the last moment to reap the credit
+of all that they themselves had toiled for.[n] {21} For, as it is,
+though the Thebans have gained something so far as the recovery of
+their territory is concerned, their honour and reputation have suffered
+shamefully, since it now appears as though they would have gained
+nothing, unless Philip had crossed the Pass. This was not what they
+intended. They only submitted to all this in their anxiety to obtain
+Orchomenus and Coroneia, and their inability to do so otherwise. {22}
+And as to Philip, some persons,[n] as you know, are bold enough to say
+that it was not from any wish to do so that he handed over Orchomenus
+and Coroneia to Thebes, but from compulsion; and although I must part
+company with them there, I am sure that at least he did not want to do
+this _more_ than he desired to occupy the passes, and to get the credit
+of appearing to have determined the issue of the war, and to manage the
+Pythian games by his own authority. These, I am sure, were the objects
+which he coveted most greedily. {23} The Thessalians, again, did not
+desire to see either the Thebans or Philip growing powerful; for in any
+such contingency they thought that they themselves were menaced. But
+they did desire to secure two privileges--admission to the Amphictyonic
+meeting, and the recovery of rights at Delphi;[n] and in their
+eagerness for these privileges, they joined Philip in the actions in
+question. Thus you will find that each was led on, for the sake of
+private ends, to take action which they in no way desired to take. But
+this is the very thing against which we have now to be on our guard.
+
+{24} 'Are we then, for fear of this, to submit to Philip? and do _you_
+require this of us?' you ask me. Far from it. Our action must be such
+as will be in no way unworthy of us, and at the same time will not lead
+to war, but will prove to all our good sense and the justice of our
+position: and, in answer to those who are bold enough to think that we
+should refuse to submit to anything whatever,[n] [2] and who cannot
+foresee the war that must follow, I wish to urge this consideration. We
+are allowing the Thebans to hold Oropus; and if any one asked us to
+state the reason honestly, we should say that it was to avoid war. {25}
+Again, we have just ceded Amphipolis to Philip by the Treaty of
+Peace;[n] we permit the Cardians[n] to occupy a position apart from the
+other colonists in the Chersonese; we allow the Prince of Caria[n] to
+seize the islands of Chios, Cos, and Rhodes, and the Byzantines to
+drive our vessels to shore[n]--obviously because we believe that the
+tranquillity afforded by peace brings more blessings than any collision
+or contention over these grievances would bring: so that it would be a
+foolish and an utterly perverse policy, when we have behaved in this
+manner towards each of our adversaries individually, where our own most
+essential interests were concerned, to go now to war with all of them
+together, on account of this shadow at Delphi.[n]
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] The term 'the allies of Athens' was ambiguous. It might be taken
+(as it was taken by Philip and his envoys) to include only the
+remaining members of the League (see p. 9), who were represented by the
+Synod then sitting, and whose policy Athens could control. But it was
+evidently possible to put a wider interpretation upon it, as the
+Assembly probably did and as Demosthenes often does (e.g. Speech on
+Embassy, Sec. 278), and to understand it as including the Phocians and
+others (such as Cersobleptes) with whom Athens had a treaty of
+alliance. Much of the trouble which followed arose out of this
+ambiguity.
+
+[2] [Greek: oud hotioun].
+
+
+
+
+THE SECOND PHILIPPIC (OR. VI)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. After settling affairs at Delphi in 346, Philip
+returned to Macedonia. During a considerable part of 345 and in the
+early months of 344 he was occupied with campaigns against the
+Illyrians, Dardani, and Triballi. But in the summer (probably) of 344
+he resumed his activities in Greece, garrisoning Pherae and other towns
+of Thessaly with Macedonians, appropriating the revenues derived from
+the Thessalian ports, and establishing oligarchical governments
+throughout the country. At the same time negotiations were going on
+between himself and Athens with regard to the Thracian strongholds
+which he had captured in 346. He refused to give these up, though he
+offered to cut a canal across the Chersonese, for the protection of the
+Athenian allies there from the attacks of the Thracians. He also sent
+money and mercenaries to help the Messenians and Argives, who, like the
+Megalopolitans, were anxious to secure their independence of Sparta.
+Athens, which was on friendly terms with Sparta, sent envoys to the
+Peloponnesian states to counteract Philip's influence, and of these
+Demosthenes was one. In return, Argos and Messene complained to Athens
+of her interference with their attempt to secure freedom, and Philip
+sent envoys to deprecate the charges made against him by the Athenian
+ambassadors in the Peloponnese. He pointed out that he had not broken
+any promises made to Athens at the time of the Peace, for he had made
+none. (In fact, if Demosthenes' account is correct, he had confined
+himself to vague expressions of goodwill; the promises had been made by
+Aeschines.) The Second Philippic, spoken late in 344, proposes a reply
+to Philip, the text of which has unfortunately not come down to us. The
+Peloponnesian envoys appear also to have been in Athens at the time;
+and Philip's supporters had put forward various explanations of his
+conduct at the time when the Peace was made. To these also Demosthenes
+replies.]
+
+
+{1} In all our discussions, men of Athens, with regard to the acts of
+violence by which Philip contravenes the terms of the Peace, I observe
+that, although the speeches on our side are always manifestly just and
+sympathetic,[n] and although those who denounce Philip are always
+regarded as saying what ought to be said, yet practically nothing is
+done which ought to be done, or which would make it worth while to
+listen to such speeches. {2} On the contrary, the condition of public
+affairs as a whole has already been brought to a point at which, the
+more and the more evidently a speaker can convict Philip both of
+transgressing the Peace which he made with you and of plotting against
+all the Hellenes, the harder it is for him to advise you how you should
+act. {3} The responsibility for this rests with us all, men of Athens.
+It is by deeds and actions, not by words, that a policy of encroachment
+must be arrested: and yet, in the first place, we who rise to address
+you will not face the duty of proposing or advising such action, for
+fear of unpopularity with you, though we dilate upon the character of
+Philip's acts, upon their atrocity, and so forth; and, in the second
+place, you who sit and listen, better qualified though you doubtless
+are than Philip for using the language of justice and appreciating it
+at the mouths of others, are nevertheless absolutely inert, when it is
+a question of preventing him from executing the designs in which he is
+now engaged. {4} It follows as the inevitable and perhaps reasonable
+consequence, that you are each more successful in that to which your
+time and your interest is given--he in actions, yourselves in words.
+Now if it is still enough for you, that your words are more just than
+his, your course is easy, and no labour is involved in it. {5} But if
+we are to inquire how the evil of the present situation is to be
+corrected; if its advance is not still to continue, unperceived, until
+we are confronted by a power so great that we cannot even raise a hand
+in our own defence; then we must alter our method of deliberation, and
+all of us who speak, and all of you who listen, must resolve to prefer
+the counsels which are best, and which can save us, to those which are
+most easy and most attractive.
+
+{6} I am amazed, men of Athens, in the first place, that any one who
+sees the present greatness of Philip and the wide mastery which he has
+gained, can be free from alarm, or can imagine that this involves no
+peril to Athens, or that it is not against you that all his
+preparations are being made. And I would beg you, one and all, to
+listen while I put before you in a few words the reasoning by which I
+have come to entertain the opposite expectation, and the grounds upon
+which I regard Philip as an enemy; that so, if my own foresight appears
+to you the truer, you may believe me; but if that of the persons who
+have no fears and have placed their trust in him, you may give your
+adhesion to them. {7} Here then, men of Athens, is my argument. Of
+what, in the first place, did Philip become master, when the Peace was
+concluded? Of Thermopylae, and of the situation in Phocis. Next, what
+use did he make of his power? He deliberately chose to act in the
+interests of Thebes, not in those of Athens. And why? He scrutinized
+every consideration in the light of his own ambition and of his desire
+for universal conquest: he took no thought for peace, or tranquillity,
+or justice; {8} and he saw quite correctly that our state and our
+national character being what they are, there was no attraction that he
+could offer, nothing that he could do, which would induce you to
+sacrifice any of the other Hellenes to him for your own advantage. He
+saw that you would take account of what was right; that you would
+shrink from the infamy attaching to such a policy; that you would
+exercise all the foresight which the situation demanded, and would
+oppose any such attempt on his part, as surely as if you were at open
+war with him. {9} But the Thebans, he believed--and the event proved
+that he was right--in return for what they were getting would let him
+do as he pleased in all that did not concern them; and far from acting
+against him, or preventing him effectively, would even join him in his
+campaign, if he bade them. His services to the Messenians and the
+Argives at the present moment are due to his having formed the same
+conception of them. And this, men of Athens, is the highest of all
+tributes to yourselves: {10} for these actions of his amount to a
+verdict upon you, that you alone of all peoples would never, for any
+gain to yourselves, sacrifice the common rights of the Hellenes, nor
+barter away your loyalty to them for any favour or benefit at his
+hands. This conception of you he has naturally formed, just as he has
+formed the opposite conception of the Argives and the Thebans, not only
+from his observation of the present, but also from his consideration of
+the past. {11} He discovers, I imagine, and is told, how when your
+forefathers might have been rulers of the rest of the Hellenes, on
+condition of submitting to the king themselves, they not only refused
+to tolerate the suggestion, on the occasion when Alexander [n], the
+ancestor of the present royal house, came as his herald to negotiate,
+but chose rather to leave their country and to face any suffering which
+they might have to endure; and how they followed up the refusal by
+those deeds which all are so eager to tell, but to which no one has
+ever been able to do justice; and for that reason, I shall myself
+forbear to speak of them, and rightly; for the grandeur of their
+achievements passes the power of language to describe. He knows, on the
+other hand, how the forefathers of the Thebans and Argives, in the one
+case, joined the barbarian army, in the other, offered no resistance to
+it. {12} He knows, therefore, that both these peoples will welcome what
+is to their own advantage, instead of considering the common interests
+of the Hellenes: and so he thought that, if he chose you for his
+allies, he would be choosing friends who would only serve a righteous
+cause; while if he joined himself to them, he would win accomplices who
+would further his own ambitions. That is why he chose them, as he
+chooses them now, in preference to you. For he certainly does not see
+them in possession of more ships than you; nor has he discovered some
+inland empire, and withdrawn from the seaboard and the trading-ports;
+nor does he forget the words and the promises, on the strength of which
+he was granted the Peace.
+
+{13} But some one may tell us, with an air of complete knowledge of the
+matter, that what then moved Philip to act thus was not his ambition
+nor any of the motives which I impute to him, but his belief that the
+demands of Thebes were more righteous than your own. I reply, that this
+statement, above all others, is one which he cannot possibly make
+_now_. How can one who is ordering Sparta to give up Messene put
+forward his belief in the righteousness of the act, as his excuse for
+handing over Orchomenus and Coroneia to Thebes?
+
+{14} 'But,' we are told (as the last remaining plea), 'he was forced to
+make these concessions, and did so against his better judgement,
+finding himself caught between the cavalry of Thessaly and the infantry
+of Thebes.' Admirable! And so, we are informed, he intends henceforth
+to be wary of the Thebans, and the tale goes round that he intends to
+fortify Elateia [n]. 'Intends,' indeed! and I expect that it will
+remain an intention! {15} But the help which he is giving to the
+Messenians and Argives is no 'intention'; for he is actually sending
+mercenaries to them and dispatching funds, and is himself expected to
+arrive on the spot with a great force. Is he trying to annihilate the
+Spartans, the existing enemies of Thebes, and at the same time
+protecting the Phocians, whom he himself has ruined? Who will believe
+such a tale? {16} For if Philip had really acted against his will and
+under compulsion in the first instance--if he were now really intending
+to renounce the Thebans--I cannot believe that he would be so
+consistently opposing their enemies. On the contrary, his present
+course plainly proves that his former action also was the result of
+deliberate policy; and to any sound observation, it is plain that the
+whole of his plans are being organized for one end--the destruction of
+Athens. {17} Indeed, this has now come to be, in a sense, a matter of
+necessity for him. Only consider. It is empire that he desires, and
+you, as he believes, are his only possible rivals in this. He has been
+acting wrongfully towards you for a long time, as he himself best
+knows; for it is the occupation of your possessions that enables him to
+hold all his other conquests securely, convinced, as he is, that if he
+had let Amphipolis and Poteidaea go, he could not dwell in safety even
+at home. {18} These two facts, then, he well knows--first, that his
+designs are aimed at you, and secondly, that you are aware of it: and
+as he conceives you to be men of sense, he considers that you hold him
+in righteous detestation: and, in consequence, his energies are roused:
+for he expects to suffer disaster, if you get your opportunity, unless
+he can anticipate you by inflicting it upon you. {19} So he is wide
+awake; he is on the alert; he is courting the help of others against
+Athens--of the Thebans and those Peloponnesians who sympathize with
+their wishes; thinking that their desire of gain will make them embrace
+the immediate prospect, while their native stupidity will prevent them
+from foreseeing any of the consequences. Yet there are examples,
+plainly visible to minds which are even moderately
+well-balanced[n]--examples which it fell to my lot to bring before
+Messenian and Argive audiences, but which had better, perhaps, be laid
+before yourselves as well.
+
+{20} 'Can you not imagine,' I said, 'men of Messenia, the impatience
+with which the Olynthians used to listen to any speeches directed
+against Philip in those times, when he was giving up Anthemus to
+them--a city claimed as their own by all former Macedonian kings; when
+he was expelling the Athenian colonists from Poteidaea and presenting
+it to the Olynthians; when he had taken upon his own shoulders their
+quarrel with Athens, and given them the enjoyment of that territory?
+Did they expect, do you think, to suffer as they have done? if any one
+had foretold it, would they have believed him? {21} And yet,' I
+continued, 'after enjoying territory not their own for a very short
+time, they are robbed of their own by him for a great while to come;
+they are foully driven forth--not conquered merely, but betrayed by one
+another and sold; for it is not safe for a free state to be on these
+over-friendly terms with a tyrant. {22} What, again, of the
+Thessalians? Do you imagine,' I asked, 'that when he was expelling
+their tyrants, or again, when he was giving them Nicaea and Magnesia,
+they expected to see the present Council of Ten[n] established in their
+midst? Did they expect that the restorer of their Amphictyonic rights
+would take their own revenues from them for himself? Impossible! And
+yet these things came to pass, as all men may know. {23} You
+yourselves,' I continued, 'at present behold only the gifts and the
+promises of Philip. Pray, if you are really in your right minds, that
+you may never see the accomplishment of his deceit and treachery. There
+are, as you know well,' I said, 'all kinds of inventions designed for
+the protection and security of cities--palisades, walls, trenches, and
+every kind of defence. {24} All these are made with hands, and involve
+expense as well. But there is one safeguard which all sensible men
+possess by nature--a safeguard which is a valuable protection to all,
+but above all to a democracy against a tyrant. And what is this? It is
+distrust. Guard this possession and cleave to it; preserve this, and
+you need never fear disaster. {25} What is it that you desire?' I said.
+'Is it freedom? And do you not see that the very titles that Philip
+bears are utterly alien to freedom? For a king, a tyrant, is always the
+foe of freedom and the enemy of law. Will you not be on your guard,' I
+said, 'lest in striving to be rid of war, you find yourselves
+slaves?'[n]
+
+{26} My audience heard these words and received them with a tumult of
+approbation, as well as many other speeches from the envoys, both when
+I was present and again later. And yet, it seems, there is still no
+better prospect of their keeping Philip's friendship and promises at a
+distance. {27} In fact, the extraordinary thing is not that Messenians
+and certain Peloponnesians should act against their own better
+judgement, but that you who understand for yourselves, and who hear us,
+your orators, telling you, that there is a design against you, and that
+the toils are closing round you--that you, I say, by always refusing to
+act at once, should be about to find (as I think you will) that you
+have exposed yourselves unawares to the utmost peril: so much more does
+the pleasure and ease of the moment weigh with you, than any advantage
+to be reaped at some future date.
+
+{28} In regard to the practical measures which you must take, you will,
+if you are wise, deliberate by yourselves[n] later. But I will at once
+propose an answer which you may make to-day, and which it will be
+consistent with your duty to have adopted.
+
+[_The answer is read._]
+
+Now the right course, men of Athens, was to have summoned before you
+those who conveyed the promises[n] on the strength of which you were
+induced to make the Peace. {29} For I could never have brought myself
+to serve on the Embassy, nor, I am sure, would you have discontinued
+the war, had you imagined that Philip, when he had obtained peace,
+would act as he has acted. What we were then told was something very
+different from this. And there are others, too, whom you should summon.
+You ask whom I mean? After the Peace had been made, and I had returned
+from the Second Embassy, which was sent to administer the oaths, I saw
+how the city was being hoodwinked, and I spoke out repeatedly,
+protesting and forbidding you to sacrifice Thermopylae and the
+Phocians: {30} and the men to whom I refer were those who then said
+that a water-drinker[n] like myself was naturally a fractious and
+ill-tempered fellow; while Philip, if only he crossed the Pass, would
+fulfil your fondest prayers; for he would fortify Thespiae and
+Plataeae; he would put an end to the insolence of the Thebans; he would
+cut a canal through the Chersonese at his own charges, and would repay
+you for Amphipolis by the restoration of Euboea and Oropus. All this
+was said from this very platform, and I am quite sure that you remember
+it well, though your memory of those who injure you is but short. {31}
+To crown your disgrace, with nothing but these hopes in view, you
+resolved that this same Peace should hold good for your posterity also;
+so completely had you fallen under their influence. But why do I speak
+of all this now? why do I bid you summon these men? By Heaven, I will
+tell the truth without reserve, and will hold nothing back. {32} My
+object is not to give way to abuse, and so secure myself as good a
+hearing[n] as others in this place, while giving those who have come
+into collision with me from the first an opportunity for a further
+claim[n] upon Philip's money. Nor do I wish to waste time in empty
+words. {33} No; but I think that the plan which Philip is pursuing will
+some day trouble you more than the present situation does; for his
+design is moving towards fulfilment, and though I shrink from precise
+conjecture, I fear its accomplishment may even now be only too close at
+hand. And when the time comes when you can no longer refuse to attend
+to what is passing; when you no longer hear from me or from some other
+that it is all directed against you, but all alike see it for
+yourselves and know it for a certainty; then, I think, you will be
+angry and harsh enough. {34} And I am afraid that because your envoys
+have withheld from you the guilty secret of the purposes which they
+have been bribed to forward, those who are trying to remedy in some
+degree the ruin of which these men have been the instruments will fall
+victims to your wrath. For I observe that it is the general practice of
+some persons to vent their anger, not upon the guilty, but upon those
+who are most within their grasp. {35} While then the trouble is still
+to come, still in process of growth, while we can still listen to one
+another's words, I would remind each of you once more of what he well
+knows--who it was that induced you to sacrifice the Phocians and
+Thermopylae, the control of which gave Philip command of the road to
+Attica and the Peloponnesus; who it was, I say, that converted your
+debate about your rights and your interests abroad into a debate about
+the safety of your own country, and about war on your own borders--a
+war which will bring distress to each of us personally, when it is at
+our doors, but which sprang into existence on that day. {36} Had you
+not been misled by them, no trouble would have befallen this country.
+For we cannot imagine that Philip would have won victories by sea which
+would have enabled him to approach Attica with his fleet, or would have
+marched by land past Thermopylae and the Phocians; but he would either
+have been acting straightforwardly--keeping the Peace and remaining
+quiet; or else he would have found himself instantly plunged into a war
+no less severe than that which originally made him desirous of the
+Peace. {37} What I have said is sufficient by way of a reminder to you.
+Heaven grant that the time may not come when the truth of my words will
+be tested with all severity: for I at least have no desire to see any
+one meet with punishment, however much he may deserve his doom, if it
+is accompanied by danger and calamity to us all.
+
+
+
+
+ON THE EMBASSY (OR. XIX)
+
+
+[_Introduction_. The principal events with which a reader of this
+Speech ought to be acquainted have already been narrated (see
+especially the Introductions to the last two Speeches). The influence
+of the anti-Macedonian party grew gradually from the time of the Peace
+onwards. In 346, within a month after the return of the Second Embassy,
+the ambassadors presented their reports before the Logistae or Board of
+Auditors (after a futile attempt on the part of Aeschines to avoid
+making a report altogether); and Timarchus, supported by Demosthenes,
+there announced his intention of taking proceedings against Aeschines
+for misconduct on the Second Embassy. But Timarchus' own past history
+was not above reproach: he was attacked by Aeschines for the
+immoralities of his youth, which, it was stated, disqualified him from
+acting as prosecutor, and though defended by Demosthenes, was condemned
+and disfranchised (345 B.C.). But early in 343 Hypereides impeached
+Philocrates for corruption as ambassador, and obtained his condemnation
+to death--a penalty which he escaped by voluntary exile before the
+conclusion of the trial; and, later in the same year, Demosthenes
+brought the same charge against Aeschines.
+
+In the meantime (since the delivery of Demosthenes' Second Philippic)
+Philip had been making fresh progress. The Arcadians and Argives (for
+the Athenian envoys to the Peloponnese in 344 seem to have had little
+success) were ready to open their gates to him. His supporters in Elis
+massacred their opponents, and with them the remnant of the Phocians
+who had crossed over to Elis with Phalaecus. At Megara, Perillus and
+Ptoeodorus almost succeeded in bringing a force of Philip's mercenaries
+into the town, but the attempt was defeated, by the aid of an Athenian
+force under Phocion. In Euboea Philip's troops occupied Porthmus, where
+the democratic party of Eretria had taken refuge, owing to an overthrow
+of the constitution (brought about by Philip's intrigues) which
+resulted in the establishment of Cleitarchus as tyrant. In the course
+of the same year (343) occurred two significant trials. The first was
+that of Antiphon, who had made an offer to Philip to burn the Athenian
+dockyards at the Peiraeus. He was summarily arrested by order of
+Demosthenes (probably in virtue of some administrative office):
+Aeschines obtained his release, but he was re-arrested by order of the
+Council of Areopagus[1] and condemned to death. The other trial was
+held before the Amphictyonic Council on the motion of the people of
+Delos, to decide whether the Athenians should continue to possess the
+right of managing the Temple of Delos. The Assembly chose Aeschines as
+counsel for Athens; but the Council of Areopagus, which had been given
+power to revise the appointment, put Hypereides in his place.
+Hypereides won the case. Early in 343 (or at all events before the
+middle of the year), Philip sent Python of Byzantium to complain of the
+language used about him by Athenian orators, and to offer to revise and
+amend the terms of the Peace of Philocrates. In response, an embassy
+was sent, headed by Hegesippus, a violent opponent of Macedonia, to
+propose to Philip (1) that instead of the clause 'that each party shall
+retain possession of what they have', a clause, 'that each party shall
+possess what is their own,' should be substituted; and (2) that all
+Greek States not included in the Treaty of Peace should be declared
+free, and that Athens and Philip should assist them, if they were
+attacked. These proposals, if sanctioned, would obviously have reopened
+the question of Amphipolis, Pydna, and Poteidaea, as well as of Cardia
+and the Thracian towns taken by Philip in 346. Hegesippus, moreover,
+was personally objectionable, and the embassy was dismissed with little
+courtesy by Philip, who even banished from Macedonia the Athenian poet
+Xenocleides for acting as host to the envoys. The feeling against
+Philip in Athens was evidently strong, when the prosecution of
+Aeschines by Demosthenes took place.
+
+The trial was held before a jury (probably consisting of 1,501
+persons), presided over by the Board of Auditors. Demosthenes spoke
+first, and Aeschines replied in a speech which is preserved. There is
+no doubt, on a comparison of the two speeches, that each, before it was
+published, received alterations and insertions, intended to meet the
+adversary's points, or to give a better colour to passages which had
+been unfavourably received. Probably not all the refutations 'in
+advance' were such in reality. But there is no sufficient reason to
+doubt that the speeches were delivered substantially as we have them.
+Aeschines was acquitted by thirty votes.
+
+The question of the guilt or innocence of Aeschines will probably never
+be finally settled. A great part of his conduct can be explained as a
+sincere attempt to carry out the policy of Eubulus, or as the issue of
+a genuine belief that it was best for Athens to make terms with Philip
+and stand on his side. Even so the wisdom and the veracity of certain
+speeches which he had made is open to grave question; but this is a
+different thing from corruption. Moreover, to some of Demosthenes'
+arguments he has a conclusive reply. It is more difficult to explain
+his apparent change of opinion between the 18th and 19th of
+Elaphebolion, 346 (if Demosthenes' report of the debates is to be
+trusted); and some writers are disposed to date his corruption from the
+intervening night. Nor is it easy to meet Demosthenes' argument that if
+Aeschines had really been taken in by Philip, and believed the promises
+which he announced, or if he had actually heard Philip make the
+promises, he would have regarded Philip afterwards as a personal enemy,
+and not as a friend. But even on these points Aeschines might reply
+(though he could not reply so to the Athenian people or jury) that
+though he did not trust the promises, he regarded the interest of
+Athens as so closely bound up with the alliance with Philip, that he
+considered it justifiable to deceive the people into making the
+alliance, or at least to take the risk of the promises which he
+announced proving untrue. In any case there is no convincing evidence
+of corruption; and it may be taken as practically certain that he was
+not bribed to perform particular services. It is less certain that he
+was not influenced by generous presents from Philip in forming his
+judgement of Philip's character and intentions. The standard of
+Athenian public opinion in regard to the receipt of presents was not
+that of the English Civil Service; and the ancient orators accuse one
+another of corruption almost as a matter of course. (We have seen that
+Demosthenes began the attack upon Eubulus' party in this form as early
+as the Speech for the Rhodians; it appears in almost every subsequent
+oration: and in their turn, his opponents make the same charge against
+him.) It is, in any case, remarkable that at a time when the people was
+plainly exasperated with the Peace and its authors, and very
+ill-disposed towards Philip, a popular jury nevertheless acquitted
+Aeschines; and the verdict is not sufficiently explained either by the
+fact that Eubulus supported Aeschines or by the jurors' memory of
+Demosthenes' own part in the earlier peace-negotiations, though this
+must have weakened the force of his attack. That Demosthenes himself
+believed Aeschines to have been bribed, and could himself see no other
+explanation of his conduct, need not be doubted; and although the
+speech contains some of those misrepresentations of fact and passages
+of irrelevant personal abuse which deface some of his best work, it
+also contains some of his finest pieces of oratory and narrative.
+
+The second part of the speech is more broken up into short sections and
+less clearly arranged than the first; earlier arguments are repeated,
+and a few passages may be due (at least in their present shape) to
+revision after the trial: but the latter part even as it stands is
+successful in leaving the points of greatest importance strongly
+impressed upon the mind.
+
+The following analysis of the speech may enable the reader to find his
+way through it without serious difficulty:--
+
+
+INTRODUCTION (Secs. 1-28)
+
+(i) _Exordium_ (Secs. 1, 2). Impartiality requested of the jury, in view
+of Aeschines' attempt to escape by indirect means.
+
+(ii) _Points of the trial_ (Secs. 3-8). An ambassador must (1) give true
+reports; (2) give good advice; (3) obey his instructions; (4) not lose
+time; (5) be incorruptible.
+
+(iii) _Preliminary exposition of the arguments_ (Secs. 9-28).
+
+    (1) The previous anti-Macedonian zeal of Aeschines suddenly collapsed
+        after the First Embassy.
+
+    (2) In the deliberations on the Peace, Aeschines supported
+        Philocrates.
+
+    (3) After the Second Embassy, Aeschines prevented Athens from guarding
+        Thermopylae and saving the Phocians, by false reports and
+        promises.
+
+    (4) Such a change of policy is only explicable by corruption.
+
+PART 1 (Secs. 29-178)
+
+The five points of Introduction (ii) are treated as three, or in three
+groups.
+
+(i) The reports made by Aeschines on his return from the Second
+Embassy, and his advice, especially as to the ruin of the Phocians (Secs.
+29-97).
+
+    (1) The reports (a) to the Senate, (b) to the People, and their
+        reception (Secs. 29-46).
+
+    (2) Evidence that Aeschines conspired with Philip against the
+        Phocians, whose ruin is described (Secs. 47-71).
+
+    (3) Refutation of three anticipated objections, beginning at Sec. 72, Sec.
+        78, Sec. 80 respectively (Secs. 72-82).
+
+    (4) The danger to Athens from Aeschines' treachery (Secs. 83-7).
+
+    (5) Request to confine the trial strictly to relevant points
+        (Secs. 88-97).
+
+(ii) The corruption of Aeschines by the bribes of Philip (Secs. 98-149).
+
+    (1) Arguments (beginning Sec. 102, Sec. 111, Sec. 114, Sec. 116) showing the
+        corruption of Aeschines (Secs. 98-119).
+
+    (2) Refutation of anticipated objections (beginning at Sec. 120, Sec. 134,
+        Sec. 147) (Secs. 120-49).
+
+(iii) Aeschines' loss of time, by which Philip profited, and
+disobedience to his instructions (Secs. 150-77).
+
+    (1) Narrative of the Second Embassy (Secs. 150-62).
+
+    (2) Comparison of the two Embassies (Secs. 163-5).
+
+    (3) Comparison of Demosthenes' own conduct with that of the other
+        ambassadors (Secs. 167-77). Recapitulation of the points established
+        (Secs. 177, 178).
+
+PART II (Secs. 179-343)
+
+(i) The injury done to Athens--
+
+    (a) by the loss of Thrace and the Hellespont;
+
+    (b) generally, by false reports from ambassadors (Secs. 179-86).
+
+(ii) Refutation of anticipated objections--
+
+    (a) 'It is not Philip's fault that he has not satisfied Athens'
+        (Sec. 187).
+
+    (b) 'Demosthenes has no right to prosecute' (Secs. 188-220): including a
+        digression (Secs. 192-200) on Aeschines' character and incidents in
+        his life.
+
+(iii) Demosthenes' object in prosecuting, passing into reproof of the
+laxity of Athens towards traitors (Secs. 221-33).
+
+(iv) Warning against any attempt by Aeschines to confuse the dates and
+incidents of the two Embassies (Secs. 234-6.)
+
+(v) Criticism of Aeschines' brothers and his prosecution of Timarchus
+(Secs. 237-58).
+
+(vi) The increasing danger from traitors, and the traditional attitude
+of Athens towards them (Secs. 259-87).
+
+(vii) Attack upon Eubulus for defending Aeschines (Secs. 288-99).
+
+(viii) Philip's policy and methods; proofs of Aeschines' complicity
+repeated (Secs. 300-31).
+
+(ix) Warnings to the jury against Aeschines' attempts to mislead them;
+and conclusion (Secs. 331-43).]
+
+
+{1} How much interest this case has excited, men of Athens, and how
+much canvassing has taken place, must, I feel sure, have become fairly
+evident to you all, after the persistent overtures just now made to
+you, while you were drawing your lots.[n] Yet I will make the request
+of you all--a request which ought to be granted even when unasked--that
+you will not allow the favour or the person of any man to weigh more
+with you than justice and the oath which each of you swore before he
+entered the court. Remember that what I ask is for your own welfare and
+for that of the whole State; while the entreaties and the eager
+interest of the supporters of the accused have for their aim the
+selfish advantage of individuals: and it is not to confirm criminals in
+the possession of such advantages that the laws have called you
+together, but to prevent their attainment of them. {2} Now I observe
+that while all who enter upon public life in an honest spirit profess
+themselves under a perpetual responsibility, even when they have passed
+their formal examination, the defendant Aeschines does the very
+reverse. For before entering your presence to give an account of his
+actions, he has put out of the way one of those[n] who appeared against
+him at his examination; and others he pursues with threats, thus
+introducing into public life a practice which is of all the most
+atrocious and most contrary to your interests. For if one who has
+transacted and managed any public business is to render himself secure
+against accusation by spreading terror round him, rather than by the
+justice of his case, your supremacy[n] must pass entirely out of your
+hands.
+
+{3} I have every confidence and belief that I shall prove the defendant
+guilty of many atrocious crimes, for which he deserves the extreme
+penalty of the law. But I will tell you frankly of the fear which
+troubles me in spite of this confidence. It seems to me, men of Athens,
+that the issue of every trial before you is determined as much by the
+occasion as by the facts; and I am afraid that the length of time which
+has elapsed since the Embassy may have caused you to forget the crimes
+of Aeschines, or to be too familiar with them. {4} I will tell you
+therefore how, in spite of this, you may yet, as I believe, arrive at a
+just decision and give a true verdict to-day. You have, gentlemen of
+the jury, to inquire and to consider what are the points on which it is
+proper to demand an account from an ambassador. He is responsible first
+for his report; secondly, for what he has persuaded you to do; thirdly,
+for his execution of your instructions; next, for dates; and, besides
+all these things, for the integrity or venality of his conduct
+throughout. {5} And why is he responsible in these respects? Because on
+his report must depend your discussion of the situation: if his report
+is true, your decision is a right one: if otherwise, it is the reverse.
+Again, you regard the counsels of ambassadors as especially
+trustworthy. You listen to them in the belief that they have personal
+knowledge of the matter with which they were sent to deal. Never,
+therefore, ought an ambassador to be convicted of having given you any
+worthless or pernicious advice. {6} Again, it is obviously proper that
+he should have carried out your instructions to him with regard to both
+speech and action, and your express resolutions as to his conduct. Very
+good. But why is he responsible for dates? Because, men of Athens, it
+often happens that the opportunity upon which much that is of great
+importance depends lasts but for a moment; and if this opportunity is
+deliberately and treacherously surrendered to the enemy, no subsequent
+steps can possibly recover it. {7} But as to the integrity or
+corruption of an ambassador, you would all, I am sure, admit that to
+make money out of proceedings that injure the city is an atrocious
+thing and deserves your heavy indignation. Yet the implied distinction
+was not recognized by the framer of our law. He absolutely forbade
+_all_ taking of presents, thinking, I believe, that a man who has once
+received presents and been corrupted with money no longer remains even
+a safe judge of what is to the interest of the city. {8} If then I can
+convict the defendant Aeschines by conclusive proofs of having made a
+report that was utterly untrue, and prevented the people from hearing
+the truth from me; if I prove that he gave advice that was entirely
+contrary to your interests; that on his mission he fulfilled none of
+your instructions to him; that he wasted time, during which
+opportunities for accomplishing much that was of great importance were
+sacrificed and lost to the city; and that he received presents in
+payment for all these services, in company with Philocrates; then
+condemn him, and exact the penalty which his crimes deserve. If I fail
+to prove these points, or fail to prove them all, then regard me with
+contempt, and let the defendant go.
+
+{9} I have still to charge him, men of Athens, with many atrocious acts
+in addition to these--acts which would naturally call forth the
+execration of every one among you. But I desire, before all else that I
+am about to say, to remind you (though most of you, I know, remember it
+well) of the position which Aeschines originally took up in public
+life, and the speeches which he thought it right to address to the
+people against Philip; for I would have you realize that his own
+actions, his own speeches at the beginning of his career, are the
+strongest evidence of his corruption. {10} According to his own public
+declaration at that time, he was the first Athenian to perceive that
+Philip had designs against the Hellenes and was corrupting certain
+leading men in Arcadia. With Ischander, the son of Neoptolemus, to
+second him in his performance, he came before the Council and he came
+before the people, to speak on the subject: he persuaded you to send
+envoys in all directions to bring together a congress at Athens to
+discuss the question of war with Philip: {11} then, on his return from
+Arcadia, he reported to you those noble and lengthy speeches which, he
+said, he had delivered on your behalf before the Ten Thousand[n] at
+Megalopolis, in reply to Philip's spokesman, Hieronymus; and he
+described at length the criminal wrong that was done, not only to their
+own several countries, but to all Hellas, by men who took bribes and
+received money from Philip. {12} Such was his policy at that time, and
+such the sample which he displayed of his sentiments. Then you were
+induced by Aristodemus, Neoptolemus, Ctesiphon, and the rest of those
+who brought reports from Macedonia in which there was not an honest
+word, to send ambassadors to Philip and to negotiate for peace.
+Aeschines himself is appointed one of them, in the belief, not that he
+was one of those who would sell your interests, or had placed
+confidence in Philip, but rather one who would keep an eye on the rest.
+The speeches which he had already delivered, and his antipathy to
+Philip, naturally led you to take this view of him. {13} Well, after
+this he came to me[n] and tried to make an agreement by which we should
+act in concert on the Embassy, and urged strongly that we should both
+keep an eye upon that abominable and shameless man Philocrates; and
+until we returned to Athens from the First Embassy, I at least, men of
+Athens, had no idea that he had been corrupted and had sold himself.
+For (not to mention the other speeches which, as I have told you, he
+had made on former occasions) at the first of the assemblies in which
+you debated about the Peace, he rose and delivered an exordium which I
+think I can repeat to you word for word as he uttered it at the
+meeting. {14} 'If Philocrates,' he said, 'had spent a very long time in
+studying how he could best oppose the Peace, I do not think he could
+have found a better device than a motion of this kind. The Peace which
+he proposes is one which I can never recommend the city to make, so
+long as a single Athenian remains alive. Peace, however, we ought, I
+think, to make.' {15} And he made a brief and reasonable speech in the
+same tone. But though he had spoken thus at the first meeting, in the
+hearing of you all, yet at the second meeting, when the Peace was to be
+ratified; when I was upholding the resolution of the allies and working
+for a Peace on just and equitable terms; when you in your desire for
+such a Peace would not even listen to the voice of the despicable
+Philocrates; then, I say, Aeschines rose and spoke in support of him,
+using language for which he deserves, God knows, to die many deaths,
+{16} saying that you must not remember your forefathers, nor tolerate
+speakers who recalled your trophies and your victories by sea; and that
+he would frame and propose a law, that you should assist no Hellene who
+had not previously assisted you. These words he had the callous
+shamelessness to utter in the very presence and hearing of the
+ambassadors[n] whom you had summoned from the Hellenic states, in
+pursuance of the advice which he himself had given you, before he had
+sold himself.
+
+{17} You elected him again, men of Athens, to receive the oaths. How he
+frittered away the time, how cruelly he injured all his country's
+interests, and what violent mutual enmity arose between myself and him
+in consequence of his conduct and of my desire to prevent it, you shall
+hear presently. But when we returned from this Embassy which was sent
+to receive the oaths, and the report of which is now under examination;
+when we had secured nothing, either small or great, of all that had
+been promised and expected when you were making the Peace, but had been
+totally deceived; when they had again acted without regard to their
+instructions,[n] and had conducted their mission in direct defiance of
+your decree; we came before the Council: and there are many who have
+personal knowledge of what I am about to tell you, for the
+Council-Chamber was crowded with spectators. {18} Well, I came forward
+and reported to the Council the whole truth: I denounced these men: I
+recounted the whole story, beginning with those first hopes, aroused in
+you by the report of Ctesiphon and Aristodemus, and going on to the
+speeches which Aeschines delivered during the time of the
+Peace-negotiations, and the position into which they had brought the
+city: as regards all that remained to you--I meant the Phocians and
+Thermopylae--I counselled you not to abandon these, not to be victims
+once more of the same mistake, not to let yourselves be reduced to
+extremities through depending upon a succession of hopes and promises:
+and I carried the Council with me. {19} But when the day of the
+Assembly came, and it was our duty to address you, the defendant
+Aeschines came forward before any of his colleagues--and I entreat you,
+in God's name, to follow me, and try to recollect whether what I tell
+you is true; for now we have come to the very thing which so cruelly
+injured and ruined your whole cause. He made not the remotest attempt
+to give any report of the results of the Embassy--if indeed he
+questioned the truth of my allegations at all--but instead of this, he
+made statements of such a character, promising you benefits so numerous
+and so magnificent, that he completely carried you away with him. {20}
+For he said that,[n] before his return, he had persuaded Philip upon
+all the points in which the interests of the city were involved, in
+regard both to the Amphictyonic dispute and to all other matters: and
+he described to you a long speech which he professed to have addressed
+to Philip against the Thebans, and of which he reported to you the
+substance, calculating that, as the result of his own diplomacy, you
+would within two or three days, without stirring from home or taking
+the field or suffering any inconvenience, hear that Thebes was being
+blockaded, alone and isolated from the rest of Boeotia, {21} that
+Thespiae and Plataeae were being repeopled, and that the debt due to
+the god[n] was being exacted not from the Phocians, but from the
+Thebans who had planned the seizure of the temple. For he said that he
+gave Philip to understand that those who planned the act were no less
+guilty of impiety than those whose hands executed the plan; and that on
+this account the Thebans had set a price upon his head. {22} Moreover,
+he said that he heard some of the Euboeans, who had been thrown into a
+state of panic and confusion by the friendly relations established
+between Athens and Philip, saying to the ambassadors, 'You have not
+succeeded, gentlemen, in concealing from us the conditions on which you
+have made your Peace with Philip; nor are we unaware that while you
+have given him Amphipolis, he has undertaken to hand over Euboea to
+you.' There was, indeed, another matter which he had arranged as well,
+but he did not wish to mention this at present, since even as it was
+some of his colleagues were jealous of him. {23} This was an
+enigmatical and indirect allusion to Oropus. These utterances naturally
+raised him high in your estimation; he seemed to be an admirable
+speaker and a marvellous man; and he stepped down with a very lofty
+air. Then I rose and denied all knowledge of these things, and at the
+same time attempted to repeat some part of my report to the Council.
+But they now took their stand by me, one on this side, one on that--the
+defendant and Philocrates; they shouted, they interrupted me, and
+finally they jeered, while you laughed. {24} You would not hear, and
+you did not wish to believe anything but what Aeschines had reported.
+Heaven knows, your feelings were natural enough; for who, that expected
+all these marvellous benefits, would have tolerated a speaker who said
+that the expectation would not be realized, or denounced the
+proceedings of those who made the promise? All else, of course, was of
+secondary importance at the time, in comparison with the expectations
+and the hopes placed before you; any contradiction appeared to be
+nothing but sheer obstruction and malignity, while the proceedings
+described seemed to be of incredible importance and advantage to the
+city.
+
+{25} Now with what object have I recalled these occurrences to you
+before everything else, and described these speeches of his? My first
+and chief object, men of Athens, is that none of you, when he hears me
+speak of any of the things that were done and is struck by their
+unparalleled atrocity, may ask in surprise why I did not tell you at
+once and inform you of the facts; {26} but may remember the promises
+which these men made at each critical moment, and by which they
+entirely prevented every one else from obtaining a hearing; and that
+splendid pronouncement by Aeschines; and that you may realize that in
+addition to all his other crimes, you have suffered this further wrong
+at his hands--that you were prevented from learning the truth
+instantly, when you ought to have learned it, because you were deluded
+by hopes, deceits and promises. {27} That is my first and, as I have
+said, my chief object in recalling all these occurrences. But there is
+a second which is of no less importance than the first, and what is
+this? It is that you may remember the policy which he adopted in his
+public life, when he was still uncorrupted--his guarded and mistrustful
+attitude towards Philip; and may consider the sudden growth of
+confidence and friendship which followed; {28} and then, if all that he
+announced to you has been realized, if the results achieved are
+satisfactory, you may believe that all has been done out of an honest
+interest in the welfare of Athens; but if, on the other hand, the issue
+has been exactly the opposite of that which he predicted: if his policy
+has involved the city in great disgrace and in grave perils, you may
+then be sure that his conversion was due to his own base covetousness
+and to his having sold the truth for money.
+
+{29} And now, since I have been led on to this subject, I desire to
+describe to you, before everything else, the way in which they took the
+Phocian question entirely out of your hands. And let none of you,
+gentlemen of the jury, when he looks at the magnitude of the
+transactions, imagine that the crimes with which the defendant is
+charged are on a grander scale than one of his reputation could
+compass. You have rather to observe that any one whom you would have
+placed in such a position as this--a position in which, as each
+critical moment arrived, the decision would be in his hands--could have
+brought about disasters equal to those for which Aeschines is
+responsible, if, like Aeschines, he had wished to sell his services,
+and to cheat and deceive you. {30} For however contemptible[n] may be
+the men whom you frequently employ in the public service, it does not
+follow that the part which the world expects this city to play is a
+contemptible one. Far from it! And further, though it was Philip, of
+course, who destroyed the Phocian people, it was Aeschines and his
+party who seconded Philip's efforts. And so what you have to observe
+and consider is whether, so far as the preservation of the Phocians
+came within the scope of their mission, these men deliberately
+destroyed and ruined that whole cause. You have not to suppose that
+Aeschines ruined the Phocians by himself. How could he have done so?
+
+{31} (_To the clerk._) Now give me the draft-resolution which the
+Council passed in view of my report, and the deposition of the clerk
+who wrote it. (_To the jury._) For I would have you know that I am not
+repudiating to-day transactions about which I held my peace at the
+time, but that I denounced them at once, with full prevision of what
+must follow; and that the Council, which was not prevented from hearing
+the truth from me, neither voted thanks to the ambassadors, nor thought
+fit to invite them to the Town Hall.[n] From the foundation of the city
+to this day, no body of ambassadors is recorded to have been treated
+so; nor even Timagoras,[n] whom the people condemned to death. {32} But
+these men have been so treated. (_To the clerk._) First read them the
+deposition, and then the resolution.
+
+[_The deposition and resolution are read._]
+
+Here is no expression of thanks, no invitation of the ambassadors to
+the Town Hall by the Council. If Aeschines asserts that there is any,
+let him point it out and produce it, and I give way to him. But there
+is none. Now on the assumption that we all fulfilled our mission in the
+same way, the Council had good reason not to thank any of us, for the
+transactions of all alike were in that case atrocious. But if some of
+us acted uprightly, while others did the reverse, it must, it seems,
+have been owing to the knavery of their colleagues that the virtuous
+were forced to take their share of this dishonour. {33} How then can
+you all ascertain without any difficulty who is the rogue? Recall to
+your minds who it is that has denounced the transaction from the
+outset. For it is plain that it must have been the guilty person who
+was well content to be silent, to stave off the day of reckoning for
+the moment, and to take care for the future not to present himself to
+give an account of his actions; while it must have been he whose
+conscience was clear to whom there occurred the thought of the danger,
+lest through keeping silence he might be regarded as a partner in such
+atrocious villany. Now it is I that have denounced these men from the
+outset, while none of them has accused me. {34} Such then was the
+resolution of the Council. The meeting of the Assembly took place when
+Philip was already at Thermopylae: for this was the first of all their
+crimes, that they placed Philip in command of the situation, so that,
+when you ought first to have heard the facts, then to have deliberated,
+and afterwards to have taken such measures as you had resolved upon,
+you in fact heard nothing until he was on the spot, and it was no
+longer easy to say what steps you ought to take. {35} In addition to
+this, no one read the resolution of the Council to the people, and the
+people never heard it; but Aeschines rose and delivered the harangue
+which I just now described to you, recounting the numerous and
+important benefits which he said he had, before his return, persuaded
+Philip to grant, and on account of which the Thebans had set a price
+upon his head. In consequence of this, appalled though you were at
+first at the proximity of Philip, and angry with these men for not
+having warned you of it, you became as mild as possible, having now
+formed the expectation that all your wishes would be realized; and you
+would not hear a word from me or from any one else. {36} After this was
+read the letter from Philip, which Aeschines had written[n] when we had
+left him behind, a letter which was nothing less than a direct and
+express defence in writing of the misconduct of the ambassadors. For in
+it is stated that Philip himself prevented them, when they were anxious
+to go to the several cities and receive the oaths, and that he retained
+them in order that they might help him to effect a reconciliation
+between the peoples of Halus and Pharsalus. He takes upon his own
+shoulders the whole of their misconduct, and makes it his own. {37} But
+as to the Phocians and Thespiae, and the promises contained in
+Aeschines' report to you--why, there is not the slightest mention of
+them! And it was no mere accident that the proceedings took this form.
+For the failure of the ambassadors to carry out or give effect to any
+of the instructions imposed upon them by your resolution--the failure
+for which you were bound to punish them--Philip makes himself
+responsible in their stead, and says that the fault was his; for you
+were not likely, of course, to be able to punish _him_. {38} But the
+points in regard to which Philip wished to deceive you and to steal a
+march upon the city were made the subject of the defendant's report, in
+order that you might be able to find no ground of accusation or
+reproach against Philip, since these points were not mentioned either
+in his letter or in any other part of the communications received from
+him. But (_to the clerk_) read the jury the actual letter--written by
+Aeschines, sent by Philip; and (_to the jury_) do you observe that it
+is such as I have described. (_To the clerk._) Read on.
+
+[_The letter is read._]
+
+{39} You hear the letter, men of Athens; you hear how noble and
+generous it is. But about the Phocians or the Thebans or the other
+subjects of the defendant's report--not a syllable. Indeed, in this
+letter there is not an honest word, as you will very shortly see for
+yourselves. He says that he retained the ambassadors to help him
+reconcile the people of Halus: and such is the reconciliation that they
+have obtained, that they are exiles from their country, and their city
+is laid waste. And as to the prisoners, though he professed to be
+wondering what he could do to gratify you, he says that the idea of
+procuring their release had not occurred to any one. {40} But evidence
+has, as you know, been laid before you many times in the Assembly, to
+the effect that I myself went to ransom them, taking a talent[n] for
+the purpose; and it shall now be laid before you once more. It follows,
+therefore, that it was to deprive me of my laudable ambition[n] that
+Aeschines persuaded Philip to insert this statement. But the strongest
+point of all is this. In his former letter--the letter which we brought
+back--he wrote, 'I should have mentioned expressly the great benefits
+that I propose to confer upon you, if I felt sure that you would grant
+me the alliance as well.' And yet when the alliance has been granted,
+he says that he does not know what he can do to gratify you. He does
+not even know what he had himself promised! Why, he must obviously have
+known that, unless he was trying to cheat you! To prove that he did
+write thus and in these terms, (_to the clerk_) take his former letter,
+and read the very passage, beginning at this point. Read on.
+
+[_An extract from the letter is read._]
+
+{41} Thus, before he obtained the Peace, he undertook to set down in
+writing the great benefits he would confer on the city, in the event of
+an alliance also being granted him. But as soon as he had obtained both
+his wishes, he says that he does not know what he can do to gratify
+you, but that if you will inform him, he will do anything that will not
+involve any disgrace or stigma upon himself. Such are the excuses in
+which he takes refuge, to secure his retreat, in case you should
+actually make any suggestion or should be induced to ask any favour.
+
+{42} It would have been possible to expose this whole proceeding at the
+time--and a great deal more--without delay; to inform you of the facts,
+and to prevent you from sacrificing your cause, had not the thought of
+Thespiae and Plataeae, and the idea that the Thebans were on the very
+point of paying the penalty, robbed you of the truth. While, however,
+there was good reason for mentioning these prospects, if the city was
+to hear of them and then be cheated, it would have been better, if
+their realization was actually intended, that nothing should have been
+said about them. For if matters had already reached a stage at which
+the Thebans would be no better off, even if they perceived the design
+against them, why was the design not fulfilled? But if its fulfilment
+was prevented because they perceived it in time, who was it that
+betrayed the secret? {43} Must it not have been Aeschines? Its
+fulfilment, however, was not in fact intended, nor did the defendant
+either desire or expect it; so that he may be relieved of the charge of
+betraying the secret. What was intended was that you should be
+hoodwinked by these statements, and should refuse to hear the truth
+from me; that you should not stir from home, and that such a decree
+should carry the day as would involve the destruction of the Phocians.
+Hence this prodigality in promises, and their proclamation in his
+speech to the people.
+
+{44} When I heard Aeschines making all these magnificent promises, I
+knew perfectly well that he was lying; and I will tell you how I knew.
+I knew it first, because when Philip was about to take the oath in
+ratification of the Peace, the Phocians were openly excluded from it.
+This was a point which it would have been natural to pass over in
+silence, if the Phocians were really to be saved. And secondly, I knew
+it because the promises were not made by Philip's ambassadors or in
+Philip's letter, but by the defendant. {45} Accordingly, drawing my
+conclusions from these facts, I rose and came forward and attempted to
+contradict him; but as you were not willing to hear me, I held my
+peace, with no more than these words of solemn protest, which I entreat
+you, in Heaven's name, to remember. 'I have no knowledge of these
+promises,' I said, 'and no share in making them; and,' I added, 'I do
+not believe they will be fulfilled.' This last expression roused your
+temper, and I proceeded, 'Take care, men of Athens, that if any of
+these things comes to pass, you thank these gentlemen for it, and give
+your honours and crowns to them, and not to me. If, however, anything
+of an opposite character occurs, you must equally vent your anger on
+them: I decline all responsibility.' {46} 'No, no!' interrupted
+Aeschines, 'do not decline responsibility now! Take care rather that
+you do not claim credit, when the time comes.' 'Indeed, it would be an
+injustice if I did so,' I replied. Then Philocrates arose with a most
+insolent air, and said, 'It is no wonder, men of Athens, that I and
+Demosthenes should disagree; for he drinks water, I drink wine.' And
+you laughed.
+
+{47} Now consider the decree which Philocrates proposed and handed
+in.[n] An excellent resolution it sounds, as you hear it now. But when
+you take into account the occasion on which it was proposed, and the
+promises which Aeschines was then making, you will see that their
+action amounts to nothing less than a surrender of the Phocians to
+Philip and the Thebans, and that, practically, with their hands tied
+behind their backs. (_To the clerk._) Read the decree.
+
+[_The decree is read._]
+
+{48} There, men of Athens, is the decree, overflowing with expressions
+of gratitude and auspicious language. 'The Peace,' it says, 'which is
+granted to Philip shall be granted on the same terms to his
+descendants, and also the alliance.' Again, we are 'to thank Philip for
+his promised acts of justice'. Yet Philip made no promises: so far was
+he from making promises that he said he did not know what he could do
+to gratify you. {49} It was Aeschines who spoke in his name, and made
+the promises. Then Philocrates took advantage of the enthusiasm which
+Aeschines' words aroused in you, to insert in the decree the clause,
+'and unless the Phocians act as they are bound, and surrender the
+temple to the Amphictyons, the Athenian people will render their
+assistance against those who still stand in the way of such surrender.'
+{50} Thus, men of Athens, at a time when you were still at home and had
+not taken the field, when the Spartans had foreseen the deception and
+retired, and when none of the Amphictyons were on the spot but the
+Thessalians and Thebans, he proposes in the most innocent-sounding
+language in the world that they shall deliver up the temple to these.
+For he proposes that they shall deliver it up to the Amphictyons. But
+what Amphictyons? for there were none there but the Thessalians and
+Thebans. He does not propose that the Amphictyons should be convoked,
+or that they should wait until the Amphictyons met or that Proxenus
+should render assistance in Phocis, or that the Athenians should take
+the field, or anything of the sort. {51} Philip did indeed actually
+send two letters to summon you.[n] But he did not intend you really to
+march from Athens. Not a bit of it! For he would not have waited to
+summon you until he had seen the time go by in which you could have set
+out; nor would he have tried to prevent me, when I wished to set sail
+and return hither; nor would he have instructed Aeschines to speak to
+you in the terms which would be least likely to cause you to march. No!
+he intended that you should fancy that he was about to fulfil your
+desires, and in that belief should abstain from any resolution adverse
+to him; and that the Phocians should, in consequence, make no defence
+or resistance, in reliance upon any hopes inspired by you, but should
+put themselves into his hands in utter despair. (_To the clerk._) Read
+to the jury the letters of Philip.
+
+[_The letters are read._]
+
+{52} Now these letters summon you, and that, forsooth, instantly; and
+it was surely for Aeschines and his party, if the proceeding was in any
+way genuine, to support the summons, to urge you to march, and to
+propose that Proxenus, whom they knew to be in those parts, should
+render assistance at once. Yet it is plain that their action was of
+precisely the opposite character; and naturally so. For they did not
+attend to the terms of the letter, but to the intention with which
+Philip wrote it. {53} With this intention they co-operated, and to this
+they strove to give effect. As soon as the Phocians had learned the
+news of your proceedings in the Assembly, and had received this decree
+of Philocrates, and heard the defendant's announcement and his
+promises, everything combined to effect their doom. Consider the
+circumstances. There were some of them who had the wisdom to distrust
+Philip. These were induced to trust him. And why? Because they believed
+that even if Philip were trying to deceive them ten times over, the
+ambassadors of Athens, at least, would never dare to deceive their own
+countrymen. This report which Aeschines had made to you must therefore
+be true: it was the Thebans, and not themselves, whose hour had come.
+{54} There were others who advocated resistance at all hazards; but
+these too were weakened in their resolution, now that they were
+persuaded that they could count upon Philip's favour, and that, unless
+they did as they were bidden, you, whose assistance they were hoping
+for, would march against them. There was also a third party, who
+thought that you repented of having made the Peace with Philip; but to
+these they pointed out that you had decreed that the same Peace should
+hold good for posterity also; so that on every ground, all assistance
+from you was despaired of. That is why they crowded all these points
+into one decree. {55} And in this lies, I think, the very greatest of
+all their crimes against you. To have made a Peace with a mortal man,
+whose power was due to the accidents of the moment--a Peace, whereby
+they covenanted that the disgrace brought upon the city should be
+everlasting; to have robbed the city, not only of all beside, but even
+of the benefits that Fortune might hereafter bestow: to have displayed
+such superabundant villany as to have done this wicked wrong not only
+to their countrymen now living, but also to all those who should ever
+thereafter be born--is it not utterly atrocious? {56} And this last
+clause, by which the Peace was extended to your descendants, you would
+certainly never have allowed to be added to the conditions of peace had
+you not then placed your trust in the promises announced by Aeschines,
+as the Phocians placed their trust in them and perished. For, as you
+know, they delivered themselves up to Philip; they gave their cities
+into his hands; and the consequences which befell them were the exact
+opposite of all that Aeschines had predicted to you.
+
+{57} That you may realize plainly that this calamity was brought about
+in the manner that I have described, and that they are responsible for
+it, I will go through the dates at which each separate event occurred;
+and if any one can contradict me on any point, I invite him to rise and
+speak in the time allotted to me. The Peace was made on the 19th of
+Elaphebolion, and we were away on the mission which was sent to receive
+the oaths three whole months. {58} All this time the Phocians remained
+unharmed. We returned from that mission on the 13th of Scirophorion.
+Philip had already appeared at Thermopylae, and was making promises to
+the Phocians, none of which they believed--as is proved, when you
+consider that otherwise they would not have appealed to you. Then
+followed the Assembly, at which, by their falsehoods and by the
+deception which they practised upon you, Aeschines and his party ruined
+the whole cause. {59} That was on the 16th of Scirophorion. Now I
+calculate that it was on the fifth day that the report of your
+proceedings reached the Phocians: for the Phocian envoys were here on
+the spot, and were deeply concerned to know what report these men would
+make, and what your resolution would be. That gives us the 20th as the
+date on which, as we calculate, the Phocians heard of your proceedings;
+for, counting from the 16th, the 20th is the fifth day. Then followed
+the 21st, the 22nd, and the 23rd. {60} On the latter day the truce was
+made, and the ruin of the Phocians was finally sealed. This can be
+proved as follows. On the 27th you were holding an Assembly in the
+Peiraeus, to discuss the business connected with the dockyards, when
+Dercylus arrived from Chalcis with the news that Philip had put
+everything into the hands of the Thebans, and that this was the fifth
+day since the truce had been made. 23rd, 24th, 25th, 26th, 27th--the
+27th is the fifth day precisely. Thus the dates, and their reports and
+their proposals--everything, in short, convicts them of having
+co-operated with Philip, and of sharing with him the responsibility for
+the overthrow of the Phocians. {61} Again, the fact that none of the
+towns in Phocis was taken by siege or by an attack in force, and that
+the utter ruin of them all was the direct consequence of their truce
+with Philip, affords the strongest evidence that it was the belief
+inspired in the Phocians by these men, that they would be preserved
+from destruction by Philip, which was the cause of their fate. Philip
+himself they knew well enough. (_To the clerk._) Bring me our treaty of
+alliance with the Phocians, and the decrees under which they demolished
+their walls. (_To the jury._) You will then realize what were the
+relations between themselves and you, upon which they relied, and what
+nevertheless was the fate which befell them through the action of these
+accursed men. (_To the clerk._) Read.
+
+[_The Treaty of Alliance between the Athenians and Phocians is read._]
+
+{62} These, then, were the things for which they relied upon
+you--friendship, alliance, and assistance. Now listen to what befell
+them, because Aeschines prevented your going to their assistance. (_To
+the clerk._) Read.
+
+ [_The Agreement between Philip and the Phocians is read._]
+
+You hear it, men of Athens. 'An Agreement between Philip and the
+Phocians,' it runs--not between the Thebans and the Phocians, nor the
+Thessalians and the Phocians, nor the Locrians, nor any one else who
+was there. Again, 'the Phocians shall deliver up their cities to
+Philip'--not to the Thebans or Thessalians or any one else. {63} And
+why? Because the defendant's report to you was that Philip had crossed
+the Pass with a view to the preservation of the Phocians. Thus it was
+Aeschines in whom all their trust was placed; it was with him in their
+minds that they considered the whole situation; it was with him in
+their minds that they made the Peace. (_To the clerk._) Now read the
+remainder. (_To the jury._) And do you observe for what they trusted
+him, and what treatment they received. Does it show any resemblance or
+similarity to what Aeschines predicted in his report? (_To the clerk._)
+Read on.
+
+[_The decrees of the Amphictyons are read._]
+
+{64} Men of Athens, the horror and the immensity of this calamity have
+never been surpassed in our day in the Hellenic world, nor even, I
+believe, in the time before us. Yet these great and dreadful events a
+single man has been given power to bring about, by the action of these
+men, while the city of Athens was still in being--Athens, whose
+traditional policy is to stand as the champion of the Hellenic peoples,
+and not to suffer anything like this to take place. The nature of the
+ruin which the unhappy Phocians have suffered may be seen, not only
+from these decrees, but also from the actual results of the action
+taken, and an awful and piteous sight it is, men of Athens. {65} For
+when recently we were on our way to Delphi[n] we could not help seeing
+it all--houses razed to the ground, cities stripped of their walls, the
+land destitute of men in their prime--only a few poor women and little
+children left, and some old men in misery. Indeed, no words can
+describe the distress now prevailing there. Yet this was the people, I
+hear you all saying, that once gave its vote against the Thebans,[n]
+when the question of your enslavement was laid before them. {66} What
+then, men of Athens, do you think would be the vote, what the sentence,
+that your forefathers would give, if they could recover consciousness,
+upon those who were responsible for the destruction of this people? I
+believe that if they stoned them to death with their own hands, they
+would hold themselves guiltless of blood. Is it not utterly
+shameful--does it not, if possible, go beyond all shame--that those who
+saved us then, and gave the saving vote for us, should now have met
+with the very opposite fate through these men, suffering as no Hellenic
+people has ever suffered before, with none to hinder it? Who then is
+responsible for this crime? Who is the author of this deception? Who
+but Aeschines?
+
+{67} Of all the many reasons for which Philip might be congratulated
+with good cause upon his fortune, the chief ground of congratulation is
+a piece of good fortune, to which, by every Heavenly Power, I cannot
+find any parallel in our days. To have captured great cities, to have
+reduced a vast expanse of territory to subjection, and all similar
+actions, are, of course, enviable and brilliant
+achievements--undeniably so. But many other persons might be mentioned
+who had achieved as much. {68} The good fortune of which I am about to
+speak is peculiar to Philip, and has never been given to any other. It
+is this--that when he needed scoundrels to do his work for him, he
+found even greater scoundrels than he wanted. For as such we have
+surely good reason to think of them. For when there were falsehoods
+which Philip himself, in spite of the immense interests which he had at
+stake, did not dare to utter on his own behalf--which he did not set
+down in any of his letters, and which none of his envoys uttered--these
+men sold their services for the purpose, and undertook your deception.
+{69} Antipater and Parmenio, servants of a master as they were, and
+unlikely ever to find themselves in your presence again, none the less
+secured for themselves that _they_ should not be the instruments in
+your deception, while these men, who were Athenians, citizens of the
+most free city, and held an official position as your
+ambassadors--though they would have to meet you and look you in the
+face, and pass the remainder of their lives among you, and render
+before you an account of their actions--they, I say, undertook the task
+of deceiving you. How could vileness or desperation go further than
+this?
+
+{70} But I would have you understand further that he is under your
+curse, and that you cannot, without violation of religion and piety,
+acquit him, when he has thus lied to you. (_To the clerk._) Recite the
+Curse. Take it from me, and read it out of the law.
+
+[_The Curse is read._]
+
+This imprecation is pronounced in your name, men of Athens, by the
+herald, at every meeting of the Assembly, as the law appoints; and when
+the Council sits, it is pronounced again there. Nor can Aeschines say
+that he did not know it well. He was your under-clerk and servant to
+the Council, and used himself to read this law over[n] to the herald.
+{71} Surely, then, you will have done a strange and monstrous thing,
+men of Athens, if to-day, when you have it in your power, you should
+fail to do for yourselves the thing which you enjoin upon the gods, or
+rather claim from them as your due; and should acquit a man whom you
+pray to the gods to destroy utterly--himself, his race and his house.
+You must not do this. You may leave it to the gods to punish one whom
+you cannot yourselves detect; but when you have yourselves caught the
+criminal, you must no longer lay the task of punishing him upon the
+gods.
+
+{72} Now I am told that he intends to carry his shamelessness and
+impudence so far, as to avoid all mention of his own proceedings--his
+report, his promises, the deception he has practised upon the city--as
+though his trial were taking place before strangers, instead of before
+you, who know all the facts; and that he intends to accuse first the
+Spartans,[n] then the Phocians,[n] and then Hegesippus.[n] {73} That is
+mere mockery; or rather, it is atrocious shamelessness. For all that he
+will allege to-day against the Phocians or the Spartans or
+Hegesippus--their refusal to receive Proxenus, their impiety--let him
+allege what he will--all these allegations refer, as you know, to
+actions which were already past when these ambassadors returned to
+Athens, and which were no obstacle to the preservation of the
+Phocians--the admission is made by whom? By the defendant Aeschines
+himself. For what was his report on that occasion? {74} Not that if it
+had not been for their refusal to receive Proxenus, nor that if it had
+not been for Hegesippus, nor that if it had not been for such and such
+things, the Phocians would have been saved. No! he discarded all such
+qualifications, and stated expressly that before he returned he had
+persuaded Philip to save the Phocians, to repeople Boeotia, and to
+arrange matters to suit your convenience; that within two or three days
+these things would be accomplished facts, and that for this reason the
+Thebans had set a price upon his head. {75} Refuse then, to hear or to
+tolerate any mention of what had already been done, either by the
+Spartans or by the Phocians, before he made his report; and do not let
+him denounce the rascality of the Phocians. It was not for their virtue
+that you once saved the Spartans, nor the Euboeans, that accursed
+people! nor many others; but because the interests of the city demanded
+their preservation, as they demanded that of the Phocians just now. And
+what wrong was done either by the Phocians or by the Spartans, or by
+yourselves, or by any one else in the world after he made those
+declarations, to prevent the fulfilment of the promises which he then
+made? Ask him that: for that is what he will {76} not be able to show
+you. It was within five days--five days and no more--that Aeschines
+made his lying report, that you believed him, that the Phocians heard
+of it, surrendered themselves and perished. This, I think, makes it as
+plain as it can possibly be, that the ruin of the Phocians was the
+result of organized deceit and trickery, and of nothing else.[n] For so
+long as Philip was unable to proceed to Phocis on account of the
+Peace,[n] and was only waiting in readiness to do so, he kept sending
+for the Spartans, promising to do all that they wished,[n]in order that
+the Phocians might not win {77} them over to their side by your help.
+But when he had arrived at Thermopylae, and the Spartans had seen the
+trap and retired, he now sent Aeschines in advance to deceive you, in
+order that he might not, owing to your perceiving that he was playing
+into the hands of the Thebans, find himself once more involved in loss
+of time and war and delay, through the Phocians defending themselves
+and your going to their assistance, but might get everything into his
+power without a struggle; and this is what has in fact happened. Do
+not, then, let the fact that Philip deceived the Spartans and Phocians
+as well as yourselves enable Aeschines to escape his punishment for
+deceiving you. That would not be just.
+
+{78} But if he tells you that, to compensate for the Phocians and
+Thermopylae and all your other losses, you have retained possession of
+the Chersonese, do not, in Heaven's name, accept the plea! Do not
+tolerate the aggravation of all the wrong that you have suffered
+through his conduct as ambassador, by the reproach which his defence
+would bring upon the city--the reproach of having sacrificed the
+existence of your allies, in an underhand attempt to save part of your
+own possessions! You did not act thus; for when the Peace had already
+been made, and the Chersonese was no longer in danger, there followed
+four whole months[n] during which the Phocians remained unharmed; and
+it was not until after this that the lying statements of Aeschines
+brought about their ruin by deceiving you. {79} And further, you will
+find that the Chersonese is in much greater danger now than it was
+then. For when do you think that we had the greater facilities for
+punishing Philip for any trespass against the Chersonese?--before he
+stole any of these advantages from the city, or now? For my part, I
+think we had far greater facilities then. What, then, does this
+'retention of the Chersonese' amount to, when all the fears and the
+risks which attended one who would have liked to attack it have been
+removed?
+
+{80} Again, I am told that he will express himself to some such effect
+as this--that he cannot think why he is accused by Demosthenes, and not
+by any of the Phocians. It is better that you should hear the true
+state of the case from me beforehand. Of the exiled Phocians, the best,
+I believe, and the most respectable, after being driven into banishment
+and suffering as they have suffered, are content to be quiet, and none
+of them would consent to incur an enmity which would fall upon himself,
+on account of the calamities of his people: while those who would do
+anything for money have no one to give it to them. {81} For assuredly
+_I_ would never have given any one anything whatever to stand by my
+side here and cry aloud how cruelly they have suffered. The truth and
+the deeds that have been done cry aloud of themselves. And as for the
+Phocian people,[n] they are in so evil and pitiable a plight, that
+there is no question for them of appearing as accusers at the
+examination of every individual ambassador in Athens. They are in
+slavery, in mortal fear of the Thebans and of Philip's mercenaries,
+whom they are compelled to support, broken up into villages as they are
+and stripped of their arms. {82} Do not, then, suffer him to urge such
+a plea. Make him prove to you that the Phocians are not ruined, or that
+he did not promise that Philip would save them. For the questions upon
+which the examination of an ambassador turns are these: 'What have you
+effected? What have you reported? If the report is true, you may be
+acquitted; if it is false, you must pay the penalty.' How can you plead
+the non-appearance of the Phocians, when it was you yourself, I fancy,
+that brought them, so far as it lay in your power, into such a
+condition that they could neither help their friends nor repel their
+enemies.
+
+{83} And further, apart from all the shame and the dishonour in which
+also these proceedings are involved, it is easy to show that in
+consequence of them the city has been beset with grave dangers as well.
+Every one of you knows that it was the hostilities which the Phocians
+were carrying on, and their command of Thermopylae, that rendered us
+secure against Thebes, and made it impossible that either Philip or the
+Thebans should ever march into the Peloponese or into Euboea or into
+Attica. {84} But this guarantee of safety which the city possessed,
+arising out of the position of Thermopylae and the actual circumstances
+of the time, you were induced to sacrifice by the deceptions and the
+lying statements of these ambassadors--a guarantee, I say, fortified by
+arms, by a continuous campaign, by great cities of allies, and by a
+wide tract of territory; and you have looked on while it was swept
+away. Fruitless has your first expedition to Thermopylae become--an
+expedition made at a cost of more than two hundred talents, if you
+include the private expenditure of the soldiers--and fruitless your
+hopes of triumph over Thebes! {85} But of all the wicked services which
+he has done for Philip, let me tell you of that which is in reality the
+greatest outrage of all upon Athens and upon you all. It is this--that
+when Philip had determined from the very first to do for the Thebans
+all that he has done, Aeschines, by reporting the exact opposite to
+you, and so displaying to the world your antagonism to Philip's
+designs, has brought about for you an increase in the enmity between
+yourselves and the Thebans, and for Philip an increase in their
+gratitude. How could a man have treated you more outrageously than this?
+
+(_To the clerk._) {86} Now take and read the decrees of Diophantus[n]
+and Callisthenes[n]; (_to the jury_) for I would have you realize that
+when you acted as you ought, you were thought worthy to be honoured
+with public thanksgivings and praises, both at home and abroad; but
+when once you had been driven astray by these men, you had to bring
+your children and wives in from the country, and to decree that the
+sacrifice to Heracles[n] should take place within the walls, though it
+was a time of peace. And in view of this it is an amazing idea, that
+you should dismiss unpunished a man who even prevented the gods from
+receiving their worship from you after the manner of your fathers. (_To
+the clerk._) Read the decree.
+
+[_The decree of Diophantus is read._]
+
+This decree, men of Athens, was one which your conduct nobly deserved.
+(_To the clerk._) Now read the next decree.
+
+[_The decree of Callisthenes is read._]
+
+{87} This decree you passed in consequence of the action of these men.
+It was not with such a prospect in view that you made the Peace and the
+alliance at the outset, or that you were subsequently induced to insert
+the words which extended them to your posterity. You expected their
+action to bring you benefits of incredible value. Aye, and besides
+this, you know how often, after this, you were bewildered by the report
+that Philip's forces and mercenaries were threatening Porthmus or
+Megara. You have not then to reflect contentedly that Philip has not
+yet set foot in Attica. You have rather to consider whether their
+action has not given him power to do so when he chooses. It is that
+danger that you must keep before your eyes, and you must execrate and
+punish the man who is guilty of putting such power into Philip's hands.
+
+{88} Now I am aware that Aeschines will eschew all defence of the
+actions with which he is charged, and that, in his desire to lead you
+as far away as possible from the facts, he will enumerate the great
+blessings which Peace brings to all mankind, and will set against them
+the evils that follow in the train of war. His whole speech will be a
+eulogy of peace, and in that will consist his defence. But such an
+argument actually incriminates the defendant further. If peace, which
+brings such blessings to all other men, has been the source of such
+trouble and confusion to us, what explanation can be found, except that
+they have taken bribes and have cruelly marred a thing by nature so
+fair? {89} 'What?' he may say, 'have you not to thank the Peace for
+three hundred ships, with their fittings, and for funds which remain
+and will remain yours?' In answer to this, you are bound to suppose
+that, thanks to the Peace, Philip's resources too have become far more
+ample--aye, and his command of arms, and of territory, and of revenues,
+which have accrued to him to such large amounts. {90} We, too, have had
+some increase of revenue. But as for power and alliances, by the
+establishment of which all men retain their advantages, either for
+themselves or their masters, ours have been sold by these men--ruined
+and enfeebled; while Philip's have become more formidable and extensive
+by far. Thus it is not fair that while Philip has been enabled by their
+action to extend both his alliances and his revenue, all that would in
+any case have been ours, as the result of the Peace, should be set off
+against what they themselves sold to Philip. The former did not come to
+us in exchange for the latter. Far from it! For had it not been for
+them, not only should we have had the former, as we have now, but we
+should have had the latter as well.
+
+{91} You would doubtless admit, men of Athens, in general terms, that,
+on the one hand, however many and terrible the disasters that have
+befallen the city, your anger cannot justly be visited upon Aeschines,
+if none of them has been caused by him; and that, on the other hand,
+Aeschines is not entitled to be acquitted on account of any
+satisfactory results that may have been accomplished through the action
+of others. You must examine the acts of Aeschines himself, and then
+show him your favour if he is worthy of it, or your resentment, on the
+other hand, if his acts prove to be deserving ing of that. {92} How,
+then, can you solve this problem fairly? You will do so if, instead of
+allowing him to confound all questions with one another--the criminal
+conduct of the generals, the war with Philip, the blessings that flow
+from peace--you consider each point by itself. For instance, were we at
+war with Philip? We were. Does any one accuse Aeschines on that ground?
+Does any one wish to bring any charge against him in regard to things
+that were done in the course of the war? No one whatever. He is
+therefore acquitted in regard to such matters, and must not say
+anything about them; for the witnesses and the proofs which a defendant
+produces must bear upon the matters which are in dispute; he must not
+deceive you by offering a defence upon points which are not disputed.
+Take care, then, that you say nothing about the war; for no one charges
+you with any responsibility for that. {93} Later on we were urged by
+certain persons to make peace. We consented; we sent ambassadors; and
+the ambassadors brought commissioners to Athens who were to conclude
+the Peace. Once more, does any one blame Aeschines for this? Does any
+one allege that Aeschines introduced the proposal of peace, or that he
+committed any crime in bringing commissioners here to make it? No one
+whatever. He must therefore say nothing in regard to the fact that the
+city made peace; for he is not responsible for that. {94} 'Then what
+_is_ your assertion, sir?' I may be asked. 'At what point _do_ your
+charges begin?' They begin, men of Athens, from the time when the
+question before you was not whether you should make peace or not (for
+that had already been settled), but what sort of peace you should
+make--when Aeschines opposed those who took the side of justice,
+supported for a bribe the hireling mover of the decree, and afterwards,
+when he had been chosen to receive the oaths, failed to carry out every
+one of your instructions, destroyed those of your allies who had passed
+unscathed through the war, and told you falsehoods whose enormity and
+grossness has never been surpassed, either before or since. At the
+outset, before Philip was given a hearing in regard to the Peace,
+Ctesiphon and Aristodemus took the leading part in the work of
+deception; but when the time had come for action, they surrendered
+their role to Philocrates and Aeschines, who took it up and ruined
+everything. {95} And then, when he is bound to answer for his actions
+and to give satisfaction for them--like the unscrupulous God-forsaken
+clerk that he is--he will defend himself as though it were the Peace
+for which he was being tried. Not that he wishes to account for more
+than is charged against him--that would be lunacy. No! He sees rather
+that in all his own proceedings no good can be found--that his crimes
+are his whole history; while a defence of the Peace, if it has no other
+merits, has at least the kindly sound of the name to recommend it. {96}
+I fear, indeed, men of Athens, I fear that, unconsciously, we are
+enjoying this Peace like men who borrow at heavy interest. The
+guarantees of its security--the Phocians and Thermopylae--they have
+betrayed. But, be that as it may, it was not through _Aeschines_ that
+we originally made it; for, paradoxical as it may seem, what I am about
+to say is absolutely true--that if any one is honestly pleased at the
+Peace, it is the generals, who are universally denounced, that he must
+thank for it: for had they been conducting the war as you desired them
+to do, {97}you would not have tolerated even the name of peace. For
+peace, then, we must thank the generals; but the perilous, the
+precarious, the untrustworthy nature of the Peace is due to the
+corruption of these men. Cut him off, then, cut him off, I say, from
+all arguments in defence of the Peace! Set him to defend his own
+actions! Aeschines is not being tried on account of the Peace. On the
+contrary, the Peace stands discredited owing to Aeschines. And here is
+evidence of the fact:--if the Peace had been made, and if no subsequent
+deception had been practised upon you, and none of your allies had been
+ruined, who on earth would have been hurt by the Peace, except in so
+far as it was inglorious? And for its inglorious character the
+defendant in fact shares the responsibility, for he spoke in support of
+Philocrates. At least no irreparable harm would have been done; whereas
+now, I believe, much has been done, and the guilt rests with the
+defendant. {98} That these men have been the agents in this shameful
+and wicked work of ruin and destruction, I think you all know. Yet so
+far am I, gentlemen of the jury, from putting any unfair construction
+upon these facts or asking you to do so, that if it has been through
+stupidity or simplicity, or ignorance in any form whatever, that such
+results have been so brought about, I acquit Aeschines myself, and I
+{99} recommend you also to acquit him. At the same time none of these
+excuses is either constitutional[n] or justifiable. For you neither
+command nor compel any one to undertake public business; but when any
+one has satisfied himself of his own capacity and has entered political
+life, then, like good-hearted, kindly men, you welcome him in a
+friendly and ungrudging manner, and even elect him to office and place
+your own interests in his hands. {100} Then, if a man succeeds, he will
+receive honour and will so far have an advantage over the crowd. But if
+he fails, is he to plead palliations and excuses? That is not fair. It
+would not satisfy our ruined allies, or their children, or their wives,
+or the rest of the victims, to know that it was through my
+stupidity--not to speak of the stupidity of the defendant--that they
+had suffered such a fate. Far from it! {101} Nevertheless, I bid you
+forgive Aeschines for these atrocious and unparalleled crimes if he can
+prove that it was simplicity of mind, or any form of ignorance
+whatever, which led him to work such ruin. But if it was the rascality
+of a man who had taken money and bribes--if he is plainly convicted of
+this by the very facts themselves--then, if it be possible, put him to
+death; or if not, make him, while he lives, an example to others.
+
+And now give your thoughts to the proof by which he is convicted on
+these points, and observe how straightforward it will be.
+
+{102} If the defendant Aeschines was not deliberately deceiving you for
+a price, he must necessarily, I presume, have had one of two reasons
+for making the statements in question to you, in regard to the Phocians
+and Thespiae and Euboea. Either he must have heard Philip promise in
+express terms that such would be his policy and the steps he would
+take; or else he must have been so far bewitched and deluded by
+Philip's generosity in all other matters as to conceive these further
+hopes of him. There is no possible alternative besides these two. {103}
+Now in both these cases he, more than any living man, ought to detest
+Philip. And why? Because, so far as Philip could bring it about, all
+that is most dreadful and most shameful has fallen upon him. He has
+deceived you; his reputation is gone [he is rightly ruined]; he is on
+his trial; aye, and were the course of the proceedings in any way that
+which his conduct called for, he would long ago have been impeached;[n]
+{104-109} whereas now, thanks to your innocence and meekness, he
+presents his report, and that at the time which suits his own wishes. I
+ask, then, if there is one among you who has ever heard Aeschines raise
+his voice in denunciation of Philip--one, I say, who has seen Aeschines
+exposing him or saying a word against him? Not one! All Athens
+denounces Philip before Aeschines does so. Every one whom you meet does
+so, though not one of them has been injured by him--I mean, of course,
+personally. On the assumption that Aeschines had not sold himself, I
+should have expected to hear him use some such expressions as
+these--'Men of Athens, deal with _me_ as you will. I trusted Philip; I
+was deceived; I was wrong; I confess my error. But beware of _him_, men
+of Athens. He is faithless--a cheat, a knave. Do you not see how he has
+treated me? how he has deceived me?' {110} But I hear no such
+expressions fall from him, nor do you. And why? Because he was _not_
+misled; he was _not_ deceived; he made these statements, he betrayed
+all to Philip, because he had sold his services and received the money
+for them; and gallantly and loyally has he behaved--as Philip's
+hireling. But as your ambassador, as your fellow citizen, he is a
+traitor who deserves to die, not once, but thrice.
+
+{111} This is not the only evidence which proves that all those
+statements of his were made for money. For, recently, the Thessalians
+came to you, and with them envoys from Philip, demanding that you
+should decree the recognition of Philip as one of the Amphictyons. Who
+then, of all men, should naturally have opposed the demand? The
+defendant Aeschines. And why? Because Philip had acted in a manner
+precisely contrary to the announcement which Aeschines had made to you.
+{112} Aeschines declared that Philip would fortify Thespiae and
+Plataeae; that he intended, not to destroy the Phocians, but to put
+down the insolence of Thebes. But in fact Philip has raised the Thebans
+to an undue height of power, while he has utterly destroyed the
+Phocians; and instead of fortifying Thespiae and Plataeae, he has
+brought Orchomenus and Coroneia into the same bondage with them. How
+could any contradiction be greater than this? Aeschines did not oppose
+the demand. He neither opened his lips nor uttered a sound in
+opposition to it. {113} But even this, monstrous as it is, is not yet
+the worst. For he, and he alone, in all Athens, actually supported the
+demand. This not even Philocrates dared to do, abominable as he was; it
+was left for the defendant Aeschines. And when you raised a clamour and
+would not listen to him, he stepped down from the platform, and,
+showing off before the envoys who had come from Philip, told them that
+there were plenty of men who made a clamour, but few who took the field
+when it was required of them--you remember the incident, no
+doubt--being himself, of course, a marvellous soldier, God knows!
+
+{114} Again, if we had been unable to prove that any of the ambassadors
+had received anything--if the fact were not patent to all--we might
+then have resorted to examination by torture,[n] and other such
+methods. But if Philocrates not only admitted the fact frequently in
+your presence at the Assembly, but used actually to make a parade of
+his guilt--selling wheat, building houses, saying that he was going[n]
+whether you elected him or not, importing timber, changing Macedonian
+gold openly at the bank--it is surely impossible for _him_ to deny that
+he received money, when he himself confesses and displays his guilt.
+{115} Now, is any human being so senseless or so ill-starred that, in
+order that Philocrates might receive money, while he himself incurred
+infamy and disgrace, he would want to fight against those upright
+citizens in whose ranks he might have stood, and to take the side of
+Philocrates and face a trial? I am sure that there is no such man; but
+in all these considerations, if you examine them aright, you will find
+strong and evident signs of the corruption of the defendant.
+
+{116} Consider next an incident which occurred last in order of time,
+but which is second to none as an indication that Aeschines had sold
+himself to Philip. You doubtless know that in the course of the recent
+impeachment of Philocrates by Hypereides, I came forward and expressed
+my dissatisfaction with one feature of the impeachment--namely, the
+idea that Philocrates alone had been responsible for all these
+monstrous crimes, and that the other nine ambassadors had no share in
+them. I said that it was not so, for Philocrates by himself would have
+been nowhere, had he not had some of them to co-operate with him. {117}
+'And therefore,' I said, 'in order that I may not personally acquit or
+accuse any one, and that the guilty may be detected, and those who have
+had no share in the crime acquitted by the evidence of their own
+conduct, let any one who wishes to do so rise and come forward into
+your midst, and let him declare that he has no share in it, and that
+the actions of Philocrates are displeasing to him. Any one who does
+this,' I said, 'I acquit.' You remember the incident, I am sure. {118}
+Well, no one came forward or showed himself. Each of the others has
+some excuse. One was not liable to examination; another, perhaps, was
+not present; a third is related to Philocrates. But Aeschines has no
+such excuse. No! So completely has he sold himself, once for all--so
+plain is it that his wages are not for past services only, but that, if
+he escapes now, Philip can equally count upon his help against you in
+the future--that to avoid letting fall even a word that would be
+unfavourable to Philip, he does not accept his discharge[n] even when
+you offer to discharge him, but chooses to suffer infamy, to stand his
+trial and to endure any treatment in this court, rather than to take a
+step that would not please Philip. {119} But what is the meaning of
+this partnership, this careful forethought for Philocrates? For if
+Philocrates had by his diplomacy accomplished the most honourable
+results and achieved all that your interest required, and yet admitted
+(as he did admit) that he had made money by his mission, this very fact
+was one by which an uncorrupted colleague should have been repelled and
+set him on his guard, and led to protest to the best of his power.
+Aeschines has not acted in this way. Is it not all clear, men of
+Athens? Do not the facts cry aloud and tell you that Aeschines has
+taken money, that he is a rascal for a price, and that
+consistently--not through stupidity, or ignorance, or bad luck? {120}
+'But where is the witness who testifies to my corruption?' he asks.
+Why, this is the finest thing of all![n] The witnesses, Aeschines, are
+facts; and they are the surest of all witnesses: none can assert or
+allege against them, that they are influenced by persuasion or by
+favour to any one: what your treachery and mischief have made them,
+such, when examined, they must appear. But, besides the facts, you
+shall at once bear witness against yourself. Come, stand up[n] and
+answer me! Surely you will not plead that you are so inexperienced as
+not to know what to say. For when, under the ordinary limitations of
+time, you prosecute and win cases that have all the novelty of a
+play[n]--cases, too, that have no witness to support them--you must
+plainly be a speaker of tremendous genius.
+
+{121} Many and atrocious as are the crimes of the defendant Aeschines,
+and great as is the wickedness which is implied by them (as I am sure
+you also feel) there is none which is more atrocious than that of which
+I am about to speak to you, and none which will afford more palpable
+proof that he has taken bribes and sold everything. For when once more,
+for the third time, you sent the ambassadors to Philip on the strength
+of those high and noble expectations which the defendant's promises had
+roused, you elected both Aeschines and myself, and most of those whom
+you had previously sent. {122} For my part I came forward and declined
+upon oath to serve;[n] and though some raised a clamour and bade me go,
+I declared that I would not; but the defendant had already been
+elected. Afterwards, when the Assembly had risen, he and his party met
+and discussed whom they should leave behind in Athens. For while
+everything was still in suspense, and the future doubtful, there were
+all kinds of gatherings and discussions in the market-place. {123} They
+were afraid, no doubt, that a special meeting of the Assembly might
+suddenly be called, and that you might then hear the truth from me, and
+pass some of the resolutions which it was your duty to pass in the
+interest of the Phocians, and that so Philip's object might slip from
+his grasp. For had you merely passed a resolution and shown them the
+faintest ray of hope of any kind, the Phocians would have been saved.
+It was absolutely impossible for Philip to stay where he was, unless
+you were misled. There was no corn in the country, for, owing to the
+war, the land had not been sown; and to import corn was impossible so
+long as your ships were there and in command of the sea; while the
+Phocian towns were many in number, and difficult to take except by a
+prolonged siege. Even assuming that he were taking a town a day, there
+are two and twenty of them. {124} For all these reasons they left
+Aeschines in Athens, to guard against any alteration of the course
+which you had been deluded into taking. Now to decline upon oath to
+serve, without any cause, was a dangerous and highly suspicious
+proceeding. 'What?' he would have been asked, 'are you not going on the
+mission which is to secure all those wonderful good things which you
+have foretold?' Yet he was bound to remain. How could it be done? He
+pleads illness. His brother took with him Execestus the physician, came
+before the Council, swore that Aeschines was too ill to serve, and was
+himself elected in his place. {125} Five or six days later the ruin of
+the Phocians had been accomplished, and Aeschines' contract--a mere
+matter of business--had been fulfilled. Dercylus turned back, and on
+his arrival here from Chalcis announced to you the destruction of the
+Phocians, while you were holding an Assembly in the Peiraeus. On
+hearing the news you were naturally struck with sympathy for them, and
+with terror for yourselves. You passed resolutions to bring in your
+children and wives from the country, to repair the garrison-forts, to
+fortify the Peiraeus, and to celebrate the sacrifice to Heracles within
+the city walls: {126} and in the midst of all this, in the midst of the
+confusion and the tumult which had fallen upon the city, this learned
+and able speaker, so loud of voice, though not elected[n] either by the
+Council or by the people, set off as ambassador to the man who had
+wrought the destruction, taking no account of the illness which he had
+previously made his excuse, upon oath, for not serving, nor of the
+election of another ambassador in his place, nor of the law which
+imposes the penalty of death for such offences; {127} nor yet
+reflecting how utterly atrocious it was, that after announcing that the
+Thebans had placed a price on his head, he should choose the moment
+when the Thebans had (in addition to all Boeotia, which they already
+possessed) become masters of the territory of the Phocians as well, to
+go into the very midst of Thebes, and into the very camp of the
+Thebans. But so beside himself was he, so utterly bent upon his profits
+and his bribe, that he ruled out and overlooked all such
+considerations, and took his departure.
+
+{128} Such was the nature of this transaction; and yet his proceedings
+when he arrived at his destination are far worse. All of you who are
+present, and all other Athenians as well, thought the treatment of the
+unhappy Phocians so atrocious and so cruel that you sent to the Pythian
+games neither the official deputation from the Council, nor the
+Thesmothetae,[n] but abandoned that ancient representation of
+yourselves at the festival. But Aeschines went to the triumphal
+feast[n] with which the Thebans and Philip were celebrating the victory
+of their cause and their arms. He joined in the festival: he shared in
+the libations and the prayers which Philip offered over the ruined
+walls and country and arms of your allies: with Philip he set garlands
+on his head, and raised the paean, and drank the loving-cup. {129} Nor
+is it possible for the defendant to give a different version of the
+facts from that which I have given. As regards his sworn refusal to
+serve, the facts are in your public records in the Metroon,[n] guarded
+by your officer; and a decree stands recorded with express reference to
+the name of Aeschines.[n] And as for his conduct there, his fellow
+ambassadors, who were present, will bear witness against him. They told
+me the story; for I was not with them on this Embassy, having entered a
+sworn refusal to serve.
+
+(_To the clerk._) {130} Now read me the resolution [and the record],
+and call the witnesses.
+
+[_The decree is read, and the witnesses called._]
+
+What prayers, then, do you imagine Philip offered to the gods, when he
+poured his libation, or the Thebans? Did they not ask them to give
+success in war, and victory, to themselves and their allies, and the
+contrary to the allies of the Phocians? In these prayers, therefore--in
+these imprecations upon his own country--Aeschines joined. It is for
+you to return them upon his own head to-day.
+
+{131} His departure, then, was a contravention of the law which imposes
+the penalty of death for the offence, and it has been shown that on his
+arrival he acted in a manner for which he deserves to die again and
+again, while his former proceedings and the work which he did as
+ambassador, in their interest,[n] would justly slay him. Ask yourselves
+what penalty can be found, which will adequately atone for all these
+crimes? {132} It would surely be shameful, men of Athens, that while
+all of you, and the whole people, denounce publicly all the
+consequences of the Peace; while you decline to take part in the
+business of the Amphictyons; while your attitude towards Philip is one
+of vexation and mistrust, because the deeds that have been done are
+impious and atrocious, instead of righteous and advantageous to you;
+that nevertheless, when you have come into court as the sworn
+representatives of the State, to sit in judgement upon the report of
+these proceedings, you should acquit the author of all the evil, when
+you have taken him red-handed in actions like these. {133} Who is there
+of all your fellow citizens--nay, who of all the Hellenes--that would
+not have good cause for complaint against you, when he saw that though
+you were enraged against Philip, who in making peace after war was
+merely purchasing the means to his end from those who offered them for
+sale--a very pardonable transaction--you were yet acquitting Aeschines,
+who sold your interests in this shameful manner, notwithstanding the
+extreme penalties which the laws appoint for such conduct?
+
+{134} Now it is possible that an argument may also be used by the other
+side to some such effect as this--that the condemnation of those whose
+diplomacy brought about the Peace will mean the beginning of enmity
+with Philip. If this is true, then, I can imagine, upon consideration,
+no more serious charge that I could bring against the defendant, than
+this. If Philip, who spent his money on the Peace which he wished to
+obtain, has become so formidable, so powerful, that you have already
+ceased to regard your oaths and the justice of the case, and are
+seeking how you can gratify Philip, what penalty, that those who are
+responsible for this could suffer, would be adequate to the offence?
+{135} I believe, however, that I shall actually show you that it would
+more probably mean the beginning of a friendship, advantageous to you.
+For you must be well assured, men of Athens, that Philip does not
+despise your city; nor was it because he regarded you as less
+serviceable than the Thebans, that he preferred them to you. No! {136}
+He had been instructed by these men and had heard from them, what I
+once told you in the Assembly, without contradiction from any of them,
+that the People is the most unstable thing in the world, and the most
+incalculable, inconstant as a wave of the sea, stirred by any chance
+wind. One comes, another goes; but no one cares for the public
+interest, or remembers it. Philip needs (he is told) friends upon whom
+he can rely to execute and manage his business with you--such friends,
+for instance, as his informant.[n] If this were secured for him, he
+would easily effect all that he desired in Athens. {137} Now if he
+heard that those who had used such language to him had immediately upon
+their return been beaten to death, he would doubtless have behaved as
+the Persian king did. And how was this? He had been deceived by
+Timagoras,[n] and had given him, it is said, forty talents; but when he
+heard that Timagoras had been put to death here, and had not even power
+to secure his own life, much less to carry out the promises he had made
+to him, he recognized that he had not paid the price to the man who had
+the power to effect his object. For first, as you know, he sent a
+dispatch, acknowledging once more your title to Amphipolis, which he
+had previously described as in alliance and friendship with himself;
+and secondly, he thenceforward wholly abstained from giving money to
+any one. {138} This is exactly what Philip would have done, if he had
+seen that any of these men had paid the penalty, and what, if he sees
+it, he will still do. But when he hears that they address you, and
+enjoy a high reputation with you, and prosecute others, what is he to
+do? Is he to seek to spend much, when he can spend less? or to desire
+to court the favour of all, when he need but court two or three? That
+would be madness. For even those public benefits which Philip conferred
+upon the Thebans he conferred not from choice-- far from it--but
+because he was induced to do so by their ambassadors; and I will tell
+you how. {139} Ambassadors came to him from Thebes just at the time
+when we were there upon our mission from you. Philip wished to give
+them money, and that (so they said) in very large amounts. The Theban
+ambassadors would not accept or receive it. After that, while drinking
+at a sacrificial banquet and displaying his generosity towards them,
+Philip offered, as he drank to them, presents of many kinds--captives
+and the like--and finally he offered them goblets of gold and silver.
+All these they steadily refused, declining to put themselves in his
+power in any way. {140} At last Philo, one of the ambassadors, made a
+speech, men of Athens, which was worthy to be made in the name, not of
+Thebes, but of yourselves. For he said that it gave them pleasure and
+delight to see the magnanimous and generous attitude of Philip towards
+them; but for their own personal part, they were already his good
+friends even without these presents; and they begged him to apply his
+generosity to the existing political situation of their country, and to
+do something worthy of himself and Thebes, promising that, if he did
+so, their whole city, as well as themselves, would become attached to
+him. {141} And now observe what the Thebans have gained by this, and
+what consequences have followed; and contemplate in a real instance the
+advantages of refusing to sell your country's interests. First of all,
+they obtained peace when they were already distressed and suffering
+from the war, in which they were the losing side. Next, they secured
+the utter ruin of their enemies, the Phocians, and the complete
+destruction of their walls and towns. And was this all? No, indeed! For
+besides all this they obtained Orchomenus, Coroneia, Corsia, the
+Tilphossaeum, and as much of the territory of the Phocians as they
+desired. {142} This then was what the Thebans gained by the Peace; and
+surely no more could they have asked even in their prayers. And the
+ambassadors of Thebes gained--what? Nothing but the credit of having
+brought this good fortune to their country; and a noble reward it was,
+men of Athens, a proud record on the score of merit and honour--that
+honour which Aeschines and his party sold for money. Let us now set
+against one another the consequences of the Peace to the city of Athens
+and to the Athenian ambassadors respectively; and then observe whether
+its effects have been similar in the case of the city and of these men
+personally. {143} The city has surrendered all her possessions and all
+her allies; she has sworn to Philip that even if another approaches
+them to preserve them for her, you will prevent him; that you will
+consider any one who wishes to give them up to you as your enemy and
+foe, and the man who has robbed you of them as your ally and friend.
+{144} That is the resolution which Aeschines supported, and which was
+moved by his accomplice Philocrates; and although on the first day I
+was successful, and had persuaded you to ratify the decree of the
+allies and to summon Philip's envoys,[n] the defendant forced an
+adjournment of the question till the next day, and persuaded you to
+adopt the resolution of Philocrates, in which these proposals, and many
+others even more atrocious, are made. {145} These were the consequences
+of the Peace to Athens. It would not be easy to devise anything more
+shameful. What were the consequences to the ambassadors who brought
+these things about? I say nothing of all that you have seen for
+yourselves--the houses, the timber, the wheat. But they also possess
+properties and extensive estates in the country of your ruined allies,
+bringing in incomes of a talent to Philocrates and thirty minae to the
+defendant. {146} Yet surely, men of Athens, it is an atrocious and a
+monstrous thing, that the calamities of your allies should have become
+sources of revenue to your ambassadors, and that the same Peace which
+to the city that sent them meant the ruin of her allies, the surrender
+of her possessions, and shame in the place of honour, should have
+created for the ambassadors who brought these things to pass against
+their country, revenue, affluence, property, and wealth, in the place
+of abject poverty. To prove, however, that what I am telling you is
+true (_to the clerk_) call me the witnesses from Olynthus.
+
+[_The witnesses are called._]
+
+{147} Now I should not wonder if he even dared to make some such
+statement as this--that the Peace which we were making could not have
+been made an honourable one, or such as I demanded, because our
+generals had mismanaged the war. If he argues thus, then remember, in
+Heaven's name, to ask him whether[n] it was from some other city that
+he went as ambassador, or from this city itself? If it was from some
+other, to whose success in war and to whose excellent generals he can
+point, then it was natural for him to take Philip's money: but if it
+was from Athens itself, why do we find him taking presents as part of a
+transaction which involved the surrender of her possessions by the city
+which sent him? For in any honest transaction the city that sent the
+ambassadors ought to have shared the same fortune as the ambassadors
+whom she sent. {148} Consider also this further point, men of Athens.
+Do you think that the successes of the Phocians against the Thebans in
+the war, or the successes of Philip against you, were the more
+considerable? Those of the Phocians against the Thebans, I am quite
+certain. At least, they held Orchomenus and Coroneia and the
+Tilphossaeum;[n] they had intercepted the Theban garrison at Neones;[n]
+they had slain two hundred of them on Hedyleum;[n] a trophy had been
+raised, their cavalry were victorious, and a whole Iliad of misfortunes
+had beset the Thebans. You were in no such position as this, and may
+you never be so in the future! Your most serious disadvantage in your
+hostilities with Philip was your inability to inflict upon him all the
+damage that you desired; you were completely secure against suffering
+any harm yourselves. How is it then that, as the result of one and the
+same Peace, the Thebans, who were being so badly worsted in the war,
+have recovered their own possessions and, in addition, have gained
+those of their enemies; while you, the Athenians, have lost under the
+Peace even what you retained safely through the war? It is because
+their ambassadors did not sell their interests, while these men have
+sold yours. [Ah! he will say,[n] but the allies were exhausted by the
+war....]. That this is how these things were accomplished, you will
+realize still more clearly from what I have yet to say.
+
+{150}For when this Peace was concluded--the Peace of Philocrates, which
+Aeschines supported--and when Philip's envoys had set sail, after
+receiving the oaths from us--and up to this time nothing that had been
+done was irreparable, for though the Peace was disgraceful and unworthy
+of Athens, still we were to get those marvellous good things in
+return--then I say, I asked and told the ambassadors to sail as quickly
+as possible to the Hellespont, and not to sacrifice any of our
+positions there, nor allow Philip to occupy them in the interval. {151}
+For I knew very well that everything that is sacrificed when peace is
+in process of being concluded after war, is lost to those who are so
+neglectful; since no one who had been induced to make peace with regard
+to the situation as a whole ever yet made up his mind to fight afresh
+for the sake of possessions which had been left unsecured; such
+possessions those who first take them keep. And, apart from this, I
+thought that, if we sailed, the city could not fail to secure one of
+two useful results. Either, when we were there and had received
+Philip's oath according to the decree, he would restore the possessions
+of Athens which he had taken, and keep his hands off the rest; {152}
+or, if he did not do so, we should immediately report the fact to you
+here, and so, when you saw his grasping and perfidious disposition in
+regard to those your remoter and less important interests, you would
+not in dealing with greater matters close at hand--in other words, with
+the Phocians and Thermopylae--let anything be lost. If he failed to
+forestall you in regard to these, and you were not deceived, your
+interests would be completely secured, and he would give you your
+rights without hesitation. {153} And I had good reason for such
+expectations. For if the Phocians were still safe and sound, as they
+then were, and were in occupation of Thermopylae, Philip would have had
+no terror to brandish before you, which could make you overlook any of
+your rights. For he was not likely either to make his way through by
+land, or to win a victory by sea, and so reach Attica; while if he
+refused to act as was right, you would instantly close his ports,
+reduce him to straits for money and other supplies, and place him in a
+state of siege; and in that case it would be he, and not you, to whom
+the advantages of peace would be the overmastering consideration. {154}
+And that I am not inventing this or claiming wisdom after the
+event--that I knew it at once, and, with your interest in view, foresaw
+what must happen and told my colleagues--you will realize from the
+following facts. When there was no longer any meeting of the Assembly
+available (since you had used up all the appointed days) and still the
+ambassadors did not depart, but wasted time here, I proposed a decree
+as a member of the Council, to which the people had given full powers,
+that the ambassadors should depart directly, and that the admiral
+Proxenus should convey them to any district in which he should
+ascertain Philip to be. My proposal was just what I now tell you,
+couched expressly in those terms. (_To the clerk_.) Take this decree
+and read it.
+
+[_The decree is read_.]
+
+{155} I brought them away, then, from Athens, sorely against their
+will, as you will clearly understand from their subsequent conduct.
+When we reached Oreus and joined Proxenus, instead of sailing and
+following their instructions, they made a circuitous journey by land,
+and before we reached Macedonia we had spent three and twenty days. All
+the rest of the time, until Philip's arrival, we were sitting idle at
+Pella; and this, with the journey, brought the time up to fifty days in
+all. {156} During this interval, in a time of peace and truce, Philip
+was taking Doriscus,[n] Thrace, the district towards the Walls, the
+Sacred Mountain--everything, in fact, and making his own arrangements
+there; while I spoke out repeatedly and insistently, first in the tone
+of a man giving his opinion to his colleagues, then as though I were
+informing the ignorant, till at last I addressed them without any
+concealment as men who had sold themselves and were the most impious of
+mankind. {157} And the man who contradicted me openly and opposed
+everything which I urged and which your decree enjoined, was Aeschines.
+Whether his conduct pleased all the other ambassadors as well, you will
+know presently; for as yet I allege nothing about any of them, and make
+no accusation: no one of them need appear an honest man to-day because
+I oblige him to do so, but only of his own free will, and because he
+was no partner in Aeschines' crimes. That the conduct in question was
+disgraceful, atrocious, venal, you have all seen. Who were the partners
+in it, the facts will show.
+
+{158} 'But of course, during this interval they received the oaths from
+Philip's allies, or carried out their other duties.' Far from it! For
+though they had been absent from home three whole months, and received
+1,000 drachmae from you for their expenses, they did not receive the
+oaths from a single city, either on their journey to Macedonia, or on
+the way back. It was in the inn before the temple of the Dioscuri--any
+one who has been to Pherae will understand me--when Philip was already
+on the march towards Athens at the head of an army, that the oaths were
+taken, in a fashion which was disgraceful, men of Athens, and insulting
+to you. {159} To Philip, however, it was worth anything that the
+transaction should have been carried out in this form. These men had
+failed in their attempt to insert among the terms of the Peace the
+clause which excluded the people of Halus and Pharsalus; Philocrates
+had been forced by you to expunge the words, and to write down
+expressly 'the Athenians and the allies of the Athenians'; and Philip
+did not wish any of his own allies to have taken such an oath; for then
+they would not join him in his campaign against those possessions of
+yours which he now holds, but would plead their oaths in excuse; {160}
+nor did he wish them to be witnesses of the promises on the strength of
+which he was obtaining the Peace. He did not wish it to be revealed to
+the world that the city of Athens had not, after all, been defeated in
+the war, and that it was Philip who was eager for peace, and was
+promising to do great things for Athens if he obtained it. It was just
+to prevent the revelation of these facts that he thought it inadvisable
+that the ambassadors should go to any of the cities; while for their
+part, they sought to gratify him in everything, with ostentatious and
+extravagant obsequiousness. {161} But when all this is proved against
+them--their waste of time, their sacrifice of your position in Thrace,
+their complete failure to act in accordance either with your decree or
+your interests, their lying report to you--how is it possible that
+before a jury of sane men, anxious to be true to their oath, Aeschines
+can be acquitted? To prove, however, that what I say is true (_to the
+clerk_), first read the decree, under which it was our duty to exact
+the oaths, then Philip's letter, and then the decree of Philocrates and
+that of the people.
+
+[_The decrees and letter are read._]
+
+{162} And now, to prove that we should have caught Philip in the
+Hellespont, had any one listened to me, and carried out your
+instructions as contained in the decrees, (_to the clerk_) call the
+witnesses who were there on the spot.
+
+[_The witnesses are called._]
+
+(_To the clerk._) Next read also the other deposition--Philip's answer
+to Eucleides,[n] who is present here, when he went to Philip afterwards.
+
+[_The deposition is read._]
+
+{163} Now listen to me, while I show that they cannot even deny that it
+was to serve Philip's interest that they acted as they did. For when we
+set out on the First Embassy--that which was to discuss the Peace--you
+dispatched a herald in advance to procure us a safe conduct. Well, on
+that occasion, as soon as ever they had reached Oreus, they did not
+wait for the herald, or allow any time to be lost; but though Halus was
+being besieged, they sailed there direct, and then, leaving the town
+again, came to Parmenio, who was besieging it, set out through the
+enemy's camp to Pagasae, and, continuing their journey, only met the
+herald at Larissa: with such eager haste did they proceed. {164} But at
+a time when there was peace and they had complete security for their
+journey and you had instructed them to make haste, it never occurred to
+them either to quicken their pace or to go by sea. And why? Because on
+the former occasion Philip's interest demanded that the Peace should be
+made as soon as possible; whereas now it required that as long an
+interval as possible should be wasted before the oaths were taken.
+{165} To prove that this is so, (_to the clerk_) take and read this
+further deposition.
+
+[_The deposition is read._]
+
+How could men be more clearly convicted of acting to serve Philip's
+interest throughout, than by the fact that they sat idle, when in your
+interest they ought to have hurried, on the very same journey over
+which they hastened onward, without even waiting for the herald, when
+they ought not to have moved at all?
+
+{166} Now observe how each of us chose to conduct himself while we were
+there, sitting idle at Pella. For myself, I chose to rescue and seek
+out the captives, spending my own money and asking Philip to procure
+their ransom[n] with the sums which he was offering us in the form of
+presents. How Aeschines passed his whole time you shall hear presently.
+{167} What then was the meaning of Philip's offering money to us in
+common? He kept sounding us all--for this too I would have you know.
+And how? He sent round privately to each of us, and offered us, men of
+Athens, a very large sum in gold. But when he failed in a particular
+case (for I need not mention my own name myself, since the proceedings
+and their results will of themselves show to whom I refer), he thought
+that we should all be innocent enough to accept what was given to us in
+common; and then, if we all alike had a share, however small, in the
+common present, those who had sold themselves privately would be
+secure. {168} Hence these offers, under the guise of presents to his
+guest-friends. And when I prevented this, my colleagues further divided
+among themselves the sum thus offered. But when I asked Philip to spend
+this sum on the prisoners, he could neither, without discredit,
+denounce my colleagues, and say, 'But So-and-so has the money, and
+So-and-so,' nor yet evade the expense. So he gave the promise, but
+deferred its fulfilment, saying that he would send the prisoners home
+in time for the Panathenaea. (_To the clerk._) Read the evidence of
+Apollophanes, and then that of the rest of those present.
+
+[_The evidence is read._]
+
+{169} Now let me tell you how many of the prisoners I myself ransomed.
+For while we were sitting waiting there at Pella, before Philip's
+arrival, some of the captives--all, in fact, who were out on bail--not
+trusting, I suppose, my ability to persuade Philip to act as I wished,
+said that they wished to ransom themselves, and to be under no
+obligation to Philip for their freedom: and they borrowed, one three
+minae, another five, and another--whatever the amount of the ransom was
+in each case. {170} But when Philip had promised that he would ransom
+the rest, I called together those to whom I had advanced the money; I
+reminded them of the circumstances; and, lest they should seem to have
+suffered by their impatience, and to have been ransomed at their own
+cost, poor men as they were, when all their comrades expected to be set
+free by Philip, I made them a present of their ransom. To prove that I
+am speaking the truth, (_to the clerk_) read these depositions.
+
+[_The depositions are read._]
+
+{171} These, then, are the sums which I excused them, and gave as a
+free gift to fellow citizens who had met with misfortune. And so, when
+Aeschines says presently, in his speech to you, 'Demosthenes, if, as
+you say, you knew, from the time when I supported Philocrates'
+proposal, that we were acting altogether dishonestly, why did you go
+again as our colleague on the subsequent mission to take the oaths,
+instead of entering a sworn excuse?' remember this, that I had promised
+those whose freedom I had procured that I would bring them their
+ransom, and deliver them to the best of my power. {172} It would have
+been a wicked thing to break my word and abandon my fellow citizens in
+their misfortune; while, on the other hand, if I had excused myself
+upon oath from service, it would not have been altogether honourable,
+nor yet safe, to make a tour there in a private capacity. For let
+destruction, utter and early, fall upon me, if I would have joined in a
+mission with these men for a very large sum of money, had it not been
+for my anxiety to rescue the prisoners. It is a proof of this, that
+though you twice elected me to serve on the Third Embassy, I twice
+swore an excuse. And all through the journey in question my policy was
+entirely opposed to theirs. {173} All, then, that it was within my own
+power to decide in the course of my mission resulted as I have
+described; but wherever in virtue of their majority they gained their
+way, all has been lost. And yet, had there been any who listened to me,
+all would have been accomplished in a manner congruous with my own
+actions. For I was not so pitiful a fool as to give away money, when I
+saw others receiving it, in my ambition to serve you, and yet not to
+desire what could have been accomplished without expense, and would
+have brought far greater benefits to the whole city. I desired it
+intensely, men of Athens; but, of course, they had the advantage over
+me.
+
+{174} Come now and contemplate the proceedings of Aeschines and those
+of Philocrates, by the side of my own; for the comparison will bring
+out their character more vividly. Well, they first pronounced the
+exclusion from the Peace of the Phocians and the people of Halus, and
+of Cersobleptes, contrary to your decree and to the statements made to
+you. Then they attempted to tamper with and alter the decree, which we
+had come there as ambassadors to execute. Then they entered the
+Cardians as allies of Philip and voted against sending the dispatch
+which I had written to you, sending in its stead an utterly unsound
+dispatch of their own composition. {175} And then the gallant gentleman
+asserted that I had promised Philip that I would overthrow your
+constitution, because I censured these proceedings, not only from a
+sense of their disgracefulness, but also from fear lest through the
+fault of these men I might have to share their ruin: while all the time
+he was himself having incessant private interviews with Philip. And, to
+pass over all besides, Dercylus (not I) watched him through the night
+at Pherae, along with my slave who is here present; and as the slave
+came out of Philip's tent he took him and bade him report what he had
+seen, and remember it himself; and finally, this disgusting and
+shameless fellow was left behind with Philip for a night and a day,
+when we went away. {176} And to prove that I am speaking the truth, I
+will myself give evidence which I have committed to writing,[n] so as
+to put myself in the position of a responsible witness; and after that
+I call upon each of the other ambassadors, and I will compel them to
+choose their alternative--either to give evidence, or to swear that
+they have no knowledge of the matter. If they take the latter course, I
+shall convict them of perjury beyond doubt.
+
+[_Evidence is read._]
+
+{177} You have seen now by what mischief and trouble I was hampered,
+throughout our absence from home. For what must you imagine their
+conduct to have been there, with their paymaster close at hand, when
+they act as they do before your very eyes, though you have power either
+to confer honour or, on the other hand, to inflict punishment upon them?
+
+I wish now to reckon up from the beginning the charges which I have
+made, in order to show you that I have done all that I undertook to do
+at the beginning of my speech. {178} I have proved that there was no
+truth in his report--that, on the contrary, he deceived you--by the
+evidence not of words but of the actual course of events. I have proved
+that he was the cause of your unwillingness to hear the truth from my
+mouth, captivated as you were at the time by his promises and
+undertakings; that he gave you advice which was the exact opposite of
+that which he ought to have given, opposing the Peace which was
+suggested by the allies, and advocating the Peace of Philocrates; that
+he wasted time, in order that you might not be able to march to the aid
+of the Phocians, even if you wished to do so; and that he has done many
+atrocious deeds during his absence from home; for he has betrayed and
+sold everything, he has taken bribes, and has left no form of rascality
+untried. These are the points which I promised at the outset to prove,
+and I have proved them. {179} Observe, then, what follows; for what I
+have now to say to you has already become a simple matter. You have
+sworn that you will vote according to the laws and the decrees of the
+people and the Council of Five Hundred. The defendant is proved, in all
+his conduct as ambassador, to have acted in contravention of the laws,
+of the decrees, and of justice. He ought, therefore, to be convicted in
+any court composed of rational men. Even if there were no other crimes
+at his door, two of his actions are sufficient to slay him; for he
+betrayed to Philip not only the Phocians but also Thrace. {180} Two
+places in the whole world of greater value to Athens than Thermopylae
+on land, and the Hellespont over sea, could not possibly be found; and
+both these places these men have shamefully sold, and placed in
+Philip's hands to be used against you. The enormity of this crime
+alone--the sacrifice of Thrace and the Walls--apart from all the rest,
+might be proved in countless ways,[n] and it is easy to point out how
+many men have been executed or fined vast sums of money by you for such
+offences--Ergophilus,[n] Cephisodotus,[n] Timomachus,[n] Ergocles[n]
+long ago, Dionysius, and others; all of whom together, I may almost
+say, have done the city less harm than the defendant. {181} But in
+those days, men of Athens, you still guarded against danger by
+calculation and forethought; whereas now you overlook any danger which
+does not annoy you from day to day, or cause you pain by its immediate
+presence, and then pass such resolutions here as 'that Philip shall
+take the oath in favour of Cersobleptes also,' 'that we will not take
+part in the proceedings of the Amphictyons,' 'that we must amend the
+Peace.' But none of these resolutions would have been required, had
+Aeschines then been ready to sail and to do what was required. As it
+is, by urging us to go by land, he has lost all that we could have
+saved by sailing; and by lying, all that could have been saved by
+speaking the truth.
+
+{182} He intends, I am told, to express immediately his indignation
+that he alone of all the speakers in the Assembly should have to render
+an account of his words. I will not urge that all speakers would
+reasonably be called upon to render such an account, if any of their
+words were spoken for money; I only say this. If Aeschines in his
+private capacity has spoken wildly on some occasion or committed some
+blunder, do not be over-strict with him, but let it pass and grant him
+pardon: but if as your ambassador he has deliberately deceived you for
+money, then do not let him go, or tolerate the plea that he ought not
+to be called to account for what he _said_. {183} Why, for what, if not
+for his words, is an ambassador to be brought to justice? Ambassadors
+have no control over ships or places or soldiers or citadels--no one
+puts such things in their hands--but over words and times. As regards
+times, if he did not cause the times of the city's opportunities to be
+lost, he is not guilty; but if he did so, he has committed crime. And
+as to his words, if the words of his report were true or expedient, let
+him escape; but if they were at once false, venal, and disastrous, let
+him be convicted. {184} No greater wrong can a man do you, than is done
+by lying speeches. For where government is based upon speeches, how can
+it be carried on in security, if the speeches are not true? and if, in
+particular, a speaker takes bribes and speaks to further the interests
+of the enemy, how can you escape real danger? For to rob you of your
+opportunities is not the same thing as to rob an oligarchy or a tyrant.
+Far from it. {185} Under such governments, I imagine, everything is
+done promptly at a word of command. But with you the Council must first
+hear about everything, and pass its preliminary resolution--and even
+that not at any time, but only when notice has been given of the
+reception of heralds and embassies: then you must convoke an Assembly,
+and that only when the time comes for one, as ordained by law: then
+those who speak for your true good have to master and overcome those
+who, through ignorance or wickedness, oppose them. {186} Besides all
+this, even when a measure is resolved upon, and its advantages are
+already plain, time must be granted to the impecuniosity of the
+majority, in which they may procure whatever means they require in
+order to be able to carry out what has been resolved. And so he who
+causes times so critical to be lost, in a state constituted as ours is,
+has not caused you to lose times, but has robbed you absolutely of the
+realization of your aims.
+
+{187} Now all those who are anxious to deceive you are very ready with
+such expressions as 'disturbers of the city,' 'men who prevent Philip
+from conferring benefits on the city.' In reply to these, I will use no
+argument, but will read you Philip's letters, and will remind you of
+the occasion on which each piece of deception took place, that you may
+know that Philip has got beyond this exaggerated title of
+'benefactor',[n] of which we are so sickened, in his attempts to take
+you in by it.
+
+[_Philip's letters are read._]
+
+{188} Now although his work as ambassador has been so shameful, so
+detrimental to you in many--nay, in all points, he goes about asking
+people what they think of Demosthenes, who prosecutes his own
+colleagues. I prosecute you indeed, whether I would or no, because
+throughout our entire absence from home you plotted against me as I
+have said, and because now I have the choice of only two alternatives:
+either I must appear to share with you the responsibility for such work
+as yours, or I must prosecute you. {189} Nay, I deny that I was ever
+your colleague in the Embassy. I say that your work as ambassador was
+an atrocious work, while my own was for the true good of those present
+here. It is Philocrates that has been your colleague, as you have been
+his, and Phrynon. For your policy was the same as theirs, and you all
+approved of the same objects. But 'where are the salt, the table, the
+libations that we shared?' So he asks everywhere in his theatrical
+style--as though it were not the criminals, but the upright, that were
+false to such pledges! {190} I am certain that though all the Prytanes
+offer their common sacrifice on each occasion, and join one with
+another in their meal and their libation, the good do not on this
+account copy the bad; but if they detect one of their own number in
+crime they report the fact to the Council and the people. In the very
+same way the Council offers its inaugural sacrifice and feasts
+together, and joins in libations and sacred rites. So do the generals,
+and, one may practically say, every body of magistrates. Does that mean
+that they grant an indemnity to any of their number who is guilty of
+crime? Very far from it. {191} Leon accuses Timagoras,[n] after being
+his fellow ambassador for four years: Eubulus accuses Tharrex and
+Smicythus, after sharing the banquet with them: the great Conon, the
+elder, prosecuted Adeimantus,[n] though they were generals together.
+Which sinned against the salt and the libation, Aeschines--the traitors
+and the faithless ambassadors and the hirelings, or their accusers?
+Plainly those who violated, as you have done, the sanctity, not of
+private libations, but of libations poured in the name of the whole
+country.
+
+{192} That you may realize that these men have been the most worthless
+and wicked not only of all who have ever gone to Philip in a public
+capacity, but even of those who have gone as private persons, and
+indeed of all mankind, I ask you to listen to me while I describe
+briefly an incident which falls outside the story of this Embassy. When
+Philip took Olynthus he celebrated Olympian games, and gathered
+together all the artists to the sacrifice and the festal gathering.
+{193} And while he was entertaining them at a banquet, and crowning the
+victors, he asked Satyrus, the well-known comic actor, why he alone
+requested no favour of him. Did he see any meanness in him, or any
+dislike towards himself? Satyrus answered (so the story goes) that he
+happened to stand in no need of the things for which the rest were
+asking, but that the boon which he would like to ask was a favour which
+it would be very easy indeed for Philip to bestow; only he was afraid
+that he might fail to obtain it. {194} Philip bade him name his
+request, declaring with some spirit that there was nothing that he
+would not do for him. Satyrus is then said to have stated that
+Apollophanes of Pydna was formerly his friend and guest-friend,[n] and
+that when he had perished by a treacherous assassination, his kinsman
+had, in alarm, conveyed his daughters, then little children, to
+Olynthus secretly. 'These girls,' said Satyrus, 'have been taken
+prisoners at the capture of the city; they are with you, and they are
+now of marriageable age. {195} It is these girls that I beg and entreat
+you to give to me. But I should like you to hear and understand what
+sort of present you will be giving me, if you really give it. I shall
+gain nothing by receiving it: I shall give them in marriage, and a
+dowry with them, and shall not allow them to suffer anything unworthy
+of us or of their father.' When those who were present at the feast
+heard this, there was such applause and cheering and approbation on all
+hands, that Philip was moved and granted the request, although the
+Apollophanes who was spoken of was one of the murderers of Alexander,
+Philip's brother. {196} Now let us examine side by side with this
+banquet of Satyrus, that in which these men took part in Macedonia.
+Observe what likeness and resemblance there is between the two! For
+these men were invited to the house of Xenophron, the son of Phaedimus,
+who was one of the Thirty,[n] and went. I did not go. But when it came
+to the time for wine, he brought in an Olynthian woman--good-looking,
+but well-bred and modest, as the event proved. {197} At first, I
+believe (according to the account which Iatrocles gave me the next
+day), they only forced her to drink a little wine quietly and to eat
+some dessert; but as the feast proceeded and they waxed warm, they bade
+her recline and even sing a song. And when the poor creature, who was
+in great distress, neither would nor could do as they bade her,
+Aeschines and Phrynon declared that it was an insult and quite
+intolerable, that a captive woman--one of those god-forsaken devils the
+Olynthians--should give herself airs. 'Call a slave,' they cried, 'and
+let some one bring a strap.' A servant came with a lash; they had been
+drinking, I imagine, and were easily annoyed; and as soon as she said
+something and burst into tears, the servant tore open her dress and
+gave her a number of cuts across the back. {198} Beside herself with
+the pain and the sense of her position, the woman leaped up and fell
+before the knees of Iatrocles, overturning the table as she did so. And
+had he not rescued her, she would have perished as the victim of a
+drunken debauch; for the drunkenness of this abominable creature is
+something horrible.[n] The case of this woman was also mentioned in
+Arcadia before the Ten Thousand, and Diophantus reported to you what I
+shall now force him to testify; for the matter was much talked of in
+Thessaly and everywhere.
+
+{199} Yet with all this on his conscience this unclean creature will
+dare to look you in the face, and will very soon be speaking to you of
+the life he has lived, in that magnificent voice of his. It chokes me
+to hear him! Does not the jury know how at first you used to read over
+the books to your mother at her initiations,[n] and wallow amid bands
+of drunken men at their orgies, while still a boy? {200} and how you
+were afterwards under-clerk to the magistrates, and played the rogue
+for two or three drachmae?[n] and how at last, in recent days, you
+thought yourself lucky to get a parasitic living in the training-rooms
+of others, as a third-rate actor? What then is the life of which you
+propose to speak? Where have you lived it? For the life which you have
+really lived has been what I have described. And how much does he take
+upon himself! He brought another man to trial here for unnatural
+offences! But I leave this point for the moment. (_To the clerk._)
+First, read me these depositions.
+
+[_The depositions are read._]
+
+{201} So many, then, and so gross, gentlemen of the jury, being the
+crimes against you of which he stands convicted--and what wickedness do
+they not include? he is corrupt, he is a minion, he is under the curse,
+a liar, a betrayer of his own people; all the most heinous offences are
+there--he will not defend himself against a single one of these
+charges, and will have no defence to offer that is either just or
+straightforward. But the statement which, I am told, he intends to
+make, borders on madness; though perhaps a man who has no other plea to
+offer must contrive anything that he can. {202} For I hear that he is
+to say that I, forsooth, have been a partner in everything of which I
+accuse him; that at first I used to approve of his policy and to act
+with him; and that I have suddenly changed my mind and become his
+accuser. As a defence of his conduct such assertions are, of course,
+neither legitimate nor to the point, though they do imply some kind of
+charge against myself; for, of course, if I have acted thus, I am a
+worthless person. But the conduct itself is no better for that. Far
+from it! {203} At the same time, I think it is proper for me to prove
+to you both the points in question--first, that if he makes such an
+assertion he will be lying; and secondly, what is the just line of
+defence. Now a just and straightforward defence must show either that
+the acts charged against him were not committed, or that having been
+committed, they are to the advantage of the city. {204} But Aeschines
+cannot do either of these things. For I presume that it is not possible
+for him to say that it is to the advantage of the city that the
+Phocians have been ruined, that Thermopylae is in Philip's hands, that
+Thebes is powerful, that there are soldiers in Euboea and plotting
+against Megara, and that the Peace should not have been sworn to,[n]
+when on the former occasion he announced the very contrary of all these
+things to you in the guise of advantages, and advantages about to be
+realized? Nor will he be able to persuade you that these things have
+not been done, when you yourselves have seen them and know the facts
+well. {205} It remains for me, therefore, to show you that I have had
+no share in any of their proceedings. Shall I then dismiss everything
+else from consideration--all that I have said against them in your
+presence, all my collisions with them during our absence, all my
+antagonism to them from first to last--and produce my opponents
+themselves as witnesses to the fact that my conduct and theirs have
+been absolutely contrary the one to the other--that they have taken
+money to your detriment, and that I refused to receive it? Then mark
+what I say.
+
+{206} Who, would you say, was of all men in Athens the most offensive,
+most overflowing with effrontery and contemptuousness? I am sure that
+none of you, even by mistake, would name any other than Philocrates.
+And who, would you say, possessed the loudest voice and could enunciate
+whatever he pleased most clearly? Aeschines the defendant, I am sure.
+Who is it then that these men describe as cowardly and timid before a
+crowd, while I call him cautious? It is myself; for I have never
+annoyed you or forced myself upon you against your will. {207} Now at
+every meeting of the Assembly, as often as a discussion has arisen upon
+these subjects, you hear me accusing and convicting these men,
+declaring explicitly that they have taken money and have sold all the
+interests of the city. And not one of them has ever to this day
+contradicted the statement, when he heard it, or opened his mouth, or
+shown himself. {208} What then is the reason, why the most offensive
+men in the city, the men with the loudest voices, are so cowed before
+me, the timidest of men, whose voice is no louder than any other? It is
+because Truth is strong; while to them, on the other hand, the
+consciousness of having sold public interests is a source of weakness.
+It is this that steals away the boldness of these men, this that binds
+down their tongues and stops their mouths--chokes them, and makes them
+silent. {209} You remember, of course, how at the recent meeting in the
+Peiraeus, when you would not have him for your representative,[n] he
+was shouting that he would impeach me and indict me, and crying, 'Oh!
+Oh!' But such steps are the beginning of long and numerous trials and
+speeches; whereas the alternative was but to utter perhaps two or three
+words, which even a slave purchased yesterday could have
+pronounced--'Men of Athens, this is utterly atrocious. Demosthenes is
+accusing me here of crimes in which he himself was a partner; he says
+that I have taken money, when he has taken money, or shared it,
+himself.' {210} But no such words, no such sound, did he utter, nor did
+one of you hear him do so; he only uttered threats to a different
+effect. And why? Because he knew that he had done what he was charged
+with doing; he was abjectly afraid to use any such expressions; his
+resolution could not rise to them, but shrank back; for it was in the
+grip of his conscience; whereas there was nothing to hinder him from
+uttering irrelevant abuse and slander. {211} But here is the strongest
+proof of all, and it consists not in words, but in fact. For when I was
+anxious to do what it was right to do, namely, to make a second report
+to you, after serving a second time as ambassador, Aeschines came
+before the Board of Auditors with a number of witnesses, and forbade
+them to call me before the court, since I had rendered my account
+already, and was no longer liable to give it. The incident was
+extremely ridiculous. And what was the meaning of it? He had made his
+report with reference to the First Embassy, against which no one
+brought any charge, and did not wish to go before the court again with
+regard to the Second Embassy, with reference to which he now appears
+before you, and within which all his crimes fell. {212} But if I came
+before you twice, it became necessary for him also to appear again; and
+so he tried to prevent them from summoning me. But this action of his,
+men of Athens, plainly proves to you two things--first, that he had so
+condemned himself that none of you can now acquit him without impiety;
+and secondly, that he will not speak a word of truth about me. Had he
+anything true to assert, he would have been found asserting it and
+accusing me then; he would certainly not have tried to prevent my being
+summoned. {213} To prove the truth of what I say, (_to the clerk_) call
+me the witnesses to the facts.
+
+But further, if he makes slanderous statements against me which have
+nothing to do with the Embassy, there are many good reasons for your
+refusing to listen to him. For I am not on my trial to-day, and when I
+have finished my speech I have no further time allotted to me.[n] What
+can such statements mean, except that he is bankrupt of legitimate
+arguments? For who that was on his trial and had any defence to make,
+would prefer to accuse another? {214} And consider also this further
+point, gentlemen of the jury. If I were on my trial, with the defendant
+Aeschines for accuser and Philip for judge; and if, being unable to
+disprove my guilt, I abused Aeschines and tried to sully his character,
+do you not think that Philip would be indignant at the very fact of a
+man abusing _his_ benefactors in his own presence? Do not _you_ then
+prove worse than Philip; but force Aeschines to defend himself against
+the charges which are the subject of the trial. (_To the clerk._) Read
+the deposition.
+
+[_The deposition is read._]
+
+{215} So for my part, because I had nothing on my conscience, I felt it
+my duty to render an account and submit all the information that the
+laws required, while the defendant took the opposite view. How then can
+his conduct and mine have been the same? or how can he possibly assert
+against me now things of which he has never even accused me before? It
+is surely impossible. And yet he will assert these things, and, Heaven
+knows, it is natural enough. For you doubtless know well that ever
+since the human race began and trials were instituted, no one was ever
+convicted admitting his crime: they brazen it out, they deny it, they
+lie, they make up excuses, they take every means to escape paying the
+penalty. {216} _You_ must not let any of these devices mislead you
+to-day; your judgement must be given upon the facts, in the light of
+your own knowledge; you must not attend to words, whether mine or his,
+still less to the witnesses whom he will have ready to testify
+anything, since he has Philip to pay his expenses--you will see how
+glibly they will give evidence for him; nor must you care whether his
+voice is fine and loud, or whether mine is poor. {217} For it is no
+trial of orators or of speeches that you have to hold to-day, if you
+are wise men. You have rather, in the name of a cause shamefully and
+terribly ruined, to thrust off the present disgrace on to the shoulders
+of the guilty, after a scrutiny of those results which are known to you
+all. {218} And these results, which you know and do not require us to
+tell you of--what are they? If the consequences of the Peace have been
+all that they promised you; if you admit that you were so filled with
+an unmanly cowardice, that, though the enemy was not in your land,
+though you were not blockaded by sea, though your city was menaced by
+no other danger whatever, though, on the contrary, the price of corn
+was low and you were in other respects as well off as you are to-day,
+{219} though you knew beforehand on the information of these men that
+your allies were about to be ruined and Thebes to become powerful, that
+Philip was about to occupy the Thracian strongholds and to establish a
+basis of operations against you in Euboea, and that all that has now
+happened was about to come to pass, you nevertheless made peace
+cheerfully;--if that is so, then acquit Aeschines, and do not add
+perjury to all your disgrace. For in that case he is guilty of no crime
+against you; it is I that am mad and brainsick to accuse him now. {220}
+But if what they told you was altogether the reverse of this, if it was
+a tale of great generosity--of Philip's love for Athens, of his
+intention to save the Phocians, to check the insolence of the Thebans,
+and beside all this (if he obtained the Peace) to confer on you
+benefits that would more than compensate for Amphipolis, and to restore
+to you Euboea and Oropus; if, I say, they stated and promised all this,
+and have now totally deceived and cheated you, and have all but robbed
+you of Attica itself, then condemn him, and do not, in addition to all
+the outrages--I know not what other word to use--that you have
+suffered, carry with you to your homes, through upholding their
+corruption, the curse and the guilt of perjury.
+
+{221} Again, gentlemen of the jury, ask yourselves what reason I could
+have had for choosing to accuse these men, if they had done no wrong?
+You will find none. Is it pleasant to have many enemies? Pleasant? It
+is not even safe. Was there any quarrel between me and Aeschines? None.
+What then? 'You were afraid for yourself, and in your cowardice thought
+to save yourself this way:' for that, I have heard, is what he says.
+What? I was afraid, when, according to your own statement, there was
+nothing to be afraid of, and no crime had been committed? If he repeats
+such an assertion, men of Athens, consider[n] what these men
+themselves, the actual criminals, ought to suffer for their offences,
+if I, who am absolutely guiltless, was afraid of being ruined owing to
+them. {222} But what is my motive for accusing you? I am an informer,
+of course, and want to get money out of you![n] And which was the
+easier course for me--to get money out of Philip, who offered a large
+sum--to get as much as any of these men, and to have not only Philip
+for my friend, but also my opponents (for they would assuredly have
+been friends, had I been partner with them, since even now they have no
+inherited quarrel against me, but only the fact that I refused to join
+in their actions); or to beg them for a share of their gains, and be
+regarded with hostility both by Philip and by them? Is it likely that
+when I was ransoming the prisoners at such cost to myself, I should ask
+to receive a paltry sum from these men, in a disgraceful manner and
+with their enmity accompanying it? {223} Impossible! My report was
+true. I abstained from taking money for the sake of justice and truth
+and my own future. For I thought, as others among you have thought,
+that my own uprightness would receive its reward, and that I must not
+barter my ambition to stand well with you for gain of any kind. And I
+abhor these men, because I saw that they were vile and impious in the
+conduct of their mission, and because I have been robbed of the objects
+of my own ambition, owing to their corruption, now that you have come
+to be vexed with the Embassy as a whole. And it is because I foresee
+what must happen that I now accuse him, and appear to challenge his
+report; for I would have it decided here, in a trial before a jury,
+that my conduct has been the opposite of his. {224} And I am
+afraid--afraid, I say, for I will speak all my mind to you--that though
+when the time comes you may drag me in spite of my entire innocence to
+the same ruin with them, you are now utterly supine. For, men of
+Athens, you appear to me to be altogether unstrung, waiting to suffer
+the horrors which others are suffering before your eyes, and taking no
+precautions, no thought for the city, which for so long has been
+exposed to destruction in many a dreadful form. {225} Is it not, think
+you, dreadful and preternatural? For even where I had resolved upon
+silence, I am driven to speak. You doubtless know Pythocles here, the
+son of Pythodorus. I had been on very kindly terms with him, and to
+this day there has been no unpleasantness between us. He avoids me now,
+when he meets me--ever since he visited Philip--and if he is obliged to
+encounter me anywhere, he starts away immediately, lest any one should
+see him talking with me. But with Aeschines he walks all round the
+marketplace, discussing their plans. {226} Now is it not a terrible and
+shocking thing, men of Athens, that those who have made it their choice
+to foster Philip's interests should be able to rely upon so accurate a
+discrimination on Philip's part, that all that any one of them does
+here can no more be hid from Philip (so they believe) than if he were
+standing by their side, and that his friends and foes alike are those
+that Philip chooses; while those whose life is lived for _your_ good,
+who are greedy of honour at _your_ hands, and have not betrayed you,
+should be met by such deafness, such blindness, on your part, that
+to-day I have to wrestle with these devils incarnate on equal terms,
+and that before you, who know the whole truth? {227} Would you know or
+hear the cause of these things? I will tell you, and I beg that none of
+you be angry with me for speaking the truth. It is, I imagine, that
+Philip has but one body and one soul, and it is with all his heart that
+he cherishes those who do him good and detests those who do him evil:
+whereas each of you, in the first place, has no feeling that the good
+or the evil which is being done to the city, is being done to himself;
+{228} other feelings are of more consequence, and often lead you
+astray--pity, envy, anger, favour towards the suppliant, and an
+infinite number of other motives: while if a man has actually escaped
+all these, he will still not escape from those who do not want such a
+man to exist at all. And so the error due to each of these single
+causes steals on little by little, till the state is exposed to the
+whole accumulated mischief.
+
+{229} Do not fall victims to any such error to-day, men of Athens: do
+not let the defendant go, when he has done you all this wrong. For
+honestly, if you let him go, what will be said of you? 'Certain men,'
+it will be said, 'went as ambassadors to Philip yonder--Philocrates,
+Aeschines, Phrynon, and Demosthenes; and, what happened? One of them
+not only gained nothing by his mission, but ransomed the prisoners at
+his private expense; another, with the money for which he sold the
+interests of his country, went about purchasing harlots and fish. {230}
+One of them, the abominable Phrynon, sent his son to Philip before he
+had registered him as an adult; the other did nothing unworthy of
+himself or his city. One, though serving as choregus and trierarch,[n]
+felt it his duty voluntarily to incur that further expense [to ransom
+the prisoners] rather than see any of his fellow citizens suffering
+misfortune for want of means; the other, so far from rescuing any of
+those who were already in captivity, joined in bringing a whole
+district, and more than 10,000 infantry and 1,000 cavalry with them,
+the forces of the actual allies of his country, into captivity to
+Philip. What followed? {231} When the Athenians got them into their
+hands (for they had long known the truth) what did they do? They let go
+the men who had received bribes and had disgraced themselves, and their
+city, and their children; they thought that these were wise men, and
+that all was well[n] with the city; and as for their accuser, they
+thought him thunderstruck--a man who did not understand his country,
+and did not know where to fling his money away.' {232} And who, men of
+Athens, with this example before his eyes, will be willing to offer you
+his honest service? who will act as ambassador for nothing, if he is
+not only to gain nothing by it, but is not to be more trustworthy in
+your eyes than those who have taken money? You are not only trying
+these men to-day, but you are laying down a law for all future time--a
+law which will declare whether your ambassadors are to serve the enemy
+for a price, or to act disinterestedly for your true good and to take
+no bribe? {233} On all the other points you require no evidence; but to
+prove that Phrynon sent his son, (_to the clerk_) call me the witnesses
+to the facts.
+
+Aeschines then did not prosecute Phrynon, for sending his own son to
+Philip for a disgraceful purpose. But because a man, who in his youth
+was above the average in appearance, did not foresee the suspicion
+which his good looks might entail, and afterwards lived a somewhat fast
+life, he has prosecuted him for unnatural offences.
+
+{234} Now let me speak of the banquet and the decree; for I had almost
+overlooked what I was especially bound to tell you. In drawing up the
+resolution of the Council with reference to the First Embassy, and
+again in addressing the people, at the assemblies in which you were to
+discuss the question of peace, not a single word or act of a criminal
+nature on the part of these men having so far come to light, I followed
+the ordinary custom, and proposed to accord them a vote of thanks, and
+to invite them to the Town Hall. {235} And I did, of course, entertain
+Philip's ambassadors as well, and on a very splendid scale, men of
+Athens. For when I saw that in their own country they prided themselves
+even on things like these, as showing their prosperity and splendour, I
+thought that I must begin by outdoing them in this respect, and
+displaying even greater magnificence. These incidents Aeschines will
+shortly bring forward to prove that 'Demosthenes himself voted thanks
+to us, and gave a banquet to the ambassadors', without telling you the
+precise time when the incidents occurred. {236} For these things belong
+to a time before any injury had been done to the city, and before it
+was evident that they had sold themselves. The ambassadors had only
+just arrived on their first visit; the people had still to hear what
+they proposed; and there was nothing as yet to show that Aeschines
+would support Philocrates, or that Philocrates would make such
+proposals as he did. If, then, Aeschines uses any such argument,
+remember that the dates of the incidents are earlier than those of his
+crimes. But since then there has been no friendliness between myself
+and them, and no common action. (_To the clerk._) Read the deposition.
+
+[_The deposition is read._]
+
+{237} Now perhaps his brother Philochares will support him, and
+Aphobetus. There is much that you may fairly urge in reply to both; and
+I am obliged, men of Athens, to speak to you quite freely and without
+any reserve. You, Philochares, are a painter of vase-cases and drums;
+your brothers are under-clerks and quite ordinary men--not that there
+is any harm in these things, but at the same time they do not qualify a
+man to be a general.[n] And yet, Aphobetus and Philochares, we thought
+you worthy to be ambassadors and generals, and to receive the highest
+honours; {238} so that even if none of you were guilty of any crime, we
+should owe no gratitude to you; you would rather owe gratitude to us
+for your preferment. For we passed by many others, more deserving of
+such honours than you were, and exalted you instead. But if in the
+enjoyment of these very honours one of you has actually committed
+crimes, and crimes of such a nature, how much more deserving are you of
+execration than of acquittal? Much more, I am sure. Perhaps they will
+force their claims upon you, for they are loud-voiced and shameless,
+and they have taken to themselves the motto that 'it is pardonable for
+brother to help brother'. {239} But you must not give way. Remember
+that if it is right for them to think of Aeschines, it is for you to
+think of the laws and the whole State, and, above all, of the oath
+which you yourselves, who sit here, have taken. Yes, and if they have
+entreated some of you to save the defendant, then ask yourselves
+whether you are to save him if he is proved innocent of crime, or even
+if he is proved guilty. If they ask you to do so, should he be
+innocent, I too say that you must acquit him. But if you are asked to
+acquit him, whatever he has done, then they have asked you to commit
+perjury. For though your vote is secret, it will not be hidden from the
+gods; and the framer of our law [which enjoins secret voting] was
+absolutely right, when he saw that though none of these men will know
+which of you has granted his request, the gods will know, and the
+unseen powers, who has given the unjust vote. {240} And it is better
+for a man to lay up, for his children and himself, those good hopes
+which _they_ can bestow, by giving the decision that is just and right,
+than to win credit from these men for a favour of whose reality they
+can have no certain knowledge, and to acquit the defendant, when his
+own testimony condemns him. For what stronger testimony can I produce,
+Aeschines, to prove how terrible your work as ambassador has been, than
+your own testimony against yourself? For when you thought it necessary
+to involve in so great and dreadful a calamity one who wished to reveal
+some of your actions as ambassador, it is plain that you expected your
+own punishment to be a terrible one, if your countrymen learned what
+you had done.
+
+{241} That step, if you are wise, he will prove to have taken to his
+own detriment; not only because it is an overwhelming proof of the
+nature of his conduct as ambassador, but also because of those
+expressions which he used in the course of the prosecution, and which
+are now at our disposal against himself. For the principles of justice,
+as defined by you when you were prosecuting Timarchus, must, I presume,
+be no less valid when used by others against yourself. {242} His words
+to the jury on that occasion were these. 'Demosthenes intends to defend
+Timarchus, and to denounce my acts as ambassador. And then, when he has
+led you off the point by his speech, he will brag of it, and go about
+saying, "Well? what do you think?[2] Why I led the jury right away from
+the point, and stole the case triumphantly out of their hands."' Then
+you at least must not act thus, but must make your defence with
+reference to the real points of your case, though, when you were
+prosecuting Timarchus on that occasion, you permitted yourself to make
+any charges and assertions that you chose.
+
+{243} But there were verses too, which you recited before the jury, in
+your inability to produce any witness to the charges on which you were
+prosecuting Timarchus:--
+
+  Rumour, the voice of many folk, not all
+  Doth die, for Rumour too a goddess is.[3]
+
+Well, Aeschines, all those who are present say that you have made money
+out of your mission; and so it holds true against you, I suppose, that
+'Rumour, the voice of many folk, not all doth die'. {244} For observe
+how easily you can ascertain how much larger a body of accusers appears
+in your case than in his. Timarchus was not known even to all his
+neighbors; while there is not a man, Hellene or foreigner, but says
+that you and your fellow ambassadors made money out of your mission.
+And so, if the rumour is true, then the rumour which is the voice of
+many folk is against you; and you have yourself laid down that such a
+rumour is to be believed, that 'Rumour too a goddess is', and that the
+poet who composed these lines was a wise man.
+
+{245} Then, you remember, he collected some iambic verses, and recited
+the whole passage; for instance:--
+
+  Whoso in evil company delights
+  Of him I ne'er enquired, for well I trow,
+  As is his company, such is the man.[3]
+
+And 'when a man goes to the cockpit[n] and walks about with
+Pittalacus'--he added more to the same effect--'surely,' said he, 'you
+know what to think of him.' Well, Aeschines, these same verses will now
+exactly serve my turn against you, and if I quote them to the jury, the
+quotation will be true and apposite. 'But whoso in the company
+delights' of Philocrates, and that when he is an ambassador, 'Of him I
+ne'er enquired, for well I trow' that he has taken money, as did
+Philocrates who does not deny it.
+
+{246} He attempts to insult others by labelling them hack-writers[n]
+and sophists. He shall himself be proved liable to these very
+imputations. The verses he quoted are derived from the _Phoenix_ of
+Euripides--a play which has never to this day been acted either by
+Theodorus or Aristodemus, the actors under whom Aeschines always played
+third-rate parts, though it was performed by Molon, and no doubt by
+other actors of former times. But the _Antigone_ of Sophocles has often
+been acted by Theodorus and often by Aristodemus; and in this play
+there are some admirable and instructive verses, which he must know
+quite well by heart, since he has often delivered them himself, but
+which he has omitted to quote. {247} For you know, I am sure, that in
+every tragedy it is, as it were, the special privilege of third-rate
+actors to play in the role of tyrants and sceptred kings. Consider,
+then, these excellent lines, placed by the poet in the mouth of our
+Creon-Aeschines in this play--lines which he neither repeated to
+himself to guide him as an ambassador, nor yet quoted to the jury. (_To
+the clerk._) Read the passage.
+
+  _Verses from the 'Antigone' of Sophocles._
+
+  To learn aright the soul and heart and mind
+  Of any man--for that, device is none,
+  Till he be proved in government and law,
+  And so revealed. For he who guides the State,
+  Yet cleaves not in his counsels to the best,
+  But from some fear in prison locks his tongue,
+  Is in mine eyes, as he hath ever been,
+  Vilest of men. And him, who sets his friend
+  Before his land, I count of no esteem.
+  For I--be it known to God's all-viewing eye--
+  Would ne'er keep silence, seeing the march of doom
+  Upon this city--doom in safety's stead,
+  Nor ever take to me as mine own friend
+  My country's foe.' For this I know, that she,
+  Our country, is the ship that bears us safe,
+  And safe aboard her, while she sails erect,
+  We make good friends.
+
+{248} None of these lines did Aeschines ever repeat to himself during
+his mission. Instead of preferring his country he thought that to be
+friend and guest-friend of Philip was much more important and
+profitable for himself, and bade a long farewell to the wise Sophocles.
+He saw the 'march of doom' draw near, in the campaign against the
+Phocians; but he gave no warning, no announcement of what was to come.
+On the contrary, he helped to conceal it, he helped to carry out the
+doom, he prevented those who would have given warning--{249} not
+remembering that 'Our country is the ship that bears us safe, and safe
+aboard her' his mother with the help of her initiations and
+purifications and the property of the clients, on whom she lived,
+reared up these sons of hers to their destined greatness;[n] while his
+father, who kept an elementary school, as I am told by my elders, near
+the temple of the Hero-Physician,[n] made a living, such as he could
+indeed, but still on the same ship. The sons, who had received money as
+under-clerks and servants in all the magistrates' offices, were finally
+elected clerks by you, and for two years continued to get their living
+in the Round Chamber;[n] and Aeschines was just now dispatched as your
+ambassador--from this same ship. He regarded none of these things.
+{250} He took no care that the ship should sail erect. Nay, he capsized
+her; he sank the ship; he did all that he could to bring her into the
+power of the enemy. What then? Are you not a sophist? Aye, and a
+villanous one. Are you not a hack? Aye, and one detested of Heaven--for
+you passed over the scene which you had so often performed and knew
+well by heart, while you sought out a scene which you had never acted
+in your life, and produced the passage in the hope of injuring one of
+your fellow citizens.
+
+{251} And now examine his speech about Solon. He told us that the
+statue of Solon, with his hand concealed in the drapery of his robe,
+was erected as an illustration of the self-restraint of the orators of
+that day. (This was in the course of a scurrilous attack upon the
+impetuosity of Timarchus.) But the Salaminians tell us that this statue
+was erected less than fifty years ago, whereas some two hundred and
+forty years have passed between the time of Solon and the present day;
+so that not only was the artist, who modelled him in this attitude, not
+living in Solon's day, but even his grandfather was not. {252} That
+then is what he told the jury, copying the attitude as he did so. But
+that which it would have done his country far more good to see--the
+soul and the mind of Solon--he did not copy. No, he did the very
+reverse. For when Salamis had revolted from Athens and the
+death-penalty had been decreed against any one who proposed to attempt
+its recovery, Solon, by singing, at the risk of his own life,[n] a lay
+which he had composed, won back the island for his country, and wiped
+out her disgrace: {253} while Aeschines, when the king and all the
+Hellenes had decided that Amphipolis was yours, surrendered and sold
+it, and supported Philocrates, who proposed the resolution for this
+purpose. It is indeed worth his while (is it not?) to remember Solon!
+Nor was he content with acting thus in Athens; for when he had gone to
+Macedonia, he did not even mention the name of the place which it was
+the object of his mission to secure. This, in fact, he reported to you
+himself, in words which doubtless you remember: 'I too had something to
+say about Amphipolis; but in order that Demosthenes might have an
+opportunity of speaking upon the subject, I left it to him.' {254} Upon
+which I came forward and denied that Aeschines had left to me anything
+which he was anxious to say to Philip; he would rather have given any
+one a share in his lifeblood than in his speech. The truth is, I
+imagine, that he had taken money; and as Philip had given him the money
+in order that he might not have to restore Amphipolis, he could not
+speak in opposition to Philip's case. Now (_to the clerk_) take this
+lay of Solon's and read it; and (_to the jury_) then you will know how
+Solon used to hate all such men as this.
+
+{255} It is not when you are speaking, Aeschines, but when you are upon
+an embassy, that you should keep your hand within your robe. But on the
+Embassy you held out your hand, and held it open; you brought shame to
+your countrymen: and do you here assume a solemn air and recite in
+those practised tones the miserable phrases that you have learned by
+heart, and expect to escape the penalty for all your heinous
+crimes--even if you do go round with a cap on your head,[n] uttering
+abuse against me? (_To the clerk._) Read the verses.
+
+  _Solon's Lay._
+
+  The Father's voice hath spoken,
+    Whose word is Destiny,
+  And the blest Gods have willed it,
+    The Gods who shall not die;
+  That ne'er shall the Destroyer
+    Prevail against our land;
+  The Dread Sire's valiant Daughter
+    Guards us with eye and hand.
+  Yet her own sons, in folly,
+    Would lay their country low,
+  For pelf; and in her leaders
+    An heart of sin doth grow.
+  For them--their pride's fell offspring--
+    There waiteth grievous pain;
+  For sated still, they know not
+    Their proud lust to contain.
+  Not theirs, if mirth be with them,
+    The decent, peaceful feast;
+  To sin they yield, and sinning
+    Rejoice in wealth increased.
+  No hallowed treasure sparing,
+    Nor people's common store,
+  This side and that his neighbour
+    Each robs with havoc sore.
+  The holy law of Justice
+    They guard not. Silent she,
+  Who knows what is and hath been,
+    Awaits the time to be.
+  Then cometh she to judgement,
+    With certain step, tho' slow;
+  E'en now she smites the city,
+    And none may 'scape the blow.
+  To thraldom base she drives us,
+    From slumber rousing strife,--
+  Fell war of kin, destroying
+    The young, the beauteous life.
+  The foemen of their country
+    In wicked bands combine,
+  Fit company; and stricken
+    The lovely land doth pine.
+  These are the Wrong, the Mischief,
+    That pace the earth at home;
+  But many a beggared exile
+    To other lands must roam--
+  Sold, chained in bonds unseemly;
+    For so to each man's hall
+  Comes home the People's Sorrow,
+    And leaps the high fence-wall.
+  No courtyard door can stay it;
+    It follows to his side,
+  Flee tho' he may, and crouching
+    In inmost chamber hide.
+  Such warning unto Athens
+    My spirit bids me sound,
+  That Lawlessness in cities
+    Spreads evil all around;
+  But Lawfulness and Order
+    Make all things good and right,
+  Chaining Sin's hands in fetters,
+    Quenching the proud soul's light,
+  Smoothing the rough, the sated
+    Staying, and withering
+  The flowers, that, fraught with ruin,
+    From fatal seed upspring.
+  The paths of crooked justice
+    Are turned into straight;
+  The ways of Pride grow gentle,
+    The ways of Strife and Hate;
+  Then baleful Faction ceases,
+    Then Health prevails alway,
+  And Wisdom still increases,
+    Beneath Law's wholesome sway.
+
+{256} You hear, men of Athens, how Solon speaks of men like these, and
+of the gods, who, he says, preserve the city. It is my belief and my
+hope that this saying of his, that the gods preserve our city, is true
+at all times; but I believe that all that has happened in connexion
+with the present examination is, in a sense, a special proof of the
+goodwill of some unseen power towards the city. {257} Consider what has
+happened. A man who as ambassador did a work of great wickedness, and
+has surrendered countries in which the gods should have been worshipped
+by yourselves and your allies, has disfranchised one who accepted the
+challenge[n] to prosecute him. To what end? To the end that he himself
+might meet with no pity or mercy for his own iniquities. Nay, more;
+while prosecuting his victim he deliberately set himself to speak evil
+of me; and again, before the People, he threatened to enter an
+indictment against me, and said more to the same effect. And to what
+end? To the end that I, who had the most perfect knowledge of all his
+acts of villany, and had followed them closely throughout, might have
+your full indulgence in prosecuting him. {258} Aye, and through
+postponing his appearance before you continually up to the present
+moment, he has been insensibly brought to a time when, on account of
+what is coming upon us, if for no other reason, it is neither possible
+nor safe for you to allow him (after his corruption) to escape
+unscathed. For though, men of Athens, you ought always to execrate and
+to punish those who are traitors and corrupt, to do so at this time
+would be more than ever seasonable, and would confer a benefit upon all
+mankind in common. {259} For a disease, men of Athens, an awful disease
+has fallen upon Hellas--a disease hard to cope with, and requiring
+abundant good fortune, and abundant carefulness on your own part. For
+the most notable men in their several cities, the men who claim[n] to
+lead in public affairs, are betraying their own liberty--unhappy
+men!--and bringing upon themselves a self-chosen servitude, under the
+milder names of friendship and companionship with Philip, and other
+such phrases; while the other citizens, and the sovereign bodies in
+each city, however composed, whose duty it was to punish these men and
+slay them out of hand, are so far from taking any such action, that
+they admire and envy them, and every one would be glad to be in the
+same case. {260} Yet it is from this very cause--it is through
+entertaining ambitions like these--that the Thessalians, who up to
+yesterday or the day before had lost thereby only their paramount
+position[n] and their dignity as a state, are now already being
+stripped of their very liberty; for there are Macedonian garrisons in
+some of their citadels. This same disease it is which has invaded the
+Peloponnese and brought about the massacres in Elis, infecting the
+unhappy people of that country with such insanity and frenzy, that in
+order to be lords over one another and to gratify Philip, they murder
+their kinsmen and fellow citizens. {261} Not even here has the disease
+been stayed: it has penetrated Arcadia and turned it upside-down; and
+now many of the Arcadians, who should be no less proud of liberty than
+yourselves--for you and they alone are indigenous peoples--are
+declaring their admiration for Philip, erecting his image in bronze,
+and crowning him; and, to complete the tale, they have passed a
+resolution that, if he comes to the Peloponnese, they will receive him
+within their walls. {262} The Argives have acted in exactly the same
+way. These events, I say it in all solemnity and earnestness, call for
+no small precautions: for this plague, men of Athens, that is spreading
+all around us, has now found its way to Athens itself. While then we
+are still safe, ward it off, and take away the citizenship of those who
+first introduced it. Beware lest otherwise you realize the worth of the
+advice given you this day, only when there is no longer anything that
+you can do. {263} Do you not perceive, men of Athens, how vivid and
+plain an example has been afforded you by the unhappy Olynthians? The
+destruction of those wretched men was due to nothing so much as to
+conduct like that of which I speak. You can test this clearly if you
+review their history. {264} For at a time when they possessed only 400
+cavalry, and numbered not more than 5,000 men in all, since the
+Chalcidians were not yet all united under one government, the Spartans
+came against them with a large force, including both army and fleet
+(for you doubtless remember that at that period the Spartans were
+virtually masters both of land and sea); and yet, though this great
+force came against them, the Olynthians lost neither the city nor any
+single fortress, but won many battles, killed three of the enemy's
+commanders, and finally concluded the war on their own terms.[n] {265}
+But when some of them began to take bribes, and the people as a whole
+were foolish enough, or rather unfortunate enough, to repose greater
+confidence in these men than in those who spoke for their own good;
+when Lasthenes roofed his house with the timber which came from
+Macedonia, and Euthycrates was keeping a large herd of cattle for which
+he had paid no one anything; when a third returned with sheep, and a
+fourth with horses, while the people, to whose detriment all this was
+being done, so far from showing any anger or any disposition to
+chastise men who acted so, actually gazed on them with envy, and paid
+them honour and regarded them as heroes--{266} when, I say, such
+practices were gaining ground in this way, and corruption had been
+victorious; then, though they possessed 1,000 cavalry and numbered more
+than 10,000 men; though all the surrounding peoples were their allies;
+though you went to their assistance with 10,000 mercenaries and 50
+ships, and with 4,000 citizen-soldiers as well, none of these things
+could save them. Before a year of the war had expired they had lost all
+the cities in Chalcidice, while Philip could no longer keep pace with
+the invitations of the traitors, and did not know which place to occupy
+first. {267} Five hundred horsemen were betrayed by their own
+commanders and captured by Philip, with their arms--a larger number
+than were ever before captured by any one. And the men who acted thus
+were not ashamed to face the sun or the earth--the soil of their native
+land--on which they stood, or the temples, or the sepulchres of the
+dead, or the disgrace which was bound to follow upon such deeds
+afterwards. Such is the madness and distraction which corruption
+engenders. So it is for you--for you, the People--to be wise, to refuse
+to suffer such things, and to visit them with public chastisement. For
+it would be monstrous indeed, if, after the terrible condemnation which
+you passed upon those who betrayed the Olynthians, it were seen that
+you allowed the criminals who are in your very midst to go unpunished.
+(_To the clerk._) Read the decree passed with reference to the
+Olynthians.
+
+[_The decree is read._]
+
+{268} This decree, gentlemen of the jury, is one which in the eyes of
+all, Hellenes and foreigners alike, it was right and honourable in you
+to have passed in condemnation of traitors and men detested of Heaven.
+And so, since the taking of the bribe is the step which precedes such
+actions, and it is the bribe that prompts the traitor's deeds,
+whenever, men of Athens, you find a man receiving a bribe, you must
+count him a traitor as well. That one man betrays opportunities, and
+another affairs of state, and another soldiers, means only, I imagine,
+that each works mischief in the particular department over which he has
+control; but there should be no distinction in your execration of all
+such men. {269} You, men of Athens, are the only people in the world
+who can draw from your own history examples which bear upon this
+matter, and who have those ancestors, whom you rightly praise, to
+imitate in your actions. You may not be able, at the present time, to
+imitate them in the battles, the campaigns, the perils in which they
+distinguished themselves, since at the present moment you are at peace;
+but at least you can imitate their wisdom. {270} For of wisdom there is
+need everywhere; and a right judgement is no more laborious or
+troublesome a thing than a wrong one. Each of you need sit here no
+longer, in order to judge and vote on the question before him aright,
+and so to make his country's position a better one, and worthy of our
+ancestors, than he must in order to judge and vote wrongly, and so make
+it worse and unworthy of our ancestors. What then were their sentiments
+on this matter? (_To the clerk._) Take this, clerk, and read it: (_to
+the jury_) for I would have you see that the acts towards which you are
+so indifferent are acts for which your forefathers voted death to the
+doers. (_To the clerk._) Read.
+
+[_An inscription is read._]
+
+{271} You hear the inscription, men of Athens, declaring that
+Arthmius[n] of Zeleia, son of Pythonax, is a foe and a public enemy to
+the people of Athens and their allies--both he and all his house. And
+why? Because he brought the gold from the foreigner to the Hellenes.
+Apparently, therefore, we may judge from this, that your ancestors
+sought to ensure that no one, not even a stranger, should work mischief
+against Hellas for money; whereas you do not even seek to prevent any
+of your fellow citizens from injuring his own city. {272} 'But,' it may
+be said, 'the inscription occupies a quite unimportant position.' On
+the contrary, although all yonder Acropolis is sacred and there is no
+lack of space upon it, this inscription stands on the right hand of the
+great bronze statue of Athena, the prize of valour in the war against
+the barbarians, set up by the State with funds which the Hellenes had
+presented to her. In those days, therefore, uprightness was so sacred,
+and such merit was attached to the punishment of actions like these,
+that the sentences passed upon such crimes were thought to deserve the
+same position as the prize-statue of the goddess. And now, unless you,
+in your turn, set a check upon this excess of licence, the result must
+be ridicule, impunity, and shame.[5] {273} You would do well, I think,
+men of Athens, to imitate your forefathers, not in this or that point
+alone, but continuously, and in all that they did. Now I am sure that
+you have all heard the story of Callias,[n] the son of Hipponicus, to
+whose diplomacy was due the Peace which is universally celebrated, and
+which provided that the king should not come down by land within a
+day's ride of the sea, nor sail with a ship of war between the
+Chelidonian islands and the Cyanean rocks. He was thought to have taken
+bribes on his mission; and your forefathers almost put him to death,
+and actually fined him, at the examination of his report, a sum of 50
+talents. {274} True it is, that no more honourable peace can be
+mentioned than this, of all which the city ever made before or
+afterwards. But it was not to this that they looked. The nature of the
+Peace they attributed to their own prowess and the glory of their city:
+but whether the transaction was disinterested or corrupt, depended upon
+the character of the ambassador; and they expected the character
+displayed by one who took part in public affairs to be upright and
+incorruptible. {275} Your ancestors, then, regarded corruption as so
+inimical, so unprofitable, to the state, that they would not admit it
+in connexion with any single transaction or any single man; while you,
+men of Athens, though you have seen that the Peace which has laid low
+the walls of your own allies is building the houses of your
+ambassadors--that the Peace which has robbed the city of her
+possessions has secured for them more than they had ever before hoped
+for even in their dreams--you, I say, instead of putting them to death
+of your own accord, need a prosecutor to assist you; and when all can
+see their crimes in very deed, you are making their trial a trial of
+words.
+
+{276} It is not, however, by the citation of ancient history, nor by
+these examples alone, that one may stimulate you to vengeance: for even
+within the lifetime of yourselves, who are here and still living, many
+have paid the penalty. All the rest of these I will pass over; but I
+will mention one or two of those who were punished with death, on
+returning from a mission whose results have been far less disastrous to
+the city than those of the present Embassy. (_To the clerk._) Take then
+this decree and read it.
+
+[_The decree is read._]
+
+{277} In this decree, men of Athens, you passed sentence of death upon
+those ambassadors, one of whom was Epicrates,[n] a good man, as I am
+told by my elders, and one who had in many ways been of service to his
+country--one of those who brought the people back from the Peiraeus,[n]
+and who was generally an upholder of the democracy. Yet none of these
+services helped him, and rightly. For one who claims to manage affairs
+of such magnitude has not merely to be half honest; he must not secure
+your confidence and then take advantage of it to increase his power to
+do mischief; he must do absolutely no wrong against you of his own
+will. {278} Now if there is one of the things for which those men were
+sentenced to death, that these men have not done, you may put me to
+death without delay. Observe what the charges were. 'Since they
+conducted their mission,' says the decree,[n] 'contrary to the terms of
+the resolution'--that is the first of the charges. And have not these
+men contravened the terms of the resolution? Does not the decree speak
+of peace 'for the Athenians and the allies of the Athenians?' and did
+they not exclude the Phocians from the treaty? Does not the decree bid
+them administer the oath to the magistrates in the several cities? and
+did they not administer it to men sent to them by Philip? Does not the
+resolution forbid them 'to meet Philip anywhere alone?' and did they
+not incessantly do business with him privately? {279} Again I read,
+'And some of them have been convicted of making a false report before
+the Council.' But these men have been convicted of doing so before the
+People as well. And convicted by whom? for this is the splendid
+thing.[n] Convicted by the actual facts; for all that has happened, as
+you know, has been the exact reverse of what they announced. 'And,' the
+decree goes on, 'of not sending true dispatches.' Nor did these men.
+'And of accusing our allies falsely and taking bribes.' Instead of
+'accusing falsely', say, 'of having utterly ruined'--surely a far more
+heinous thing than a false accusation. And as for the charge of taking
+bribes, if it had been denied, it would still have required proof; but
+since they admitted it, a summary procedure was surely the proper one.
+{280} What then will you do, men of Athens? You are the offspring of
+that generation, and some of you are actually survivors from it; and
+will you endure it, that Epicrates, the benefactor of the people, one
+of the men from the Peiraeus, should have been exiled and punished;[n]
+that Thrasybulus, again, the son of the great Thrasybulus, the People's
+friend, who brought the people back from Phyle, should recently have
+been fined ten talents; and that the descendant of Harmodius,[n] and of
+those who achieved for you the greatest of blessings, and whom, for the
+benefits which they conferred upon you, you have caused to share in the
+libations and the bowls outpoured, in every temple where sacrifice is
+offered, singing of them and honouring them as you honour heroes and
+gods--{281} that all these, I say, should have undergone the penalty
+ordained by the laws, and that no feeling of compassion or pity, nor
+the tears of their children who bore the names of our benefactors, nor
+aught else, should have availed them anything: and yet, when you have
+to do with the son of Atrometus the schoolmaster, and Glaucothea, who
+used to hold those meetings of the initiated, a practice for which
+another priestess[n] was put to death--when you have in your hands the
+son of such parents, a man who never did a single service to his
+country--neither himself, nor his father, nor any of his house--will
+you let him go? {282} Where is the horse, the trireme, the military
+service, the chorus, the burden undertaken[n] for the state, the
+war-contribution, the loyal action, the peril undergone, for which in
+all their lifetime the city has had to thank him or his? Aye, and even
+if all these stood to his credit, and those other qualifications, of
+uprightness and integrity in his mission, were not also to be found in
+him, it would surely have been right that he should perish. But when
+neither the one nor the other are to be found, will you not avenge
+yourselves upon him? {283} Will you not call to mind his own words,
+when he was prosecuting Timarchus--that there was no help for a city
+which had no sinews to use against the criminal, nor for a constitution
+in which compassion and solicitation were more powerful than the
+laws--that it was your duty not to pity the aged mother of Timarchus,
+nor his children, nor any one else, but to attend solely to one point,
+namely, that if you abandoned the cause of the laws and the
+constitution, you would look in vain for any to have pity on
+yourselves. {284} Is that unhappy man to have lost his rights as a
+citizen, because he witnessed the guilt of Aeschines, and will you then
+suffer Aeschines to escape unscathed? On what ground can you do so? for
+if Aeschines demanded so heavy a penalty from those whose sins were
+against their own persons, what must be the magnitude of the penalty
+which _you_ should require--you, the sworn judges of the case--from
+those who have sinned so greatly against their country's interests, and
+of whom Aeschines is convincingly proved to be one? {285} 'But,' we are
+told, 'that was a trial which will raise the moral standard of our
+young men.' Yes, and this trial will raise that of our statesmen, upon
+whose character the supreme interests of the city are staked. For your
+care ought to extend to them also. But you must realize that his real
+motive for ruining Timarchus himself was not, Heaven knows, to be found
+in any anxiety for the virtue of your sons. Indeed, men of Athens, they
+are virtuous even now; for I trust that the city will never have fallen
+so low, as to need Aphobetus and Aeschines to reform the morals of the
+young. {286} No! the reason was that Timarchus had proposed in the
+Council, that if any one was convicted of conveying arms or fittings
+for ships of war to Philip, the penalty should be death. And here is a
+proof. How long had Timarchus been in the habit of addressing you? For
+a long time. Now throughout all this time Aeschines was in Athens, and
+never showed any vexation or indignation at the fact of such a man
+addressing you, until he had been to Macedonia and made himself a
+hireling. (_To the clerk._) Come, take the actual decree which
+Timarchus proposed, and read it.
+
+[_The decree is read._]
+
+{287} So the man who proposed on your behalf the resolution which
+forbade, on pain of death, the supply of arms to Philip during the war,
+has been ruined and treated with contumely; while Aeschines, who had
+surrendered the arms of your very allies to Philip, was his accuser,
+and charged him--I call Heaven and Earth to witness--with unnatural
+offences, although two of his own kinsmen stood by his side, the very
+sight of whom would call forth a cry of protest from you--the
+disgusting Nicias, who went to Egypt and hired himself to Chabrias, and
+the accursed Cyrebion,[n] who joins in processions, as a reveller,[n]
+without a mask. Nay, why mention these things? His own brother
+Aphobetus was there before his eyes! In very truth all the words that
+were spoken on that day about unnatural offences were water flowing up
+stream.[n]
+
+{288} And now, to show you the dishonour into which the villainy and
+mendacity of the defendant have brought our country, passing by all
+besides, I will mention a fact known to you all. Formerly, men of
+Athens, all the other Hellenes used to watch attentively, to see what
+had been resolved in your Assembly; but now we are already going about
+and inquiring what others have decided--trying to overhear what the
+Arcadians are doing, or the Amphictyons, or where Philip will be next,
+and whether he is alive or dead. {289} We do this, do we not? But for
+me the terrible question is not whether Philip is alive, but whether in
+this city the habit of execrating and punishing criminals is dead.
+Philip has no terrors for me, if your own spirit is sound; but the
+prospect that you may grant security to those who wish to receive their
+wages from him--that they may be supported by some of those whom you
+have trusted, and that those who have all along denied that they were
+acting in Philip's interests may now mount the platform in their
+defence--that is the prospect which terrifies me. {290} Tell me,
+Eubulus, why it was, that at the recent trial of your cousin
+Hegesilaus,[n] and of Thrasybulus, the uncle of Niceratus, when the
+primary question[n] was before the jury, you would not even respond
+when they called upon you; and that when you rose to speak on the
+assessment of the penalty,[n] you uttered not a word in their defence,
+but only asked the jury to be indulgent to you? Do you refuse to ascend
+the platform in defence of kinsmen and relations, {291} and will you
+then do so in defence of Aeschines, who, when Aristophon was
+prosecuting Philonicus, and in accusing him was denouncing your own
+acts, joined with him in accusing you, and was found in the ranks of
+your enemies? You frightened your countrymen here by saying that they
+must either march down to the Peiraeus at once, and pay the war-tax,
+and convert the festival-fund into a war-fund, or else pass the decree
+advocated by Aeschines and proposed by the shameless Philocrates--{292}
+a decree, of which the result was that the Peace became a disgraceful
+instead of a fair one, and that these men have ruined everything by
+their crimes: and have you, after all this, become reconciled to him?
+You uttered imprecations upon Philip, in the presence of the people,
+and swore by the life of your children that you would be glad if
+perdition seized him; and will you now come to the aid of Aeschines?
+How can perdition seize Philip, when you are trying to save those who
+take bribes from him? {293} Why is it that you prosecuted Moerocles for
+misappropriating 20 drachmae out of the sums paid by each of the
+lessees of the mines, and indicted Ctesiphon for the theft of sacred
+moneys, because he paid 7 minae into the bank three days too late; and
+yet, when men have taken money and confess it, and are convicted, by
+being caught in the very act, of having done so in order to bring about
+the ruin of our allies, you do not prosecute them, but even command
+their acquittal? {294} But the appalling character of these crimes and
+the great watchfulness and caution that they call for, and the
+triviality of the offences for which you prosecuted those other men,
+may further be seen in this way. Were there any men in Elis who stole
+public funds? It is very likely indeed. Well, had any of them anything
+to do with the overthrow of the democracy there? Not one of them.
+Again, while Olynthus was standing, were there others of the same
+character there? I am sure that there were. Was it then through them
+that Olynthus was destroyed? No. Again, do you not suppose that in
+Megara there was someone who was a thief and who embezzled public
+funds? There must have been. Well, has any such person been shown to be
+responsible for the recent crisis there? {295} Not one. But of what
+sort _are_ the men who commit crimes of such a character and magnitude?
+They are those who count themselves worthy to be styled friends and
+guest-friends of Philip, who would fain be generals, who claim[n] to be
+leaders, who must needs be exalted above the people. Was not Perillus
+put on his trial lately before the Three Hundred at Megara, because he
+went to Philip's court; and did not Ptoeodorus, the first man in Megara
+in wealth, family, and distinction, come forward and beg him off, and
+send him back again to Philip? and was not the consequence that the one
+came back at the head of the mercenaries, while the other was churning
+the butter[n] at home? {296} For there is nothing, nothing, I say, in
+the world, which you must be so careful not to do, as not to allow any
+one to become more powerful than the People. I would have no man
+acquitted or doomed, to please any individual. Only let us be sure that
+the man whose actions acquit or condemn him will receive from you the
+verdict he deserves. {297} That is the true democratic principle. And
+further, it is true that many men have come to possess great influence
+with you at particular times--Callistratus, and again Aristophon,
+Diophantus, and others before them. But where did each of these
+exercise his primacy? In the Assembly of the People. But in the
+law-courts no man has ever, to this day, carried more influence than
+the laws and the juror's oath. Do not then allow the defendant to have
+such influence to-day. To prove to you that there is good reason for
+you not to trust, but to beware of such influence, I will read you an
+oracle of the gods, who always protect the city far better than do its
+foremost citizens. (_To the clerk._) Read the oracles.
+
+[_The oracles are read._]
+
+{298} You hear, men of Athens, the warnings of the gods. If these
+responses were given by them when you were at war, they mean that you
+must beware of your generals, since in war it is the generals who are
+leaders; but if they were uttered after you had made peace, they must
+refer to those who are at the head of your government; for these are
+the leaders whom you obey, and it is by these that you are in danger of
+being led astray. 'And hold the state together' [says the oracle]
+'until all are of one mind, and afford no joy to their foes.' {299}
+Which event then, men of Athens, do you think would afford joy to
+Philip--the acquittal of one who has brought about all this evil, or
+his punishment? His acquittal, I am sure. But the oracle, you see, says
+that we should so act as not to afford joy to our foes; and therefore,
+by the mouth of Zeus, of Dione,[n] and of all the gods, is this
+exhortation given to us all, that with one mind we chastise those who
+have done any service to our enemies. Without are those who are
+plotting against us, within are their confederates. The part of the
+plotters is to offer the bribe; that of their confederates is to
+receive it, and to save from condemnation those who have received it.
+
+{300} And further, it needs no more than human reason to arrive at the
+conclusion that nothing can be more hateful and dangerous than to allow
+your first citizen to be intimate with those whose objects are not
+those of the People. Consider by what means Philip has become master of
+the entire situation, and by what means he has accomplished the
+greatest of his successes. It has been by purchasing the opportunities
+for action from those who offered them for sale--by corrupting and
+exciting the aspirations of the leaders of their several cities. {301}
+These have been the means. Now both of these methods it is in your
+power, if you wish it, to render futile to-day, if you will refuse to
+listen to prominent persons who speak in defence of such practices, and
+will thus prove that they have no power over you--for now they assert
+that they have you under their control--while at the same time you
+punish the man who has sold himself, and let all the world see what you
+have done. {302} For you would have reason enough, men of Athens, for
+being angry with any man who had acted so, and had betrayed your allies
+and your friends and your opportunities (for with these are bound up
+the whole prosperity or adversity of every people), but with no one
+more than with Aeschines, or with greater justice. After taking up a
+position as one of those who mistrusted Philip--after being the first
+and the only man to perceive that Philip was the common enemy of all
+the Hellenes--he deserted, he betrayed you; he suddenly became Philip's
+supporter. Surely he deserves to die many times over! {303} Nay, he
+himself will not be able to deny that these things are so. For who was
+it that brought Ischander forward before you originally, stating that
+he had come from the friends of Athens in Arcadia? Who was it that
+cried out that Philip was organizing Hellas and the Peloponnese against
+you, while you were asleep? Who was it that delivered those long and
+noble orations to the people, that read to you the decrees of Miltiades
+and Themistocles, and the oath of the young soldiers[n] in the temple
+of Aglaurus? {304} Was it not the defendant? Who was it that persuaded
+you to send embassies almost as far as the Red Sea, on the ground that
+Philip was plotting against Hellas, and that it was for you to foresee
+this and not to sacrifice the interests of the Hellenes? Was it not
+Eubulus who proposed the decree, while the ambassador to the
+Peloponnese was the defendant Aeschines? What expressions he used in
+his address to the people, after he arrived there, is best known to
+himself: but I know you all remember what he reported to you. {305}
+Many a time in the course of his speech he called Philip 'barbarian'
+and 'devil'; and he reported the delight of the Arcadians at the
+thought that Athens was now waking up and attending to public affairs.
+One thing he told us, which caused him, he said, more distress than
+anything else. As he was leaving, he met Atrestidas, who was travelling
+home from Philip's court, and with him were walking some thirty women
+and children. Wondering at this, he asked one of the travellers who the
+man was, and what this crowd was along with him; {306} and on hearing
+that it was Atrestidas, who was on his way home, and that these with
+him were captives from Olynthus whom Philip had given him as a present,
+he was struck with the atrocity of the thing and burst into tears, and
+lamented the unhappy condition of Hellas, that she should allow such
+tragedies to pass unnoticed. At the same time he counselled you to send
+representatives to Arcadia to denounce Philip's agents, saying that his
+friends told him that if Athens took notice of the matter and sent
+envoys, Philip's agents would be punished. {307} Such, men of Athens,
+was the tenor of his speeches then; and very noble they were, and
+worthy of this city. But when he had been to Macedonia, and had seen
+the enemy of himself and of the Hellenes, were his speeches couched any
+more in the same or a similar tone? Far from it! He told you that you
+must neither remember your forefathers nor mention your trophies, nor
+go to the aid of any one. He was amazed, he said, at those who urged
+you to confer with the rest of the Hellenes in regard to the Peace with
+Philip, as though there was any need to convince some one else about a
+matter which was purely your own affair. {308} And as for Philip, 'Why,
+good gracious!' said he, 'Philip is the most thorough Hellene in the
+world, a most able speaker, and most friendly towards Athens: only
+there are certain persons in Athens so unreasonable and so churlish,
+that they are not ashamed to slander him and call him "barbarian".' Now
+is it possible that the man who had formerly spoken as Aeschines did,
+should now have dared to speak in such a way, if he had not been
+corrupted? What? {309} Is there a man who after conceiving such
+detestation for Atrestidas, owing to those children and women from
+Olynthus, could have endured to act in conjunction with Philocrates,
+who brought freeborn Olynthian women here to gratify his lust, and is
+so notorious for his abominable living, that it is unnecessary for me
+now to use any offensive or unpleasant expression about him; for if I
+say that Philocrates brought women here, the rest will be understood by
+all of you and of the bystanders, and you will, I am sure, pity the
+poor unhappy creatures--though Aeschines felt no pity for them, and
+shed no tears for Hellas at the sight of them, or at the thought of the
+outrages they were suffering among their own allies at the hands of our
+ambassadors. {310} No! he will shed tears on his own behalf--he whose
+proceedings as ambassador have had such results--and perhaps he will
+bring forward his children, and mount them upon the platform. But,
+gentlemen of the jury, when you see the children of Aeschines, remember
+that the children of many of your allies and friends are now vagabonds,
+wandering in beggary, owing to the cruel treatment they have suffered
+in consequence of his conduct, and that these deserve your compassion
+far more than those whose father is a criminal and a traitor. Remember
+that your own children have been robbed even of their hopes by these
+men, who inserted among the terms of the Peace the clause which
+extended it to posterity. And when you see the tears of Aeschines,
+remember that you have now before you a man who urged you to send
+representatives to Arcadia to denounce the agents of Philip. {311} Now
+to-day you need send no embassy to the Peloponnese; you need take no
+long journey; you need incur no travelling expenses. Each of you need
+only come as far as this platform, to deposit the vote which piety and
+justice demand of him, on behalf of your country; and to condemn the
+man who--I call Earth and Heaven to witness!--after originally
+delivering the speeches which I described, speaking of Marathon and of
+Salamis, and of your battles and your trophies, suddenly--so soon as he
+had set foot in Macedonia--changed his tone completely, and told you
+that you must not remember your forefathers, nor recount your trophies,
+nor go to the aid of any one, nor take common counsel with the
+Hellenes--who all but told you that you must pull down your walls.
+{312} Never throughout all time, up to this day, have speeches more
+shameful than these been delivered before you. What Hellene, what
+foreigner, is so dense, or so uninstructed, or so fierce in his hatred
+of our city, that if one were to put to him this question, and say,
+'Tell me now; of all Hellas, as it now is--all this inhabited
+country--is there any part which would have been called by this name,
+or inhabited by the Hellenes who now possess it, unless those who
+fought at Marathon and Salamis, our forefathers, had displayed that
+high prowess on their behalf?' Why, I am certain that not one would
+answer 'Yes': they would say that all these regions must have been
+conquered by the barbarians. {313} If then no single man, not even one
+of our enemies, would have deprived them of these their panegyrics and
+praises, does Aeschines forbid you to remember them--you their
+descendants--in order that he himself may receive money? In all other
+blessings, moreover, the dead have no share; but the praises which
+follow their noble deeds are the peculiar possession of those who have
+died thus; for then even envy opposes them no longer. Of these praises
+Aeschines would deprive them; and justly, therefore, would he now be
+deprived of his privileges as as a citizen, and justly, in the name of
+your forefathers, would you exact from him this penalty. Such words you
+used, nevertheless, in the wickedness of your heart, to despoil and
+traduce the deeds of our forefathers, and by your word you ruined all
+our interests in very deed. {314} And then, as the outcome of this, you
+are a landed gentleman, and have become a personage of consequence! For
+this, too, you must notice. Before he had wrought every kind of
+mischief against the city he acknowledged that he had been a clerk; he
+was grateful to you for having elected him, and behaved himself
+modestly. But since he has wrought countless evils, he has drawn up his
+eyebrows, and if any one speaks of 'Aeschines the late clerk', he is
+his enemy at once, and declares that he has been insulted: he walks
+through the market-place with his cloak trailing down to his ankles,
+keeping step with Pythocles,[n] and puffing out his cheeks--already one
+of Philip's friends and guest-friends, if you please--one of those who
+would be rid of the democracy, and who regard the established
+constitution as so much tempestuous madness--he who was once the humble
+servant of the Round Chamber.
+
+{315} I wish now to recapitulate to you summarily the ways in which
+Philip got the better of you in policy, when he had taken these
+heaven-detested men to aid him. It is well worth while to review and
+contemplate the course of his deception as a whole. It began with his
+anxiety for peace; for his country was being plundered, and his ports
+were closed, so that he could enjoy none of the advantages which they
+afforded; and so he sent the messengers who uttered those generous
+sentiments on his behalf--Neoptolemus, Aristodemus, and Ctesiphon.
+{316} But so soon as we went to him as your ambassadors, he immediately
+hired the defendant to second and co-operate with the abominable
+Philocrates, and so get the better of those who wished to act
+uprightly; and he composed such a letter to you as he thought would be
+most likely to help him to obtain peace. {317} But even so, he had no
+better chance than before of effecting anything of importance against
+you, unless he could destroy the Phocians. And this was no easy matter.
+For he had now been reduced, as if by chance, to a position in which he
+must either find it impossible to effect any of his designs, or else
+must perforce lie and forswear himself, and make all men, whether
+Hellenes or foreigners, witnesses of his own baseness. {318} For if, on
+the one hand, he received the Phocians as allies, and administered the
+oath to them together with yourselves, it at once became necessary for
+him to break his oaths to the Thessalians and Thebans; for he had sworn
+to aid the latter in the reduction of Boeotia, and the former in the
+recovery of their place in the Amphictyonic Council; but if, on the
+other hand, he refused to receive them (as in fact he did reject them),
+he thought that you would not let him cross the Pass, but would rally
+to Thermopylae--and so you would have done, had you not been misled;
+and if this happened, he calculated that he would be unable to march
+across. {319} Nor had he to learn this from others; he had already the
+testimony of his own experience. For on the occasion of his first
+defeat of the Phocians, when he destroyed their mercenaries and their
+leader and general, Onomarchus, although not a single human being,
+Hellene or foreigner, came to the aid of the Phocians, except
+yourselves, so far was he from crossing the Pass and thereafter
+carrying out any of his designs, that he could not even approach near
+it. {320} He realized, I imagine, quite clearly, that at a time when
+the feelings of the Thessalians were turning against him, and the
+Pheraeans (to take the first instance) refused to accompany him--when
+the Thebans were being worsted and had lost a battle, and a trophy had
+been erected to celebrate their defeat--it was impossible for him to
+cross the Pass, if you rallied to its defence; and that if he made the
+attempt he would regret it, unless some cunning could be called in to
+aid him. How then, he asked, can I avoid open falsehood, and yet
+accomplish all that I wish without appearing perjured? How can it be
+done? It can be done, if I can get some of the Athenians to deceive the
+Athenians. In that case the discredit no longer falls to my share.
+{321} And so Philip's own envoys first informed you that Philip
+declined to receive the Phocians as allies; and then these men took up
+the tale, and addressed you to the effect that it was inconvenient to
+Philip to receive the Phocians as your allies openly, on account of the
+Thebans and the Thessalians; but if he gets command of the situation,
+they said, and is granted the Peace, he will do just what we should now
+request him to promise to do. {322} So they obtained the Peace from
+you, by holding out these seductive hopes, without including the
+Phocians. But they had still to prevent the expedition to Thermopylae,
+for the purpose of which, despite the Peace, your fifty ships were
+still lying ready at anchor, in order that, if Philip marched, you
+might prevent him. {323} How then could it be done? what cunning could
+be used in regard to this expedition in its turn? They must deprive you
+of the necessary time, by bringing the crisis upon you suddenly, so
+that, even if you wished to set out, you might be unable to do so. So
+this, it appears, was what these men undertook to do; while for my
+part, as you have often been told, I was unable to depart in advance of
+them, and was prevented from sailing even when I had hired a boat for
+the purpose. {324} But it was further necessary that the Phocians
+should come to believe in Philip and give themselves up to him
+voluntarily, in order that there might be no delay in carrying out the
+plan, and that no hostile decree whatever might issue from you. 'And
+therefore,' said he, 'the Athenian ambassadors shall announce that the
+Phocians are to be preserved from destruction, so that even if any one
+persists in distrusting me, he will believe them, and put himself in my
+hands. We will summon the Athenians themselves, so that they may
+imagine that all that they want is secured, and may pass no hostile
+decree: but the ambassadors shall make such reports about us, and give
+such promises, as will prevent them from moving under any
+circumstances.' {325} It was in this way, and by such trickery as this,
+that all was ruined, through the action of these doomed wretches. For
+immediately afterwards, as you know, instead of seeing Thespiae and
+Plataeae repeopled, you heard that Orchomenus and Coroneia had been
+enslaved; instead of Thebes being humbled and stripped of her insolence
+and pride, the walls of your own allies were being razed, and it was
+the Thebans who were razing them--the Thebans who, according to
+Aeschines' story, were as good as broken up into villages. {326}
+Instead of Euboea being handed over to you in exchange for Amphipolis,
+Philip is making new bases of operations against you in Euboea itself,
+and is plotting incessantly against Geraestus and Megara. Instead of
+the restoration of Oropus to you, we are making an expedition under
+arms to defend Drymus and the country about Panactum[n]--a step which
+we never took so long as the Phocians remained unharmed. {327} Instead
+of the restoration of the ancestral worship in the temple, and the
+exaction of the debt due to the god, the true Amphictyons are
+fugitives, who have been banished and their land laid desolate; and
+Macedonians, foreigners, men who never were Amphictyons in the past,
+are now forcing their way to recognition; while any one who mentions
+the sacred treasures is thrown from the rocks, and our city has been
+deprived of her right to precedence in consulting the oracle. {328}
+Indeed, the story of all that has happened to the city sounds like a
+riddle. Philip has spoken no falsehood, and has accomplished all that
+he wished: you hoped for the fulfilment of your fondest prayers, and
+have seen the very opposite come to pass; you suppose yourselves to be
+at peace, and have suffered more terribly than if you had been at war;
+while these men have received money for all this, and up to this very
+day have not paid the penalty. {329} For that the situation has been
+made what it is solely by bribery, and that these men have received
+their price for it all, has, I feel sure, long been plain to you in
+many ways; and I am afraid that, quite against my will, I may long have
+been wearying you by attempting to prove with elaborate exactness what
+you already know for yourselves. {330} Yet this one point I ask you
+still to listen to. Is there, gentlemen of the jury, one of the
+ambassadors whom Philip sent, whose statue in bronze you would erect in
+the market-place? Nay, one to whom you would give maintenance in the
+Town Hall, or any other of those complimentary grants with which you
+honour your benefactors? I think not. And why? For you are of no
+ungrateful or unfair or mean disposition. You would reply, that it is
+because all that they did was done in the interest of Philip, and
+nothing in your own; and the reply would be true and just. {331} Do you
+imagine then that, when such are your sentiments, Philip's are not also
+such? Do you imagine that he gives all these magnificent presents
+because your ambassadors conducted their mission honourably and
+uprightly with a view to _your_ interest? Impossible. Think of
+Hegesippus, and the manner in which he and the ambassadors who
+accompanied him were received by Philip. To go no further, he banished
+Xenocleides, the well-known poet, by public proclamation, because he
+received the ambassadors, his own fellow citizens. For so it is that he
+behaves to men who honestly say what they think on your behalf: while
+to those who have sold themselves he behaves as he has to these men. Do
+we then need witnesses? do we need stronger proofs than these to
+establish my conclusions? Will any one be able to steal these
+conclusions from your minds?
+
+{332} Now I was told a most extraordinary thing just now by some one
+who accosted me in front of the Court, namely, that the defendant is
+prepared to accuse Chares, and that by such methods and such arguments
+as that, he hopes to deceive you. I will not lay undue stress on the
+fact that Chares,[n] subjected to every form of trial, was found to
+have acted on your behalf, so far as was in his power, with
+faithfulness and loyalty, while his frequent shortcomings were due to
+those who, for money, were cruelly injuring your cause. But I will go
+much further. Let it be granted that all that the defendant will say of
+Chares is true. {333} Even so it is utterly absurd that Aeschines
+should accuse him. For I do not lay the blame on Aeschines for anything
+that was done in the course of the war--it is the generals who have to
+account for all such proceedings--nor do I hold him responsible for the
+city's having made peace. So far I acquit him of everything. What then
+do I allege, and at what point does my accusation begin? I accuse him
+of having supported Philocrates, at the time when the city was making
+peace, instead of supporting those who proposed what was for your real
+good. I accuse him of taking bribes, and subsequently, on the Second
+Embassy, of wasting time, and of not carrying out any of your
+instructions. I accuse him of cheating the city, and ruining
+everything, by the suggestion of hopes that Philip would do all that we
+desired; and then I accuse him of speaking afterwards in defence of one
+of whom[n] all warned him to beware, on account of the great crimes of
+which he had been guilty. {334} These are my charges, and these are
+what you must bear in mind. For a Peace that was honest and fair, and
+men that had sold nothing and had told no falsehoods afterwards, I
+would even have commended, and would have bidden you crown them. But
+the injuries which some general may have done you have nothing to do
+with the present examination. Where is the general who has caused the
+loss of Halus? or of the Phocians? or of Doriscus? or of Cersobleptes?
+or of the Sacred Mountain? or of Thermopylae? Who has secured Philip a
+road to Attica that leads entirely through the country of allies and
+friends? who has given Coroneia and Orchomenus and Euboea to others?
+who has all but given Megara to the enemy, only recently? who has made
+the Thebans powerful? {335} Not one of all these heavy losses was the
+work of the generals; nor does Philip hold any of these places because
+you were persuaded to concede it to him by the treaty of peace. The
+losses are due to these men and to their corruption. If then he evades
+these points, and tries to mislead you by speaking of every other
+possible subject, this is how you must receive his attempt. 'We are not
+sitting in judgement upon any general,' you must say, 'nor are you on
+your trial for the things of which you speak. Do not tell us whether
+some one else may not also be responsible for the ruin of the Phocians:
+prove to us that no responsibility attaches to yourself. Why do you
+tell us _now_ of the alleged iniquities of Demosthenes, instead of
+accusing him when his report was under examination? For such an
+omission alone you deserve to perish. {336} Do not speak of the beauty
+of peace, nor of its advantages. No one holds you responsible for the
+city's having made peace. But show that it was not a shameful and
+discreditable peace; that we have not since been deceived in many ways;
+that all was not lost. It is for all these things that the
+responsibility has been proved to be yours. And why, even to this hour,
+do you praise the man who has done us all this evil?' If you keep a
+watch upon him thus, he will have nothing to say; and then he will lift
+up his voice here, in spite of all his vocal exercises, to no purpose.
+
+{337} And yet perhaps it is necessary for me to speak about his voice
+also. For of this too, I am told, he is extremely proud, and expects to
+carry you away by his declamation. But seeing that you used to drive
+him away and hiss him out of the theatre and almost stone him, when he
+was performing the tragic story of Thyestes or of the Trojan War, so
+that at last he gave up his third-rate playing, you would be acting in
+the most extraordinary way if, now that he has wrought countless ills,
+not on the stage, but in the most important affairs in the public life
+of the state, you listened to him for his fine voice. {338} By no means
+must you do this, or give way to any foolish sentiment. Rather reflect,
+that if you were testing the qualifications of a herald, you would then
+indeed look for a fine voice; but when you are testing those of an
+ambassador, or a man who claims the administration of any public
+business, you must look for an upright man--a man who bears himself
+proudly indeed, as your representative, but seeks no more than equality
+with yourselves--as I myself refused to pay respect to Philip, but did
+pay respect to the captives, whom I saved, and never for a moment drew
+back; whereas Aeschines rolled at Philip's feet, and chanted his
+paeans, while he looks down upon you. {339} And further, whenever you
+notice that cleverness or a good voice or any other natural advantage
+has been given to an honest and public-spirited man, you ought all to
+congratulate him and help him to cultivate his gift; for the gift is an
+advantage in which you all share, as well as he. But when the gift is
+found in a corrupt and villainous man, who can never resist the chance
+of gain, then you should exclude him from your presence, and give a
+harsh and hostile reception to his words: for villainy, which wins from
+you the reputation of ability, is the enemy of the State. {340} You see
+what great troubles have fallen upon the city, through those qualities
+which have brought renown to Aeschines. But whereas all other faculties
+are more or less independent, the gift of eloquence, when it meets with
+hostility from you who listen, is a broken thing. Listen, then, to the
+defendant as you would listen to a corrupt villain, who will not speak
+a single word of truth.
+
+{341} Observe also that the conviction of the defendant is in every way
+expedient, not only on all other grounds, but even when you consider
+our relations with Philip himself. For if ever Philip finds himself
+compelled to give the city any of her rights, he will change his
+methods. As it is, he has chosen to deceive the people as a whole, and
+to show his favours to a few persons; whereas, if he learns that these
+men have perished, he will prefer for the future to act in the interest
+of yourselves collectively, in whose hands all power rests. {342} If,
+however, he intends to persist in his present domineering and
+outrageous insolence, you will, by getting rid of these men, have rid
+the city of those who would do anything in the world for him. For when
+they have acted as they have done, with the expectation of having to
+pay the penalty in their minds, what do you think they will do, if you
+relax your severity towards them? Where is the Euthycrates,[n] or the
+Lasthenes, or the traitor of any description, whom they will not outdo?
+{343} And who among all the rest will not be a worse citizen, when he
+sees that, for those who have sold themselves, the friendship of Philip
+serves, in consequence, for revenue, for reputation, and for capital;
+while to those who have conducted themselves uprightly, and have spent
+their own money as well, the consequences are trouble, hatred, and ill
+will from a certain party. Let it not be so. It is not for your
+good--whether you regard your reputation or your duty towards Heaven or
+your safety or any other object, that you should acquit the defendant;
+but rather that you should avenge yourselves upon him, and make him an
+example in the eyes of all your fellow citizens and of the whole
+Hellenic world.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+[1] This body was composed of life-members, the archons passing into it
+annually at the conclusion of their term of office. A certain religious
+solemnity attached to it, and it was generally respected as a
+public-spirited and high-minded body.
+
+[2] [Greek: p_os: ti;].
+
+[3] Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 761.
+
+[4] Euripides, _Phoenix_ fragment.
+
+[5] [Greek: adeia, aischuv_e.].
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Public Orations of Demosthenes,
+volume 1, by Demosthenes
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