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Edison his Life and Inventions, by Frank Lewis Dyer
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The Project Gutenberg EBook of Edison, His Life and Inventions, by
Frank Lewis Dyer and Thomas Commerford Martin
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Title: Edison, His Life and Inventions
Author: Frank Lewis Dyer and Thomas Commerford Martin
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Last Updated: January 26, 2013
Language: English
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*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EDISON, HIS LIFE AND INVENTIONS ***
Produced by Charles Keller and David Widger
</pre>
<p>
<br /> <br />
</p>
<h1>
EDISON HIS LIFE AND INVENTIONS
</h1>
<p>
<br />
</p>
<h2>
By Frank Lewis Dyer
</h2>
<h4>
General Counsel For The Edison Laboratory And Allied Interests
</h4>
<h3>
And
</h3>
<h2>
Thomas Commerford Martin
</h2>
<h4>
Ex-President Of The American Institute Of Electrical Engineers
</h4>
<p>
<br /> <br />
</p>
<hr />
<p>
<br /> <br />
</p>
<blockquote>
<p class="toc">
<big><b>CONTENTS</b></big>
</p>
<p>
<br />
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0001"> <b>EDISON HIS LIFE AND INVENTIONS</b> </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#linkintro"> <b>INTRODUCTION</b> </a>
</p>
<p>
<br /> <a href="#link2HCH0001"> CHAPTER I </a><br /><br /> <a
href="#link2HCH0002"> CHAPTER II </a><br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0003">
CHAPTER III </a><br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0004"> CHAPTER IV </a><br /><br />
<a href="#link2HCH0005"> CHAPTER V </a><br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0006">
CHAPTER VI </a><br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0007"> CHAPTER VII </a><br /><br />
<a href="#link2HCH0008"> CHAPTER VIII </a><br /><br /> <a
href="#link2HCH0009"> CHAPTER IX </a><br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0010">
CHAPTER X </a><br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0011"> CHAPTER XI </a><br /><br />
<a href="#link2HCH0012"> CHAPTER XII </a><br /><br /> <a
href="#link2HCH0013"> CHAPTER XIII </a><br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0014">
CHAPTER XIV </a><br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0015"> CHAPTER XV </a><br /><br />
<a href="#link2HCH0016"> CHAPTER XVI </a><br /><br /> <a
href="#link2HCH0017"> CHAPTER XVII </a><br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0018">
CHAPTER XVIII </a><br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0019"> CHAPTER XIX </a><br /><br />
<a href="#link2HCH0020"> CHAPTER XX </a><br /><br /> <a
href="#link2HCH0021"> CHAPTER XXI </a><br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0022">
CHAPTER XXII </a><br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0023"> CHAPTER XXIII </a><br /><br />
<a href="#link2HCH0024"> CHAPTER XXIV </a><br /><br /> <a
href="#link2HCH0025"> CHAPTER XXV </a><br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0026">
CHAPTER XXVI </a><br /><br /> <a href="#link2HCH0027"> CHAPTER XXVII </a><br /><br />
<a href="#link2HCH0028"> CHAPTER XXVIII </a><br /><br /> <a
href="#link2HCH0029"> CHAPTER XXIX </a> <br /> <br /> <br />
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_APPE"> <b>INTRODUCTION TO THE APPENDIX</b> </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_APPE"> APPENDIX </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0035"> I. THE STOCK PRINTER </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0036"> II. THE QUADRUPLEX AND PHONOPLEX </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0037"> III. AUTOMATIC TELEGRAPHY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0038"> IV. WIRELESS TELEGRAPHY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0039"> V. THE ELECTROMOTOGRAPH </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0040"> VI. THE TELEPHONE </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0041"> VII. EDISON'S TASIMETER </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0042"> VIII. THE EDISON PHONOGRAPH </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0043"> X. EDISON'S DYNAMO WORK </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0044"> XI. THE EDISON FEEDER SYSTEM </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0045"> XII. THE THREE-WIRE SYSTEM </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0046"> XIII. EDISON'S ELECTRIC RAILWAY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0047"> XIV. TRAIN TELEGRAPHY </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0048"> XV. KINETOGRAPH AND PROJECTING KINETOSCOPE
</a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0049"> XVI. EDISON'S ORE-MILLING INVENTIONS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0050"> XVII. THE LONG CEMENT KILN </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0051"> XVIII. EDISON'S NEW STORAGE BATTERY
</a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_4_0052"> XIX. EDISON'S POURED CEMENT HOUSE </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#link2H_LIST"> LIST OF UNITED STATES PATENTS </a>
</p>
<p class="toc">
<a href="#linkforeign"> FOREIGN PATENTS </a>
</p>
</blockquote>
<p>
<br /> <br />
</p>
<hr />
<p>
<a name="linkintro" id="linkintro"></a> <br /> <br />
</p>
<h2>
INTRODUCTION
</h2>
<p>
PRIOR to this, no complete, authentic, and authorized record of the work
of Mr. Edison, during an active life, has been given to the world. That
life, if there is anything in heredity, is very far from finished; and
while it continues there will be new achievement.
</p>
<p>
An insistently expressed desire on the part of the public for a definitive
biography of Edison was the reason for the following pages. The present
authors deem themselves happy in the confidence reposed in them, and in
the constant assistance they have enjoyed from Mr. Edison while preparing
these pages, a great many of which are altogether his own. This
co-operation in no sense relieves the authors of responsibility as to any
of the views or statements of their own that the book contains. They have
realized the extreme reluctance of Mr. Edison to be made the subject of
any biography at all; while he has felt that, if it must be written, it
were best done by the hands of friends and associates of long standing,
whose judgment and discretion he could trust, and whose intimate knowledge
of the facts would save him from misrepresentation.
</p>
<p>
The authors of the book are profoundly conscious of the fact that the
extraordinary period of electrical development embraced in it has been
prolific of great men. They have named some of them; but there has been no
idea of setting forth various achievements or of ascribing distinctive
merits. This treatment is devoted to one man whom his fellow-citizens have
chosen to regard as in many ways representative of the American at his
finest flowering in the field of invention during the nineteenth century.
</p>
<p>
It is designed in these pages to bring the reader face to face with
Edison; to glance at an interesting childhood and a youthful period marked
by a capacity for doing things, and by an insatiable thirst for knowledge;
then to accompany him into the great creative stretch of forty years,
during which he has done so much. This book shows him plunged deeply into
work for which he has always had an incredible capacity, reveals the
exercise of his unsurpassed inventive ability, his keen reasoning powers,
his tenacious memory, his fertility of resource; follows him through a
series of innumerable experiments, conducted methodically, reaching out
like rays of search-light into all the regions of science and nature, and
finally exhibits him emerging triumphantly from countless difficulties
bearing with him in new arts the fruits of victorious struggle.
</p>
<p>
These volumes aim to be a biography rather than a history of electricity,
but they have had to cover so much general ground in defining the
relations and contributions of Edison to the electrical arts, that they
serve to present a picture of the whole development effected in the last
fifty years, the most fruitful that electricity has known. The effort has
been made to avoid technique and abstruse phrases, but some degree of
explanation has been absolutely necessary in regard to each group of
inventions. The task of the authors has consisted largely in summarizing
fairly the methods and processes employed by Edison; and some idea of the
difficulties encountered by them in so doing may be realized from the fact
that one brief chapter, for example,—that on ore milling—covers
nine years of most intense application and activity on the part of the
inventor. It is something like exhibiting the geological eras of the earth
in an outline lantern slide, to reduce an elaborate series of strenuous
experiments and a vast variety of ingenious apparatus to the space of a
few hundred words.
</p>
<p>
A great deal of this narrative is given in Mr. Edison's own language, from
oral or written statements made in reply to questions addressed to him
with the object of securing accuracy. A further large part is based upon
the personal contributions of many loyal associates; and it is desired
here to make grateful acknowledgment to such collaborators as Messrs.
Samuel Insull, E. H. Johnson, F. R. Upton, R. N Dyer, S. B. Eaton, Francis
Jehl, W. S. Andrews, W. J. Jenks, W. J. Hammer, F. J. Sprague, W. S.
Mallory, and C. L. Clarke, and others, without whose aid the issuance of
this book would indeed have been impossible. In particular, it is desired
to acknowledge indebtedness to Mr. W. H. Meadowcroft not only for
substantial aid in the literary part of the work, but for indefatigable
effort to group, classify, and summarize the boundless material embodied
in Edison's note-books and memorabilia of all kinds now kept at the Orange
laboratory. Acknowledgment must also be made of the courtesy and
assistance of Mrs. Edison, and especially of the loan of many interesting
and rare photographs from her private collection.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0001" id="link2H_4_0001">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
EDISON HIS LIFE AND INVENTIONS
</h2>
<p>
<a name="link2HCH0001" id="link2HCH0001">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CHAPTER I
</h2>
<h3>
THE AGE OF ELECTRICITY
</h3>
<p>
THE year 1847 marked a period of great territorial acquisition by the
American people, with incalculable additions to their actual and potential
wealth. By the rational compromise with England in the dispute over the
Oregon region, President Polk had secured during 1846, for undisturbed
settlement, three hundred thousand square miles of forest, fertile land,
and fisheries, including the whole fair Columbia Valley. Our active
"policy of the Pacific" dated from that hour. With swift and clinching
succession came the melodramatic Mexican War, and February, 1848, saw
another vast territory south of Oregon and west of the Rocky Mountains
added by treaty to the United States. Thus in about eighteen months there
had been pieced into the national domain for quick development and
exploitation a region as large as the entire Union of Thirteen States at
the close of the War of Independence. Moreover, within its boundaries was
embraced all the great American gold-field, just on the eve of discovery,
for Marshall had detected the shining particles in the mill-race at the
foot of the Sierra Nevada nine days before Mexico signed away her rights
in California and in all the vague, remote hinterland facing Cathayward.
</p>
<p>
Equally momentous were the times in Europe, where the attempt to secure
opportunities of expansion as well as larger liberty for the individual
took quite different form. The old absolutist system of government was
fast breaking up, and ancient thrones were tottering. The red lava of deep
revolutionary fires oozed up through many glowing cracks in the political
crust, and all the social strata were shaken. That the wild outbursts of
insurrection midway in the fifth decade failed and died away was not
surprising, for the superincumbent deposits of tradition and convention
were thick. But the retrospect indicates that many reforms and political
changes were accomplished, although the process involved the exile of not
a few ardent spirits to America, to become leading statesmen, inventors,
journalists, and financiers. In 1847, too, Russia began her tremendous
march eastward into Central Asia, just as France was solidifying her first
gains on the littoral of northern Africa. In England the fierce fervor of
the Chartist movement, with its violent rhetoric as to the rights of man,
was sobering down and passing pervasively into numerous practical schemes
for social and political amelioration, constituting in their entirety a
most profound change throughout every part of the national life.
</p>
<p>
Into such times Thomas Alva Edison was born, and his relations to them and
to the events of the past sixty years are the subject of this narrative.
Aside from the personal interest that attaches to the picturesque career,
so typically American, there is a broader aspect in which the work of the
"Franklin of the Nineteenth Century" touches the welfare and progress of
the race. It is difficult at any time to determine the effect of any
single invention, and the investigation becomes more difficult where
inventions of the first class have been crowded upon each other in rapid
and bewildering succession. But it will be admitted that in Edison one
deals with a central figure of the great age that saw the invention and
introduction in practical form of the telegraph, the submarine cable, the
telephone, the electric light, the electric railway, the electric
trolley-car, the storage battery, the electric motor, the phonograph, the
wireless telegraph; and that the influence of these on the world's affairs
has not been excelled at any time by that of any other corresponding
advances in the arts and sciences. These pages deal with Edison's share in
the great work of the last half century in abridging distance,
communicating intelligence, lessening toil, improving illumination,
recording forever the human voice; and on behalf of inventive genius it
may be urged that its beneficent results and gifts to mankind compare with
any to be credited to statesman, warrior, or creative writer of the same
period.
</p>
<p>
Viewed from the standpoint of inventive progress, the first half of the
nineteenth century had passed very profitably when Edison appeared—every
year marked by some notable achievement in the arts and sciences, with
promise of its early and abundant fruition in commerce and industry. There
had been exactly four decades of steam navigation on American waters.
Railways were growing at the rate of nearly one thousand miles annually.
Gas had become familiar as a means of illumination in large cities. Looms
and tools and printing-presses were everywhere being liberated from the
slow toil of man-power. The first photographs had been taken. Chloroform,
nitrous oxide gas, and ether had been placed at the service of the
physician in saving life, and the revolver, guncotton, and nitroglycerine
added to the agencies for slaughter. New metals, chemicals, and elements
had become available in large numbers, gases had been liquefied and
solidified, and the range of useful heat and cold indefinitely extended.
The safety-lamp had been given to the miner, the caisson to the
bridge-builder, the anti-friction metal to the mechanic for bearings. It
was already known how to vulcanize rubber, and how to galvanize iron. The
application of machinery in the harvest-field had begun with the embryonic
reaper, while both the bicycle and the automobile were heralded in
primitive prototypes. The gigantic expansion of the iron and steel
industry was foreshadowed in the change from wood to coal in the smelting
furnaces. The sewing-machine had brought with it, like the friction match,
one of the most profound influences in modifying domestic life, and making
it different from that of all preceding time.
</p>
<p>
Even in 1847 few of these things had lost their novelty, most of them were
in the earlier stages of development. But it is when we turn to
electricity that the rich virgin condition of an illimitable new kingdom
of discovery is seen. Perhaps the word "utilization" or "application" is
better than discovery, for then, as now, an endless wealth of phenomena
noted by experimenters from Gilbert to Franklin and Faraday awaited the
invention that could alone render them useful to mankind. The eighteenth
century, keenly curious and ceaselessly active in this fascinating field
of investigation, had not, after all, left much of a legacy in either
principles or appliances. The lodestone and the compass; the frictional
machine; the Leyden jar; the nature of conductors and insulators; the
identity of electricity and the thunder-storm flash; the use of
lightning-rods; the physiological effects of an electrical shock—these
constituted the bulk of the bequest to which philosophers were the only
heirs. Pregnant with possibilities were many of the observations that had
been recorded. But these few appliances made up the meagre kit of tools
with which the nineteenth century entered upon its task of acquiring the
arts and conveniences now such an intimate part of "human nature's daily
food" that the average American to-day pays more for his electrical
service than he does for bread.
</p>
<p>
With the first year of the new century came Volta's invention of the
chemical battery as a means of producing electricity. A well-known Italian
picture represents Volta exhibiting his apparatus before the young
conqueror Napoleon, then ravishing from the Peninsula its treasure of
ancient art and founding an ephemeral empire. At such a moment this gift
of despoiled Italy to the world was a noble revenge, setting in motion
incalculable beneficent forces and agencies. For the first time man had
command of a steady supply of electricity without toil or effort. The
useful results obtainable previously from the current of a frictional
machine were not much greater than those to be derived from the flight of
a rocket. While the frictional appliance is still employed in medicine, it
ranks with the flint axe and the tinder-box in industrial obsolescence. No
art or trade could be founded on it; no diminution of daily work or
increase of daily comfort could be secured with it. But the little battery
with its metal plates in a weak solution proved a perennial reservoir of
electrical energy, safe and controllable, from which supplies could be
drawn at will. That which was wild had become domesticated; regular crops
took the place of haphazard gleanings from brake or prairie; the
possibility of electrical starvation was forever left behind.
</p>
<p>
Immediately new processes of inestimable value revealed themselves; new
methods were suggested. Almost all the electrical arts now employed made
their beginnings in the next twenty-five years, and while the more
extensive of them depend to-day on the dynamo for electrical energy, some
of the most important still remain in loyal allegiance to the older
source. The battery itself soon underwent modifications, and new types
were evolved—the storage, the double-fluid, and the dry. Various
analogies next pointed to the use of heat, and the thermoelectric cell
emerged, embodying the application of flame to the junction of two
different metals. Davy, of the safety-lamp, threw a volume of current
across the gap between two sticks of charcoal, and the voltaic arc,
forerunner of electric lighting, shed its bright beams upon a dazzled
world. The decomposition of water by electrolytic action was recognized
and made the basis of communicating at a distance even before the days of
the electromagnet. The ties that bind electricity and magnetism in
twinship of relation and interaction were detected, and Faraday's work in
induction gave the world at once the dynamo and the motor. "Hitch your
wagon to a star," said Emerson. To all the coal-fields and all the
waterfalls Faraday had directly hitched the wheels of industry. Not only
was it now possible to convert mechanical energy into electricity cheaply
and in illimitable quantities, but electricity at once showed its
ubiquitous availability as a motive power. Boats were propelled by it,
cars were hauled, and even papers printed. Electroplating became an art,
and telegraphy sprang into active being on both sides of the Atlantic.
</p>
<p>
At the time Edison was born, in 1847, telegraphy, upon which he was to
leave so indelible an imprint, had barely struggled into acceptance by the
public. In England, Wheatstone and Cooke had introduced a ponderous
magnetic needle telegraph. In America, in 1840, Morse had taken out his
first patent on an electromagnetic telegraph, the principle of which is
dominating in the art to this day. Four years later the memorable message
"What hath God wrought!" was sent by young Miss Ellsworth over his
circuits, and incredulous Washington was advised by wire of the action of
the Democratic Convention in Baltimore in nominating Polk. By 1847
circuits had been strung between Washington and New York, under private
enterprise, the Government having declined to buy the Morse system for
$100,000. Everything was crude and primitive. The poles were two hundred
feet apart and could barely hold up a wash-line. The slim, bare, copper
wire snapped on the least provocation, and the circuit was "down" for
thirty-six days in the first six months. The little glass-knob insulators
made seductive targets for ignorant sportsmen. Attempts to insulate the
line wire were limited to coating it with tar or smearing it with wax for
the benefit of all the bees in the neighborhood. The farthest western
reach of the telegraph lines in 1847 was Pittsburg, with three-ply iron
wire mounted on square glass insulators with a little wooden pentroof for
protection. In that office, where Andrew Carnegie was a messenger boy, the
magnets in use to receive the signals sent with the aid of powerful
nitric-acid batteries weighed as much as seventy-five pounds apiece. But
the business was fortunately small at the outset, until the new device,
patronized chiefly by lottery-men, had proved its utility. Then came the
great outburst of activity. Within a score of years telegraph wires
covered the whole occupied country with a network, and the first great
electrical industry was a pronounced success, yielding to its pioneers the
first great harvest of electrical fortunes. It had been a sharp struggle
for bare existence, during which such a man as the founder of Cornell
University had been glad to get breakfast in New York with a
quarter-dollar picked up on Broadway.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2HCH0002" id="link2HCH0002">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CHAPTER II
</h2>
<h3>
EDISON'S PEDIGREE
</h3>
<p>
THOMAS ALVA EDISON was born at Milan Ohio, February 11, 1847. The State
that rivals Virginia as a "Mother of Presidents" has evidently other
titles to distinction of the same nature. For picturesque detail it would
not be easy to find any story excelling that of the Edison family before
it reached the Western Reserve. The story epitomizes American idealism,
restlessness, freedom of individual opinion, and ready adjustment to the
surrounding conditions of pioneer life. The ancestral Edisons who came
over from Holland, as nearly as can be determined, in 1730, were
descendants of extensive millers on the Zuyder Zee, and took up patents of
land along the Passaic River, New Jersey, close to the home that Mr.
Edison established in the Orange Mountains a hundred and sixty years
later. They landed at Elizabethport, New Jersey, and first settled near
Caldwell in that State, where some graves of the family may still be
found. President Cleveland was born in that quiet hamlet. It is a curious
fact that in the Edison family the pronunciation of the name has always
been with the long "e" sound, as it would naturally be in the Dutch
language. The family prospered and must have enjoyed public confidence,
for we find the name of Thomas Edison, as a bank official on Manhattan
Island, signed to Continental currency in 1778. According to the family
records this Edison, great-grandfather of Thomas Alva, reached the extreme
old age of 104 years. But all was not well, and, as has happened so often
before, the politics of father and son were violently different. The
Loyalist movement that took to Nova Scotia so many Americans after the War
of Independence carried with it John, the son of this stalwart
Continental. Thus it came about that Samuel Edison, son of John, was born
at Digby, Nova Scotia, in 1804. Seven years later John Edison who, as a
Loyalist or United Empire emigrant, had become entitled under the laws of
Canada to a grant of six hundred acres of land, moved westward to take
possession of this property. He made his way through the State of New York
in wagons drawn by oxen to the remote and primitive township of Bayfield,
in Upper Canada, on Lake Huron. Although the journey occurred in balmy
June, it was necessarily attended with difficulty and privation; but the
new home was situated in good farming country, and once again this
interesting nomadic family settled down.
</p>
<p>
John Edison moved from Bayfield to Vienna, Ontario, on the northern bank
of Lake Erie. Mr. Edison supplies an interesting reminiscence of the old
man and his environment in those early Canadian days. "When I was five
years old I was taken by my father and mother on a visit to Vienna. We
were driven by carriage from Milan, Ohio, to a railroad, then to a port on
Lake Erie, thence by a canal-boat in a tow of several to Port Burwell, in
Canada, across the lake, and from there we drove to Vienna, a short
distance away. I remember my grandfather perfectly as he appeared, at 102
years of age, when he died. In the middle of the day he sat under a large
tree in front of the house facing a well-travelled road. His head was
covered completely with a large quantity of very white hair, and he chewed
tobacco incessantly, nodding to friends as they passed by. He used a very
large cane, and walked from the chair to the house, resenting any
assistance. I viewed him from a distance, and could never get very close
to him. I remember some large pipes, and especially a molasses jug, a
trunk, and several other things that came from Holland."
</p>
<p>
John Edison was long-lived, like his father, and reached the ripe old age
of 102, leaving his son Samuel charged with the care of the family
destinies, but with no great burden of wealth. Little is known of the
early manhood of this father of T. A. Edison until we find him keeping a
hotel at Vienna, marrying a school-teacher there (Miss Nancy Elliott, in
1828), and taking a lively share in the troublous politics of the time. He
was six feet in height, of great bodily vigor, and of such personal
dominance of character that he became a captain of the insurgent forces
rallying under the banners of Papineau and Mackenzie. The opening years of
Queen Victoria's reign witnessed a belated effort in Canada to emphasize
the principle that there should not be taxation without representation;
and this descendant of those who had left the United States from
disapproval of such a doctrine, flung himself headlong into its support.
</p>
<p>
It has been said of Earl Durham, who pacified Canada at this time and
established the present system of government, that he made a country and
marred a career. But the immediate measures of repression enforced before
a liberal policy was adopted were sharp and severe, and Samuel Edison also
found his own career marred on Canadian soil as one result of the Durham
administration. Exile to Bermuda with other insurgents was not so
attractive as the perils of a flight to the United States. A very hurried
departure was effected in secret from the scene of trouble, and there are
romantic traditions of his thrilling journey of one hundred and eighty-two
miles toward safety, made almost entirely without food or sleep, through a
wild country infested with Indians of unfriendly disposition. Thus was the
Edison family repatriated by a picturesque political episode, and the
great inventor given a birthplace on American soil, just as was Benjamin
Franklin when his father came from England to Boston. Samuel Edison left
behind him, however, in Canada, several brothers, all of whom lived to the
age of ninety or more, and from whom there are descendants in the region.
</p>
<p>
After some desultory wanderings for a year or two along the shores of Lake
Erie, among the prosperous towns then springing up, the family, with its
Canadian home forfeited, and in quest of another resting-place, came to
Milan, Ohio, in 1842. That pretty little village offered at the moment
many attractions as a possible Chicago. The railroad system of Ohio was
still in the future, but the Western Reserve had already become a vast
wheat-field, and huge quantities of grain from the central and northern
counties sought shipment to Eastern ports. The Huron River, emptying into
Lake Erie, was navigable within a few miles of the village, and provided
an admirable outlet. Large granaries were established, and proved so
successful that local capital was tempted into the project of making a
tow-path canal from Lockwood Landing all the way to Milan itself. The
quaint old Moravian mission and quondam Indian settlement of one hundred
inhabitants found itself of a sudden one of the great grain ports of the
world, and bidding fair to rival Russian Odessa. A number of grain
warehouses, or primitive elevators, were built along the bank of the
canal, and the produce of the region poured in immediately, arriving in
wagons drawn by four or six horses with loads of a hundred bushels. No
fewer than six hundred wagons came clattering in, and as many as twenty
sail vessels were loaded with thirty-five thousand bushels of grain,
during a single day. The canal was capable of being navigated by craft of
from two hundred to two hundred and fifty tons burden, and the demand for
such vessels soon led to the development of a brisk ship-building
industry, for which the abundant forests of the region supplied the
necessary lumber. An evidence of the activity in this direction is
furnished by the fact that six revenue cutters were launched at this port
in these brisk days of its prime.
</p>
<p>
Samuel Edison, versatile, buoyant of temper, and ever optimistic, would
thus appear to have pitched his tent with shrewd judgment. There was
plenty of occupation ready to his hand, and more than one enterprise
received his attention; but he devoted his energies chiefly to the making
of shingles, for which there was a large demand locally and along the
lake. Canadian lumber was used principally in this industry. The wood was
imported in "bolts" or pieces three feet long. A bolt made two shingles;
it was sawn asunder by hand, then split and shaved. None but first-class
timber was used, and such shingles outlasted far those made by machinery
with their cross-grain cut. A house in Milan, on which some of those
shingles were put in 1844, was still in excellent condition forty-two
years later. Samuel Edison did well at this occupation, and employed
several men, but there were other outlets from time to time for his
business activity and speculative disposition.
</p>
<p>
Edison's mother was an attractive and highly educated woman, whose
influence upon his disposition and intellect has been profound and
lasting. She was born in Chenango County, New York, in 1810, and was the
daughter of the Rev. John Elliott, a Baptist minister and descendant of an
old Revolutionary soldier, Capt. Ebenezer Elliott, of Scotch descent. The
old captain was a fine and picturesque type. He fought all through the
long War of Independence—seven years—and then appears to have
settled down at Stonington, Connecticut. There, at any rate, he found his
wife, "grandmother Elliott," who was Mercy Peckham, daughter of a Scotch
Quaker. Then came the residence in New York State, with final removal to
Vienna, for the old soldier, while drawing his pension at Buffalo, lived
in the little Canadian town, and there died, over 100 years old. The
family was evidently one of considerable culture and deep religious
feeling, for two of Mrs. Edison's uncles and two brothers were also in the
same Baptist ministry. As a young woman she became a teacher in the public
high school at Vienna, and thus met her husband, who was residing there.
The family never consisted of more than three children, two boys and a
girl. A trace of the Canadian environment is seen in the fact that
Edison's elder brother was named William Pitt, after the great English
statesman. Both his brother and the sister exhibited considerable ability.
William Pitt Edison as a youth was so clever with his pencil that it was
proposed to send him to Paris as an art student. In later life he was
manager of the local street railway lines at Port Huron, Michigan, in
which he was heavily interested. He also owned a good farm near that town,
and during the ill-health at the close of his life, when compelled to
spend much of the time indoors, he devoted himself almost entirely to
sketching. It has been noted by intimate observers of Thomas A. Edison
that in discussing any project or new idea his first impulse is to take up
any piece of paper available and make drawings of it. His voluminous
note-books are a mass of sketches. Mrs-Tannie Edison Bailey, the sister,
had, on the other hand, a great deal of literary ability, and spent much
of her time in writing.
</p>
<p>
The great inventor, whose iron endurance and stern will have enabled him
to wear down all his associates by work sustained through arduous days and
sleepless nights, was not at all strong as a child, and was of fragile
appearance. He had an abnormally large but well-shaped head, and it is
said that the local doctors feared he might have brain trouble. In fact,
on account of his assumed delicacy, he was not allowed to go to school for
some years, and even when he did attend for a short time the results were
not encouraging—his mother being hotly indignant upon hearing that
the teacher had spoken of him to an inspector as "addled." The youth was,
indeed, fortunate far beyond the ordinary in having a mother at once
loving, well-informed, and ambitious, capable herself, from her experience
as a teacher, of undertaking and giving him an education better than could
be secured in the local schools of the day. Certain it is that under this
simple regime studious habits were formed and a taste for literature
developed that have lasted to this day. If ever there was a man who tore
the heart out of books it is Edison, and what has once been read by him is
never forgotten if useful or worthy of submission to the test of
experiment.
</p>
<p>
But even thus early the stronger love of mechanical processes and of
probing natural forces manifested itself. Edison has said that he never
saw a statement in any book as to such things that he did not
involuntarily challenge, and wish to demonstrate as either right or wrong.
As a mere child the busy scenes of the canal and the grain warehouses were
of consuming interest, but the work in the ship-building yards had an
irresistible fascination. His questions were so ceaseless and innumerable
that the penetrating curiosity of an unusually strong mind was regarded as
deficiency in powers of comprehension, and the father himself, a man of no
mean ingenuity and ability, reports that the child, although capable of
reducing him to exhaustion by endless inquiries, was often spoken of as
rather wanting in ordinary acumen. This apparent dulness is, however, a
quite common incident to youthful genius.
</p>
<p>
The constructive tendencies of this child of whom his father said once
that he had never had any boyhood days in the ordinary sense, were early
noted in his fondness for building little plank roads out of the debris of
the yards and mills. His extraordinarily retentive memory was shown in his
easy acquisition of all the songs of the lumber gangs and canal men before
he was five years old. One incident tells how he was found one day in the
village square copying laboriously the signs of the stores. A highly
characteristic event at the age of six is described by his sister. He had
noted a goose sitting on her eggs and the result. One day soon after, he
was missing. By-and-by, after an anxious search, his father found him
sitting in a nest he had made in the barn, filled with goose-eggs and
hens' eggs he had collected, trying to hatch them out.
</p>
<p>
One of Mr. Edison's most vivid recollections goes back to 1850, when as a
child three of four years old he saw camped in front of his home six
covered wagons, "prairie schooners," and witnessed their departure for
California. The great excitement over the gold discoveries was thus felt
in Milan, and these wagons, laden with all the worldly possessions of
their owners, were watched out of sight on their long journey by this
fascinated urchin, whose own discoveries in later years were to tempt many
other argonauts into the auriferous realms of electricity.
</p>
<p>
Another vivid memory of this period concerns his first realization of the
grim mystery of death. He went off one day with the son of the wealthiest
man in the town to bathe in the creek. Soon after they entered the water
the other boy disappeared. Young Edison waited around the spot for half an
hour or more, and then, as it was growing dark, went home puzzled and
lonely, but silent as to the occurrence. About two hours afterward, when
the missing boy was being searched for, a man came to the Edison home to
make anxious inquiry of the companion with whom he had last been seen.
Edison told all the circumstances with a painful sense of being in some
way implicated. The creek was at once dragged, and then the body was
recovered.
</p>
<p>
Edison had himself more than one narrow escape. Of course he fell in the
canal and was nearly drowned; few boys in Milan worth their salt omitted
that performance. On another occasion he encountered a more novel peril by
falling into the pile of wheat in a grain elevator and being almost
smothered. Holding the end of a skate-strap for another lad to shorten
with an axe, he lost the top of a finger. Fire also had its perils. He
built a fire in a barn, but the flames spread so rapidly that, although he
escaped himself, the barn was wholly destroyed, and he was publicly
whipped in the village square as a warning to other youths. Equally well
remembered is a dangerous encounter with a ram that attacked him while he
was busily engaged digging out a bumblebee's nest near an orchard fence.
The animal knocked him against the fence, and was about to butt him again
when he managed to drop over on the safe side and escape. He was badly
hurt and bruised, and no small quantity of arnica was needed for his
wounds.
</p>
<p>
Meantime little Milan had reached the zenith of its prosperity, and all of
a sudden had been deprived of its flourishing grain trade by the new
Columbus, Sandusky & Hocking Railroad; in fact, the short canal was
one of the last efforts of its kind in this country to compete with the
new means of transportation. The bell of the locomotive was everywhere
ringing the death-knell of effective water haulage, with such dire results
that, in 1880, of the 4468 miles of American freight canal, that had cost
$214,000,000, no fewer than 1893 miles had been abandoned, and of the
remaining 2575 miles quite a large proportion was not paying expenses. The
short Milan canal suffered with the rest, and to-day lies well-nigh
obliterated, hidden in part by vegetable gardens, a mere grass-grown
depression at the foot of the winding, shallow valley. Other railroads
also prevented any further competition by the canal, for a branch of the
Wheeling & Lake Erie now passes through the village, while the Lake
Shore & Michigan Southern runs a few miles to the south.
</p>
<p>
The owners of the canal soon had occasion to regret that they had
disdained the overtures of enterprising railroad promoters desirous of
reaching the village, and the consequences of commercial isolation rapidly
made themselves felt. It soon became evident to Samuel Edison and his wife
that the cozy brick home on the bluff must be given up and the struggle
with fortune resumed elsewhere. They were well-to-do, however, and
removing, in 1854, to Port Huron, Michigan, occupied a large colonial
house standing in the middle of an old Government fort reservation of ten
acres overlooking the wide expanse of the St. Clair River just after it
leaves Lake Huron. It was in many ways an ideal homestead, toward which
the family has always felt the strongest attachment, but the association
with Milan has never wholly ceased. The old house in which Edison was born
is still occupied (in 1910) by Mr. S. O. Edison, a half-brother of
Edison's father, and a man of marked inventive ability. He was once
prominent in the iron-furnace industry of Ohio, and was for a time
associated in the iron trade with the father of the late President
McKinley. Among his inventions may be mentioned a machine for making fuel
from wheat straw, and a smoke-consuming device.
</p>
<p>
This birthplace of Edison remains the plain, substantial little brick
house it was originally: one-storied, with rooms finished on the attic
floor. Being built on the hillside, its basement opens into the rear yard.
It was at first heated by means of open coal grates, which may not have
been altogether adequate in severe winters, owing to the altitude and the
north-eastern exposure, but a large furnace is one of the more modern
changes. Milan itself is not materially unlike the smaller Ohio towns of
its own time or those of later creation, but the venerable appearance of
the big elm-trees that fringe the trim lawns tells of its age. It is,
indeed, an extremely neat, snug little place, with well-kept homes, mostly
of frame construction, and flagged streets crossing each other at right
angles. There are no poor—at least, everybody is apparently
well-to-do. While a leisurely atmosphere pervades the town, few idlers are
seen. Some of the residents are engaged in local business; some are
occupied in farming and grape culture; others are employed in the
iron-works near-by, at Norwalk. The stores and places of public resort are
gathered about the square, where there is plenty of room for hitching when
the Saturday trading is done at that point, at which periods the fitful
bustle recalls the old wheat days when young Edison ran with curiosity
among the six and eight horse teams that had brought in grain. This square
is still covered with fine primeval forest trees, and has at its centre a
handsome soldiers' monument of the Civil War, to which four paved walks
converge. It is an altogether pleasant and unpretentious town, which
cherishes with no small amount of pride its association with the name of
Thomas Alva Edison.
</p>
<p>
In view of Edison's Dutch descent, it is rather singular to find him with
the name of Alva, for the Spanish Duke of Alva was notoriously the worst
tyrant ever known to the Low Countries, and his evil deeds occupy many
stirring pages in Motley's famous history. As a matter of fact, Edison was
named after Capt. Alva Bradley, an old friend of his father, and a
celebrated ship-owner on the Lakes. Captain Bradley died a few years ago
in wealth, while his old associate, with equal ability for making money,
was never able long to keep it (differing again from the Revolutionary New
York banker from whom his son's other name, "Thomas," was taken).
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2HCH0003" id="link2HCH0003">
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<div style="height: 4em;">
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</div>
<h2>
CHAPTER III
</h2>
<h3>
BOYHOOD AT PORT HURON, MICHIGAN
</h3>
<p>
THE new home found by the Edison family at Port Huron, where Alva spent
his brief boyhood before he became a telegraph operator and roamed the
whole middle West of that period, was unfortunately destroyed by fire just
after the close of the Civil War. A smaller but perhaps more comfortable
home was then built by Edison's father on some property he had bought at
the near-by village of Gratiot, and there his mother spent the remainder
of her life in confirmed invalidism, dying in 1871. Hence the pictures and
postal cards sold largely to souvenir-hunters as the Port Huron home do
not actually show that in or around which the events now referred to took
place.
</p>
<p>
It has been a romance of popular biographers, based upon the fact that
Edison began his career as a newsboy, to assume that these earlier years
were spent in poverty and privation, as indeed they usually are by the
"newsies" who swarm and shout their papers in our large cities. While it
seems a pity to destroy this erroneous idea, suggestive of a heroic climb
from the depths to the heights, nothing could be further from the truth.
Socially the Edison family stood high in Port Huron at a time when there
was relatively more wealth and general activity than to-day. The town in
its pristine prime was a great lumber centre, and hummed with the industry
of numerous sawmills. An incredible quantity of lumber was made there
yearly until the forests near-by vanished and the industry with them. The
wealth of the community, invested largely in this business and in allied
transportation companies, was accumulated rapidly and as freely spent
during those days of prosperity in St. Clair County, bringing with it a
high standard of domestic comfort. In all this the Edisons shared on equal
terms.
</p>
<p>
Thus, contrary to the stories that have been so widely published, the
Edisons, while not rich by any means, were in comfortable circumstances,
with a well-stocked farm and large orchard to draw upon also for
sustenance. Samuel Edison, on moving to Port Huron, became a dealer in
grain and feed, and gave attention to that business for many years. But he
was also active in the lumber industry in the Saginaw district and several
other things. It was difficult for a man of such mercurial, restless
temperament to stay constant to any one occupation; in fact, had he been
less visionary he would have been more prosperous, but might not have had
a son so gifted with insight and imagination. One instance of the
optimistic vagaries which led him incessantly to spend time and money on
projects that would not have appealed to a man less sanguine was the
construction on his property of a wooden observation tower over a hundred
feet high, the top of which was reached toilsomely by winding stairs,
after the payment of twenty-five cents. It is true that the tower
commanded a pretty view by land and water, but Colonel Sellers himself
might have projected this enterprise as a possible source of steady
income. At first few visitors panted up the long flights of steps to the
breezy platform. During the first two months Edison's father took in three
dollars, and felt extremely blue over the prospect, and to young Edison
and his relatives were left the lonely pleasures of the lookout and the
enjoyment of the telescope with which it was equipped. But one fine day
there came an excursion from an inland town to see the lake. They
picnicked in the grove, and six hundred of them went up the tower. After
that the railroad company began to advertise these excursions, and the
receipts each year paid for the observatory.
</p>
<p>
It might be thought that, immersed in business and preoccupied with
schemes of this character, Mr. Edison was to blame for the neglect of his
son's education. But that was not the case. The conditions were peculiar.
It was at the Port Huron public school that Edison received all the
regular scholastic instruction he ever enjoyed—just three months. He
might have spent the full term there, but, as already noted, his teacher
had found him "addled." He was always, according to his own recollection,
at the foot of the class, and had come almost to regard himself as a
dunce, while his father entertained vague anxieties as to his stupidity.
The truth of the matter seems to be that Mrs. Edison, a teacher of
uncommon ability and force, held no very high opinion of the average
public-school methods and results, and was both eager to undertake the
instruction of her son and ambitious for the future of a boy whom she knew
from pedagogic experience to be receptive and thoughtful to a very unusual
degree. With her he found study easy and pleasant. The quality of culture
in that simple but refined home, as well as the intellectual character of
this youth without schooling, may be inferred from the fact that before he
had reached the age of twelve he had read, with his mother's help,
Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Hume's History of England,
Sears' History of the World, Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, and the
Dictionary of Sciences; and had even attempted to struggle through
Newton's Principia, whose mathematics were decidedly beyond both teacher
and student. Besides, Edison, like Faraday, was never a mathematician, and
has had little personal use for arithmetic beyond that which is called
"mental." He said once to a friend: "I can always hire some
mathematicians, but they can't hire me." His father, by-the-way, always
encouraged these literary tastes, and paid him a small sum for each new
book mastered. It will be noted that fiction makes no showing in the list;
but it was not altogether excluded from the home library, and Edison has
all his life enjoyed it, particularly the works of such writers as Victor
Hugo, after whom, because of his enthusiastic admiration—possibly
also because of his imagination—he was nicknamed by his
fellow-operators, "Victor Hugo Edison."
</p>
<p>
Electricity at that moment could have no allure for a youthful mind. Crude
telegraphy represented what was known of it practically, and about that
the books read by young Edison were not redundantly informational. Even
had that not been so, the inclinations of the boy barely ten years old
were toward chemistry, and fifty years later there is seen no change of
predilection. It sounds like heresy to say that Edison became an
electrician by chance, but it is the sober fact that to this pre-eminent
and brilliant leader in electrical achievement escape into the chemical
domain still has the aspect of a delightful truant holiday. One of the
earliest stories about his boyhood relates to the incident when he induced
a lad employed in the family to swallow a large quantity of Seidlitz
powders in the belief that the gases generated would enable him to fly.
The agonies of the victim attracted attention, and Edison's mother marked
her displeasure by an application of the switch kept behind the old Seth
Thomas "grandfather clock." The disastrous result of this experiment did
not discourage Edison at all, as he attributed failure to the lad rather
than to the motive power. In the cellar of the Edison homestead young Alva
soon accumulated a chemical outfit, constituting the first in a long
series of laboratories. The word "laboratory" had always been associated
with alchemists in the past, but as with "filament" this untutored
stripling applied an iconoclastic practicability to it long before he
realized the significance of the new departure. Goethe, in his legend of
Faust, shows the traditional or conventional philosopher in his
laboratory, an aged, tottering, gray-bearded investigator, who only
becomes youthful upon diabolical intervention, and would stay senile
without it. In the Edison laboratory no such weird transformation has been
necessary, for the philosopher had youth, fiery energy, and a grimly
practical determination that would submit to no denial of the goal of
something of real benefit to mankind. Edison and Faust are indeed the
extremes of philosophic thought and accomplishment.
</p>
<p>
The home at Port Huron thus saw the first Edison laboratory. The boy began
experimenting when he was about ten or eleven years of age. He got a copy
of Parker's School Philosophy, an elementary book on physics, and about
every experiment in it he tried. Young Alva, or "Al," as he was called,
thus early displayed his great passion for chemistry, and in the cellar of
the house he collected no fewer than two hundred bottles, gleaned in
baskets from all parts of the town. These were arranged carefully on
shelves and all labelled "Poison," so that no one else would handle or
disturb them. They contained the chemicals with which he was constantly
experimenting. To others this diversion was both mysterious and
meaningless, but he had soon become familiar with all the chemicals
obtainable at the local drug stores, and had tested to his satisfaction
many of the statements encountered in his scientific reading. Edison has
said that sometimes he has wondered how it was he did not become an
analytical chemist instead of concentrating on electricity, for which he
had at first no great inclination.
</p>
<p>
Deprived of the use of a large part of her cellar, tiring of the "mess"
always to be found there, and somewhat fearful of results, his mother once
told the boy to clear everything out and restore order. The thought of
losing all his possessions was the cause of so much ardent distress that
his mother relented, but insisted that he must get a lock and key, and
keep the embryonic laboratory closed up all the time except when he was
there. This was done. From such work came an early familiarity with the
nature of electrical batteries and the production of current from them.
Apparently the greater part of his spare time was spent in the cellar, for
he did not share to any extent in the sports of the boys of the
neighborhood, his chum and chief companion, Michael Oates, being a lad of
Dutch origin, many years older, who did chores around the house, and who
could be recruited as a general utility Friday for the experiments of this
young explorer—such as that with the Seidlitz powders.
</p>
<p>
Such pursuits as these consumed the scant pocket-money of the boy very
rapidly. He was not in regular attendance at school, and had read all the
books within reach. It was thus he turned newsboy, overcoming the
reluctance of his parents, particularly that of his mother, by pointing
out that he could by this means earn all he wanted for his experiments and
get fresh reading in the shape of papers and magazines free of charge.
Besides, his leisure hours in Detroit he would be able to spend at the
public library. He applied (in 1859) for the privilege of selling
newspapers on the trains of the Grand Trunk Railroad, between Port Huron
and Detroit, and obtained the concession after a short delay, during which
he made an essay in his task of selling newspapers.
</p>
<p>
Edison had, as a fact, already had some commercial experience from the age
of eleven. The ten acres of the reservation offered an excellent
opportunity for truck-farming, and the versatile head of the family could
not avoid trying his luck in this branch of work. A large "market garden"
was laid out, in which Edison worked pretty steadily with the help of the
Dutch boy, Michael Oates—he of the flying experiment. These boys had
a horse and small wagon intrusted to them, and every morning in the season
they would load up with onions, lettuce, peas, etc., and go through the
town.
</p>
<p>
As much as $600 was turned over to Mrs. Edison in one year from this
source. The boy was indefatigable but not altogether charmed with
agriculture. "After a while I tired of this work, as hoeing corn in a hot
sun is unattractive, and I did not wonder that it had built up cities.
Soon the Grand Trunk Railroad was extended from Toronto to Port Huron, at
the foot of Lake Huron, and thence to Detroit, at about the same time the
War of the Rebellion broke out. By a great amount of persistence I got
permission from my mother to go on the local train as a newsboy. The local
train from Port Huron to Detroit, a distance of sixty-three miles, left at
7 A.M. and arrived again at 9.30 P.M. After being on the train for several
months, I started two stores in Port Huron—one for periodicals, and
the other for vegetables, butter, and berries in the season. These were
attended by two boys who shared in the profits. The periodical store I
soon closed, as the boy in charge could not be trusted. The vegetable
store I kept up for nearly a year. After the railroad had been opened a
short time, they put on an express which left Detroit in the morning and
returned in the evening. I received permission to put a newsboy on this
train. Connected with this train was a car, one part for baggage and the
other part for U. S. mail, but for a long time it was not used. Every
morning I had two large baskets of vegetables from the Detroit market
loaded in the mail-car and sent to Port Huron, where the boy would take
them to the store. They were much better than those grown locally, and
sold readily. I never was asked to pay freight, and to this day cannot
explain why, except that I was so small and industrious, and the nerve to
appropriate a U. S. mail-car to do a free freight business was so
monumental. However, I kept this up for a long time, and in addition
bought butter from the farmers along the line, and an immense amount of
blackberries in the season. I bought wholesale and at a low price, and
permitted the wives of the engineers and trainmen to have the benefit of
the discount. After a while there was a daily immigrant train put on. This
train generally had from seven to ten coaches filled always with
Norwegians, all bound for Iowa and Minnesota. On these trains I employed a
boy who sold bread, tobacco, and stick candy. As the war progressed the
daily newspaper sales became very profitable, and I gave up the vegetable
store."
</p>
<p>
The hours of this occupation were long, but the work was not particularly
heavy, and Edison soon found opportunity for his favorite avocation—chemical
experimentation. His train left Port Huron at 7 A.M., and made its
southward trip to Detroit in about three hours. This gave a stay in that
city from 10 A.M. until the late afternoon, when the train left, arriving
at Port Huron about 9.30 P.M. The train was made up of three coaches—baggage,
smoking, and ordinary passenger or "ladies." The baggage-car was divided
into three compartments—one for trunks and packages, one for the
mail, and one for smoking. In those days no use was made of the
smoking-compartment, as there was no ventilation, and it was turned over
to young Edison, who not only kept papers there and his stock of goods as
a "candy butcher," but soon had it equipped with an extraordinary variety
of apparatus. There was plenty of leisure on the two daily runs, even for
an industrious boy, and thus he found time to transfer his laboratory from
the cellar and re-establish it on the train.
</p>
<p>
His earnings were also excellent—so good, in fact, that eight or ten
dollars a day were often taken in, and one dollar went every day to his
mother. Thus supporting himself, he felt entitled to spend any other
profit left over on chemicals and apparatus. And spent it was, for with
access to Detroit and its large stores, where he bought his supplies, and
to the public library, where he could quench his thirst for technical
information, Edison gave up all his spare time and money to chemistry.
Surely the country could have presented at that moment no more striking
example of the passionate pursuit of knowledge under difficulties than
this newsboy, barely fourteen years of age, with his jars and test-tubes
installed on a railway baggage-car.
</p>
<p>
Nor did this amazing equipment stop at batteries and bottles. The same
little space a few feet square was soon converted by this precocious youth
into a newspaper office. The outbreak of the Civil War gave a great
stimulus to the demand for all newspapers, noticing which he became
ambitious to publish a local journal of his own, devoted to the news of
that section of the Grand Trunk road. A small printing-press that had been
used for hotel bills of fare was picked up in Detroit, and type was also
bought, some of it being placed on the train so that composition could go
on in spells of leisure. To one so mechanical in his tastes as Edison, it
was quite easy to learn the rudiments of the printing art, and thus the
Weekly Herald came into existence, of which he was compositor, pressman,
editor, publisher, and newsdealer. Only one or two copies of this journal
are now discoverable, but its appearance can be judged from the reduced
facsimile here shown. The thing was indeed well done as the work of a
youth shown by the date to be less than fifteen years old. The literary
style is good, there are only a few trivial slips in spelling, and the
appreciation is keen of what would be interesting news and gossip. The
price was three cents a copy, or eight cents a month for regular
subscribers, and the circulation ran up to over four hundred copies an
issue. This was by no means the result of mere public curiosity, but
attested the value of the sheet as a genuine newspaper, to which many
persons in the railroad service along the line were willing contributors.
Indeed, with the aid of the railway telegraph, Edison was often able to
print late news of importance, of local origin, that the distant regular
papers like those of Detroit, which he handled as a newsboy, could not
get. It is no wonder that this clever little sheet received the approval
and patronage of the English engineer Stephenson when inspecting the Grand
Trunk system, and was noted by no less distinguished a contemporary than
the London Times as the first newspaper in the world to be printed on a
train in motion. The youthful proprietor sometimes cleared as much as
twenty to thirty dollars a month from this unique journalistic enterprise.
</p>
<p>
But all this extra work required attention, and Edison solved the
difficulty of attending also to the newsboy business by the employment of
a young friend, whom he trained and treated liberally as an understudy.
There was often plenty of work for both in the early days of the war, when
the news of battle caused intense excitement and large sales of papers.
Edison, with native shrewdness already so strikingly displayed, would
telegraph the station agents and get them to bulletin the event of the day
at the front, so that when each station was reached there were eager
purchasers waiting. He recalls in particular the sensation caused by the
great battle of Shiloh, or Pittsburg Landing, in April, 1862, in which
both Grant and Sherman were engaged, in which Johnston died, and in which
there was a ghastly total of 25,000 killed and wounded.
</p>
<p>
In describing his enterprising action that day, Edison says that when he
reached Detroit the bulletin-boards of the newspaper offices were
surrounded with dense crowds, which read awestricken the news that there
were 60,000 killed and wounded, and that the result was uncertain. "I knew
that if the same excitement was attained at the various small towns along
the road, and especially at Port Huron, the sale of papers would be great.
I then conceived the idea of telegraphing the news ahead, went to the
operator in the depot, and by giving him Harper's Weekly and some other
papers for three months, he agreed to telegraph to all the stations the
matter on the bulletin-board. I hurriedly copied it, and he sent it,
requesting the agents to display it on the blackboards used for stating
the arrival and departure of trains. I decided that instead of the usual
one hundred papers I could sell one thousand; but not having sufficient
money to purchase that number, I determined in my desperation to see the
editor himself and get credit. The great paper at that time was the
Detroit Free Press. I walked into the office marked 'Editorial' and told a
young man that I wanted to see the editor on important business—important
to me, anyway, I was taken into an office where there were two men, and I
stated what I had done about telegraphing, and that I wanted a thousand
papers, but only had money for three hundred, and I wanted credit. One of
the men refused it, but the other told the first spokesman to let me have
them. This man, I afterward learned, was Wilbur F. Storey, who
subsequently founded the Chicago Times, and became celebrated in the
newspaper world. By the aid of another boy I lugged the papers to the
train and started folding them. The first station, called Utica, was a
small one where I generally sold two papers. I saw a crowd ahead on the
platform, and thought it some excursion, but the moment I landed there was
a rush for me; then I realized that the telegraph was a great invention. I
sold thirty-five papers there. The next station was Mount Clemens, now a
watering-place, but then a town of about one thousand. I usually sold six
to eight papers there. I decided that if I found a corresponding crowd
there, the only thing to do to correct my lack of judgment in not getting
more papers was to raise the price from five cents to ten. The crowd was
there, and I raised the price. At the various towns there were
corresponding crowds. It had been my practice at Port Huron to jump from
the train at a point about one-fourth of a mile from the station, where
the train generally slackened speed. I had drawn several loads of sand to
this point to jump on, and had become quite expert. The little Dutch boy
with the horse met me at this point. When the wagon approached the
outskirts of the town I was met by a large crowd. I then yelled:
'Twenty-five cents apiece, gentlemen! I haven't enough to go around!' I
sold all out, and made what to me then was an immense sum of money."
</p>
<p>
Such episodes as this added materially to his income, but did not
necessarily increase his savings, for he was then, as now, an utter
spendthrift so long as some new apparatus or supplies for experiment could
be had. In fact, the laboratory on wheels soon became crowded with such
equipment, most costly chemicals were bought on the instalment plan, and
Fresenius' Qualitative Analysis served as a basis for ceaseless testing
and study. George Pullman, who then had a small shop at Detroit and was
working on his sleeping-car, made Edison a lot of wooden apparatus for his
chemicals, to the boy's delight. Unfortunately a sudden change came,
fraught with disaster. The train, running one day at thirty miles an hour
over a piece of poorly laid track, was thrown suddenly out of the
perpendicular with a violent lurch, and, before Edison could catch it, a
stick of phosphorus was jarred from its shelf, fell to the floor, and
burst into flame. The car took fire, and the boy, in dismay, was still
trying to quench the blaze when the conductor, a quick-tempered Scotchman,
who acted also as baggage-master, hastened to the scene with water and
saved his car. On the arrival at Mount Clemens station, its next stop,
Edison and his entire outfit, laboratory, printing-plant, and all, were
promptly ejected by the enraged conductor, and the train then moved off,
leaving him on the platform, tearful and indignant in the midst of his
beloved but ruined possessions. It was lynch law of a kind; but in view of
the responsibility, this action of the conductor lay well within his
rights and duties.
</p>
<p>
It was through this incident that Edison acquired the deafness that has
persisted all through his life, a severe box on the ears from the scorched
and angry conductor being the direct cause of the infirmity. Although this
deafness would be regarded as a great affliction by most people, and has
brought in its train other serious baubles, Mr. Edison has always regarded
it philosophically, and said about it recently: "This deafness has been of
great advantage to me in various ways. When in a telegraph office, I could
only hear the instrument directly on the table at which I sat, and unlike
the other operators, I was not bothered by the other instruments. Again,
in experimenting on the telephone, I had to improve the transmitter so I
could hear it. This made the telephone commercial, as the magneto
telephone receiver of Bell was too weak to be used as a transmitter
commercially. It was the same with the phonograph. The great defect of
that instrument was the rendering of the overtones in music, and the
hissing consonants in speech. I worked over one year, twenty hours a day,
Sundays and all, to get the word 'specie' perfectly recorded and
reproduced on the phonograph. When this was done I knew that everything
else could be done which was a fact. Again, my nerves have been preserved
intact. Broadway is as quiet to me as a country village is to a person
with normal hearing."
</p>
<p>
Saddened but not wholly discouraged, Edison soon reconstituted his
laboratory and printing-office at home, although on the part of the family
there was some fear and objection after this episode, on the score of
fire. But Edison promised not to bring in anything of a dangerous nature.
He did not cease the publication of the Weekly Herald. On the contrary, he
prospered in both his enterprises until persuaded by the "printer's devil"
in the office of the Port Huron Commercial to change the character of his
journal, enlarge it, and issue it under the name of Paul Pry, a happy
designation for this or kindred ventures in the domain of society
journalism. No copies of Paul Pry can now be found, but it is known that
its style was distinctly personal, that gossip was its specialty, and that
no small offence was given to the people whose peculiarities or
peccadilloes were discussed in a frank and breezy style by the two boys.
In one instance the resentment of the victim of such unsought publicity
was so intense he laid hands on Edison and pitched the startled young
editor into the St. Clair River. The name of this violator of the freedom
of the press was thereafter excluded studiously from the columns of Paul
Pry, and the incident may have been one of those which soon caused the
abandonment of the paper. Edison had great zest in this work, and but for
the strong influences in other directions would probably have continued in
the newspaper field, in which he was, beyond question, the youngest
publisher and editor of the day.
</p>
<p>
Before leaving this period of his career, it is to be noted that it gave
Edison many favorable opportunities. In Detroit he could spend frequent
hours in the public library, and it is matter of record that he began his
liberal acquaintance with its contents by grappling bravely with a certain
section and trying to read it through consecutively, shelf by shelf,
regardless of subject. In a way this is curiously suggestive of the
earnest, energetic method of "frontal attack" with which the inventor has
since addressed himself to so many problems in the arts and sciences.
</p>
<p>
The Grand Trunk Railroad machine-shops at Port Huron were a great
attraction to the boy, who appears to have spent a good deal of his time
there. He who was to have much to do with the evolution of the modern
electric locomotive was fascinated by the mechanism of the steam
locomotive; and whenever he could get the chance Edison rode in the cab
with the engineer of his train. He became thoroughly familiar with the
intricacies of fire-box, boiler, valves, levers, and gears, and liked
nothing better than to handle the locomotive himself during the run. On
one trip, when the engineer lay asleep while his eager substitute piloted
the train, the boiler "primed," and a deluge overwhelmed the young driver,
who stuck to his post till the run and the ordeal were ended. Possibly
this helped to spoil a locomotive engineer, but went to make a great
master of the new motive power. "Steam is half an Englishman," said
Emerson. The temptation is strong to say that workaday electricity is half
an American. Edison's own account of the incident is very laughable: "The
engine was one of a number leased to the Grand Trunk by the Chicago,
Burlington & Quincy. It had bright brass bands all over, the woodwork
beautifully painted, and everything highly polished, which was the custom
up to the time old Commodore Vanderbilt stopped it on his roads. After
running about fifteen miles the fireman couldn't keep his eyes open (this
event followed an all-night dance of the trainmen's fraternal
organization), and he agreed to permit me to run the engine. I took
charge, reducing the speed to about twelve miles an hour, and brought the
train of seven cars to her destination at the Grand Trunk junction safely.
But something occurred which was very much out of the ordinary. I was very
much worried about the water, and I knew that if it got low the boiler was
likely to explode. I hadn't gone twenty miles before black damp mud blew
out of the stack and covered every part of the engine, including myself. I
was about to awaken the fireman to find out the cause of this when it
stopped. Then I approached a station where the fireman always went out to
the cowcatcher, opened the oil-cup on the steam-chest, and poured oil in.
I started to carry out the procedure when, upon opening the oil-cup, the
steam rushed out with a tremendous noise, nearly knocking me off the
engine. I succeeded in closing the oil-cup and got back in the cab, and
made up my mind that she would pull through without oil. I learned
afterward that the engineer always shut off steam when the fireman went
out to oil. This point I failed to notice. My powers of observation were
very much improved after this occurrence. Just before I reached the
junction another outpour of black mud occurred, and the whole engine was a
sight—so much so that when I pulled into the yard everybody turned
to see it, laughing immoderately. I found the reason of the mud was that I
carried so much water it passed over into the stack, and this washed out
all the accumulated soot."
</p>
<p>
One afternoon about a week before Christmas Edison's train jumped the
track near Utica, a station on the line. Four old Michigan Central cars
with rotten sills collapsed in the ditch and went all to pieces,
distributing figs, raisins, dates, and candies all over the track and the
vicinity. Hating to see so much waste, Edison tried to save all he could
by eating it on the spot, but as a result "our family doctor had the time
of his life with me in this connection."
</p>
<p>
An absurd incident described by Edison throws a vivid light on the
free-and-easy condition of early railroad travel and on the Southern
extravagance of the time. "In 1860, just before the war broke out there
came to the train one afternoon, in Detroit, two fine-looking young men
accompanied by a colored servant. They bought tickets for Port Huron, the
terminal point for the train. After leaving the junction just outside of
Detroit, I brought in the evening papers. When I came opposite the two
young men, one of them said: 'Boy, what have you got?' I said: 'Papers.'
'All right.' He took them and threw them out of the window, and, turning
to the colored man, said: 'Nicodemus, pay this boy.' I told Nicodemus the
amount, and he opened a satchel and paid me. The passengers didn't know
what to make of the transaction. I returned with the illustrated papers
and magazines. These were seized and thrown out of the window, and I was
told to get my money of Nicodemus. I then returned with all the old
magazines and novels I had not been able to sell, thinking perhaps this
would be too much for them. I was small and thin, and the layer reached
above my head, and was all I could possibly carry. I had prepared a list,
and knew the amount in case they bit again. When I opened the door, all
the passengers roared with laughter. I walked right up to the young men.
One asked me what I had. I said 'Magazines and novels.' He promptly threw
them out of the window, and Nicodemus settled. Then I came in with cracked
hickory nuts, then pop-corn balls, and, finally, molasses candy. All went
out of the window. I felt like Alexander the Great!—I had no more
chance! I had sold all I had. Finally I put a rope to my trunk, which was
about the size of a carpenter's chest, and started to pull this from the
baggage-car to the passenger-car. It was almost too much for my strength,
but at last I got it in front of those men. I pulled off my coat, shoes,
and hat, and laid them on the chest. Then he asked: 'What have you got,
boy?' I said: 'Everything, sir, that I can spare that is for sale.' The
passengers fairly jumped with laughter. Nicodemus paid me $27 for this
last sale, and threw the whole out of the door in the rear of the car.
These men were from the South, and I have always retained a soft spot in
my heart for a Southern gentleman."
</p>
<p>
While Edison was a newsboy on the train a request came to him one day to
go to the office of E. B. Ward & Company, at that time the largest
owners of steamboats on the Great Lakes. The captain of their largest boat
had died suddenly, and they wanted a message taken to another captain who
lived about fourteen miles from Ridgeway station on the railroad. This
captain had retired, taken up some lumber land, and had cleared part of
it. Edison was offered $15 by Mr. Ward to go and fetch him, but as it was
a wild country and would be dark, Edison stood out for $25, so that he
could get the companionship of another lad. The terms were agreed to.
Edison arrived at Ridgeway at 8.30 P.M., when it was raining and as dark
as ink. Getting another boy with difficulty to volunteer, he launched out
on his errand in the pitch-black night. The two boys carried lanterns, but
the road was a rough path through dense forest. The country was wild, and
it was a usual occurrence to see deer, bear, and coon skins nailed up on
the sides of houses to dry. Edison had read about bears, but couldn't
remember whether they were day or night prowlers. The farther they went
the more apprehensive they became, and every stump in the ravished forest
looked like a bear. The other lad proposed seeking safety up a tree, but
Edison demurred on the plea that bears could climb, and that the message
must be delivered that night to enable the captain to catch the morning
train. First one lantern went out, then the other. "We leaned up against a
tree and cried. I thought if I ever got out of that scrape alive I would
know more about the habits of animals and everything else, and be prepared
for all kinds of mischance when I undertook an enterprise. However, the
intense darkness dilated the pupils of our eyes so as to make them very
sensitive, and we could just see at times the outlines of the road.
Finally, just as a faint gleam of daylight arrived, we entered the
captain's yard and delivered the message. In my whole life I never spent
such a night of horror as this, but I got a good lesson."
</p>
<p>
An amusing incident of this period is told by Edison. "When I was a boy,"
he says, "the Prince of Wales, the late King Edward, came to Canada
(1860). Great preparations were made at Sarnia, the Canadian town opposite
Port Huron. About every boy, including myself, went over to see the
affair. The town was draped in flags most profusely, and carpets were laid
on the cross-walks for the prince to walk on. There were arches, etc. A
stand was built raised above the general level, where the prince was to be
received by the mayor. Seeing all these preparations, my idea of a prince
was very high; but when he did arrive I mistook the Duke of Newcastle for
him, the duke being a fine-looking man. I soon saw that I was mistaken:
that the prince was a young stripling, and did not meet expectations.
Several of us expressed our belief that a prince wasn't much, after all,
and said that we were thoroughly disappointed. For this one boy was
whipped. Soon the Canuck boys attacked the Yankee boys, and we were all
badly licked. I, myself, got a black eye. That has always prejudiced me
against that kind of ceremonial and folly." It is certainly interesting to
note that in later years the prince for whom Edison endured the ignominy
of a black eye made generous compensation in a graceful letter
accompanying the gold Albert Medal awarded by the Royal Society of Arts.
</p>
<p>
Another incident of the period is as follows: "After selling papers in
Port Huron, which was often not reached until about 9.30 at night, I
seldom got home before 11.00 or 11.30. About half-way home from the
station and the town, and within twenty-five feet of the road in a dense
wood, was a soldiers' graveyard where three hundred soldiers were buried,
due to a cholera epidemic which took place at Fort Gratiot, near by, many
years previously. At first we used to shut our eyes and run the horse past
this graveyard, and if the horse stepped on a twig my heart would give a
violent movement, and it is a wonder that I haven't some valvular disease
of that organ. But soon this running of the horse became monotonous, and
after a while all fears of graveyards absolutely disappeared from my
system. I was in the condition of Sam Houston, the pioneer and founder of
Texas, who, it was said, knew no fear. Houston lived some distance from
the town and generally went home late at night, having to pass through a
dark cypress swamp over a corduroy road. One night, to test his alleged
fearlessness, a man stationed himself behind a tree and enveloped himself
in a sheet. He confronted Houston suddenly, and Sam stopped and said: 'If
you are a man, you can't hurt me. If you are a ghost, you don't want to
hurt me. And if you are the devil, come home with me; I married your
sister!'"
</p>
<p>
It is not to be inferred, however, from some of the preceding statements
that the boy was of an exclusively studious bent of mind. He had then, as
now, the keen enjoyment of a joke, and no particular aversion to the
practical form. An incident of the time is in point. "After the breaking
out of the war there was a regiment of volunteer soldiers quartered at
Fort Gratiot, the reservation extending to the boundary line of our house.
Nearly every night we would hear a call, such as 'Corporal of the Guard,
No. 1.' This would be repeated from sentry to sentry until it reached the
barracks, when Corporal of the Guard, No. 1, would come and see what was
wanted. I and the little Dutch boy, after returning from the town after
selling our papers, thought we would take a hand at military affairs. So
one night, when it was very dark, I shouted for Corporal of the Guard, No.
1. The second sentry, thinking it was the terminal sentry who shouted,
repeated it to the third, and so on. This brought the corporal along the
half mile, only to find that he was fooled. We tried him three nights; but
the third night they were watching, and caught the little Dutch boy, took
him to the lock-up at the fort, and shut him up. They chased me to the
house. I rushed for the cellar. In one small apartment there were two
barrels of potatoes and a third one nearly empty. I poured these remnants
into the other barrels, sat down, and pulled the barrel over my head,
bottom up. The soldiers had awakened my father, and they were searching
for me with candles and lanterns. The corporal was absolutely certain I
came into the cellar, and couldn't see how I could have gotten out, and
wanted to know from my father if there was no secret hiding-place. On
assurance of my father, who said that there was not, he said it was most
extraordinary. I was glad when they left, as I was cramped, and the
potatoes were rotten that had been in the barrel and violently offensive.
The next morning I was found in bed, and received a good switching on the
legs from my father, the first and only one I ever received from him,
although my mother kept a switch behind the old Seth Thomas clock that had
the bark worn off. My mother's ideas and mine differed at times,
especially when I got experimenting and mussed up things. The Dutch boy
was released next morning."
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2HCH0004" id="link2HCH0004">
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<div style="height: 4em;">
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</div>
<h2>
CHAPTER IV
</h2>
<h3>
THE YOUNG TELEGRAPH OPERATOR
</h3>
<p>
"WHILE a newsboy on the railroad," says Edison, "I got very much
interested in electricity, probably from visiting telegraph offices with a
chum who had tastes similar to mine." It will also have been noted that he
used the telegraph to get items for his little journal, and to bulletin
his special news of the Civil War along the line. The next step was
natural, and having with his knowledge of chemistry no trouble about
"setting up" his batteries, the difficulties of securing apparatus were
chiefly those connected with the circuits and the instruments. American
youths to-day are given, if of a mechanical turn of mind, to amateur
telegraphy or telephony, but seldom, if ever, have to make any part of the
system constructed. In Edison's boyish days it was quite different, and
telegraphic supplies were hard to obtain. But he and his "chum" had a line
between their homes, built of common stove-pipe wire. The insulators were
bottles set on nails driven into trees and short poles. The magnet wire
was wound with rags for insulation, and pieces of spring brass were used
for keys. With an idea of securing current cheaply, Edison applied the
little that he knew about static electricity, and actually experimented
with cats, which he treated vigorously as frictional machines until the
animals fled in dismay, and Edison had learned his first great lesson in
the relative value of sources of electrical energy. The line was made to
work, however, and additional to the messages that the boys interchanged,
Edison secured practice in an ingenious manner. His father insisted on
11.30 as proper bedtime, which left but a short interval after the long
day on the train. But each evening, when the boy went home with a bundle
of papers that had not been sold in the town, his father would sit up
reading the "returnables." Edison, therefore, on some excuse, left the
papers with his friend, but suggested that he could get the news from him
by telegraph, bit by bit. The scheme interested his father, and was put
into effect, the messages being written down and handed over for perusal.
This yielded good practice nightly, lasting until 12 and 1 o'clock, and
was maintained for some time until Mr. Edison became willing that his son
should stay up for a reasonable time. The papers were then brought home
again, and the boys amused themselves to their hearts' content until the
line was pulled down by a stray cow wandering through the orchard.
Meantime better instruments had been secured, and the rudiments of
telegraphy had been fairly mastered.
</p>
<p>
The mixed train on which Edison was employed as newsboy did the
way-freight work and shunting at the Mount Clemens station, about half an
hour being usually spent in the work. One August morning, in 1862, while
the shunting was in progress, and a laden box-car had been pushed out of a
siding, Edison, who was loitering about the platform, saw the little son
of the station agent, Mr. J. U. Mackenzie, playing with the gravel on the
main track along which the car without a brakeman was rapidly approaching.
Edison dropped his papers and his glazed cap, and made a dash for the
child, whom he picked up and lifted to safety without a second to spare,
as the wheel of the car struck his heel; and both were cut about the face
and hands by the gravel ballast on which they fell. The two boys were
picked up by the train-hands and carried to the platform, and the grateful
father at once offered to teach the rescuer, whom he knew and liked, the
art of train telegraphy and to make an operator of him. It is needless to
say that the proposal was eagerly accepted.
</p>
<p>
Edison found time for his new studies by letting one of his friends look
after the newsboy work on the train for part of the trip, reserving to
himself the run between Port Huron and Mount Clemens. That he was already
well qualified as a beginner is evident from the fact that he had mastered
the Morse code of the telegraphic alphabet, and was able to take to the
station a neat little set of instruments he had just finished with his own
hands at a gun-shop in Detroit. This was probably a unique achievement in
itself among railway operators of that day or of later times. The drill of
the student involved chiefly the acquisition of the special signals
employed in railway work, including the numerals and abbreviations applied
to save time. Some of these have passed into the slang of the day, "73"
being well known as a telegrapher's expression of compliments or good
wishes, while "23" is an accident or death message, and has been given
broader popular significance as a general synonym for "hoodoo." All of
this came easily to Edison, who had, moreover, as his Herald showed, an
unusual familiarity with train movement along that portion of the Grand
Trunk road.
</p>
<p>
Three or four months were spent pleasantly and profitably by the youth in
this course of study, and Edison took to it enthusiastically, giving it no
less than eighteen hours a day. He then put up a little telegraph line
from the station to the village, a distance of about a mile, and opened an
office in a drug store; but the business was naturally very small. The
telegraph operator at Port Huron knowing of his proficiency, and wanting
to get into the United States Military Telegraph Corps, where the pay in
those days of the Civil War was high, succeeded in convincing his
brother-in-law, Mr. M. Walker, that young Edison could fill the position.
Edison was, of course, well acquainted with the operators along the road
and at the southern terminal, and took up his new duties very easily. The
office was located in a jewelry store, where newspapers and periodicals
were also sold. Edison was to be found at the office both day and night,
sleeping there. "I became quite valuable to Mr. Walker. After working all
day I worked at the office nights as well, for the reason that 'press
report' came over one of the wires until 3 A.M., and I would cut in and
copy it as well as I could, to become more rapidly proficient. The goal of
the rural telegraph operator was to be able to take press. Mr. Walker
tried to get my father to apprentice me at $20 per month, but they could
not agree. I then applied for a job on the Grand Trunk Railroad as a
railway operator, and was given a place, nights, at Stratford Junction,
Canada." Apparently his friend Mackenzie helped him in the matter. The
position carried a salary of $25 per month. No serious objections were
raised by his family, for the distance from Port Huron was not great, and
Stratford was near Bayfield, the old home from which the Edisons had come,
so that there were doubtless friends or even relatives in the vicinity.
This was in 1863.
</p>
<p>
Mr. Walker was an observant man, who has since that time installed a
number of waterworks systems and obtained several patents of his own. He
describes the boy of sixteen as engrossed intensely in his experiments and
scientific reading, and somewhat indifferent, for this reason, to his
duties as operator. This office was not particularly busy, taking from $50
to $75 a month, but even the messages taken in would remain unsent on the
hook while Edison was in the cellar below trying to solve some chemical
problem. The manager would see him studying sometimes an article in such a
paper as the Scientific American, and then disappearing to buy a few
sundries for experiments. Returning from the drug store with his
chemicals, he would not be seen again until required by his duties, or
until he had found out for himself, if possible, in this offhand manner,
whether what he had read was correct or not. When he had completed his
experiment all interest in it was lost, and the jars and wires would be
left to any fate that might befall them. In like manner Edison would make
free use of the watchmaker's tools that lay on the little table in the
front window, and would take the wire pliers there without much thought as
to their value as distinguished from a lineman's tools. The one idea was
to do quickly what he wanted to do; and the same swift, almost headlong
trial of anything that comes to hand, while the fervor of a new experiment
is felt, has been noted at all stages of the inventor's career. One is
reminded of Palissy's recklessness, when in his efforts to make the enamel
melt on his pottery he used the very furniture of his home for firewood.
</p>
<p>
Mr. Edison remarks the fact that there was very little difference between
the telegraph of that time and of to-day, except the general use of the
old Morse register with the dots and dashes recorded by indenting paper
strips that could be read and checked later at leisure if necessary. He
says: "The telegraph men couldn't explain how it worked, and I was always
trying to get them to do so. I think they couldn't. I remember the best
explanation I got was from an old Scotch line repairer employed by the
Montreal Telegraph Company, which operated the railroad wires. He said
that if you had a dog like a dachshund, long enough to reach from
Edinburgh to London, if you pulled his tail in Edinburgh he would bark in
London. I could understand that, but I never could get it through me what
went through the dog or over the wire." To-day Mr. Edison is just as
unable to solve the inner mystery of electrical transmission. Nor is he
alone. At the banquet given to celebrate his jubilee in 1896 as professor
at Glasgow University, Lord Kelvin, the greatest physicist of our time,
admitted with tears in his eyes and the note of tragedy in his voice, that
when it came to explaining the nature of electricity, he knew just as
little as when he had begun as a student, and felt almost as though his
life had been wasted while he tried to grapple with the great mystery of
physics.
</p>
<p>
Another episode of this period is curious in its revelation of the
tenacity with which Edison has always held to some of his oldest
possessions with a sense of personal attachment. "While working at
Stratford Junction," he says, "I was told by one of the freight conductors
that in the freight-house at Goodrich there were several boxes of old
broken-up batteries. I went there and found over eighty cells of the
well-known Grove nitric-acid battery. The operator there, who was also
agent, when asked by me if I could have the electrodes of each cell, made
of sheet platinum, gave his permission readily, thinking they were of tin.
I removed them all, amounting to several ounces. Platinum even in those
days was very expensive, costing several dollars an ounce, and I owned
only three small strips. I was overjoyed at this acquisition, and those
very strips and the reworked scrap are used to this day in my laboratory
over forty years later."
</p>
<p>
It was at Stratford that Edison's inventiveness was first displayed. The
hours of work of a night operator are usually from 7 P.M. to 7 A.M., and
to insure attention while on duty it is often provided that the operator
every hour, from 9 P.M. until relieved by the day operator, shall send in
the signal "6" to the train dispatcher's office. Edison revelled in the
opportunity for study and experiment given him by his long hours of
freedom in the daytime, but needed sleep, just as any healthy youth does.
Confronted by the necessity of sending in this watchman's signal as
evidence that he was awake and on duty, he constructed a small wheel with
notches on the rim, and attached it to the clock in such a manner that the
night-watchman could start it when the line was quiet, and at each hour
the wheel revolved and sent in accurately the dots required for "sixing."
The invention was a success, the device being, indeed, similar to that of
the modern district messenger box; but it was soon noticed that, in spite
of the regularity of the report, "Sf" could not be raised even if a train
message were sent immediately after. Detection and a reprimand came in due
course, but were not taken very seriously.
</p>
<p>
A serious occurrence that might have resulted in accident drove him soon
after from Canada, although the youth could hardly be held to blame for
it. Edison says: "This night job just suited me, as I could have the whole
day to myself. I had the faculty of sleeping in a chair any time for a few
minutes at a time. I taught the night-yardman my call, so I could get half
an hour's sleep now and then between trains, and in case the station was
called the watchman would awaken me. One night I got an order to hold a
freight train, and I replied that I would. I rushed out to find the
signalman, but before I could find him and get the signal set, the train
ran past. I ran to the telegraph office, and reported that I could not
hold her. The reply was: 'Hell!' The train dispatcher, on the strength of
my message that I would hold the train, had permitted another to leave the
last station in the opposite direction. There was a lower station near the
junction where the day operator slept. I started for it on foot. The night
was dark, and I fell into a culvert and was knocked senseless." Owing to
the vigilance of the two engineers on the locomotives, who saw each other
approaching on the straight single track, nothing more dreadful happened
than a summons to the thoughtless operator to appear before the general
manager at Toronto. On reaching the manager's office, his trial for
neglect of duty was fortunately interrupted by the call of two Englishmen;
and while their conversation proceeded, Edison slipped quietly out of the
room, hurried to the Grand Trunk freight depot, found a conductor he knew
taking out a freight train for Sarnia, and was not happy until the
ferry-boat from Sarnia had landed him once more on the Michigan shore. The
Grand Trunk still owes Mr. Edison the wages due him at the time he thus
withdrew from its service, but the claim has never been pressed.
</p>
<p>
The same winter of 1863-64, while at Port Huron, Edison had a further
opportunity of displaying his ingenuity. An ice-jam had broken the light
telegraph cable laid in the bed of the river across to Sarnia, and thus
communication was interrupted. The river is three-quarters of a mile wide,
and could not be crossed on foot; nor could the cable be repaired. Edison
at once suggested using the steam whistle of the locomotive, and by
manipulating the valve conversed the short and long outbursts of shrill
sound into the Morse code. An operator on the Sarnia shore was quick
enough to catch the significance of the strange whistling, and messages
were thus sent in wireless fashion across the ice-floes in the river. It
is said that such signals were also interchanged by military telegraphers
during the war, and possibly Edison may have heard of the practice; but be
that as it may, he certainly showed ingenuity and resource in applying
such a method to meet the necessity. It is interesting to note that at
this point the Grand Trunk now has its St. Clair tunnel, through which the
trains are hauled under the river-bed by electric locomotives.
</p>
<p>
Edison had now begun unconsciously the roaming and drifting that took him
during the next five years all over the Middle States, and that might well
have wrecked the career of any one less persistent and industrious. It was
a period of his life corresponding to the Wanderjahre of the German
artisan, and was an easy way of gratifying a taste for travel without the
risk of privation. To-day there is little temptation to the telegrapher to
go to distant parts of the country on the chance that he may secure a
livelihood at the key. The ranks are well filled everywhere, and of late
years the telegraph as an art or industry has shown relatively slight
expansion, owing chiefly to the development of telephony. Hence, if
vacancies occur, there are plenty of operators available, and salaries
have remained so low as to lead to one or two formidable and costly
strikes that unfortunately took no account of the economic conditions of
demand and supply. But in the days of the Civil War there was a great
dearth of skilful manipulators of the key. About fifteen hundred of the
best operators in the country were at the front on the Federal side alone,
and several hundred more had enlisted. This created a serious scarcity,
and a nomadic operator going to any telegraphic centre would be sure to
find a place open waiting for him. At the close of the war a majority of
those who had been with the two opposed armies remained at the key under
more peaceful surroundings, but the rapid development of the commercial
and railroad systems fostered a new demand, and then for a time it seemed
almost impossible to train new operators fast enough. In a few years,
however, the telephone sprang into vigorous existence, dating from 1876,
drawing off some of the most adventurous spirits from the telegraph field;
and the deterrent influence of the telephone on the telegraph had made
itself felt by 1890. The expiration of the leading Bell telephone patents,
five years later, accentuated even more sharply the check that had been
put on telegraphy, as hundreds and thousands of "independent" telephone
companies were then organized, throwing a vast network of toll lines over
Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and other States, and affording cheap,
instantaneous means of communication without any necessity for the
intervention of an operator.
</p>
<p>
It will be seen that the times have changed radically since Edison became
a telegrapher, and that in this respect a chapter of electrical history
has been definitely closed. There was a day when the art offered a
distinct career to all of its practitioners, and young men of ambition and
good family were eager to begin even as messenger boys, and were ready to
undergo a severe ordeal of apprenticeship with the belief that they could
ultimately attain positions of responsibility and profit. At the same time
operators have always been shrewd enough to regard the telegraph as a
stepping-stone to other careers in life. A bright fellow entering the
telegraph service to-day finds the experience he may gain therein
valuable, but he soon realizes that there are not enough good-paying
official positions to "go around," so as to give each worthy man a chance
after he has mastered the essentials of the art. He feels, therefore, that
to remain at the key involves either stagnation or deterioration, and that
after, say, twenty-five years of practice he will have lost ground as
compared with friends who started out in other occupations. The craft of
an operator, learned without much difficulty, is very attractive to a
youth, but a position at the key is no place for a man of mature years.
His services, with rare exceptions, grow less valuable as he advances in
age and nervous strain breaks him down. On the contrary, men engaged in
other professions find, as a rule, that they improve and advance with
experience, and that age brings larger rewards and opportunities.
</p>
<p>
The list of well-known Americans who have been graduates of the key is
indeed an extraordinary one, and there is no department of our national
life in which they have not distinguished themselves. The contrast, in
this respect, between them and their European colleagues is highly
significant. In Europe the telegraph systems are all under government
management, the operators have strictly limited spheres of promotion, and
at the best the transition from one kind of employment to another is not
made so easily as in the New World. But in the United States we have seen
Rufus Bullock become Governor of Georgia, and Ezra Cornell Governor of New
York. Marshall Jewell was Postmaster-General of President Grant's Cabinet,
and Daniel Lamont was Secretary of State in President Cleveland's. Gen. T.
T. Eckert, past-President of the Western Union Telegraph Company, was
Assistant Secretary of War under President Lincoln; and Robert J. Wynne,
afterward a consul-general, served as Assistant Postmaster General. A very
large proportion of the presidents and leading officials of the great
railroad systems are old telegraphers, including Messrs. W. C. Brown,
President of the New York Central Railroad, and Marvin Hughitt, President
of the Chicago & North western Railroad. In industrial and financial
life there have been Theodore N. Vail, President of the Bell telephone
system; L. C. Weir, late President of the Adams Express; A. B. Chandler,
President of the Postal Telegraph and Cable Company; Sir W. Van Home,
identified with Canadian development; Robert C. Clowry, President of the
Western Union Telegraph Company; D. H. Bates, Manager of the Baltimore
& Ohio telegraph for Robert Garrett; and Andrew Carnegie, the greatest
ironmaster the world has ever known, as well as its greatest
philanthropist. In journalism there have been leaders like Edward
Rosewater, founder of the Omaha Bee; W. J. Elverson, of the Philadelphia
Press; and Frank A. Munsey, publisher of half a dozen big magazines.
George Kennan has achieved fame in literature, and Guy Carleton and Harry
de Souchet have been successful as dramatists. These are but typical of
hundreds of men who could be named who have risen from work at the key to
become recognized leaders in differing spheres of activity.
</p>
<p>
But roving has never been favorable to the formation of steady habits. The
young men who thus floated about the country from one telegraph office to
another were often brilliant operators, noted for speed in sending and
receiving, but they were undisciplined, were without the restraining
influences of home life, and were so highly paid for their work that they
could indulge freely in dissipation if inclined that way. Subjected to
nervous tension for hours together at the key, many of them unfortunately
took to drink, and having ended one engagement in a city by a debauch that
closed the doors of the office to them, would drift away to the nearest
town, and there securing work, would repeat the performance. At one time,
indeed, these men were so numerous and so much in evidence as to
constitute a type that the public was disposed to accept as representative
of the telegraphic fraternity; but as the conditions creating him ceased
to exist, the "tramp operator" also passed into history. It was, however,
among such characters that Edison was very largely thrown in these early
days of aimless drifting, to learn something perhaps of their nonchalant
philosophy of life, sharing bed and board with them under all kinds of
adverse conditions, but always maintaining a stoic abstemiousness, and
never feeling other than a keen regret at the waste of so much genuine
ability and kindliness on the part of those knights errant of the key
whose inevitable fate might so easily have been his own.
</p>
<p>
Such a class or group of men can always be presented by an individual
type, and this is assuredly best embodied in Milton F. Adams, one of
Edison's earliest and closest friends, to whom reference will be made in
later chapters, and whose life has been so full of adventurous episodes
that he might well be regarded as the modern Gil Blas. That career is
certainly well worth the telling as "another story," to use the Kipling
phrase. Of him Edison says: "Adams was one of a class of operators never
satisfied to work at any place for any great length of time. He had the
'wanderlust.' After enjoying hospitality in Boston in 1868-69, on the
floor of my hall-bedroom, which was a paradise for the entomologist, while
the boarding-house itself was run on the banting system of flesh
reduction, he came to me one day and said: 'Good-bye, Edison; I have got
sixty cents, and I am going to San Francisco.' And he did go. How, I never
knew personally. I learned afterward that he got a job there, and then
within a week they had a telegraphers' strike. He got a big torch and sold
patent medicine on the streets at night to support the strikers. Then he
went to Peru as partner of a man who had a grizzly bear which they
proposed entering against a bull in the bull-ring in that city. The
grizzly was killed in five minutes, and so the scheme died. Then Adams
crossed the Andes, and started a market-report bureau in Buenos Ayres.
This didn't pay, so he started a restaurant in Pernambuco, Brazil. There
he did very well, but something went wrong (as it always does to a nomad),
so he went to the Transvaal, and ran a panorama called 'Paradise Lost' in
the Kaffir kraals. This didn't pay, and he became the editor of a
newspaper; then went to England to raise money for a railroad in Cape
Colony. Next I heard of him in New York, having just arrived from Bogota,
United States of Colombia, with a power of attorney and $2000 from a
native of that republic, who had applied for a patent for tightening a
belt to prevent it from slipping on a pulley—a device which he
thought a new and great invention, but which was in use ever since
machinery was invented. I gave Adams, then, a position as salesman for
electrical apparatus. This he soon got tired of, and I lost sight of him."
Adams, in speaking of this episode, says that when he asked for
transportation expenses to St. Louis, Edison pulled out of his pocket a
ferry ticket to Hoboken, and said to his associates: "I'll give him that,
and he'll get there all right." This was in the early days of electric
lighting; but down to the present moment the peregrinations of this
versatile genius of the key have never ceased in one hemisphere or the
other, so that as Mr. Adams himself remarked to the authors in April,
1908: "The life has been somewhat variegated, but never dull."
</p>
<p>
The fact remains also that throughout this period Edison, while himself a
very Ishmael, never ceased to study, explore, experiment. Referring to
this beginning of his career, he mentions a curious fact that throws light
on his ceaseless application. "After I became a telegraph operator," he
says, "I practiced for a long time to become a rapid reader of print, and
got so expert I could sense the meaning of a whole line at once. This
faculty, I believe, should be taught in schools, as it appears to be
easily acquired. Then one can read two or three books in a day, whereas if
each word at a time only is sensed, reading is laborious."
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2HCH0005" id="link2HCH0005">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CHAPTER V
</h2>
<h3>
ARDUOUS YEARS IN THE CENTRAL WEST
</h3>
<p>
IN 1903, when accepting the position of honorary electrician to the
International Exposition held in St. Louis in 1904, to commemorate the
centenary of the Louisiana Purchase, Mr. Edison spoke in his letter of the
Central West as a "region where as a young telegraph operator I spent many
arduous years before moving East." The term of probation thus referred to
did not end until 1868, and while it lasted Edison's wanderings carried
him from Detroit to New Orleans, and took him, among other cities, to
Indianapolis, Cincinnati, Louisville, and Memphis, some of which he
visited twice in his peregrinations to secure work. From Canada, after the
episodes noted in the last chapter, he went to Adrian, Michigan, and of
what happened there Edison tells a story typical of his wanderings for
several years to come. "After leaving my first job at Stratford Junction,
I got a position as operator on the Lake Shore & Michigan Southern at
Adrian, Michigan, in the division superintendent's office. As usual, I
took the 'night trick,' which most operators disliked, but which I
preferred, as it gave me more leisure to experiment. I had obtained from
the station agent a small room, and had established a little shop of my
own. One day the day operator wanted to get off, and I was on duty. About
9 o'clock the superintendent handed me a despatch which he said was very
important, and which I must get off at once. The wire at the time was very
busy, and I asked if I should break in. I got orders to do so, and acting
under those orders of the superintendent, I broke in and tried to send the
despatch; but the other operator would not permit it, and the struggle
continued for ten minutes. Finally I got possession of the wire and sent
the message. The superintendent of telegraph, who then lived in Adrian and
went to his office in Toledo every day, happened that day to be in the
Western Union office up-town—and it was the superintendent I was
really struggling with! In about twenty minutes he arrived livid with
rage, and I was discharged on the spot. I informed him that the general
superintendent had told me to break in and send the despatch, but the
general superintendent then and there repudiated the whole thing. Their
families were socially close, so I was sacrificed. My faith in human
nature got a slight jar."
</p>
<p>
Edison then went to Toledo and secured a position at Fort Wayne, on the
Pittsburg, Fort Wayne & Chicago Railroad, now leased to the
Pennsylvania system. This was a "day job," and he did not like it. He
drifted two months later to Indianapolis, arriving there in the fall of
1864, when he was at first assigned to duty at the Union Station at a
salary of $75 a month for the Western Union Telegraph Company, whose
service he now entered, and with which he has been destined to maintain
highly important and close relationships throughout a large part of his
life. Superintendent Wallick appears to have treated him generously and to
have loaned him instruments, a kindness that was greatly appreciated, for
twenty years later the inventor called on his old employer, and together
they visited the scene where the borrowed apparatus had been mounted on a
rough board in the depot. Edison did not stay long in Indianapolis,
however, resigning in February, 1865, and proceeding to Cincinnati. The
transfer was possibly due to trouble caused by one of his early inventions
embodying what has been characterized by an expert as "probably the most
simple and ingenious arrangement of connections for a repeater." His
ambition was to take "press report," but finding, even after considerable
practice, that he "broke" frequently, he adjusted two embossing Morse
registers—one to receive the press matter, and the other to repeat
the dots and dashes at a lower speed, so that the message could be copied
leisurely. Hence he could not be rushed or "broken" in receiving, while he
could turn out "copy" that was a marvel of neatness and clearness. All was
well so long as ordinary conditions prevailed, but when an unusual
pressure occurred the little system fell behind, and the newspapers
complained of the slowness with which reports were delivered to them. It
is easy to understand that with matter received at a rate of forty words
per minute and worked off at twenty-five words per minute a serious
congestion or delay would result, and the newspapers were more anxious for
the news than they were for fine penmanship.
</p>
<p>
Of this device Mr. Edison remarks: "Together we took press for several
nights, my companion keeping the apparatus in adjustment and I copying.
The regular press operator would go to the theatre or take a nap, only
finishing the report after 1 A.M. One of the newspapers complained of bad
copy toward the end of the report—that, is from 1 to 3 A.M., and
requested that the operator taking the report up to 1 A.M.—which was
ourselves—take it all, as the copy then was perfectly
unobjectionable. This led to an investigation by the manager, and the
scheme was forbidden.
</p>
<p>
"This instrument, many years afterward, was applied by me for transferring
messages from one wire to any other wire simultaneously, or after any
interval of time. It consisted of a disk of paper, the indentations being
formed in a volute spiral, exactly as in the disk phonograph to-day. It
was this instrument which gave me the idea of the phonograph while working
on the telephone."
</p>
<p>
Arrived in Cincinnati, where he got employment in the Western Union
commercial telegraph department at a wage of $60 per month, Edison made
the acquaintance of Milton F. Adams, already referred to as facile
princeps the typical telegrapher in all his more sociable and brilliant
aspects. Speaking of that time, Mr. Adams says: "I can well recall when
Edison drifted in to take a job. He was a youth of about eighteen years,
decidedly unprepossessing in dress and rather uncouth in manner. I was
twenty-one, and very dudish. He was quite thin in those days, and his nose
was very prominent, giving a Napoleonic look to his face, although the
curious resemblance did not strike me at the time. The boys did not take
to him cheerfully, and he was lonesome. I sympathized with him, and we
became close companions. As an operator he had no superiors and very few
equals. Most of the time he was monkeying with the batteries and circuits,
and devising things to make the work of telegraphy less irksome. He also
relieved the monotony of office-work by fitting up the battery circuits to
play jokes on his fellow-operators, and to deal with the vermin that
infested the premises. He arranged in the cellar what he called his 'rat
paralyzer,' a very simple contrivance consisting of two plates insulated
from each other and connected with the main battery. They were so placed
that when a rat passed over them the fore feet on the one plate and the
hind feet on the other completed the circuit and the rat departed this
life, electrocuted."
</p>
<p>
Shortly after Edison's arrival at Cincinnati came the close of the Civil
War and the assassination of President Lincoln. It was natural that
telegraphers should take an intense interest in the general struggle, for
not only did they handle all the news relating to it, but many of them
were at one time or another personal participants. For example, one of the
operators in the Cincinnati office was George Ellsworth, who was
telegrapher for Morgan, the famous Southern Guerrilla, and was with him
when he made his raid into Ohio and was captured near the Pennsylvania
line. Ellsworth himself made a narrow escape by swimming the Ohio River
with the aid of an army mule. Yet we can well appreciate the
unimpressionable way in which some of the men did their work, from an
anecdote that Mr. Edison tells of that awful night of Friday, April 14,
1865: "I noticed," he says, "an immense crowd gathering in the street
outside a newspaper office. I called the attention of the other operators
to the crowd, and we sent a messenger boy to find the cause of the
excitement. He returned in a few minutes and shouted 'Lincoln's shot.'
Instinctively the operators looked from one face to another to see which
man had received the news. All the faces were blank, and every man said he
had not taken a word about the shooting. 'Look over your files,' said the
boss to the man handling the press stuff. For a few moments we waited in
suspense, and then the man held up a sheet of paper containing a short
account of the shooting of the President. The operator had worked so
mechanically that he had handled the news without the slightest knowledge
of its significance." Mr. Adams says that at the time the city was en fete
on account of the close of the war, the name of the assassin was received
by telegraph, and it was noted with a thrill of horror that it was that of
a brother of Edwin Booth and of Junius Brutus Booth—the latter of
whom was then playing at the old National Theatre. Booth was hurried away
into seclusion, and the next morning the city that had been so gay over
night with bunting was draped with mourning.
</p>
<p>
Edison's diversions in Cincinnati were chiefly those already observed. He
read a great deal, but spent most of his leisure in experiment. Mr. Adams
remarks: "Edison and I were very fond of tragedy. Forrest and John
McCullough were playing at the National Theatre, and when our capital was
sufficient we would go to see those eminent tragedians alternate in
Othello and Iago. Edison always enjoyed Othello greatly. Aside from an
occasional visit to the Loewen Garden 'over the Rhine,' with a glass of
beer and a few pretzels, consumed while listening to the excellent music
of a German band, the theatre was the sum and substance of our innocent
dissipation."
</p>
<p>
The Cincinnati office, as a central point, appears to have been attractive
to many of the clever young operators who graduated from it to positions
of larger responsibility. Some of them were conspicuous for their skill
and versatility. Mr. Adams tells this interesting story as an
illustration: "L. C. Weir, or Charlie, as he was known, at that time agent
for the Adams Express Company, had the remarkable ability of taking
messages and copying them twenty-five words behind the sender. One day he
came into the operating-room, and passing a table he heard Louisville
calling Cincinnati. He reached over to the key and answered the call. My
attention was arrested by the fact that he walked off after responding,
and the sender happened to be a good one. Weir coolly asked for a pen, and
when he sat down the sender was just one message ahead of him with date,
address, and signature. Charlie started in, and in a beautiful, large,
round hand copied that message. The sender went right along, and when he
finished with six messages closed his key. When Weir had done with the
last one the sender began to think that after all there had been no
receiver, as Weir did not 'break,' but simply gave his O. K. He afterward
became president of the Adams Express, and was certainly a wonderful
operator." The operating-room referred to was on the fifth floor of the
building with no elevators.
</p>
<p>
Those were the early days of trade unionism in telegraphy, and the
movement will probably never quite die out in the craft which has always
shown so much solidarity. While Edison was in Cincinnati a delegation of
five union operators went over from Cleveland to form a local branch, and
the occasion was one of great conviviality. Night came, but the unionists
were conspicuous by their absence, although more circuits than one were
intolerant of delay and clamorous for attention—-eight local
unionists being away. The Cleveland report wire was in special need, and
Edison, almost alone in the office, devoted himself to it all through the
night and until 3 o'clock the next morning, when he was relieved.
</p>
<p>
He had previously been getting $80 a month, and had eked this out by
copying plays for the theatre. His rating was that of a "plug" or inferior
operator; but he was determined to lift himself into the class of
first-class operators, and had kept up the practice of going to the office
at night to "copy press," acting willingly as a substitute for any
operator who wanted to get off for a few hours—which often meant all
night. Speaking of this special ordeal, for which he had thus been
unconsciously preparing, Edison says: "My copy looked fine if viewed as a
whole, as I could write a perfectly straight line across the wide sheet,
which was not ruled. There were no flourishes, but the individual letters
would not bear close inspection. When I missed understanding a word, there
was no time to think what it was, so I made an illegible one to fill in,
trusting to the printers to sense it. I knew they could read anything,
although Mr. Bloss, an editor of the Inquirer, made such bad copy that one
of his editorials was pasted up on the notice-board in the telegraph
office with an offer of one dollar to any man who could 'read twenty
consecutive words.' Nobody ever did it. When I got through I was too
nervous to go home, so waited the rest of the night for the day manager,
Mr. Stevens, to see what was to be the outcome of this Union formation and
of my efforts. He was an austere man, and I was afraid of him. I got the
morning papers, which came out at 4 A. M., and the press report read
perfectly, which surprised me greatly. I went to work on my regular day
wire to Portsmouth, Ohio, and there was considerable excitement, but
nothing was said to me, neither did Mr. Stevens examine the copy on the
office hook, which I was watching with great interest. However, about 3 P.
M. he went to the hook, grabbed the bunch and looked at it as a whole
without examining it in detail, for which I was thankful. Then he jabbed
it back on the hook, and I knew I was all right. He walked over to me, and
said: 'Young man, I want you to work the Louisville wire nights; your
salary will be $125.' Thus I got from the plug classification to that of a
'first-class man.'"
</p>
<p>
But no sooner was this promotion secured than he started again on his
wanderings southward, while his friend Adams went North, neither having
any difficulty in making the trip. "The boys in those days had
extraordinary facilities for travel. As a usual thing it was only
necessary for them to board a train and tell the conductor they were
operators. Then they would go as far as they liked. The number of
operators was small, and they were in demand everywhere." It was in this
way Edison made his way south as far as Memphis, Tennessee, where the
telegraph service at that time was under military law, although the
operators received $125 a month. Here again Edison began to invent and
improve on existing apparatus, with the result of having once more to
"move on." The story may be told in his own terse language: "I was not the
inventor of the auto repeater, but while in Memphis I worked on one.
Learning that the chief operator, who was a protege of the superintendent,
was trying in some way to put New York and New Orleans together for the
first time since the close of the war, I redoubled my efforts, and at 2
o'clock one morning I had them speaking to each other. The office of the
Memphis Avalanche was in the same building. The paper got wind of it and
sent messages. A column came out in the morning about it; but when I went
to the office in the afternoon to report for duty I was discharged with
out explanation. The superintendent would not even give me a pass to
Nashville, so I had to pay my fare. I had so little money left that I
nearly starved at Decatur, Alabama, and had to stay three days before
going on north to Nashville. Arrived in that city, I went to the telegraph
office, got money enough to buy a little solid food, and secured a pass to
Louisville. I had a companion with me who was also out of a job. I arrived
at Louisville on a bitterly cold day, with ice in the gutters. I was
wearing a linen duster and was not much to look at, but got a position at
once, working on a press wire. My travelling companion was less successful
on account of his 'record.' They had a limit even in those days when the
telegraph service was so demoralized."
</p>
<p>
Some reminiscences of Mr. Edison are of interest as bearing not only upon
the "demoralized" telegraph service, but the conditions from which the New
South had to emerge while working out its salvation. "The telegraph was
still under military control, not having been turned over to the original
owners, the Southern Telegraph Company. In addition to the regular force,
there was an extra force of two or three operators, and some stranded
ones, who were a burden to us, for board was high. One of these derelicts
was a great source of worry to me, personally. He would come in at all
hours and either throw ink around or make a lot of noise. One night he
built a fire in the grate and started to throw pistol cartridges into the
flames. These would explode, and I was twice hit by the bullets, which
left a black-and-blue mark. Another night he came in and got from some
part of the building a lot of stationery with 'Confederate States' printed
at the head. He was a fine operator, and wrote a beautiful hand. He would
take a sheet of this paper, write capital 'A', and then take another sheet
and make the 'A' differently; and so on through the alphabet; each time
crumpling the paper up in his hand and throwing it on the floor. He would
keep this up until the room was filled nearly flush with the table. Then
he would quit.
</p>
<p>
"Everything at that time was 'wide open.' Disorganization reigned supreme.
There was no head to anything. At night myself and a companion would go
over to a gorgeously furnished faro-bank and get our midnight lunch.
Everything was free. There were over twenty keno-rooms running. One of
them that I visited was in a Baptist church, the man with the wheel being
in the pulpit, and the gamblers in the pews.
</p>
<p>
"While there the manager of the telegraph office was arrested for
something I never understood, and incarcerated in a military prison about
half a mile from the office. The building was in plain sight from the
office, and four stories high. He was kept strictly incommunicado. One
day, thinking he might be confined in a room facing the office, I put my
arm out of the window and kept signalling dots and dashes by the movement
of the arm. I tried this several times for two days. Finally he noticed
it, and putting his arm through the bars of the window he established
communication with me. He thus sent several messages to his friends, and
was afterward set free."
</p>
<p>
Another curious story told by Edison concerns a fellow-operator on night
duty at Chattanooga Junction, at the time he was at Memphis: "When it was
reported that Hood was marching on Nashville, one night a Jew came into
the office about 11 o'clock in great excitement, having heard the Hood
rumor. He, being a large sutler, wanted to send a message to save his
goods. The operator said it was impossible—that orders had been
given to send no private messages. Then the Jew wanted to bribe my friend,
who steadfastly refused for the reason, as he told the Jew, that he might
be court-martialled and shot. Finally the Jew got up to $800. The operator
swore him to secrecy and sent the message. Now there was no such order
about private messages, and the Jew, finding it out, complained to Captain
Van Duzer, chief of telegraphs, who investigated the matter, and while he
would not discharge the operator, laid him off indefinitely. Van Duzer was
so lenient that if an operator were discharged, all the operator had to do
was to wait three days and then go and sit on the stoop of Van Duzer's
office all day, and he would be taken back. But Van Duzer swore he would
never give in in this case. He said that if the operator had taken $800
and sent the message at the regular rate, which was twenty-five cents, it
would have been all right, as the Jew would be punished for trying to
bribe a military operator; but when the operator took the $800 and then
sent the message deadhead, he couldn't stand it, and he would never
relent."
</p>
<p>
A third typical story of this period deals with a cipher message for
Thomas. Mr. Edison narrates it as follows: "When I was an operator in
Cincinnati working the Louisville wire nights for a time, one night a man
over on the Pittsburg wire yelled out: 'D. I. cipher,' which meant that
there was a cipher message from the War Department at Washington and that
it was coming—and he yelled out 'Louisville.' I started immediately
to call up that place. It was just at the change of shift in the office. I
could not get Louisville, and the cipher message began to come. It was
taken by the operator on the other table direct from the War Department.
It was for General Thomas, at Nashville. I called for about twenty minutes
and notified them that I could not get Louisville. I kept at it for about
fifteen minutes longer, and notified them that there was still no answer
from Louisville. They then notified the War Department that they could not
get Louisville. Then we tried to get it by all kinds of roundabout ways,
but in no case could anybody get them at that office. Soon a message came
from the War Department to send immediately for the manager of the
Cincinnati office. He was brought to the office and several messages were
exchanged, the contents of which, of course, I did not know, but the
matter appeared to be very serious, as they were afraid of General Hood,
of the Confederate Army, who was then attempting to march on Nashville;
and it was very important that this cipher of about twelve hundred words
or so should be got through immediately to General Thomas. I kept on
calling up to 12 or 1 o'clock, but no Louisville. About 1 o'clock the
operator at the Indianapolis office got hold of an operator on a wire
which ran from Indianapolis to Louisville along the railroad, who happened
to come into his office. He arranged with this operator to get a relay of
horses, and the message was sent through Indianapolis to this operator who
had engaged horses to carry the despatches to Louisville and find out the
trouble, and get the despatches through without delay to General Thomas.
In those days the telegraph fraternity was rather demoralized, and the
discipline was very lax. It was found out a couple of days afterward that
there were three night operators at Louisville. One of them had gone over
to Jeffersonville and had fallen off a horse and broken his leg, and was
in a hospital. By a remarkable coincidence another of the men had been
stabbed in a keno-room, and was also in hospital while the third operator
had gone to Cynthiana to see a man hanged and had got left by the train."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
I think the most important line of
investigation is the production of
Electricity direct from carbon.
Edison
</pre>
<p>
Young Edison remained in Louisville for about two years, quite a long stay
for one with such nomadic instincts. It was there that he perfected the
peculiar vertical style of writing which, beginning with him in
telegraphy, later became so much of a fad with teachers of penmanship and
in the schools. He says of this form of writing, a current example of
which is given above: "I developed this style in Louisville while taking
press reports. My wire was connected to the 'blind' side of a repeater at
Cincinnati, so that if I missed a word or sentence, or if the wire worked
badly, I could not break in and get the last words, because the Cincinnati
man had no instrument by which he could hear me. I had to take what came.
When I got the job, the cable across the Ohio River at Covington,
connecting with the line to Louisville, had a variable leak in it, which
caused the strength of the signalling current to make violent
fluctuations. I obviated this by using several relays, each with a
different adjustment, working several sounders all connected with one
sounding-plate. The clatter was bad, but I could read it with fair ease.
When, in addition to this infernal leak, the wires north to Cleveland
worked badly, it required a large amount of imagination to get the sense
of what was being sent. An imagination requires an appreciable time for
its exercise, and as the stuff was coming at the rate of thirty-five to
forty words a minute, it was very difficult to write down what was coming
and imagine what wasn't coming. Hence it was necessary to become a very
rapid writer, so I started to find the fastest style. I found that the
vertical style, with each letter separate and without any flourishes, was
the most rapid, and that the smaller the letter the greater the rapidity.
As I took on an average from eight to fifteen columns of news report every
day, it did not take long to perfect this method." Mr. Edison has adhered
to this characteristic style of penmanship down to the present time.
</p>
<p>
As a matter of fact, the conditions at Louisville at that time were not
much better than they had been at Memphis. The telegraph operating-room
was in a deplorable condition. It was on the second story of a dilapidated
building on the principal street of the city, with the battery-room in the
rear; behind which was the office of the agent of the Associated Press.
The plastering was about one-third gone from the ceiling. A small stove,
used occasionally in the winter, was connected to the chimney by a
tortuous pipe. The office was never cleaned. The switchboard for
manipulating the wires was about thirty-four inches square. The brass
connections on it were black with age and with the arcing effects of
lightning, which, to young Edison, seemed particularly partial to
Louisville. "It would strike on the wires," he says, "with an explosion
like a cannon-shot, making that office no place for an operator with
heart-disease." Around the dingy walls were a dozen tables, the ends next
to the wall. They were about the size of those seen in old-fashioned
country hotels for holding the wash-bowl and pitcher. The copper wires
connecting the instruments to the switchboard were small, crystallized,
and rotten. The battery-room was filled with old record-books and message
bundles, and one hundred cells of nitric-acid battery, arranged on a stand
in the centre of the room. This stand, as well as the floor, was almost
eaten through by the destructive action of the powerful acid. Grim and
uncompromising as the description reads, it was typical of the equipment
in those remote days of the telegraph at the close of the war.
</p>
<p>
Illustrative of the length to which telegraphers could go at a time when
they were so much in demand, Edison tells the following story: "When I
took the position there was a great shortage of operators. One night at 2
A.M. another operator and I were on duty. I was taking press report, and
the other man was working the New York wire. We heard a heavy tramp,
tramp, tramp on the rickety stairs. Suddenly the door was thrown open with
great violence, dislodging it from one of the hinges. There appeared in
the doorway one of the best operators we had, who worked daytime, and who
was of a very quiet disposition except when intoxicated. He was a great
friend of the manager of the office. His eyes were bloodshot and wild, and
one sleeve had been torn away from his coat. Without noticing either of us
he went up to the stove and kicked it over. The stove-pipe fell,
dislocated at every joint. It was half full of exceedingly fine soot,
which floated out and filled the room completely. This produced a
momentary respite to his labors. When the atmosphere had cleared
sufficiently to see, he went around and pulled every table away from the
wall, piling them on top of the stove in the middle of the room. Then he
proceeded to pull the switchboard away from the wall. It was held tightly
by screws. He succeeded, finally, and when it gave way he fell with the
board, and striking on a table cut himself so that he soon became covered
with blood. He then went to the battery-room and knocked all the batteries
off on the floor. The nitric acid soon began to combine with the plaster
in the room below, which was the public receiving-room for messengers and
bookkeepers. The excess acid poured through and ate up the account-books.
After having finished everything to his satisfaction, he left. I told the
other operator to do nothing. We would leave things just as they were, and
wait until the manager came. In the mean time, as I knew all the wires
coming through to the switchboard, I rigged up a temporary set of
instruments so that the New York business could be cleared up, and we also
got the remainder of the press matter. At 7 o'clock the day men began to
appear. They were told to go down-stairs and wait the coming of the
manager. At 8 o'clock he appeared, walked around, went into the
battery-room, and then came to me, saying: 'Edison, who did this?' I told
him that Billy L. had come in full of soda-water and invented the ruin
before him. He walked backward and forward, about a minute, then coming up
to my table put his fist down, and said: 'If Billy L. ever does that
again, I will discharge him.' It was needless to say that there were other
operators who took advantage of that kind of discipline, and I had many
calls at night after that, but none with such destructive effects."
</p>
<p>
This was one aspect of life as it presented itself to the sensitive and
observant young operator in Louisville. But there was another, more
intellectual side, in the contact afforded with journalism and its
leaders, and the information taken in almost unconsciously as to the
political and social movements of the time. Mr. Edison looks back on this
with great satisfaction. "I remember," he says, "the discussions between
the celebrated poet and journalist George D. Prentice, then editor of the
Courier-Journal, and Mr. Tyler, of the Associated Press. I believe
Prentice was the father of the humorous paragraph of the American
newspaper. He was poetic, highly educated, and a brilliant talker. He was
very thin and small. I do not think he weighed over one hundred and twenty
five pounds. Tyler was a graduate of Harvard, and had a very clear
enunciation, and, in sharp contrast to Prentice, he was a large man. After
the paper had gone to press, Prentice would generally come over to Tyler's
office and start talking. Having while in Tyler's office heard them
arguing on the immortality of the soul, etc., I asked permission of Mr.
Tyler if, after finishing the press matter, I might come in and listen to
the conversation, which I did many times after. One thing I never could
comprehend was that Tyler had a sideboard with liquors and generally
crackers. Prentice would pour out half a glass of what they call corn
whiskey, and would dip the crackers in it and eat them. Tyler took it sans
food. One teaspoonful of that stuff would put me to sleep."
</p>
<p>
Mr. Edison throws also a curious side-light on the origin of the comic
column in the modern American newspaper, the telegraph giving to a new
joke or a good story the ubiquity and instantaneity of an important
historical event. "It was the practice of the press operators all over the
country at that time, when a lull occurred, to start in and send jokes or
stories the day men had collected; and these were copied and pasted up on
the bulletin-board. Cleveland was the originating office for 'press,'
which it received from New York, and sent it out simultaneously to
Milwaukee, Chicago, Toledo, Detroit, Pittsburg, Columbus, Dayton,
Cincinnati, Indianapolis, Vincennes, Terre Haute, St. Louis, and
Louisville. Cleveland would call first on Milwaukee, if he had anything.
If so, he would send it, and Cleveland would repeat it to all of us. Thus
any joke or story originating anywhere in that area was known the next day
all over. The press men would come in and copy anything which could be
published, which was about three per cent. I collected, too, quite a large
scrap-book of it, but unfortunately have lost it."
</p>
<p>
Edison tells an amusing story of his own pursuits at this time. Always an
omnivorous reader, he had some difficulty in getting a sufficient quantity
of literature for home consumption, and was in the habit of buying books
at auctions and second-hand stores. One day at an auction-room he secured
a stack of twenty unbound volumes of the North American Review for two
dollars. These he had bound and delivered at the telegraph office. One
morning, when he was free as usual at 3 o'clock, he started off at a rapid
pace with ten volumes on his shoulder. He found himself very soon the
subject of a fusillade. When he stopped, a breathless policeman grabbed
him by the throat and ordered him to drop his parcel and explain matters,
as a suspicious character. He opened the package showing the books,
somewhat to the disgust of the officer, who imagined he had caught a
burglar sneaking away in the dark alley with his booty. Edison explained
that being deaf he had heard no challenge, and therefore had kept moving;
and the policeman remarked apologetically that it was fortunate for Edison
he was not a better shot.
</p>
<p>
The incident is curiously revelatory of the character of the man, for it
must be admitted that while literary telegraphers are by no means scarce,
there are very few who would spend scant savings on back numbers of a
ponderous review at an age when tragedy, beer, and pretzels are far more
enticing. Through all his travels Edison has preserved those books, and
has them now in his library at Llewellyn Park, on Orange Mountain, New
Jersey.
</p>
<p>
Drifting after a time from Louisville, Edison made his way as far north as
Detroit, but, like the famous Duke of York, soon made his way back again.
Possibly the severer discipline after the happy-go-lucky regime in the
Southern city had something to do with this restlessness, which again
manifested itself, however, on his return thither. The end of the war had
left the South a scene of destruction and desolation, and many men who had
fought bravely and well found it hard to reconcile themselves to the grim
task of reconstruction. To them it seemed better to "let ill alone" and
seek some other clime where conditions would be less onerous. At this
moment a great deal of exaggerated talk was current as to the sunny life
and easy wealth of Latin America, and under its influences many
"unreconstructed" Southerners made their way to Mexico, Brazil, Peru, or
the Argentine. Telegraph operators were naturally in touch with this
movement, and Edison's fertile imagination was readily inflamed by the
glowing idea of all these vague possibilities. Again he threw up his
steady work and, with a couple of sanguine young friends, made his way to
New Orleans. They had the notion of taking positions in the Brazilian
Government telegraphs, as an advertisement had been inserted in some paper
stating that operators were wanted. They had timed their departure from
Louisville so as to catch a specially chartered steamer, which was to
leave New Orleans for Brazil on a certain day, to convey a large number of
Confederates and their families, who were disgusted with the United States
and were going to settle in Brazil, where slavery still prevailed. Edison
and his friends arrived in New Orleans just at the time of the great riot,
when several hundred negroes were killed, and the city was in the hands of
a mob. The Government had seized the steamer chartered for Brazil, in
order to bring troops from the Yazoo River to New Orleans to stop the
rioting. The young operators therefore visited another shipping-office to
make inquiries as to vessels for Brazil, and encountered an old Spaniard
who sat in a chair near the steamer agent's desk, and to whom they
explained their intentions. He had lived and worked in South America, and
was very emphatic in his assertion, as he shook his yellow, bony finger at
them, that the worst mistake they could possibly make would be to leave
the United States. He would not leave on any account, and they as young
Americans would always regret it if they forsook their native land, whose
freedom, climate, and opportunities could not be equalled anywhere on the
face of the globe. Such sincere advice as this could not be disdained, and
Edison made his way North again. One cannot resist speculation as to what
might have happened to Edison himself and to the development of
electricity had he made this proposed plunge into the enervating tropics.
It will be remembered that at a somewhat similar crisis in life young
Robert Burns entertained seriously the idea of forsaking Scotland for the
West Indies. That he did not go was certainly better for Scottish verse,
to which he contributed later so many immortal lines; and it was probably
better for himself, even if he died a gauger. It is simply impossible to
imagine Edison working out the phonograph, telephone, and incandescent
lamp under the tropical climes he sought. Some years later he was informed
that both his companions had gone to Vera Cruz, Mexico, and had died there
of yellow fever.
</p>
<p>
Work was soon resumed at Louisville, where the dilapidated old office
occupied at the close of the war had been exchanged for one much more
comfortable and luxurious in its equipment. As before, Edison was allotted
to press report, and remembers very distinctly taking the Presidential
message and veto of the District of Columbia bill by President Johnson. As
the matter was received over the wire he paragraphed it so that each
printer had exactly three lines, thus enabling the matter to be set up
very expeditiously in the newspaper offices. This earned him the gratitude
of the editors, a dinner, and all the newspaper "exchanges" he wanted.
Edison's accounts of the sprees and debauches of other night operators in
the loosely managed offices enable one to understand how even a little
steady application to the work in hand would be appreciated. On one
occasion Edison acted as treasurer for his bibulous companions, holding
the stakes, so to speak, in order that the supply of liquor might last
longer. One of the mildest mannered of the party took umbrage at the
parsimony of the treasurer and knocked him down, whereupon the others in
the party set upon the assailant and mauled him so badly that he had to
spend three weeks in hospital. At another time two of his companions
sharing the temporary hospitality of his room smashed most of the
furniture, and went to bed with their boots on. Then his kindly
good-nature rebelled. "I felt that this was running hospitality into the
ground, so I pulled them out and left them on the floor to cool off from
their alcoholic trance."
</p>
<p>
Edison seems on the whole to have been fairly comfortable and happy in
Louisville, surrounding himself with books and experimental apparatus, and
even inditing a treatise on electricity. But his very thirst for knowledge
and new facts again proved his undoing. The instruments in the handsome
new offices were fastened in their proper places, and operators were
strictly forbidden to remove them, or to use the batteries except on
regular work. This prohibition meant little to Edison, who had access to
no other instruments except those of the company. "I went one night," he
says, "into the battery-room to obtain some sulphuric acid for
experimenting. The carboy tipped over, the acid ran out, went through to
the manager's room below, and ate up his desk and all the carpet. The next
morning I was summoned before him, and told that what the company wanted
was operators, not experimenters. I was at liberty to take my pay and get
out."
</p>
<p>
The fact that Edison is a very studious man, an insatiate lover and reader
of books, is well known to his associates; but surprise is often expressed
at his fund of miscellaneous information. This, it will be seen, is partly
explained by his work for years as a "press" reporter. He says of this:
"The second time I was in Louisville, they had moved into a new office,
and the discipline was now good. I took the press job. In fact, I was a
very poor sender, and therefore made the taking of press report a
specialty. The newspaper men allowed me to come over after going to press
at 3 A.M. and get all the exchanges I wanted. These I would take home and
lay at the foot of my bed. I never slept more than four or five hours' so
that I would awake at nine or ten and read these papers until dinner-time.
I thus kept posted, and knew from their activity every member of Congress,
and what committees they were on; and all about the topical doings, as
well as the prices of breadstuffs in all the primary markets. I was in a
much better position than most operators to call on my imagination to
supply missing words or sentences, which were frequent in those days of
old, rotten wires, badly insulated, especially on stormy nights. Upon such
occasions I had to supply in some cases one-fifth of the whole matter—pure
guessing—but I got caught only once. There had been some kind of
convention in Virginia, in which John Minor Botts was the leading figure.
There was great excitement about it, and two votes had been taken in the
convention on the two days. There was no doubt that the vote the next day
would go a certain way. A very bad storm came up about 10 o'clock, and my
wire worked very badly. Then there was a cessation of all signals; then I
made out the words 'Minor Botts.' The next was a New York item. I filled
in a paragraph about the convention and how the vote had gone, as I was
sure it would. But next day I learned that instead of there being a vote
the convention had adjourned without action until the day after." In like
manner, it was at Louisville that Mr. Edison got an insight into the
manner in which great political speeches are more frequently reported than
the public suspects. "The Associated Press had a shorthand man travelling
with President Johnson when he made his celebrated swing around the circle
in a private train delivering hot speeches in defence of his conduct. The
man engaged me to write out the notes from his reading. He came in loaded
and on the verge of incoherence. We started in, but about every two
minutes I would have to scratch out whole paragraphs and insert the same
things said in another and better way. He would frequently change words,
always to the betterment of the speech. I couldn't understand this, and
when he got through, and I had copied about three columns, I asked him why
those changes, if he read from notes. 'Sonny,' he said, 'if these
politicians had their speeches published as they deliver them, a great
many shorthand writers would be out of a job. The best shorthanders and
the holders of good positions are those who can take a lot of rambling,
incoherent stuff and make a rattling good speech out of it.'"
</p>
<p>
Going back to Cincinnati and beginning his second term there as an
operator, Edison found the office in new quarters and with greatly
improved management. He was again put on night duty, much to his
satisfaction. He rented a room in the top floor of an office building,
bought a cot and an oil-stove, a foot lathe, and some tools. He cultivated
the acquaintance of Mr. Sommers, superintendent of telegraph of the
Cincinnati & Indianapolis Railroad, who gave him permission to take
such scrap apparatus as he might desire, that was of no use to the
company. With Sommers on one occasion he had an opportunity to indulge his
always strong sense of humor. "Sommers was a very witty man," he says,
"and fond of experimenting. We worked on a self-adjusting telegraph relay,
which would have been very valuable if we could have got it. I soon became
the possessor of a second-hand Ruhmkorff induction coil, which, although
it would only give a small spark, would twist the arms and clutch the
hands of a man so that he could not let go of the apparatus. One day we
went down to the round-house of the Cincinnati & Indianapolis Railroad
and connected up the long wash-tank in the room with the coil, one
electrode being connected to earth. Above this wash-room was a flat roof.
We bored a hole through the roof, and could see the men as they came in.
The first man as he entered dipped his hands in the water. The floor being
wet he formed a circuit, and up went his hands. He tried it the second
time, with the same result. He then stood against the wall with a puzzled
expression. We surmised that he was waiting for somebody else to come in,
which occurred shortly after—with the same result. Then they went
out, and the place was soon crowded, and there was considerable
excitement. Various theories were broached to explain the curious
phenomenon. We enjoyed the sport immensely." It must be remembered that
this was over forty years ago, when there was no popular instruction in
electricity, and when its possibilities for practical joking were known to
very few. To-day such a crowd of working-men would be sure to include at
least one student of a night school or correspondence course who would
explain the mystery offhand.
</p>
<p>
Note has been made of the presence of Ellsworth in the Cincinnati office,
and his service with the Confederate guerrilla Morgan, for whom he tapped
Federal wires, read military messages, sent false ones, and did serious
mischief generally. It is well known that one operator can recognize
another by the way in which he makes his signals—it is his style of
handwriting. Ellsworth possessed in a remarkable degree the skill of
imitating these peculiarities, and thus he deceived the Union operators
easily. Edison says that while apparently a quiet man in bearing,
Ellsworth, after the excitement of fighting, found the tameness of a
telegraph office obnoxious, and that he became a bad "gun man" in the
Panhandle of Texas, where he was killed. "We soon became acquainted," says
Edison of this period in Cincinnati, "and he wanted me to invent a secret
method of sending despatches so that an intermediate operator could not
tap the wire and understand it. He said that if it could be accomplished,
he could sell it to the Government for a large sum of money. This suited
me, and I started in and succeeded in making such an instrument, which had
in it the germ of my quadruplex now used throughout the world, permitting
the despatch of four messages over one wire simultaneously. By the time I
had succeeded in getting the apparatus to work, Ellsworth suddenly
disappeared. Many years afterward I used this little device again for the
same purpose. At Menlo Park, New Jersey, I had my laboratory. There were
several Western Union wires cut into the laboratory, and used by me in
experimenting at night. One day I sat near an instrument which I had left
connected during the night. I soon found it was a private wire between New
York and Philadelphia, and I heard among a lot of stuff a message that
surprised me. A week after that I had occasion to go to New York, and,
visiting the office of the lessee of the wire, I asked him if he hadn't
sent such and such a message. The expression that came over his face was a
sight. He asked me how I knew of any message. I told him the
circumstances, and suggested that he had better cipher such
communications, or put on a secret sounder. The result of the interview
was that I installed for him my old Cincinnati apparatus, which was used
thereafter for many years."
</p>
<p>
Edison did not make a very long stay in Cincinnati this time, but went
home after a while to Port Huron. Soon tiring of idleness and isolation he
sent "a cry from Macedonia" to his old friend "Milt" Adams, who was in
Boston, and whom he wished to rejoin if he could get work promptly in the
East.
</p>
<p>
Edison himself gives the details of this eventful move, when he went East
to grow up with the new art of electricity. "I had left Louisville the
second time, and went home to see my parents. After stopping at home for
some time, I got restless, and thought I would like to work in the East.
Knowing that a former operator named Adams, who had worked with me in the
Cincinnati office, was in Boston, I wrote him that I wanted a job there.
He wrote back that if I came on immediately he could get me in the Western
Union office. I had helped out the Grand Trunk Railroad telegraph people
by a new device when they lost one of the two submarine cables they had
across the river, making the remaining cable act just as well for their
purpose, as if they had two. I thought I was entitled to a pass, which
they conceded; and I started for Boston. After leaving Toronto a terrific
blizzard came up and the train got snowed under in a cut. After staying
there twenty-four hours, the trainmen made snowshoes of fence-rail splints
and started out to find food, which they did about a half mile away. They
found a roadside inn, and by means of snowshoes all the passengers were
taken to the inn. The train reached Montreal four days late. A number of
the passengers and myself went to the military headquarters to testify in
favor of a soldier who was on furlough, and was two days late, which was a
serious matter with military people, I learned. We willingly did this, for
this soldier was a great story-teller, and made the time pass quickly. I
met here a telegraph operator named Stanton, who took me to his
boarding-house, the most cheerless I have ever been in. Nobody got enough
to eat; the bedclothes were too short and too thin; it was 28 degrees
below zero, and the wash-water was frozen solid. The board was cheap,
being only $1.50 per week.
</p>
<p>
"Stanton said that the usual live-stock accompaniment of operators'
boarding-houses was absent; he thought the intense cold had caused them to
hibernate. Stanton, when I was working in Cincinnati, left his position
and went out on the Union Pacific to work at Julesburg, which was a cattle
town at that time and very tough. I remember seeing him off on the train,
never expecting to see him again. Six months afterward, while working
press wire in Cincinnati, about 2 A.M., there was flung into the middle of
the operating-room a large tin box. It made a report like a pistol, and we
all jumped up startled. In walked Stanton. 'Gentlemen,' he said 'I have
just returned from a pleasure trip to the land beyond the Mississippi. All
my wealth is contained in my metallic travelling case and you are welcome
to it.' The case contained one paper collar. He sat down, and I noticed
that he had a woollen comforter around his neck with his coat buttoned
closely. The night was intensely warm. He then opened his coat and
revealed the fact that he had nothing but the bare skin. 'Gentlemen,' said
he, 'you see before you an operator who has reached the limit of
impecuniosity.'" Not far from the limit of impecuniosity was Edison
himself, as he landed in Boston in 1868 after this wintry ordeal.
</p>
<p>
This chapter has run to undue length, but it must not close without one
citation from high authority as to the service of the military telegraph
corps so often referred to in it. General Grant in his Memoirs, describing
the movements of the Army of the Potomac, lays stress on the service of
his telegraph operators, and says: "Nothing could be more complete than
the organization and discipline of this body of brave and intelligent men.
Insulated wires were wound upon reels, two men and a mule detailed to each
reel. The pack-saddle was provided with a rack like a sawbuck, placed
crosswise, so that the wheel would revolve freely; there was a wagon
provided with a telegraph operator, battery, and instruments for each
division corps and army, and for my headquarters. Wagons were also loaded
with light poles supplied with an iron spike at each end to hold the wires
up. The moment troops were in position to go into camp, the men would put
up their wires. Thus in a few minutes' longer time than it took a mule to
walk the length of its coil, telegraphic communication would be effected
between all the headquarters of the army. No orders ever had to be given
to establish the telegraph."
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2HCH0006" id="link2HCH0006">
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</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CHAPTER VI
</h2>
<h3>
WORK AND INVENTION IN BOSTON
</h3>
<p>
MILTON ADAMS was working in the office of the Franklin Telegraph Company
in Boston when he received Edison's appeal from Port Huron, and with
characteristic impetuosity at once made it his business to secure a
position for his friend. There was no opening in the Franklin office, so
Adams went over to the Western Union office, and asked the manager, Mr.
George F. Milliken, if he did not want an operator who, like young
Lochinvar, came out of the West. "What kind of copy does he make?" was the
cautious response. "I passed Edison's letter through the window for his
inspection. Milliken read it, and a look of surprise came over his
countenance as he asked me if he could take it off the line like that. I
said he certainly could, and that there was nobody who could stick him.
Milliken said that if he was that kind of an operator I could send for
him, and I wrote to Edison to come on, as I had a job for him in the main
office of the Western Union." Meantime Edison had secured his pass over
the Grand Trunk Railroad, and spent four days and nights on the journey,
suffering extremes of cold and hunger. Franklin's arrival in Philadelphia
finds its parallel in the very modest debut of Adams's friend in Boston.
</p>
<p>
It took only five minutes for Edison to get the "job," for Superintendent
Milliken, a fine type of telegraph official, saw quickly through the
superficialities, and realized that it was no ordinary young operator he
was engaging. Edison himself tells the story of what happened. "The
manager asked me when I was ready to go to work. 'Now,' I replied I was
then told to return at 5.30 P.M., and punctually at that hour I entered
the main operating-room and was introduced to the night manager. The
weather being cold, and being clothed poorly, my peculiar appearance
caused much mirth, and, as I afterward learned, the night operators had
consulted together how they might 'put up a job on the jay from the woolly
West.' I was given a pen and assigned to the New York No. 1 wire. After
waiting an hour, I was told to come over to a special table and take a
special report for the Boston Herald, the conspirators having arranged to
have one of the fastest senders in New York send the despatch and 'salt'
the new man. I sat down unsuspiciously at the table, and the New York man
started slowly. Soon he increased his speed, to which I easily adapted my
pace. This put my rival on his mettle, and he put on his best powers,
which, however, were soon reached. At this point I happened to look up,
and saw the operators all looking over my shoulder, with their faces
shining with fun and excitement. I knew then that they were trying to put
up a job on me, but kept my own counsel. The New York man then commenced
to slur over his words, running them together and sticking the signals;
but I had been used to this style of telegraphy in taking report, and was
not in the least discomfited. Finally, when I thought the fun had gone far
enough, and having about completed the special, I quietly opened the key
and remarked, telegraphically, to my New York friend: 'Say, young man,
change off and send with your other foot.' This broke the New York man all
up, and he turned the job over to another man to finish."
</p>
<p>
Edison had a distaste for taking press report, due to the fact that it was
steady, continuous work, and interfered with the studies and
investigations that could be carried on in the intervals of ordinary
commercial telegraphy. He was not lazy in any sense. While he had no very
lively interest in the mere routine work of a telegraph office, he had the
profoundest curiosity as to the underlying principles of electricity that
made telegraphy possible, and he had an unflagging desire and belief in
his own ability to improve the apparatus he handled daily. The whole
intellectual atmosphere of Boston was favorable to the development of the
brooding genius in this shy, awkward, studious youth, utterly indifferent
to clothes and personal appearance, but ready to spend his last dollar on
books and scientific paraphernalia. It is matter of record that he did
once buy a new suit for thirty dollars in Boston, but the following
Sunday, while experimenting with acids in his little workshop, the suit
was spoiled. "That is what I get for putting so much money in a new suit,"
was the laconic remark of the youth, who was more than delighted to pick
up a complete set of Faraday's works about the same time. Adams says that
when Edison brought home these books at 4 A.M. he read steadily until
breakfast-time, and then he remarked, enthusiastically: "Adams, I have got
so much to do and life is so short, I am going to hustle." And thereupon
he started on a run for breakfast. Edison himself says: "It was in Boston
I bought Faraday's works. I think I must have tried about everything in
those books. His explanations were simple. He used no mathematics. He was
the Master Experimenter. I don't think there were many copies of Faraday's
works sold in those days. The only people who did anything in electricity
were the telegraphers and the opticians making simple school apparatus to
demonstrate the principles." One of these firms was Palmer & Hall,
whose catalogue of 1850 showed a miniature electric locomotive made by Mr.
Thomas Hall, and exhibited in operation the following year at the
Charitable Mechanics' Fair in Boston. In 1852 Mr. Hall made for a Dr. A.
L. Henderson, of Buffalo, New York, a model line of railroad with
electric-motor engine, telegraph line, and electric railroad signals,
together with a figure operating the signals at each end of the line
automatically. This was in reality the first example of railroad trains
moved by telegraph signals, a practice now so common and universal as to
attract no comment. To show how little some fundamental methods can change
in fifty years, it may be noted that Hall conveyed the current to his tiny
car through forty feet of rail, using the rail as conductor, just as
Edison did more than thirty years later in his historic experiments for
Villard at Menlo Park; and just as a large proportion of American trolley
systems do at this present moment.
</p>
<p>
It was among such practical, investigating folk as these that Edison was
very much at home. Another notable man of this stamp, with whom Edison was
thrown in contact, was the late Mr. Charles Williams, who, beginning his
career in the electrical field in the forties, was at the height of
activity as a maker of apparatus when Edison arrived in the city; and who
afterward, as an associate of Alexander Graham Bell, enjoyed the
distinction of being the first manufacturer in the world of telephones. At
his Court Street workshop Edison was a frequent visitor. Telegraph repairs
and experiments were going on constantly, especially on the early
fire-alarm telegraphs [1] of Farmer and Gamewell, and with the aid of one
of the men there—probably George Anders—Edison worked out into
an operative model his first invention, a vote-recorder, the first Edison
patent, for which papers were executed on October 11, 1868, and which was
taken out June 1, 1869, No. 90,646. The purpose of this particular device
was to permit a vote in the National House of Representatives to be taken
in a minute or so, complete lists being furnished of all members voting on
the two sides of any question Mr. Edison, in recalling the circumstances,
says: "Roberts was the telegraph operator who was the financial backer to
the extent of $100. The invention when completed was taken to Washington.
I think it was exhibited before a committee that had something to do with
the Capitol. The chairman of the committee, after seeing how quickly and
perfectly it worked, said: 'Young man, if there is any invention on earth
that we don't want down here, it is this. One of the greatest weapons in
the hands of a minority to prevent bad legislation is filibustering on
votes, and this instrument would prevent it.' I saw the truth of this,
because as press operator I had taken miles of Congressional proceedings,
and to this day an enormous amount of time is wasted during each session
of the House in foolishly calling the members' names and recording and
then adding their votes, when the whole operation could be done in almost
a moment by merely pressing a particular button at each desk. For
filibustering purposes, however, the present methods are most admirable."
Edison determined from that time forth to devote his inventive faculties
only to things for which there was a real, genuine demand, something that
subserved the actual necessities of humanity. This first patent was taken
out for him by the late Hon. Carroll D. Wright, afterward U. S.
Commissioner of Labor, and a well-known publicist, then practicing patent
law in Boston. He describes Edison as uncouth in manner, a chewer rather
than a smoker of tobacco, but full of intelligence and ideas.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 1: The general scheme of a fire-alarm telegraph
system embodies a central office to which notice can be sent
from any number of signal boxes of the outbreak of a fire in
the district covered by the box, the central office in turn
calling out the nearest fire engines, and warning the fire
department in general of the occurrence. Such fire alarms
can be exchanged automatically, or by operators, and are
sometimes associated with a large fire-alarm bell or
whistle. Some boxes can be operated by the passing public;
others need special keys. The box mechanism is usually of
the ratchet, step-by-step movement, familiar in district
messenger call-boxes.]
</pre>
<p>
Edison's curiously practical, though imaginative, mind demanded realities
to work upon, things that belong to "human nature's daily food," and he
soon harked back to telegraphy, a domain in which he was destined to
succeed, and over which he was to reign supreme as an inventor. He did
not, however, neglect chemistry, but indulged his tastes in that direction
freely, although we have no record that this work was anything more, at
that time, than the carrying out of experiments outlined in the books. The
foundations were being laid for the remarkable chemical knowledge that
later on grappled successfully with so many knotty problems in the realm
of chemistry; notably with the incandescent lamp and the storage battery.
Of one incident in his chemical experiments he tells the following story:
"I had read in a scientific paper the method of making nitroglycerine, and
was so fired by the wonderful properties it was said to possess, that I
determined to make some of the compound. We tested what we considered a
very small quantity, but this produced such terrible and unexpected
results that we became alarmed, the fact dawning upon us that we had a
very large white elephant in our possession. At 6 A.M. I put the explosive
into a sarsaparilla bottle, tied a string to it, wrapped it in a paper,
and gently let it down into the sewer, corner of State and Washington
Streets." The associate in this was a man whom he had found endeavoring to
make electrical apparatus for sleight-of-hand performances.
</p>
<p>
In the Boston telegraph office at that time, as perhaps at others, there
were operators studying to enter college; possibly some were already in
attendance at Harvard University. This condition was not unusual at one
time; the first electrical engineer graduated from Columbia University,
New York, followed up his studies while a night operator, and came out
brilliantly at the head of his class. Edison says of these scholars that
they paraded their knowledge rather freely, and that it was his delight to
go to the second-hand book stores on Cornhill and study up questions which
he could spring upon them when he got an occasion. With those engaged on
night duty he got midnight lunch from an old Irishman called "the Cake
Man," who appeared regularly with his wares at 12 midnight. "The office
was on the ground floor, and had been a restaurant previous to its
occupation by the Western Union Telegraph Company. It was literally loaded
with cockroaches, which lived between the wall and the board running
around the room at the floor, and which came after the lunch. These were
such a bother on my table that I pasted two strips of tinfoil on the wall
at my desk, connecting one piece to the positive pole of the big battery
supplying current to the wires and the negative pole to the other strip.
The cockroaches moving up on the wall would pass over the strips. The
moment they got their legs across both strips there was a flash of light
and the cockroaches went into gas. This automatic electrocuting device
attracted so much attention, and got half a column in an evening paper,
that the manager made me stop it." The reader will remember that a similar
plan of campaign against rats was carried out by Edison while in the West.
</p>
<p>
About this time Edison had a narrow escape from injury that might easily
have shortened his career, and he seems to have provoked the trouble more
or less innocently by using a little elementary chemistry. "After being in
Boston several months," he says, "working New York wire No. 1, I was
requested to work the press wire, called the 'milk route,' as there were
so many towns on it taking press simultaneously. New York office had
reported great delays on the wire, due to operators constantly
interrupting, or 'breaking,' as it was called, to have words repeated
which they had failed to get; and New York claimed that Boston was one of
the worst offenders. It was a rather hard position for me, for if I took
the report without breaking, it would prove the previous Boston operator
incompetent. The results made the operator have some hard feelings against
me. He was put back on the wire, and did much better after that. It seems
that the office boy was down on this man. One night he asked me if I could
tell him how to fix a key so that it would not 'break,' even if the
circuit-breaker was open, and also so that it could not be easily
detected. I told him to jab a penful of ink on the platinum points, as
there was sugar enough to make it sufficiently thick to hold up when the
operator tried to break—the current still going through the ink so
that he could not break.
</p>
<p>
"The next night about 1 A.M. this operator, on the press wire, while I was
standing near a House printer studying it, pulled out a glass insulator,
then used upside down as a substitute for an ink-bottle, and threw it with
great violence at me, just missing my head. It would certainly have killed
me if it had not missed. The cause of the trouble was that this operator
was doing the best he could not to break, but being compelled to, opened
his key and found he couldn't. The press matter came right along, and he
could not stop it. The office boy had put the ink in a few minutes before,
when the operator had turned his head during a lull. He blamed me
instinctively as the cause of the trouble. Later on we became good
friends. He took his meals at the same emaciator that I did. His main
object in life seemed to be acquiring the art of throwing up wash-pitchers
and catching them without breaking them. About one-third of his salary was
used up in paying for pitchers."
</p>
<p>
One day a request reached the Western Union Telegraph office in Boston,
from the principal of a select school for young ladies, to the effect that
she would like some one to be sent up to the school to exhibit and
describe the Morse telegraph to her "children." There has always been a
warm interest in Boston in the life and work of Morse, who was born there,
at Charlestown, barely a mile from the birthplace of Franklin, and this
request for a little lecture on Morse's telegraph was quite natural.
Edison, who was always ready to earn some extra money for his experiments,
and was already known as the best-informed operator in the office,
accepted the invitation. What happened is described by Adams as follows:
"We gathered up a couple of sounders, a battery, and sonic wire, and at
the appointed time called on her to do the stunt. Her school-room was
about twenty by twenty feet, not including a small platform. We rigged up
the line between the two ends of the room, Edison taking the stage while I
was at the other end of the room. All being in readiness, the principal
was told to bring in her children. The door opened and in came about
twenty young ladies elegantly gowned, not one of whom was under seventeen.
When Edison saw them I thought he would faint. He called me on the line
and asked me to come to the stage and explain the mysteries of the Morse
system. I replied that I thought he was in the right place, and told him
to get busy with his talk on dots and dashes. Always modest, Edison was so
overcome he could hardly speak, but he managed to say, finally, that as
his friend Mr. Adams was better equipped with cheek than he was, we would
change places, and he would do the demonstrating while I explained the
whole thing. This caused the bevy to turn to see where the lecturer was. I
went on the stage, said something, and we did some telegraphing over the
line. I guess it was satisfactory; we got the money, which was the main
point to us." Edison tells the story in a similar manner, but insists that
it was he who saved the situation. "I managed to say that I would work the
apparatus, and Mr. Adams would make the explanations. Adams was so
embarrassed that he fell over an ottoman. The girls tittered, and this
increased his embarrassment until he couldn't say a word. The situation
was so desperate that for a reason I never could explain I started in
myself and talked and explained better than I ever did before or since. I
can talk to two or three persons; but when there are more they radiate
some unknown form of influence which paralyzes my vocal cords. However, I
got out of this scrape, and many times afterward when I chanced with other
operators to meet some of the young ladies on their way home from school,
they would smile and nod, much to the mystification of the operators, who
were ignorant of this episode."
</p>
<p>
Another amusing story of this period of impecuniosity and financial strain
is told thus by Edison: "My friend Adams was working in the Franklin
Telegraph Company, which competed with the Western Union. Adams was laid
off, and as his financial resources had reached absolute zero centigrade,
I undertook to let him sleep in my hall bedroom. I generally had hall
bedrooms, because they were cheap and I needed money to buy apparatus. I
also had the pleasure of his genial company at the boarding-house about a
mile distant, but at the sacrifice of some apparatus. One morning, as we
were hastening to breakfast, we came into Tremont Row, and saw a large
crowd in front of two small 'gents' furnishing goods stores. We stopped to
ascertain the cause of the excitement. One store put up a paper sign in
the display window which said: 'Three-hundred pairs of stockings received
this day, five cents a pair—no connection with the store next door.'
Presently the other store put up a sign stating they had received three
hundred pairs, price three cents per pair, and stated that they had no
connection with the store next door. Nobody went in. The crowd kept
increasing. Finally, when the price had reached three pairs for one cent,
Adams said to me: 'I can't stand this any longer; give me a cent.' I gave
him a nickel, and he elbowed his way in; and throwing the money on the
counter, the store being filled with women clerks, he said: 'Give me three
pairs.' The crowd was breathless, and the girl took down a box and drew
out three pairs of baby socks. 'Oh!' said Adams, 'I want men's size.'
'Well, sir, we do not permit one to pick sizes for that amount of money.'
And the crowd roared; and this broke up the sales."
</p>
<p>
It has generally been supposed that Edison did not take up work on the
stock ticker until after his arrival a little later in New York; but he
says: "After the vote-recorder I invented a stock ticker, and started a
ticker service in Boston; had thirty or forty subscribers, and operated
from a room over the Gold Exchange. This was about a year after Callahan
started in New York." To say the least, this evidenced great ability and
enterprise on the part of the youth. The dealings in gold during the Civil
War and after its close had brought gold indicators into use, and these
had soon been followed by "stock tickers," the first of which was
introduced in New York in 1867. The success of this new but still
primitively crude class of apparatus was immediate. Four manufacturers
were soon busy trying to keep pace with the demands for it from brokers;
and the Gold & Stock Telegraph Company formed to exploit the system
soon increased its capital from $200,000 to $300,000, paying 12 per cent.
dividends on the latter amount. Within its first year the capital was
again increased to $1,000,000, and dividends of 10 per cent. were paid
easily on that sum also. It is needless to say that such facts became
quickly known among the operators, from whose ranks, of course, the new
employees were enlisted; and it was a common ambition among the more
ingenious to produce a new ticker. From the beginning, each phase of
electrical development—indeed, each step in mechanics—has been
accompanied by the well-known phenomenon of invention; namely, the attempt
of the many to perfect and refine and even re-invent where one or two
daring spirits have led the way. The figures of capitalization and profit
just mentioned were relatively much larger in the sixties than they are
to-day; and to impressionable young operators they spelled illimitable
wealth. Edison was, how ever, about the only one in Boston of whom history
makes record as achieving any tangible result in this new art; and he soon
longed for the larger telegraphic opportunity of New York. His friend,
Milt Adams, went West with quenchless zest for that kind of roving life
and aimless adventure of which the serious minded Edison had already had
more than enough. Realizing that to New York he must look for further
support in his efforts, Edison, deep in debt for his embryonic inventions,
but with high hope and courage, now made the next momentous step in his
career. He was far riper in experience and practice of his art than any
other telegrapher of his age, and had acquired, moreover, no little
knowledge of the practical business of life. Note has been made above of
his invention of a stock ticker in Boston, and of his establishing a
stock-quotation circuit. This was by no means all, and as a fitting close
to this chapter he may be quoted as to some other work and its perils in
experimentation: "I also engaged in putting up private lines, upon which I
used an alphabetical dial instrument for telegraphing between business
establishments, a forerunner of modern telephony. This instrument was very
simple and practical, and any one could work it after a few minutes'
explanation. I had these instruments made at Mr. Hamblet's, who had a
little shop where he was engaged in experimenting with electric clocks.
Mr. Hamblet was the father and introducer in after years of the Western
Union Telegraph system of time distribution. My laboratory was the
headquarters for the men, and also of tools and supplies for those private
lines. They were put up cheaply, as I used the roofs of houses, just as
the Western Union did. It never occurred to me to ask permission from the
owners; all we did was to go to the store, etc., say we were telegraph
men, and wanted to go up to the wires on the roof; and permission was
always granted.
</p>
<p>
"In this laboratory I had a large induction coil which I had borrowed to
make some experiments with. One day I got hold of both electrodes of the
coil, and it clinched my hand on them so that I couldn't let go. The
battery was on a shelf. The only way I could get free was to back off and
pull the coil, so that the battery wires would pull the cells off the
shelf and thus break the circuit. I shut my eyes and pulled, but the
nitric acid splashed all over my face and ran down my back. I rushed to a
sink, which was only half big enough, and got in as well as I could and
wiggled around for several minutes to permit the water to dilute the acid
and stop the pain. My face and back were streaked with yellow; the skin
was thoroughly oxidized. I did not go on the street by daylight for two
weeks, as the appearance of my face was dreadful. The skin, however,
peeled off, and new skin replaced it without any damage."
</p>
<p>
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<h2>
CHAPTER VII
</h2>
<h3>
THE STOCK TICKER
</h3>
<p>
"THE letters and figures used in the language of the tape," said a
well-known Boston stock speculator, "are very few, but they spell ruin in
ninety-nine million ways." It is not to be inferred, however, that the
modern stock ticker has anything to do with the making or losing of
fortunes. There were regular daily stock-market reports in London
newspapers in 1825, and New York soon followed the example. As far back as
1692, Houghton issued in London a weekly review of financial and
commercial transactions, upon which Macaulay based the lively narrative of
stock speculation in the seventeenth century, given in his famous history.
That which the ubiquitous stock ticker has done is to give instantaneity
to the news of what the stock market is doing, so that at every minute,
thousands of miles apart, brokers, investors, and gamblers may learn the
exact conditions. The existence of such facilities is to be admired rather
than deplored. News is vital to Wall Street, and there is no living man on
whom the doings in Wall Street are without effect. The financial history
of the United States and of the world, as shown by the prices of
government bonds and general securities, has been told daily for forty
years on these narrow strips of paper tape, of which thousands of miles
are run yearly through the "tickers" of New York alone. It is true that
the record of the chattering little machine, made in cabalistic
abbreviations on the tape, can drive a man suddenly to the very verge of
insanity with joy or despair; but if there be blame for that, it attaches
to the American spirit of speculation and not to the ingenious mechanism
which reads and registers the beating of the financial pulse.
</p>
<p>
Edison came first to New York in 1868, with his early stock printer, which
he tried unsuccessfully to sell. He went back to Boston, and quite
undismayed got up a duplex telegraph. "Toward the end of my stay in
Boston," he says, "I obtained a loan of money, amounting to $800, to build
a peculiar kind of duplex telegraph for sending two messages over a single
wire simultaneously. The apparatus was built, and I left the Western Union
employ and went to Rochester, New York, to test the apparatus on the lines
of the Atlantic & Pacific Telegraph between that city and New York.
But the assistant at the other end could not be made to understand
anything, notwithstanding I had written out a very minute description of
just what to do. After trying for a week I gave it up and returned to New
York with but a few cents in my pocket." Thus he who has never speculated
in a stock in his life was destined to make the beginnings of his own
fortune by providing for others the apparatus that should bring to the
eye, all over a great city, the momentary fluctuations of stocks and
bonds. No one could have been in direr poverty than he when the steamboat
landed him in New York in 1869. He was in debt, and his few belongings in
books and instruments had to be left behind. He was not far from starving.
Mr. W. S. Mallory, an associate of many years, quotes directly from him on
this point: "Some years ago we had a business negotiation in New York
which made it necessary for Mr. Edison and me to visit the city five or
six times within a comparatively short period. It was our custom to leave
Orange about 11 A.M., and on arrival in New York to get our lunch before
keeping the appointments, which were usually made for two o'clock. Several
of these lunches were had at Delmonico's, Sherry's, and other places of
similar character, but one day, while en route, Mr. Edison said: 'I have
been to lunch with you several times; now to-day I am going to take you to
lunch with me, and give you the finest lunch you ever had.' When we
arrived in Hoboken, we took the downtown ferry across the Hudson, and when
we arrived on the Manhattan side Mr. Edison led the way to Smith &
McNell's, opposite Washington Market, and well known to old New Yorkers.
We went inside and as soon as the waiter appeared Mr. Edison ordered apple
dumplings and a cup of coffee for himself. He consumed his share of the
lunch with the greatest possible pleasure. Then, as soon as he had
finished, he went to the cigar counter and purchased cigars. As we walked
to keep the appointment he gave me the following reminiscence: When he
left Boston and decided to come to New York he had only money enough for
the trip. After leaving the boat his first thought was of breakfast; but
he was without money to obtain it. However, in passing a wholesale
tea-house he saw a man tasting tea, so he went in and asked the 'taster'
if he might have some of the tea. This the man gave him, and thus he
obtained his first breakfast in New York. He knew a telegraph operator
here, and on him he depended for a loan to tide him over until such time
as he should secure a position. During the day he succeeded in locating
this operator, but found that he also was out of a job, and that the best
he could do was to loan him one dollar, which he did. This small sum of
money represented both food and lodging until such time as work could be
obtained. Edison said that as the result of the time consumed and the
exercise in walking while he found his friend, he was extremely hungry,
and that he gave most serious consideration as to what he should buy in
the way of food, and what particular kind of food would be most satisfying
and filling. The result was that at Smith & McNell's he decided on
apple dumplings and a cup of coffee, than which he never ate anything more
appetizing. It was not long before he was at work and was able to live in
a normal manner."
</p>
<p>
During the Civil War, with its enormous increase in the national debt and
the volume of paper money, gold had gone to a high premium; and, as ever,
by its fluctuations in price the value of all other commodities was
determined. This led to the creation of a "Gold Room" in Wall Street,
where the precious metal could be dealt in; while for dealings in stocks
there also existed the "Regular Board," the "Open Board," and the "Long
Room." Devoted to one, but the leading object of speculation, the "Gold
Room" was the very focus of all the financial and gambling activity of the
time, and its quotations governed trade and commerce. At first notations
in chalk on a blackboard sufficed, but seeing their inadequacy, Dr. S. S.
Laws, vice-president and actual presiding officer of the Gold Exchange,
devised and introduced what was popularly known as the "gold indicator."
This exhibited merely the prevailing price of gold; but as its quotations
changed from instant to instant, it was in a most literal sense "the
cynosure of neighboring eyes." One indicator looked upon the Gold Room;
the other opened toward the street. Within the exchange the face could
easily be seen high up on the west wall of the room, and the machine was
operated by Mr. Mersereau, the official registrar of the Gold Board.
</p>
<p>
Doctor Laws, who afterward became President of the State University of
Missouri, was an inventor of unusual ability and attainments. In his early
youth he had earned his livelihood in a tool factory; and, apparently with
his savings, he went to Princeton, where he studied electricity under no
less a teacher than the famous Joseph Henry. At the outbreak of the war in
1861 he was president of one of the Presbyterian synodical colleges in the
South, whose buildings passed into the hands of the Government. Going to
Europe, he returned to New York in 1863, and, becoming interested with a
relative in financial matters, his connection with the Gold Exchange soon
followed, when it was organized. The indicating mechanism he now devised
was electrical, controlled at central by two circuit-closing keys, and was
a prototype of all the later and modern step-by-step printing telegraphs,
upon which the distribution of financial news depends. The "fraction" drum
of the indicator could be driven in either direction, known as the advance
and retrograde movements, and was divided and marked in eighths. It geared
into a "unit" drum, just as do speed-indicators and cyclometers. Four
electrical pulsations were required to move the drum the distance between
the fractions. The general operation was simple, and in normally active
times the mechanism and the registrar were equal to all emergencies. But
it is obvious that the record had to be carried away to the brokers'
offices and other places by messengers; and the delay, confusion, and
mistakes soon suggested to Doctor Laws the desirability of having a number
of indicators at such scattered points, operated by a master transmitter,
and dispensing with the regiments of noisy boys. He secured this privilege
of distribution, and, resigning from the exchange, devoted his exclusive
attention to the "Gold Reporting Telegraph," which he patented, and for
which, at the end of 1866, he had secured fifty subscribers. His
indicators were small oblong boxes, in the front of which was a long slot,
allowing the dials as they travelled past, inside, to show the numerals
constituting the quotation; the dials or wheels being arranged in a row
horizontally, overlapping each other, as in modern fare registers which
are now seen on most trolley cars. It was not long before there were three
hundred subscribers; but the very success of this device brought
competition and improvement. Mr. E. A. Callahan, an ingenious
printing-telegraph operator, saw that there were unexhausted possibilities
in the idea, and his foresight and inventiveness made him the father of
the "ticker," in connection with which he was thus, like Laws, one of the
first to grasp and exploit the underlying principle of the "central
station" as a universal source of supply. The genesis of his invention Mr.
Callahan has told in an interesting way: "In 1867, on the site of the
present Mills Building on Broad Street, opposite the Stock Exchange of
today, was an old building which had been cut up to subserve the
necessities of its occupants, all engaged in dealing in gold and stocks.
It had one main entrance from the street to a hallway, from which entrance
to the offices of two prominent broker firms was obtained. Each firm had
its own army of boys, numbering from twelve to fifteen, whose duties were
to ascertain the latest quotations from the different exchanges. Each boy
devoted his attention to some particularly active stock. Pushing each
other to get into these narrow quarters, yelling out the prices at the
door, and pushing back for later ones, the hustle made this doorway to me
a most undesirable refuge from an April shower. I was simply whirled into
the street. I naturally thought that much of this noise and confusion
might be dispensed with, and that the prices might be furnished through
some system of telegraphy which would not require the employment of
skilled operators. The conception of the stock ticker dates from this
incident."
</p>
<p>
Mr. Callahan's first idea was to distribute gold quotations, and to this
end he devised an "indicator." It consisted of two dials mounted
separately, each revolved by an electromagnet, so that the desired figures
were brought to an aperture in the case enclosing the apparatus, as in the
Laws system. Each shaft with its dial was provided with two ratchet
wheels, one the reverse of the other. One was used in connection with the
propelling lever, which was provided with a pawl to fit into the teeth of
the reversed ratchet wheel on its forward movement. It was thus made
impossible for either dial to go by momentum beyond its limit. Learning
that Doctor Laws, with the skilful aid of F. L. Pope, was already active
in the same direction, Mr. Callahan, with ready wit, transformed his
indicator into a "ticker" that would make a printed record. The name of
the "ticker" came through the casual remark of an observer to whom the
noise was the most striking feature of the mechanism. Mr. Callahan removed
the two dials, and, substituting type wheels, turned the movements face to
face, so that each type wheel could imprint its characters upon a paper
tape in two lines. Three wires stranded together ran from the central
office to each instrument. Of these one furnished the current for the
alphabet wheel, one for the figure wheel, and one for the mechanism that
took care of the inking and printing on the tape. Callahan made the
further innovation of insulating his circuit wires, although the cost was
then forty times as great as that of bare wire. It will be understood that
electromagnets were the ticker's actuating agency. The ticker apparatus
was placed under a neat glass shade and mounted on a shelf. Twenty-five
instruments were energized from one circuit, and the quotations were
supplied from a "central" at 18 New Street. The Gold & Stock Telegraph
Company was promptly organized to supply to brokers the system, which was
very rapidly adopted throughout the financial district of New York, at the
southern tip of Manhattan Island. Quotations were transmitted by the Morse
telegraph from the floor of the Stock Exchange to the "central," and
thence distributed to the subscribers. Success with the "stock" news
system was instantaneous.
</p>
<p>
It was at this juncture that Edison reached New York, and according to his
own statement found shelter at night in the battery-room of the Gold
Indicator Company, having meantime applied for a position as operator with
the Western Union. He had to wait a few days, and during this time he
seized the opportunity to study the indicators and the complicated general
transmitter in the office, controlled from the keyboard of the operator on
the floor of the Gold Exchange. What happened next has been the basis of
many inaccurate stories, but is dramatic enough as told in Mr. Edison's
own version: "On the third day of my arrival and while sitting in the
office, the complicated general instrument for sending on all the lines,
and which made a very great noise, suddenly came to a stop with a crash.
Within two minutes over three hundred boys—a boy from every broker
in the street—rushed up-stairs and crowded the long aisle and
office, that hardly had room for one hundred, all yelling that such and
such a broker's wire was out of order and to fix it at once. It was
pandemonium, and the man in charge became so excited that he lost control
of all the knowledge he ever had. I went to the indicator, and, having
studied it thoroughly, knew where the trouble ought to be, and found it.
One of the innumerable contact springs had broken off and had fallen down
between the two gear wheels and stopped the instrument; but it was not
very noticeable. As I went out to tell the man in charge what the matter
was, Doctor Laws appeared on the scene, the most excited person I had
seen. He demanded of the man the cause of the trouble, but the man was
speechless. I ventured to say that I knew what the trouble was, and he
said, 'Fix it! Fix it! Be quick!' I removed the spring and set the contact
wheels at zero; and the line, battery, and inspecting men all scattered
through the financial district to set the instruments. In about two hours
things were working again. Doctor Laws came in to ask my name and what I
was doing. I told him, and he asked me to come to his private office the
following day. His office was filled with stacks of books all relating to
metaphysics and kindred matters. He asked me a great many questions about
the instruments and his system, and I showed him how he could simplify
things generally. He then requested that I should call next day. On
arrival, he stated at once that he had decided to put me in charge of the
whole plant, and that my salary would be $300 per month! This was such a
violent jump from anything I had ever seen before, that it rather
paralyzed me for a while, I thought it was too much to be lasting, but I
determined to try and live up to that salary if twenty hours a day of hard
work would do it. I kept this position, made many improvements, devised
several stock tickers, until the Gold & Stock Telegraph Company
consolidated with the Gold Indicator Company." Certainly few changes in
fortune have been more sudden and dramatic in any notable career than this
which thus placed an ill-clad, unkempt, half-starved, eager lad in a
position of such responsibility in days when the fluctuations in the price
of gold at every instant meant fortune or ruin to thousands.
</p>
<p>
Edison, barely twenty-one years old, was a keen observer of the stirring
events around him. "Wall Street" is at any time an interesting study, but
it was never at a more agitated and sensational period of its history than
at this time. Edison's arrival in New York coincided with an active
speculation in gold which may, indeed, be said to have provided him with
occupation; and was soon followed by the attempt of Mr. Jay Gould and his
associates to corner the gold market, precipitating the panic of Black
Friday, September 24, 1869. Securing its import duties in the precious
metal and thus assisting to create an artificial stringency in the gold
market, the Government had made it a practice to relieve the situation by
selling a million of gold each month. The metal was thus restored to
circulation. In some manner, President Grant was persuaded that general
conditions and the movement of the crops would be helped if the sale of
gold were suspended for a time; and, this put into effect, he went to
visit an old friend in Pennsylvania remote from railroads and telegraphs.
The Gould pool had acquired control of $10,000,000 in gold, and drove the
price upward rapidly from 144 toward their goal of 200. On Black Friday
they purchased another $28,000,000 at 160, and still the price went up.
The financial and commercial interests of the country were in panic; but
the pool persevered in its effort to corner gold, with a profit of many
millions contingent on success. Yielding to frantic requests, President
Grant, who returned to Washington, caused Secretary Boutwell, of the
Treasury, to throw $4,000,000 of gold into the market. Relief was
instantaneous, the corner was broken, but the harm had been done. Edison's
remarks shed a vivid side-light on this extraordinary episode: "On Black
Friday," he says, "we had a very exciting time with the indicators. The
Gould and Fisk crowd had cornered gold, and had run the quotations up
faster than the indicator could follow. The indicator was composed of
several wheels; on the circumference of each wheel were the numerals; and
one wheel had fractions. It worked in the same way as an ordinary counter;
one wheel made ten revolutions, and at the tenth it advanced the adjacent
wheel; and this in its turn having gone ten revolutions, advanced the next
wheel, and so on. On the morning of Black Friday the indicator was quoting
150 premium, whereas the bids by Gould's agents in the Gold Room were 165
for five millions or any part. We had a paper-weight at the transmitter
(to speed it up), and by one o'clock reached the right quotation. The
excitement was prodigious. New Street, as well as Broad Street, was jammed
with excited people. I sat on the top of the Western Union telegraph booth
to watch the surging, crazy crowd. One man came to the booth, grabbed a
pencil, and attempted to write a message to Boston. The first stroke went
clear off the blank; he was so excited that he had the operator write the
message for him. Amid great excitement Speyer, the banker, went crazy and
it took five men to hold him; and everybody lost their head. The Western
Union operator came to me and said: 'Shake, Edison, we are O. K. We
haven't got a cent.' I felt very happy because we were poor. These
occasions are very enjoyable to a poor man; but they occur rarely."
</p>
<p>
There is a calm sense of detachment about this description that has been
possessed by the narrator even in the most anxious moments of his career.
He was determined to see all that could be seen, and, quitting his perch
on the telegraph booth, sought the more secluded headquarters of the pool
forces. "A friend of mine was an operator who worked in the office of
Belden & Company, 60 Broadway, which were headquarters for Fisk. Mr.
Gould was up-town in the Erie offices in the Grand Opera House. The firm
on Broad Street, Smith, Gould & Martin, was the other branch. All were
connected with wires. Gould seemed to be in charge, Fisk being the
executive down-town. Fisk wore a velvet corduroy coat and a very peculiar
vest. He was very chipper, and seemed to be light-hearted and happy.
Sitting around the room were about a dozen fine-looking men. All had the
complexion of cadavers. There was a basket of champagne. Hundreds of boys
were rushing in paying checks, all checks being payable to Belden &
Company. When James Brown, of Brown Brothers & Company, broke the
corner by selling five million gold, all payments were repudiated by
Smith, Gould & Martin; but they continued to receive checks at Belden
& Company's for some time, until the Street got wind of the game.
There was some kind of conspiracy with the Government people which I could
not make out, but I heard messages that opened my eyes as to the
ramifications of Wall Street. Gold fell to 132, and it took us all night
to get the indicator back to that quotation. All night long the streets
were full of people. Every broker's office was brilliantly lighted all
night, and all hands were at work. The clearing-house for gold had been
swamped, and all was mixed up. No one knew if he was bankrupt or not."
</p>
<p>
Edison in those days rather liked the modest coffee-shops, and mentions
visiting one. "When on the New York No. 1 wire, that I worked in Boston,
there was an operator named Jerry Borst at the other end. He was a
first-class receiver and rapid sender. We made up a scheme to hold this
wire, so he changed one letter of the alphabet and I soon got used to it;
and finally we changed three letters. If any operator tried to receive
from Borst, he couldn't do it, so Borst and I always worked together.
Borst did less talking than any operator I ever knew. Never having seen
him, I went while in New York to call upon him. I did all the talking. He
would listen, stroke his beard, and say nothing. In the evening I went
over to an all-night lunch-house in Printing House Square in a basement—Oliver's.
Night editors, including Horace Greeley, and Henry Raymond, of the New
York Times, took their midnight lunch there. When I went with Borst and
another operator, they pointed out two or three men who were then
celebrated in the newspaper world. The night was intensely hot and close.
After getting our lunch and upon reaching the sidewalk, Borst opened his
mouth, and said: 'That's a great place; a plate of cakes, a cup of coffee,
and a Russian bath, for ten cents.' This was about fifty per cent. of his
conversation for two days."
</p>
<p>
The work of Edison on the gold-indicator had thrown him into close
relationship with Mr. Franklin L. Pope, the young telegraph engineer then
associated with Doctor Laws, and afterward a distinguished expert and
technical writer, who became President of the American Institute of
Electrical Engineers in 1886. Each recognized the special ability of the
other, and barely a week after the famous events of Black Friday the
announcement of their partnership appeared in the Telegrapher of October
1, 1869. This was the first "professional card," if it may be so
described, ever issued in America by a firm of electrical engineers, and
is here reproduced. It is probable that the advertisement, one of the
largest in the Telegrapher, and appearing frequently, was not paid for at
full rates, as the publisher, Mr. J. N. Ashley, became a partner in the
firm, and not altogether a "sleeping one" when it came to a division of
profits, which at times were considerable. In order to be nearer his new
friend Edison boarded with Pope at Elizabeth, New Jersey, for some time,
living "the strenuous life" in the performance of his duties. Associated
with Pope and Ashley, he followed up his work on telegraph printers with
marked success. "While with them I devised a printer to print gold
quotations instead of indicating them. The lines were started, and the
whole was sold out to the Gold & Stock Telegraph Company. My
experimenting was all done in the small shop of a Doctor Bradley, located
near the station of the Pennsylvania Railroad in Jersey City. Every night
I left for Elizabeth on the 1 A.M. train, then walked half a mile to Mr.
Pope's house and up at 6 A.M. for breakfast to catch the 7 A.M. train.
This continued all winter, and many were the occasions when I was nearly
frozen in the Elizabeth walk." This Doctor Bradley appears to have been
the first in this country to make electrical measurements of precision
with the galvanometer, but was an old-school experimenter who would work
for years on an instrument without commercial value. He was also extremely
irascible, and when on one occasion the connecting wire would not come out
of one of the binding posts of a new and costly galvanometer, he jerked
the instrument to the floor and then jumped on it. He must have been,
however, a man of originality, as evidenced by his attempt to age whiskey
by electricity, an attempt that has often since been made. "The hobby he
had at the time I was there," says Edison, "was the aging of raw whiskey
by passing strong electric currents through it. He had arranged twenty
jars with platinum electrodes held in place by hard rubber. When all was
ready, he filled the cells with whiskey, connected the battery, locked the
door of the small room in which they were placed, and gave positive orders
that no one should enter. He then disappeared for three days. On the
second day we noticed a terrible smell in the shop, as if from some dead
animal. The next day the doctor arrived and, noticing the smell, asked
what was dead. We all thought something had got into his whiskey-room and
died. He opened it and was nearly overcome. The hard rubber he used was,
of course, full of sulphur, and this being attacked by the nascent
hydrogen, had produced sulphuretted hydrogen gas in torrents, displacing
all of the air in the room. Sulphuretted hydrogen is, as is well known,
the gas given off by rotten eggs."
</p>
<p>
Another glimpse of this period of development is afforded by an
interesting article on the stock-reporting telegraph in the Electrical
World of March 4, 1899, by Mr. Ralph W. Pope, the well-known Secretary of
the American Institute of Electrical Engineers, who had as a youth an
active and intimate connection with that branch of electrical industry. In
the course of his article he mentions the curious fact that Doctor Laws at
first, in receiving quotations from the Exchanges, was so distrustful of
the Morse system that he installed long lines of speaking-tube as a more
satisfactory and safe device than a telegraph wire. As to the relations of
that time Mr. Pope remarks: "The rivalry between the two concerns resulted
in consolidation, Doctor Laws's enterprise being absorbed by the Gold
& Stock Telegraph Company, while the Laws stock printer was relegated
to the scrap-heap and the museum. Competition in the field did not,
however, cease. Messrs. Pope and Edison invented a one-wire printer, and
started a system of 'gold printers' devoted to the recording of gold
quotations and sterling exchange only. It was intended more especially for
importers and exchange brokers, and was furnished at a lower price than
the indicator service.... The building and equipment of private telegraph
lines was also entered upon. This business was also subsequently absorbed
by the Gold & Stock Telegraph Company, which was probably at this time
at the height of its prosperity. The financial organization of the company
was peculiar and worthy of attention. Each subscriber for a machine paid
in $100 for the privilege of securing an instrument. For the service he
paid $25 weekly. In case he retired or failed, he could transfer his
'right,' and employees were constantly on the alert for purchasable
rights, which could be disposed of at a profit. It was occasionally worth
the profit to convince a man that he did not actually own the machine
which had been placed in his office.... The Western Union Telegraph
Company secured a majority of its stock, and Gen. Marshall Lefferts was
elected president. A private-line department was established, and the
business taken over from Pope, Edison, and Ashley was rapidly enlarged."
</p>
<p>
At this juncture General Lefferts, as President of the Gold & Stock
Telegraph Company, requested Edison to go to work on improving the stock
ticker, furnishing the money; and the well-known "Universal" ticker, in
wide-spread use in its day, was one result. Mr. Edison gives a graphic
picture of the startling effect on his fortunes: "I made a great many
inventions; one was the special ticker used for many years outside of New
York in the large cities. This was made exceedingly simple, as they did
not have the experts we had in New York to handle anything complicated.
The same ticker was used on the London Stock Exchange. After I had made a
great number of inventions and obtained patents, the General seemed
anxious that the matter should be closed up. One day I exhibited and
worked a successful device whereby if a ticker should get out of unison in
a broker's office and commence to print wild figures, it could be brought
to unison from the central station, which saved the labor of many men and
much trouble to the broker. He called me into his office, and said: 'Now,
young man, I want to close up the matter of your inventions. How much do
you think you should receive?' I had made up my mind that, taking into
consideration the time and killing pace I was working at, I should be
entitled to $5000, but could get along with $3000. When the psychological
moment arrived, I hadn't the nerve to name such a large sum, so I said:
'Well, General, suppose you make me an offer.' Then he said: 'How would
$40,000 strike you?' This caused me to come as near fainting as I ever
got. I was afraid he would hear my heart beat. I managed to say that I
thought it was fair. 'All right, I will have a contract drawn; come around
in three days and sign it, and I will give you the money.' I arrived on
time, but had been doing some considerable thinking on the subject. The
sum seemed to be very large for the amount of work, for at that time I
determined the value by the time and trouble, and not by what the
invention was worth to others. I thought there was something unreal about
it. However, the contract was handed to me. I signed without reading it."
Edison was then handed the first check he had ever received, one for
$40,000 drawn on the Bank of New York, at the corner of William and Wall
Streets. On going to the bank and passing in the check at the wicket of
the paying teller, some brief remarks were made to him, which in his
deafness he did not understand. The check was handed back to him, and
Edison, fancying for a moment that in some way he had been cheated, went
outside "to the large steps to let the cold sweat evaporate." He then went
back to the General, who, with his secretary, had a good laugh over the
matter, told him the check must be endorsed, and sent with him a young man
to identify him. The ceremony of identification performed with the paying
teller, who was quite merry over the incident, Edison was given the amount
in bundles of small bills "until there certainly seemed to be one cubic
foot." Unaware that he was the victim of a practical joke, Edison
proceeded gravely to stow away the money in his overcoat pockets and all
his other pockets. He then went to Newark and sat up all night with the
money for fear it might be stolen. Once more he sought help next morning,
when the General laughed heartily, and, telling the clerk that the joke
must not be carried any further, enabled him to deposit the currency in
the bank and open an account.
</p>
<p>
Thus in an inconceivably brief time had Edison passed from poverty to
independence; made a deep impression as to his originality and ability on
important people, and brought out valuable inventions; lifting himself at
one bound out of the ruck of mediocrity, and away from the deadening
drudgery of the key. Best of all he was enterprising, one of the leaders
and pioneers for whom the world is always looking; and, to use his own
criticism of himself, he had "too sanguine a temperament to keep money in
solitary confinement." With quiet self-possession he seized his
opportunity, began to buy machinery, rented a shop and got work for it.
Moving quickly into a larger shop, Nos. 10 and 12 Ward Street, Newark, New
Jersey, he secured large orders from General Lefferts to build stock
tickers, and employed fifty men. As business increased he put on a night
force, and was his own foreman on both shifts. Half an hour of sleep three
or four times in the twenty-four hours was all he needed in those days,
when one invention succeeded another with dazzling rapidity, and when he
worked with the fierce, eruptive energy of a great volcano, throwing out
new ideas incessantly with spectacular effect on the arts to which they
related. It has always been a theory with Edison that we sleep altogether
too much; but on the other hand he never, until long past fifty, knew or
practiced the slightest moderation in work or in the use of strong coffee
and black cigars. He has, moreover, while of tender and kindly
disposition, never hesitated to use men up as freely as a Napoleon or
Grant; seeing only the goal of a complete invention or perfected device,
to attain which all else must become subsidiary. He gives a graphic
picture of his first methods as a manufacturer: "Nearly all my men were on
piece work, and I allowed them to make good wages, and never cut until the
pay became absurdly high as they got more expert. I kept no books. I had
two hooks. All the bills and accounts I owed I jabbed on one hook; and
memoranda of all owed to myself I put on the other. When some of the bills
fell due, and I couldn't deliver tickers to get a supply of money, I gave
a note. When the notes were due, a messenger came around from the bank
with the note and a protest pinned to it for $1.25. Then I would go to New
York and get an advance, or pay the note if I had the money. This method
of giving notes for my accounts and having all notes protested I kept up
over two years, yet my credit was fine. Every store I traded with was
always glad to furnish goods, perhaps in amazed admiration of my system of
doing business, which was certainly new." After a while Edison got a
bookkeeper, whose vagaries made him look back with regret on the earlier,
primitive method. "The first three months I had him go over the books to
find out how much we had made. He reported $3000. I gave a supper to some
of my men to celebrate this, only to be told two days afterward that he
had made a mistake, and that we had lost $500; and then a few days after
that he came to me again and said he was all mixed up, and now found that
we had made over $7000." Edison changed bookkeepers, but never thereafter
counted anything real profit until he had paid all his debts and had the
profits in the bank.
</p>
<p>
The factory work at this time related chiefly to stock tickers,
principally the "Universal," of which at one time twelve hundred were in
use. Edison's connection with this particular device was very close while
it lasted. In a review of the ticker art, Mr. Callahan stated, with rather
grudging praise, that "a ticker at the present time (1901) would be
considered as impracticable and unsalable if it were not provided with a
unison device," and he goes on to remark: "The first unison on stock
tickers was one used on the Laws printer. [2] It was a crude and
unsatisfactory piece of mechanism and necessitated doubling of the battery
in order to bring it into action. It was short-lived. The Edison unison
comprised a lever with a free end travelling in a spiral or worm on the
type-wheel shaft until it met a pin at the end of the worm, thus
obstructing the shaft and leaving the type-wheels at the zero-point until
released by the printing lever. This device is too well known to require a
further description. It is not applicable to any instrument using two
independently moving type-wheels; but on nearly if not all other
instruments will be found in use." The stock ticker has enjoyed the
devotion of many brilliant inventors—G. M. Phelps, H. Van
Hoevenbergh, A. A. Knudson, G. B. Scott, S. D. Field, John Burry—and
remains in extensive use as an appliance for which no substitute or
competitor has been found. In New York the two great stock exchanges have
deemed it necessary to own and operate a stock-ticker service for the sole
benefit of their members; and down to the present moment the process of
improvement has gone on, impelled by the increasing volume of business to
be reported. It is significant of Edison's work, now dimmed and overlaid
by later advances, that at the very outset he recognized the vital
importance of interchangeability in the construction of this delicate and
sensitive apparatus. But the difficulties of these early days were almost
insurmountable. Mr. R. W. Pope says of the "Universal" machines that they
were simple and substantial and generally satisfactory, but adds: "These
instruments were supposed to have been made with interchangeable parts;
but as a matter of fact the instances in which these parts would fit were
very few. The instruction-book prepared for the use of inspectors stated
that 'The parts should not be tinkered nor bent, as they are accurately
made and interchangeable.' The difficulties encountered in fitting them
properly doubtless gave rise to a story that Mr. Edison had stated that
there were three degrees of interchangeability. This was interpreted to
mean: First, the parts will fit; second, they will almost fit; third, they
do not fit, and can't be made to fit."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 2: This I invented as well.—T. A. E.]
</pre>
<p>
This early shop affords an illustration of the manner in which Edison has
made a deep impression on the personnel of the electrical arts. At a
single bench there worked three men since rich or prominent. One was
Sigmund Bergmann, for a time partner with Edison in his lighting
developments in the United States, and now head and principal owner of
electrical works in Berlin employing ten thousand men. The next man
adjacent was John Kruesi, afterward engineer of the great General Electric
Works at Schenectady. A third was Schuckert, who left the bench to settle
up his father's little estate at Nuremberg, stayed there and founded
electrical factories, which became the third largest in Germany, their
proprietor dying very wealthy. "I gave them a good training as to working
hours and hustling," says their quondam master; and this is equally true
as applied to many scores of others working in companies bearing the
Edison name or organized under Edison patents. It is curiously significant
in this connection that of the twenty-one presidents of the national
society, the American Institute of Electrical Engineers, founded in 1884,
eight have been intimately associated with Edison—namely, Norvin
Green and F. L. Pope, as business colleagues of the days of which we now
write; while Messrs. Frank J. Sprague, T. C. Martin, A. E. Kennelly, S. S.
Wheeler, John W. Lieb, Jr., and Louis A. Ferguson have all been at one
time or another in the Edison employ. The remark was once made that if a
famous American teacher sat at one end of a log and a student at the other
end, the elements of a successful university were present. It is equally
true that in Edison and the many men who have graduated from his stern
school of endeavor, America has had its foremost seat of electrical
engineering.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2HCH0008" id="link2HCH0008">
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<h2>
CHAPTER VIII
</h2>
<h3>
AUTOMATIC, DUPLEX, AND QUADRUPLEX TELEGRAPHY
</h3>
<p>
WORK of various kinds poured in upon the young manufacturer, busy also
with his own schemes and inventions, which soon began to follow so many
distinct lines of inquiry that it ceases to be easy or necessary for the
historian to treat them all in chronological sequence. Some notion of his
ceaseless activity may be formed from the fact that he started no fewer
than three shops in Newark during 1870-71, and while directing these was
also engaged by the men who controlled the Automatic Telegraph Company of
New York, which had a circuit to Washington, to help it out of its
difficulties. "Soon after starting the large shop (10 and 12 Ward Street,
Newark), I rented shop-room to the inventor of a new rifle. I think it was
the Berdan. In any event, it was a rifle which was subsequently adopted by
the British Army. The inventor employed a tool-maker who was the finest
and best tool-maker I had ever seen. I noticed that he worked pretty near
the whole of the twenty-four hours. This kind of application I was looking
for. He was getting $21.50 per week, and was also paid for overtime. I
asked him if he could run the shop. 'I don't know; try me!' he said. 'All
right, I will give you $60 per week to run both shifts.' He went at it.
His executive ability was greater than that of any other man I have yet
seen. His memory was prodigious, conversation laconic, and movements
rapid. He doubled the production inside three months, without materially
increasing the pay-roll, by increasing the cutting speeds of tools, and by
the use of various devices. When in need of rest he would lie down on a
work-bench, sleep twenty or thirty minutes, and wake up fresh. As this was
just what I could do, I naturally conceived a great pride in having such a
man in charge of my work. But almost everything has trouble connected with
it. He disappeared one day, and although I sent men everywhere that it was
likely he could be found, he was not discovered. After two weeks he came
into the factory in a terrible condition as to clothes and face. He sat
down and, turning to me, said: 'Edison, it's no use, this is the third
time; I can't stand prosperity. Put my salary back and give me a job.' I
was very sorry to learn that it was whiskey that spoiled such a career. I
gave him an inferior job and kept him for a long time."
</p>
<p>
Edison had now entered definitely upon that career as an inventor which
has left so deep an imprint on the records of the United States Patent
Office, where from his first patent in 1869 up to the summer of 1910 no
fewer than 1328 separate patents have been applied for in his name,
averaging thirty-two every year, and one about every eleven days; with a
substantially corresponding number issued. The height of this inventive
activity was attained about 1882, in which year no fewer than 141 patents
were applied for, and seventy-five granted to him, or nearly nine times as
many as in 1876, when invention as a profession may be said to have been
adopted by this prolific genius. It will be understood, of course, that
even these figures do not represent the full measure of actual invention,
as in every process and at every step there were many discoveries that
were not brought to patent registration, but remained "trade secrets." And
furthermore, that in practically every case the actual patented invention
followed from one to a dozen or more gradually developing forms of the
same idea.
</p>
<p>
An Englishman named George Little had brought over a system of automatic
telegraphy which worked well on a short line, but was a failure when put
upon the longer circuits for which automatic methods are best adapted. The
general principle involved in automatic or rapid telegraphs, except the
photographic ones, is that of preparing the message in advance, for
dispatch, by perforating narrow strips of paper with holes—work
which can be done either by hand-punches or by typewriter apparatus. A
certain group of perforations corresponds to a Morse group of dots and
dashes for a letter of the alphabet. When the tape thus made ready is run
rapidly through a transmitting machine, electrical contact occurs wherever
there is a perforation, permitting the current from the battery to flow
into the line and thus transmit signals correspondingly. At the distant
end these signals are received sometimes on an ink-writing recorder as
dots and dashes, or even as typewriting letters; but in many of the
earlier systems, like that of Bain, the record at the higher rates of
speed was effected by chemical means, a tell-tale stain being made on the
travelling strip of paper by every spurt of incoming current. Solutions of
potassium iodide were frequently used for this purpose, giving a sharp,
blue record, but fading away too rapidly.
</p>
<p>
The Little system had perforating apparatus operated by electromagnets;
its transmitting machine was driven by a small electromagnetic motor; and
the record was made by electrochemical decomposition, the writing member
being a minute platinum roller instead of the more familiar iron stylus.
Moreover, a special type of wire had been put up for the single circuit of
two hundred and eighty miles between New York and Washington. This is
believed to have been the first "compound" wire made for telegraphic or
other signalling purposes, the object being to secure greater lightness
with textile strength and high conductivity. It had a steel core, with a
copper ribbon wound spirally around it, and tinned to the core wire. But
the results obtained were poor, and in their necessity the parties in
interest turned to Edison.
</p>
<p>
Mr. E. H. Johnson tells of the conditions: "Gen. W. J. Palmer and some New
York associates had taken up the Little automatic system and had expended
quite a sum in its development, when, thinking they had reduced it to
practice, they got Tom Scott, of the Pennsylvania Railroad to send his
superintendent of telegraph over to look into and report upon it. Of
course he turned it down. The syndicate was appalled at this report, and
in this extremity General Palmer thought of the man who had impressed him
as knowing it all by the telling of telegraphic tales as a means of
whiling away lonesome hours on the plains of Colorado, where they were
associated in railroad-building. So this man—it was I—was sent
for to come to New York and assuage their grief if possible. My report was
that the system was sound fundamentally, that it contained the germ of a
good thing, but needed working out. Associated with General Palmer was one
Col. Josiah C. Reiff, then Eastern bond agent for the Kansas Pacific
Railroad. The Colonel was always resourceful, and didn't fail in this
case. He knew of a young fellow who was doing some good work for Marshall
Lefferts, and who it was said was a genius at invention, and a very fiend
for work. His name was Edison, and he had a shop out at Newark, New
Jersey. He came and was put in my care for the purpose of a mutual
exchange of ideas and for a report by me as to his competency in the
matter. This was my introduction to Edison. He confirmed my views of the
automatic system. He saw its possibilities, as well as the chief obstacles
to be overcome—viz., the sluggishness of the wire, together with the
need of mechanical betterment of the apparatus; and he agreed to take the
job on one condition—namely, that Johnson would stay and help, as
'he was a man with ideas.' Mr. Johnson was accordingly given three months'
leave from Colorado railroad-building, and has never seen Colorado since."
</p>
<p>
Applying himself to the difficulties with wonted energy, Edison devised
new apparatus, and solved the problem to such an extent that he and his
assistants succeeded in transmitting and recording one thousand words per
minute between New York and Washington, and thirty-five hundred words per
minute to Philadelphia. Ordinary manual transmission by key is not in
excess of forty to fifty words a minute. Stated very briefly, Edison's
principal contribution to the commercial development of the automatic was
based on the observation that in a line of considerable length electrical
impulses become enormously extended, or sluggish, due to a phenomenon
known as self-induction, which with ordinary Morse work is in a measure
corrected by condensers. But in the automatic the aim was to deal with
impulses following each other from twenty-five to one hundred times as
rapidly as in Morse lines, and to attempt to receive and record
intelligibly such a lightning-like succession of signals would have seemed
impossible. But Edison discovered that by utilizing a shunt around the
receiving instrument, with a soft iron core, the self-induction would
produce a momentary and instantaneous reversal of the current at the end
of each impulse, and thereby give an absolutely sharp definition to each
signal. This discovery did away entirely with sluggishness, and made it
possible to secure high speeds over lines of comparatively great lengths.
But Edison's work on the automatic did not stop with this basic
suggestion, for he took up and perfected the mechanical construction of
the instruments, as well as the perforators, and also suggested numerous
electrosensitive chemicals for the receivers, so that the automatic
telegraph, almost entirely by reason of his individual work, was placed on
a plane of commercial practicability. The long line of patents secured by
him in this art is an interesting exhibit of the development of a germ to
a completed system, not, as is usually the case, by numerous inventors
working over considerable periods of time, but by one man evolving the
successive steps at a white heat of activity.
</p>
<p>
This system was put in commercial operation, but the company, now
encouraged, was quite willing to allow Edison to work out his idea of an
automatic that would print the message in bold Roman letters instead of in
dots and dashes; with consequent gain in speed in delivery of the message
after its receipt in the operating-room, it being obviously necessary in
the case of any message received in Morse characters to copy it in script
before delivery to the recipient. A large shop was rented in Newark,
equipped with $25,000 worth of machinery, and Edison was given full
charge. Here he built their original type of apparatus, as improved, and
also pushed his experiments on the letter system so far that at a test,
between New York and Philadelphia, three thousand words were sent in one
minute and recorded in Roman type. Mr. D. N. Craig, one of the early
organizers of the Associated Press, became interested in this company,
whose president was Mr. George Harrington, formerly Assistant Secretary of
the United States Treasury.
</p>
<p>
Mr. Craig brought with him at this time—the early seventies—from
Milwaukee a Mr. Sholes, who had a wooden model of a machine to which had
been given the then new and unfamiliar name of "typewriter." Craig was
interested in the machine, and put the model in Edison's hands to perfect.
"This typewriter proved a difficult thing," says Edison, "to make
commercial. The alignment of the letters was awful. One letter would be
one-sixteenth of an inch above the others; and all the letters wanted to
wander out of line. I worked on it till the machine gave fair results. [3]
Some were made and used in the office of the Automatic company. Craig was
very sanguine that some day all business letters would be written on a
typewriter. He died before that took place; but it gradually made its way.
The typewriter I got into commercial shape is now known as the Remington.
About this time I got an idea I could devise an apparatus by which four
messages could simultaneously be sent over a single wire without
interfering with each other. I now had five shops, and with experimenting
on this new scheme I was pretty busy; at least I did not have ennui."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 3: See illustration on opposite page, showing
reproduction of the work done with this machine.]
</pre>
<p>
A very interesting picture of Mr. Edison at this time is furnished by Mr.
Patrick B. Delany, a well-known inventor in the field of automatic and
multiplex telegraphy, who at that time was a chief operator of the
Franklin Telegraph Company at Philadelphia. His remark about Edison that
"his ingenuity inspired confidence, and wavering financiers stiffened up
when it became known that he was to develop the automatic" is a noteworthy
evidence of the manner in which the young inventor had already gained a
firm footing. He continues: "Edward H. Johnson was brought on from the
Denver & Rio Grande Railway to assist in the practical introduction of
automatic telegraphy on a commercial basis, and about this time, in 1872,
I joined the enterprise. Fairly good results were obtained between New
York and Washington, and Edison, indifferent to theoretical difficulties,
set out to prove high speeds between New York and Charleston, South
Carolina, the compound wire being hitched up to one of the Southern &
Atlantic wires from Washington to Charleston for the purpose of
experimentation. Johnson and I went to the Charleston end to carry out
Edison's plans, which were rapidly unfolded by telegraph every night from
a loft on lower Broadway, New York. We could only get the wire after all
business was cleared, usually about midnight, and for months, in the quiet
hours, that wire was subjected to more electrical acrobatics than any
other wire ever experienced. When the experiments ended, Edison's system
was put into regular commercial operation between New York and Washington;
and did fine work. If the single wire had not broken about every other
day, the venture would have been a financial success; but moisture got in
between the copper ribbon and the steel core, setting up galvanic action
which made short work of the steel. The demonstration was, however,
sufficiently successful to impel Jay Gould to contract to pay about
$4,000,000 in stock for the patents. The contract was never completed so
far as the $4,000,000 were concerned, but Gould made good use of it in
getting control of the Western Union."
</p>
<p>
One of the most important persons connected with the automatic enterprise
was Mr. George Harrington, to whom we have above referred, and with whom
Mr. Edison entered into close confidential relations, so that the
inventions made were held jointly, under a partnership deed covering "any
inventions or improvements that may be useful or desired in automatic
telegraphy." Mr. Harrington was assured at the outset by Edison that while
the Little perforator would give on the average only seven or eight words
per minute, which was not enough for commercial purposes, he could devise
one giving fifty or sixty words, and that while the Little solution for
the receiving tape cost $15 to $17 per gallon, he could furnish a ferric
solution costing only five or six cents per gallon. In every respect
Edison "made good," and in a short time the system was a success, "Mr.
Little having withdrawn his obsolete perforator, his ineffective
resistance, his costly chemical solution, to give place to Edison's
perforator, Edison's resistance and devices, and Edison's solution costing
a few cents per gallon. But," continues Mr. Harrington, in a memorable
affidavit, "the inventive efforts of Mr. Edison were not confined to
automatic telegraphy, nor did they cease with the opening of that line to
Washington." They all led up to the quadruplex.
</p>
<p>
Flattered by their success, Messrs. Harrington and Reiff, who owned with
Edison the foreign patents for the new automatic system, entered into an
arrangement with the British postal telegraph authorities for a trial of
the system in England, involving its probable adoption if successful.
Edison was sent to England to make the demonstration, in 1873, reporting
there to Col. George E. Gouraud, who had been an associate in the United
States Treasury with Mr. Harrington, and was now connected with the new
enterprise. With one small satchel of clothes, three large boxes of
instruments, and a bright fellow-telegrapher named Jack Wright, he took
voyage on the Jumping Java, as she was humorously known, of the Cunard
line. The voyage was rough and the little Java justified her reputation by
jumping all over the ocean. "At the table," says Edison, "there were never
more than ten or twelve people. I wondered at the time how it could pay to
run an ocean steamer with so few people; but when we got into calm water
and could see the green fields, I was astounded to see the number of
people who appeared. There were certainly two or three hundred. I learned
afterward that they were mostly going to the Vienna Exposition. Only two
days could I get on deck, and on one of these a gentleman had a bad scalp
wound from being thrown against the iron wall of a small smoking-room
erected over a freight hatch."
</p>
<p>
Arrived in London, Edison set up his apparatus at the Telegraph Street
headquarters, and sent his companion to Liverpool with the instruments for
that end. The condition of the test was that he was to send from Liverpool
and receive in London, and to record at the rate of one thousand words per
minute, five hundred words to be sent every half hour for six hours.
Edison was given a wire and batteries to operate with, but a preliminary
test soon showed that he was going to fail. Both wire and batteries were
poor, and one of the men detailed by the authorities to watch the test
remarked quietly, in a friendly way: "You are not going to have much show.
They are going to give you an old Bridgewater Canal wire that is so poor
we don't work it, and a lot of 'sand batteries' at Liverpool." [4] The
situation was rather depressing to the young American thus encountering,
for the first time, the stolid conservatism and opposition to change that
characterizes so much of official life and methods in Europe. "I thanked
him," says Edison, "and hoped to reciprocate somehow. I knew I was in a
hole. I had been staying at a little hotel in Covent Garden called the
Hummums! and got nothing but roast beef and flounders, and my imagination
was getting into a coma. What I needed was pastry. That night I found a
French pastry shop in High Holborn Street and filled up. My imagination
got all right. Early in the morning I saw Gouraud, stated my case, and
asked if he would stand for the purchase of a powerful battery to send to
Liverpool. He said 'Yes.' I went immediately to Apps on the Strand and
asked if he had a powerful battery. He said he hadn't; that all that he
had was Tyndall's Royal Institution battery, which he supposed would not
serve. I saw it—one hundred cells—and getting the price—one
hundred guineas—hurried to Gouraud. He said 'Go ahead.' I
telegraphed to the man in Liverpool. He came on, got the battery to
Liverpool, set up and ready, just two hours before the test commenced. One
of the principal things that made the system a success was that the line
was put to earth at the sending end through a magnet, and the extra
current from this, passed to the line, served to sharpen the recording
waves. This new battery was strong enough to pass a powerful current
through the magnet without materially diminishing the strength of the line
current."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 4: The sand battery is now obsolete. In this type,
the cell containing the elements was filled with sand, which
was kept moist with an electrolyte.]
</pre>
<p>
The test under these more favorable circumstances was a success. "The
record was as perfect as copper plate, and not a single remark was made in
the 'time lost' column." Edison was now asked if he thought he could get a
greater speed through submarine cables with this system than with the
regular methods, and replied that he would like a chance to try it. For
this purpose, twenty-two hundred miles of Brazilian cable then stored
under water in tanks at the Greenwich works of the Telegraph Construction
& Maintenance Company, near London, was placed at his disposal from 8
P.M. until 6 A.M. "This just suited me, as I preferred night-work. I got
my apparatus down and set up, and then to get a preliminary idea of what
the distortion of the signal would be, I sent a single dot, which should
have been recorded upon my automatic paper by a mark about
one-thirty-second of an inch long. Instead of that it was twenty-seven
feet long! If I ever had any conceit, it vanished from my boots up. I
worked on this cable more than two weeks, and the best I could do was two
words per minute, which was only one-seventh of what the guaranteed speed
of the cable should be when laid. What I did not know at the time was that
a coiled cable, owing to induction, was infinitely worse than when laid
out straight, and that my speed was as good as, if not better than, with
the regular system; but no one told me this." While he was engaged on
these tests Colonel Gouraud came down one night to visit him at the lonely
works, spent a vigil with him, and toward morning wanted coffee. There was
only one little inn near by, frequented by longshoremen and employees from
the soap-works and cement-factories—a rough lot—and there at
daybreak they went as soon as the other customers had left for work. "The
place had a bar and six bare tables, and was simply infested with roaches.
The only things that I ever could get were coffee made from burnt bread,
with brown molasses-cake. I ordered these for Gouraud. The taste of the
coffee, the insects, etc., were too much. He fainted. I gave him a big
dose of gin, and this revived him. He went back to the works and waited
until six when the day men came, and telegraphed for a carriage. He lost
all interest in the experiments after that, and I was ordered back to
America." Edison states, however, that the automatic was finally adopted
in England and used for many years; indeed, is still in use there. But
they took whatever was needed from his system, and he "has never had a
cent from them."
</p>
<p>
Arduous work was at once resumed at home on duplex and quadruplex
telegraphy, just as though there had been no intermission or
discouragement over dots twenty-seven feet long. A clue to his activity is
furnished in the fact that in 1872 he had applied for thirty-eight patents
in the class of telegraphy, and twenty-five in 1873; several of these
being for duplex methods, on which he had experimented. The earlier
apparatus had been built several years prior to this, as shown by a
curious little item of news that appeared in the Telegrapher of January
30, 1869: "T. A. Edison has resigned his situation in the Western Union
office, Boston, and will devote his time to bringing out his inventions."
Oh, the supreme, splendid confidence of youth! Six months later, as we
have seen, he had already made his mark, and the same journal, in October,
1869, could say: "Mr. Edison is a young man of the highest order of
mechanical talent, combined with good scientific electrical knowledge and
experience. He has already invented and patented a number of valuable and
useful inventions, among which may be mentioned the best instrument for
double transmission yet brought out." Not bad for a novice of twenty-two.
It is natural, therefore, after his intervening work on indicators, stock
tickers, automatic telegraphs, and typewriters, to find him harking back
to duplex telegraphy, if, indeed, he can be said to have dropped it in the
interval. It has always been one of the characteristic features of
Edison's method of inventing that work in several lines has gone forward
at the same time. No one line of investigation has ever been enough to
occupy his thoughts fully; or to express it otherwise, he has found rest
in turning from one field of work to another, having absolutely no
recreations or hobbies, and not needing them. It may also be said that,
once entering it, Mr. Edison has never abandoned any field of work. He may
change the line of attack; he may drop the subject for a time; but sooner
or later the note-books or the Patent Office will bear testimony to the
reminiscent outcropping of latent thought on the matter. His attention has
shifted chronologically, and by process of evolution, from one problem to
another, and some results are found to be final; but the interest of the
man in the thing never dies out. No one sees more vividly than he the fact
that in the interplay of the arts one industry shapes and helps another,
and that no invention lives to itself alone.
</p>
<p>
The path to the quadruplex lay through work on the duplex, which,
suggested first by Moses G. Farmer in 1852, had been elaborated by many
ingenious inventors, notably in this country by Stearns, before Edison
once again applied his mind to it. The different methods of such multiple
transmission—namely, the simultaneous dispatch of the two
communications in opposite directions over the same wire, or the dispatch
of both at once in the same direction—gave plenty of play to
ingenuity. Prescott's Elements of the Electric Telegraph, a standard work
in its day, described "a method of simultaneous transmission invented by
T. A. Edison, of New Jersey, in 1873," and says of it: "Its peculiarity
consists in the fact that the signals are transmitted in one direction by
reversing the polarity of a constant current, and in the opposite
direction by increasing or decreasing the strength of the same current."
Herein lay the germ of the Edison quadruplex. It is also noted that "In
1874 Edison invented a method of simultaneous transmission by induced
currents, which has given very satisfactory results in experimental
trials." Interest in the duplex as a field of invention dwindled, however,
as the quadruplex loomed up, for while the one doubled the capacity of a
circuit, the latter created three "phantom wires," and thus quadruplexed
the working capacity of any line to which it was applied. As will have
been gathered from the above, the principle embodied in the quadruplex is
that of working over the line with two currents from each end that differ
from each other in strength or nature, so that they will affect only
instruments adapted to respond to just such currents and no others; and by
so arranging the receiving apparatus as not to be affected by the currents
transmitted from its own end of the line. Thus by combining instruments
that respond only to variation in the strength of current from the distant
station, with instruments that respond only to the change in the direction
of current from the distant station, and by grouping a pair of these at
each end of the line, the quadruplex is the result. Four sending and four
receiving operators are kept busy at each end, or eight in all. Aside from
other material advantages, it is estimated that at least from $15,000,000
to $20,000,000 has been saved by the Edison quadruplex merely in the cost
of line construction in America.
</p>
<p>
The quadruplex has not as a rule the same working efficiency that four
separate wires have. This is due to the fact that when one of the
receiving operators is compelled to "break" the sending operator for any
reason, the "break" causes the interruption of the work of eight
operators, instead of two, as would be the case on a single wire. The
working efficiency of the quadruplex, therefore, with the apparatus in
good working condition, depends entirely upon the skill of the operators
employed to operate it. But this does not reflect upon or diminish the
ingenuity required for its invention. Speaking of the problem involved,
Edison said some years later to Mr. Upton, his mathematical assistant,
that "he always considered he was only working from one room to another.
Thus he was not confused by the amount of wire and the thought of
distance."
</p>
<p>
The immense difficulties of reducing such a system to practice may be
readily conceived, especially when it is remembered that the "line"
itself, running across hundreds of miles of country, is subject to all
manner of atmospheric conditions, and varies from moment to moment in its
ability to carry current, and also when it is borne in mind that the
quadruplex requires at each end of the line a so-called "artificial line,"
which must have the exact resistance of the working line and must be
varied with the variations in resistance of the working line. At this
juncture other schemes were fermenting in his brain; but the quadruplex
engrossed him. "This problem was of most difficult and complicated kind,
and I bent all my energies toward its solution. It required a peculiar
effort of the mind, such as the imagining of eight different things moving
simultaneously on a mental plane, without anything to demonstrate their
efficiency." It is perhaps hardly to be wondered at that when notified he
would have to pay 12 1/2 per cent. extra if his taxes in Newark were not
at once paid, he actually forgot his own name when asked for it suddenly
at the City Hall, lost his place in the line, and, the fatal hour
striking, had to pay the surcharge after all!
</p>
<p>
So important an invention as the quadruplex could not long go begging, but
there were many difficulties connected with its introduction, some of
which are best described in Mr. Edison's own words: "Around 1873 the
owners of the Automatic Telegraph Company commenced negotiations with Jay
Gould for the purchase of the wires between New York and Washington, and
the patents for the system, then in successful operation. Jay Gould at
that time controlled the Atlantic & Pacific Telegraph Company, and was
competing with the Western Union and endeavoring to depress Western Union
stock on the Exchange. About this time I invented the quadruplex. I wanted
to interest the Western Union Telegraph Company in it, with a view of
selling it, but was unsuccessful until I made an arrangement with the
chief electrician of the company, so that he could be known as a joint
inventor and receive a portion of the money. At that time I was very short
of money, and needed it more than glory. This electrician appeared to want
glory more than money, so it was an easy trade. I brought my apparatus
over and was given a separate room with a marble-tiled floor, which,
by-the-way, was a very hard kind of floor to sleep on, and started in
putting on the finishing touches.
</p>
<p>
"After two months of very hard work, I got a detail at regular times of
eight operators, and we got it working nicely from one room to another
over a wire which ran to Albany and back. Under certain conditions of
weather, one side of the quadruplex would work very shakily, and I had not
succeeded in ascertaining the cause of the trouble. On a certain day, when
there was a board meeting of the company, I was to make an exhibition
test. The day arrived. I had picked the best operators in New York, and
they were familiar with the apparatus. I arranged that if a storm
occurred, and the bad side got shaky, they should do the best they could
and draw freely on their imaginations. They were sending old messages.
About 1, o'clock everything went wrong, as there was a storm somewhere
near Albany, and the bad side got shaky. Mr. Orton, the president, and Wm.
H. Vanderbilt and the other directors came in. I had my heart trying to
climb up around my oesophagus. I was paying a sheriff five dollars a day
to withhold judgment which had been entered against me in a case which I
had paid no attention to; and if the quadruplex had not worked before the
president, I knew I was to have trouble and might lose my machinery. The
New York Times came out next day with a full account. I was given $5000 as
part payment for the invention, which made me easy, and I expected the
whole thing would be closed up. But Mr. Orton went on an extended tour
just about that time. I had paid for all the experiments on the quadruplex
and exhausted the money, and I was again in straits. In the mean time I
had introduced the apparatus on the lines of the company, where it was
very successful.
</p>
<p>
"At that time the general superintendent of the Western Union was Gen. T.
T. Eckert (who had been Assistant Secretary of War with Stanton). Eckert
was secretly negotiating with Gould to leave the Western Union and take
charge of the Atlantic & Pacific—Gould's company. One day Eckert
called me into his office and made inquiries about money matters. I told
him Mr. Orton had gone off and left me without means, and I was in
straits. He told me I would never get another cent, but that he knew a man
who would buy it. I told him of my arrangement with the electrician, and
said I could not sell it as a whole to anybody; but if I got enough for
it, I would sell all my interest in any SHARE I might have. He seemed to
think his party would agree to this. I had a set of quadruplex over in my
shop, 10 and 12 Ward Street, Newark, and he arranged to bring him over
next evening to see the apparatus. So the next morning Eckert came over
with Jay Gould and introduced him to me. This was the first time I had
ever seen him. I exhibited and explained the apparatus, and they departed.
The next day Eckert sent for me, and I was taken up to Gould's house,
which was near the Windsor Hotel, Fifth Avenue. In the basement he had an
office. It was in the evening, and we went in by the servants' entrance,
as Eckert probably feared that he was watched. Gould started in at once
and asked me how much I wanted. I said: 'Make me an offer.' Then he said:
'I will give you $30,000.' I said: 'I will sell any interest I may have
for that money,' which was something more than I thought I could get. The
next morning I went with Gould to the office of his lawyers, Sherman &
Sterling, and received a check for $30,000, with a remark by Gould that I
had got the steamboat Plymouth Rock, as he had sold her for $30,000 and
had just received the check. There was a big fight on between Gould's
company and the Western Union, and this caused more litigation. The
electrician, on account of the testimony involved, lost his glory. The
judge never decided the case, but went crazy a few months afterward." It
was obviously a characteristically shrewd move on the part of Mr. Gould to
secure an interest in the quadruplex, as a factor in his campaign against
the Western Union, and as a decisive step toward his control of that
system, by the subsequent merger that included not only the Atlantic &
Pacific Telegraph Company, but the American Union Telegraph Company.
</p>
<p>
Nor was Mr. Gould less appreciative of the value of Edison's automatic
system. Referring to matters that will be taken up later in the narrative,
Edison says: "After this Gould wanted me to help install the automatic
system in the Atlantic & Pacific company, of which General Eckert had
been elected president, the company having bought the Automatic Telegraph
Company. I did a lot of work for this company making automatic apparatus
in my shop at Newark. About this time I invented a district messenger
call-box system, and organized a company called the Domestic Telegraph
Company, and started in to install the system in New York. I had great
difficulty in getting subscribers, having tried several canvassers, who,
one after the other, failed to get subscribers. When I was about to give
it up, a test operator named Brown, who was on the Automatic Telegraph
wire between New York and Washington, which passed through my Newark shop,
asked permission to let him try and see if he couldn't get subscribers. I
had very little faith in his ability to get any, but I thought I would
give him a chance, as he felt certain of his ability to succeed. He
started in, and the results were surprising. Within a month he had
procured two hundred subscribers, and the company was a success. I have
never quite understood why six men should fail absolutely, while the
seventh man should succeed. Perhaps hypnotism would account for it. This
company was sold out to the Atlantic & Pacific company." As far back
as 1872, Edison had applied for a patent on district messenger signal
boxes, but it was not issued until January, 1874, another patent being
granted in September of the same year. In this field of telegraph
application, as in others, Edison was a very early comer, his only
predecessor being the fertile and ingenious Callahan, of stock-ticker
fame. The first president of the Gold & Stock Telegraph Company,
Elisha W. Andrews, had resigned in 1870 in order to go to England to
introduce the stock ticker in London. He lived in Englewood, New Jersey,
and the very night he had packed his trunk the house was burglarized.
Calling on his nearest friend the next morning for even a pair of
suspenders, Mr. Andrews was met with regrets of inability, because the
burglars had also been there. A third and fourth friend in the vicinity
was appealed to with the same disheartening reply of a story of wholesale
spoliation. Mr. Callahan began immediately to devise a system of
protection for Englewood; but at that juncture a servant-girl who had been
for many years with a family on the Heights in Brooklyn went mad suddenly
and held an aged widow and her daughter as helpless prisoners for
twenty-four hours without food or water. This incident led to an extension
of the protective idea, and very soon a system was installed in Brooklyn
with one hundred subscribers. Out of this grew in turn the district
messenger system, for it was just as easy to call a messenger as to sound
a fire-alarm or summon the police. To-day no large city in America is
without a service of this character, but its function was sharply limited
by the introduction of the telephone.
</p>
<p>
Returning to the automatic telegraph it is interesting to note that so
long as Edison was associated with it as a supervising providence it did
splendid work, which renders the later neglect of automatic or "rapid
telegraphy" the more remarkable. Reid's standard Telegraph in America
bears astonishing testimony on this point in 1880, as follows: "The
Atlantic & Pacific Telegraph Company had twenty-two automatic
stations. These included the chief cities on the seaboard, Buffalo,
Chicago, and Omaha. The through business during nearly two years was
largely transmitted in this way. Between New York and Boston two thousand
words a minute have been sent. The perforated paper was prepared at the
rate of twenty words per minute. Whatever its demerits this system enabled
the Atlantic & Pacific company to handle a much larger business during
1875 and 1876 than it could otherwise have done with its limited number of
wires in their then condition." Mr. Reid also notes as a very thorough
test of the perfect practicability of the system, that it handled the
President's message, December 3, 1876, of 12,600 words with complete
success. This long message was filed at Washington at 1.05 and delivered
in New York at 2.07. The first 9000 words were transmitted in forty-five
minutes. The perforated strips were prepared in thirty minutes by ten
persons, and duplicated by nine copyists. But to-day, nearly thirty-five
years later, telegraphy in America is still practically on a basis of hand
transmission!
</p>
<p>
Of this period and his association with Jay Gould, some very interesting
glimpses are given by Edison. "While engaged in putting in the automatic
system, I saw a great deal of Gould, and frequently went uptown to his
office to give information. Gould had no sense of humor. I tried several
times to get off what seemed to me a funny story, but he failed to see any
humor in them. I was very fond of stories, and had a choice lot, always
kept fresh, with which I could usually throw a man into convulsions. One
afternoon Gould started in to explain the great future of the Union
Pacific Railroad, which he then controlled. He got a map, and had an
immense amount of statistics. He kept at it for over four hours, and got
very enthusiastic. Why he should explain to me, a mere inventor, with no
capital or standing, I couldn't make out. He had a peculiar eye, and I
made up my mind that there was a strain of insanity somewhere. This idea
was strengthened shortly afterward when the Western Union raised the
monthly rental of the stock tickers. Gould had one in his house office,
which he watched constantly. This he had removed, to his great
inconvenience, because the price had been advanced a few dollars! He
railed over it. This struck me as abnormal. I think Gould's success was
due to abnormal development. He certainly had one trait that all men must
have who want to succeed. He collected every kind of information and
statistics about his schemes, and had all the data. His connection with
men prominent in official life, of which I was aware, was surprising to
me. His conscience seemed to be atrophied, but that may be due to the fact
that he was contending with men who never had any to be atrophied. He
worked incessantly until 12 or 1 o'clock at night. He took no pride in
building up an enterprise. He was after money, and money only. Whether the
company was a success or a failure mattered not to him. After he had
hammered the Western Union through his opposition company and had tired
out Mr. Vanderbilt, the latter retired from control, and Gould went in and
consolidated his company and controlled the Western Union. He then
repudiated the contract with the Automatic Telegraph people, and they
never received a cent for their wires or patents, and I lost three years
of very hard labor. But I never had any grudge against him, because he was
so able in his line, and as long as my part was successful the money with
me was a secondary consideration. When Gould got the Western Union I knew
no further progress in telegraphy was possible, and I went into other
lines." The truth is that General Eckert was a conservative—even a
reactionary—and being prejudiced like many other American telegraph
managers against "machine telegraphy," threw out all such improvements.
</p>
<p>
The course of electrical history has been variegated by some very
remarkable litigation; but none was ever more extraordinary than that
referred to here as arising from the transfer of the Automatic Telegraph
Company to Mr. Jay Gould and the Atlantic & Pacific Telegraph Company.
The terms accepted by Colonel Reiff from Mr. Gould, on December 30, 1874,
provided that the purchasing telegraph company should increase its capital
to $15,000,000, of which the Automatic interests were to receive
$4,000,000 for their patents, contracts, etc. The stock was then selling
at about 25, and in the later consolidation with the Western Union "went
in" at about 60; so that the real purchase price was not less than
$1,000,000 in cash. There was a private arrangement in writing with Mr.
Gould that he was to receive one-tenth of the "result" to the Automatic
group, and a tenth of the further results secured at home and abroad. Mr.
Gould personally bought up and gave money and bonds for one or two
individual interests on the above basis, including that of Harrington, who
in his representative capacity executed assignments to Mr. Gould. But
payments were then stopped, and the other owners were left without any
compensation, although all that belonged to them in the shape of property
and patents was taken over bodily into Atlantic & Pacific hands, and
never again left them. Attempts at settlement were made in their behalf,
and dragged wearily, due apparently to the fact that the plans were
blocked by General Eckert, who had in some manner taken offence at a
transaction effected without his active participation in all the details.
Edison, who became under the agreement the electrician of the Atlantic
& Pacific Telegraph Company, has testified to the unfriendly attitude
assumed toward him by General Eckert, as president. In a graphic letter
from Menlo Park to Mr. Gould, dated February 2, 1877, Edison makes a most
vigorous and impassioned complaint of his treatment, "which, acting
cumulatively, was a long, unbroken disappointment to me"; and he reminds
Mr. Gould of promises made to him the day the transfer had been effected
of Edison's interest in the quadruplex. The situation was galling to the
busy, high-spirited young inventor, who, moreover, "had to live"; and it
led to his resumption of work for the Western Union Telegraph Company,
which was only too glad to get him back. Meantime, the saddened and
perplexed Automatic group was left unpaid, and it was not until 1906, on a
bill filed nearly thirty years before, that Judge Hazel, in the United
States Circuit Court for the Southern District of New York, found strongly
in favor of the claimants and ordered an accounting. The court held that
there had been a most wrongful appropriation of the patents, including
alike those relating to the automatic, the duplex, and the quadruplex, all
being included in the general arrangement under which Mr. Gould had held
put his tempting bait of $4,000,000. In the end, however, the complainant
had nothing to show for all his struggle, as the master who made the
accounting set the damages at one dollar!
</p>
<p>
Aside from the great value of the quadruplex, saving millions of dollars,
for a share in which Edison received $30,000, the automatic itself is
described as of considerable utility by Sir William Thomson in his juror
report at the Centennial Exposition of 1876, recommending it for award.
This leading physicist of his age, afterward Lord Kelvin, was an adept in
telegraphy, having made the ocean cable talk, and he saw in Edison's
"American Automatic," as exhibited by the Atlantic & Pacific company,
a most meritorious and useful system. With the aid of Mr. E. H. Johnson he
made exhaustive tests, carrying away with him to Glasgow University the
surprising records that he obtained. His official report closes thus: "The
electromagnetic shunt with soft iron core, invented by Mr. Edison,
utilizing Professor Henry's discovery of electromagnetic induction in a
single circuit to produce a momentary reversal of the line current at the
instant when the battery is thrown off and so cut off the chemical marks
sharply at the proper instant, is the electrical secret of the great speed
he has achieved. The main peculiarities of Mr. Edison's automatic
telegraph shortly stated in conclusion are: (1) the perforator; (2) the
contact-maker; (3) the electromagnetic shunt; and (4) the ferric cyanide
of iron solution. It deserves award as a very important step in land
telegraphy." The attitude thus disclosed toward Mr. Edison's work was
never changed, except that admiration grew as fresh inventions were
brought forward. To the day of his death Lord Kelvin remained on terms of
warmest friendship with his American co-laborer, with whose genius he thus
first became acquainted at Philadelphia in the environment of Franklin.
</p>
<p>
It is difficult to give any complete idea of the activity maintained at
the Newark shops during these anxious, harassed years, but the statement
that at one time no fewer than forty-five different inventions were being
worked upon, will furnish some notion of the incandescent activity of the
inventor and his assistants. The hours were literally endless; and upon
one occasion, when the order was in hand for a large quantity of stock
tickers, Edison locked his men in until the job had been finished of
making the machine perfect, and "all the bugs taken out," which meant
sixty hours of unintermitted struggle with the difficulties. Nor were the
problems and inventions all connected with telegraphy. On the contrary,
Edison's mind welcomed almost any new suggestion as a relief from the
regular work in hand. Thus: "Toward the latter part of 1875, in the Newark
shop, I invented a device for multiplying copies of letters, which I sold
to Mr. A. B. Dick, of Chicago, and in the years since it has been
universally introduced throughout the world. It is called the
'Mimeograph.' I also invented devices for and introduced paraffin paper,
now used universally for wrapping up candy, etc." The mimeograph employs a
pointed stylus, used as in writing with a lead-pencil, which is moved over
a kind of tough prepared paper placed on a finely grooved steel plate. The
writing is thus traced by means of a series of minute perforations in the
sheet, from which, as a stencil, hundreds of copies can be made. Such
stencils can be prepared on typewriters. Edison elaborated this principle
in two other forms—one pneumatic and one electric—the latter
being in essence a reciprocating motor. Inside the barrel of the electric
pen a little plunger, carrying the stylus, travels to and fro at a very
high rate of speed, due to the attraction and repulsion of the solenoid
coils of wire surrounding it; and as the hand of the writer guides it the
pen thus makes its record in a series of very minute perforations in the
paper. The current from a small battery suffices to energize the pen, and
with the stencil thus made hundreds of copies of the document can be
furnished. As a matter of fact, as many as three thousand copies have been
made from a single mimeographic stencil of this character.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2HCH0009" id="link2HCH0009">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CHAPTER IX
</h2>
<h3>
THE TELEPHONE, MOTOGRAPH, AND MICROPHONE
</h3>
<p>
A VERY great invention has its own dramatic history. Episodes full of
human interest attend its development. The periods of weary struggle, the
daring adventure along unknown paths, the clash of rival claimants, are
closely similar to those which mark the revelation and subjugation of a
new continent. At the close of the epoch of discovery it is seen that
mankind as a whole has made one more great advance; but in the earlier
stages one watched chiefly the confused vicissitudes of fortune of the
individual pioneers. The great modern art of telephony has had thus in its
beginnings, its evolution, and its present status as a universal medium of
intercourse, all the elements of surprise, mystery, swift creation of
wealth, tragic interludes, and colossal battle that can appeal to the
imagination and hold public attention. And in this new electrical
industry, in laying its essential foundations, Edison has again been one
of the dominant figures.
</p>
<p>
As far back as 1837, the American, Page, discovered the curious fact that
an iron bar, when magnetized and demagnetized at short intervals of time,
emitted sounds due to the molecular disturbances in the mass. Philipp
Reis, a simple professor in Germany, utilized this principle in the
construction of apparatus for the transmission of sound; but in the grasp
of the idea he was preceded by Charles Bourseul, a young French soldier in
Algeria, who in 1854, under the title of "Electrical Telephony," in a
Parisian illustrated paper, gave a brief and lucid description as follows:
</p>
<p>
"We know that sounds are made by vibrations, and are made sensible to the
ear by the same vibrations, which are reproduced by the intervening
medium. But the intensity of the vibrations diminishes very rapidly with
the distance; so that even with the aid of speaking-tubes and trumpets it
is impossible to exceed somewhat narrow limits. Suppose a man speaks near
a movable disk sufficiently flexible to lose none of the vibrations of the
voice; that this disk alternately makes and breaks the connection with a
battery; you may have at a distance another disk which will simultaneously
execute the same vibrations.... Any one who is not deaf and dumb may use
this mode of transmission, which would require no apparatus except an
electric battery, two vibrating disks, and a wire."
</p>
<p>
This would serve admirably for a portrayal of the Bell telephone, except
that it mentions distinctly the use of the make-and-break method (i. e.,
where the circuit is necessarily opened and closed as in telegraphy,
although, of course, at an enormously higher rate), which has never proved
practical.
</p>
<p>
So far as is known Bourseul was not practical enough to try his own
suggestion, and never made a telephone. About 1860, Reis built several
forms of electrical telephonic apparatus, all imitating in some degree the
human ear, with its auditory tube, tympanum, etc., and examples of the
apparatus were exhibited in public not only in Germany, but in England.
There is a variety of testimony to the effect that not only musical
sounds, but stray words and phrases, were actually transmitted with
mediocre, casual success. It was impossible, however, to maintain the
devices in adjustment for more than a few seconds, since the invention
depended upon the make-and-break principle, the circuit being made and
broken every time an impulse-creating sound went through it, causing the
movement of the diaphragm on which the sound-waves impinged. Reis himself
does not appear to have been sufficiently interested in the marvellous
possibilities of the idea to follow it up—remarking to the man who
bought his telephonic instruments and tools that he had shown the world
the way. In reality it was not the way, although a monument erected to his
memory at Frankfort styles him the inventor of the telephone. As one of
the American judges said, in deciding an early litigation over the
invention of the telephone, a hundred years of Reis would not have given
the world the telephonic art for public use. Many others after Reis tried
to devise practical make-and-break telephones, and all failed; although
their success would have rendered them very valuable as a means of
fighting the Bell patent. But the method was a good starting-point, even
if it did not indicate the real path. If Reis had been willing to
experiment with his apparatus so that it did not make-and-break, he would
probably have been the true father of the telephone, besides giving it the
name by which it is known. It was not necessary to slam the gate open and
shut. All that was required was to keep the gate closed, and rattle the
latch softly. Incidentally it may be noted that Edison in experimenting
with the Reis transmitter recognized at once the defect caused by the
make-and-break action, and sought to keep the gap closed by the use,
first, of one drop of water, and later of several drops. But the water
decomposed, and the incurable defect was still there.
</p>
<p>
The Reis telephone was brought to America by Dr. P. H. Van der Weyde, a
well-known physicist in his day, and was exhibited by him before a
technical audience at Cooper Union, New York, in 1868, and described
shortly after in the technical press. The apparatus attracted attention,
and a set was secured by Prof. Joseph Henry for the Smithsonian
Institution. There the famous philosopher showed and explained it to
Alexander Graham Bell, when that young and persevering Scotch genius went
to get help and data as to harmonic telegraphy, upon which he was working,
and as to transmitting vocal sounds. Bell took up immediately and
energetically the idea that his two predecessors had dropped—and
reached the goal. In 1875 Bell, who as a student and teacher of vocal
physiology had unusual qualifications for determining feasible methods of
speech transmission, constructed his first pair of magneto telephones for
such a purpose. In February of 1876 his first telephone patent was applied
for, and in March it was issued. The first published account of the modern
speaking telephone was a paper read by Bell before the American Academy of
Arts and Sciences in Boston in May of that year; while at the Centennial
Exposition at Philadelphia the public first gained any familiarity with
it. It was greeted at once with scientific acclaim and enthusiasm as a
distinctly new and great invention, although at first it was regarded more
as a scientific toy than as a commercially valuable device.
</p>
<p>
By an extraordinary coincidence, the very day that Bell's application for
a patent went into the United States Patent Office, a caveat was filed
there by Elisha Gray, of Chicago, covering the specific idea of
transmitting speech and reproducing it in a telegraphic circuit "through
an instrument capable of vibrating responsively to all the tones of the
human voice, and by which they are rendered audible." Out of this incident
arose a struggle and a controversy whose echoes are yet heard as to the
legal and moral rights of the two inventors, the assertion even being made
that one of the most important claims of Gray, that on a liquid battery
transmitter, was surreptitiously "lifted" into the Bell application, then
covering only the magneto telephone. It was also asserted that the filing
of the Gray caveat antedated by a few hours the filing of the Bell
application. All such issues when brought to the American courts were
brushed aside, the Bell patent being broadly maintained in all its
remarkable breadth and fullness, embracing an entire art; but Gray was
embittered and chagrined, and to the last expressed his belief that the
honor and glory should have been his. The path of Gray to the telephone
was a natural one. A Quaker carpenter who studied five years at Oberlin
College, he took up electrical invention, and brought out many ingenious
devices in rapid succession in the telegraphic field, including the now
universal needle annunciator for hotels, etc., the useful telautograph,
automatic self-adjusting relays, private-line printers—leading up to
his famous "harmonic" system. This was based upon the principle that a
sound produced in the presence of a reed or tuning-fork responding to the
sound, and acting as the armature of a magnet in a closed circuit, would,
by induction, set up electric impulses in the circuit and cause a distant
magnet having a similarly tuned armature to produce the same tone or note.
He also found that over the same wire at the same time another series of
impulses corresponding to another note could be sent through the agency of
a second set of magnets without in any way interfering with the first
series of impulses. Building the principle into apparatus, with a keyboard
and vibrating "reeds" before his magnets, Doctor Gray was able not only to
transmit music by his harmonic telegraph, but went so far as to send nine
different telegraph messages at the same instant, each set of instruments
depending on its selective note, while any intermediate office could pick
up the message for itself by simply tuning its relays to the keynote
required. Theoretically the system could be split up into any number of
notes and semi-tones. Practically it served as the basis of some real
telegraphic work, but is not now in use. Any one can realize, however,
that it did not take so acute and ingenious a mind very long to push
forward to the telephone, as a dangerous competitor with Bell, who had
also, like Edison, been working assiduously in the field of acoustic and
multiple telegraphs. Seen in the retrospect, the struggle for the goal at
this moment was one of the memorable incidents in electrical history.
</p>
<p>
Among the interesting papers filed at the Orange Laboratory is a
lithograph, the size of an ordinary patent drawing, headed "First
Telephone on Record." The claim thus made goes back to the period when all
was war, and when dispute was hot and rife as to the actual invention of
the telephone. The device shown, made by Edison in 1875, was actually
included in a caveat filed January 14, 1876, a month before Bell or Gray.
It shows a little solenoid arrangement, with one end of the plunger
attached to the diaphragm of a speaking or resonating chamber. Edison
states that while the device is crudely capable of use as a magneto
telephone, he did not invent it for transmitting speech, but as an
apparatus for analyzing the complex waves arising from various sounds. It
was made in pursuance of his investigations into the subject of harmonic
telegraphs. He did not try the effect of sound-waves produced by the human
voice until Bell came forward a few months later; but he found then that
this device, made in 1875, was capable of use as a telephone. In his
testimony and public utterances Edison has always given Bell credit for
the discovery of the transmission of articulate speech by talking against
a diaphragm placed in front of an electromagnet; but it is only proper
here to note, in passing, the curious fact that he had actually produced a
device that COULD talk, prior to 1876, and was therefore very close to
Bell, who took the one great step further. A strong characterization of
the value and importance of the work done by Edison in the development of
the carbon transmitter will be found in the decision of Judge Brown in the
United States Circuit Court of Appeals, sitting in Boston, on February 27,
1901, declaring void the famous Berliner patent of the Bell telephone
system. [5]
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 5: See Federal Reporter, vol. 109, p. 976 et seq.]
</pre>
<p>
Bell's patent of 1876 was of an all-embracing character, which only the
make-and-break principle, if practical, could have escaped. It was pointed
out in the patent that Bell discovered the great principle that electrical
undulations induced by the vibrations of a current produced by sound-waves
can be represented graphically by the same sinusoidal curve that expresses
the original sound vibrations themselves; or, in other words, that a curve
representing sound vibrations will correspond precisely to a curve
representing electric impulses produced or generated by those identical
sound vibrations—as, for example, when the latter impinge upon a
diaphragm acting as an armature of an electromagnet, and which by movement
to and fro sets up the electric impulses by induction. To speak plainly,
the electric impulses correspond in form and character to the sound
vibration which they represent. This reduced to a patent "claim" governed
the art as firmly as a papal bull for centuries enabled Spain to hold the
Western world. The language of the claim is: "The method of and apparatus
for transmitting vocal or other sounds telegraphically as herein
described, by causing electrical undulations similar in form to the
vibrations of the air accompanying the said vocal or other sounds
substantially as set forth." It was a long time, however, before the
inclusive nature of this grant over every possible telephone was
understood or recognized, and litigation for and against the patent lasted
during its entire life. At the outset, the commercial value of the
telephone was little appreciated by the public, and Bell had the greatest
difficulty in securing capital; but among far-sighted inventors there was
an immediate "rush to the gold fields." Bell's first apparatus was poor,
the results being described by himself as "unsatisfactory and
discouraging," which was almost as true of the devices he exhibited at the
Philadelphia Centennial. The new-comers, like Edison, Berliner, Blake,
Hughes, Gray, Dolbear, and others, brought a wealth of ideas, a fund of
mechanical ingenuity, and an inventive ability which soon made the
telephone one of the most notable gains of the century, and one of the
most valuable additions to human resources. The work that Edison did was,
as usual, marked by infinite variety of method as well as by the power to
seize on the one needed element of practical success. Every one of the six
million telephones in use in the United States, and of the other millions
in use through out the world, bears the imprint of his genius, as at one
time the instruments bore his stamped name. For years his name was branded
on every Bell telephone set, and his patents were a mainstay of what has
been popularly called the "Bell monopoly." Speaking of his own efforts in
this field, Mr. Edison says:
</p>
<p>
"In 1876 I started again to experiment for the Western Union and Mr.
Orton. This time it was the telephone. Bell invented the first telephone,
which consisted of the present receiver, used both as a transmitter and a
receiver (the magneto type). It was attempted to introduce it
commercially, but it failed on account of its faintness and the extraneous
sounds which came in on its wires from various causes. Mr. Orton wanted me
to take hold of it and make it commercial. As I had also been working on a
telegraph system employing tuning-forks, simultaneously with both Bell and
Gray, I was pretty familiar with the subject. I started in, and soon
produced the carbon transmitter, which is now universally used.
</p>
<p>
"Tests were made between New York and Philadelphia, also between New York
and Washington, using regular Western Union wires. The noises were so
great that not a word could be heard with the Bell receiver when used as a
transmitter between New York and Newark, New Jersey. Mr. Orton and W. K.
Vanderbilt and the board of directors witnessed and took part in the
tests. The Western Union then put them on private lines. Mr. Theodore
Puskas, of Budapest, Hungary, was the first man to suggest a telephone
exchange, and soon after exchanges were established. The telephone
department was put in the hands of Hamilton McK. Twombly, Vanderbilt's
ablest son-in-law, who made a success of it. The Bell company, of Boston,
also started an exchange, and the fight was on, the Western Union pirating
the Bell receiver, and the Boston company pirating the Western Union
transmitter. About this time I wanted to be taken care of. I threw out
hints of this desire. Then Mr. Orton sent for me. He had learned that
inventors didn't do business by the regular process, and concluded he
would close it right up. He asked me how much I wanted. I had made up my
mind it was certainly worth $25,000, if it ever amounted to anything for
central-station work, so that was the sum I had in mind to stick to and
get—obstinately. Still it had been an easy job, and only required a
few months, and I felt a little shaky and uncertain. So I asked him to
make me an offer. He promptly said he would give me $100,000. 'All right,'
I said. 'It is yours on one condition, and that is that you do not pay it
all at once, but pay me at the rate of $6000 per year for seventeen years'—the
life of the patent. He seemed only too pleased to do this, and it was
closed. My ambition was about four times too large for my business
capacity, and I knew that I would soon spend this money experimenting if I
got it all at once, so I fixed it that I couldn't. I saved seventeen years
of worry by this stroke."
</p>
<p>
Thus modestly is told the debut of Edison in the telephone art, to which
with his carbon transmitter he gave the valuable principle of varying the
resistance of the transmitting circuit with changes in the pressure, as
well as the vital practice of using the induction coil as a means of
increasing the effective length of the talking circuit. Without these,
modern telephony would not and could not exist. [6] But Edison, in
telephonic work, as in other directions, was remarkably fertile and
prolific. His first inventions in the art, made in 1875-76, continue
through many later years, including all kinds of carbon instruments
—the water telephone, electrostatic telephone, condenser telephone,
chemical telephone, various magneto telephones, inertia telephone, mercury
telephone, voltaic pile telephone, musical transmitter, and the
electromotograph. All were actually made and tested.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 6: Briefly stated, the essential difference
between Bell's telephone and Edison's is this: With the
former the sound vibrations impinge upon a steel diaphragm
arranged adjacent to the pole of a bar electromagnet,
whereby the diaphragm acts as an armature, and by its
vibrations induces very weak electric impulses in the
magnetic coil. These impulses, according to Bell's theory,
correspond in form to the sound-waves, and passing over the
line energize the magnet coil at the receiving end, and by
varying the magnetism cause the receiving diaphragm to be
similarly vibrated to reproduce the sounds. A single
apparatus is therefore used at each end, performing the
double function of transmitter and receiver. With Edison's
telephone a closed circuit is used on which is constantly
flowing a battery current, and included in that circuit is a
pair of electrodes, one or both of which is of carbon. These
electrodes are always in contact with a certain initial
pressure, so that current will be always flowing over the
circuit. One of the electrodes is connected with the
diaphragm on which the sound-waves impinge, and the
vibration of this diaphragm causes the pressure between the
electrodes to be correspondingly varied, and thereby effects
a variation in the current, resulting in the production of
impulses which actuate the receiving magnet. In other words,
with Bell's telephone the sound-waves themselves generate
the electric impulses, which are hence extremely faint. With
the Edison telephone, the sound-waves actuate an electric
valve, so to speak, and permit variations in a current of
any desired strength.
A second distinction between the two telephones is this:
With the Bell apparatus the very weak electric impulses
generated by the vibration of the transmitting diaphragm
pass over the entire line to the receiving end, and in
consequence the permissible length of line is limited to a
few miles under ideal conditions. With Edison's telephone
the battery current does not flow on the main line, but
passes through the primary circuit of an induction coil, by
which corresponding impulses of enormously higher potential
are sent out on the main line to the receiving end. In
consequence, the line may be hundreds of miles in length. No
modern telephone system in use to-day lacks these
characteristic features—the varying resistance and the
induction coil.]
</pre>
<p>
The principle of the electromotograph was utilized by Edison in more ways
than one, first of all in telegraphy at this juncture. The well-known Page
patent, which had lingered in the Patent Office for years, had just been
issued, and was considered a formidable weapon. It related to the use of a
retractile spring to withdraw the armature lever from the magnet of a
telegraph or other relay or sounder, and thus controlled the art of
telegraphy, except in simple circuits. "There was no known way," remarks
Edison, "whereby this patent could be evaded, and its possessor would
eventually control the use of what is known as the relay and sounder, and
this was vital to telegraphy. Gould was pounding the Western Union on the
Stock Exchange, disturbing its railroad contracts, and, being advised by
his lawyers that this patent was of great value, bought it. The moment Mr.
Orton heard this he sent for me and explained the situation, and wanted me
to go to work immediately and see if I couldn't evade it or discover some
other means that could be used in case Gould sustained the patent. It
seemed a pretty hard job, because there was no known means of moving a
lever at the other end of a telegraph wire except by the use of a magnet.
I said I would go at it that night. In experimenting some years
previously, I had discovered a very peculiar phenomenon, and that was that
if a piece of metal connected to a battery was rubbed over a moistened
piece of chalk resting on a metal connected to the other pole, when the
current passed the friction was greatly diminished. When the current was
reversed the friction was greatly increased over what it was when no
current was passing. Remembering this, I substituted a piece of chalk
rotated by a small electric motor for the magnet, and connecting a sounder
to a metallic finger resting on the chalk, the combination claim of Page
was made worthless. A hitherto unknown means was introduced in the
electric art. Two or three of the devices were made and tested by the
company's expert. Mr. Orton, after he had me sign the patent application
and got it in the Patent Office, wanted to settle for it at once. He asked
my price. Again I said: 'Make me an offer.' Again he named $100,000. I
accepted, providing he would pay it at the rate of $6000 a year for
seventeen years. This was done, and thus, with the telephone money, I
received $12,000 yearly for that period from the Western Union Telegraph
Company."
</p>
<p>
A year or two later the motograph cropped up again in Edison's work in a
curious manner. The telephone was being developed in England, and Edison
had made arrangements with Colonel Gouraud, his old associate in the
automatic telegraph, to represent his interests. A company was formed, a
large number of instruments were made and sent to Gouraud in London, and
prospects were bright. Then there came a threat of litigation from the
owners of the Bell patent, and Gouraud found he could not push the
enterprise unless he could avoid using what was asserted to be an
infringement of the Bell receiver. He cabled for help to Edison, who sent
back word telling him to hold the fort. "I had recourse again," says
Edison, "to the phenomenon discovered by me years previous, that the
friction of a rubbing electrode passing over a moist chalk surface was
varied by electricity. I devised a telephone receiver which was afterward
known as the 'loud-speaking telephone,' or 'chalk receiver.' There was no
magnet, simply a diaphragm and a cylinder of compressed chalk about the
size of a thimble. A thin spring connected to the centre of the diaphragm
extended outwardly and rested on the chalk cylinder, and was pressed
against it with a pressure equal to that which would be due to a weight of
about six pounds. The chalk was rotated by hand. The volume of sound was
very great. A person talking into the carbon transmitter in New York had
his voice so amplified that he could be heard one thousand feet away in an
open field at Menlo Park. This great excess of power was due to the fact
that the latter came from the person turning the handle. The voice,
instead of furnishing all the power as with the present receiver, merely
controlled the power, just as an engineer working a valve would control a
powerful engine.
</p>
<p>
"I made six of these receivers and sent them in charge of an expert on the
first steamer. They were welcomed and tested, and shortly afterward I
shipped a hundred more. At the same time I was ordered to send twenty
young men, after teaching them to become expert. I set up an exchange,
around the laboratory, of ten instruments. I would then go out and get
each one out of order in every conceivable way, cutting the wires of one,
short-circuiting another, destroying the adjustment of a third, putting
dirt between the electrodes of a fourth, and so on. A man would be sent to
each to find out the trouble. When he could find the trouble ten
consecutive times, using five minutes each, he was sent to London. About
sixty men were sifted to get twenty. Before all had arrived, the Bell
company there, seeing we could not be stopped, entered into negotiations
for consolidation. One day I received a cable from Gouraud offering
'30,000' for my interest. I cabled back I would accept. When the draft
came I was astonished to find it was for L30,000. I had thought it was
dollars."
</p>
<p>
In regard to this singular and happy conclusion, Edison makes some
interesting comments as to the attitude of the courts toward inventors,
and the difference between American and English courts. "The men I sent
over were used to establish telephone exchanges all over the Continent,
and some of them became wealthy. It was among this crowd in London that
Bernard Shaw was employed before he became famous. The chalk telephone was
finally discarded in favor of the Bell receiver—the latter being
more simple and cheaper. Extensive litigation with new-comers followed. My
carbon-transmitter patent was sustained, and preserved the monopoly of the
telephone in England for many years. Bell's patent was not sustained by
the courts. Sir Richard Webster, now Chief-Justice of England, was my
counsel, and sustained all of my patents in England for many years.
Webster has a marvellous capacity for understanding things scientific; and
his address before the courts was lucidity itself. His brain is highly
organized. My experience with the legal fraternity is that scientific
subjects are distasteful to them, and it is rare in this country, on
account of the system of trying patent suits, for a judge really to reach
the meat of the controversy, and inventors scarcely ever get a decision
squarely and entirely in their favor. The fault rests, in my judgment,
almost wholly with the system under which testimony to the extent of
thousands of pages bearing on all conceivable subjects, many of them
having no possible connection with the invention in dispute, is presented
to an over-worked judge in an hour or two of argument supported by several
hundred pages of briefs; and the judge is supposed to extract some essence
of justice from this mass of conflicting, blind, and misleading
statements. It is a human impossibility, no matter how able and
fair-minded the judge may be. In England the case is different. There the
judges are face to face with the experts and other witnesses. They get the
testimony first-hand and only so much as they need, and there are no
long-winded briefs and arguments, and the case is decided then and there,
a few months perhaps after suit is brought, instead of many years
afterward, as in this country. And in England, when a case is once finally
decided it is settled for the whole country, while here it is not so. Here
a patent having once been sustained, say, in Boston, may have to be
litigated all over again in New York, and again in Philadelphia, and so on
for all the Federal circuits. Furthermore, it seems to me that scientific
disputes should be decided by some court containing at least one or two
scientific men—men capable of comprehending the significance of an
invention and the difficulties of its accomplishment—if justice is
ever to be given to an inventor. And I think, also, that this court should
have the power to summon before it and examine any recognized expert in
the special art, who might be able to testify to FACTS for or against the
patent, instead of trying to gather the truth from the tedious essays of
hired experts, whose depositions are really nothing but sworn arguments.
The real gist of patent suits is generally very simple, and I have no
doubt that any judge of fair intelligence, assisted by one or more
scientific advisers, could in a couple of days at the most examine all the
necessary witnesses; hear all the necessary arguments, and actually decide
an ordinary patent suit in a way that would more nearly be just, than can
now be done at an expenditure of a hundred times as much money and months
and years of preparation. And I have no doubt that the time taken by the
court would be enormously less, because if a judge attempts to read the
bulky records and briefs, that work alone would require several days.
</p>
<p>
"Acting as judges, inventors would not be very apt to correctly decide a
complicated law point; and on the other hand, it is hard to see how a
lawyer can decide a complicated scientific point rightly. Some inventors
complain of our Patent Office, but my own experience with the Patent
Office is that the examiners are fair-minded and intelligent, and when
they refuse a patent they are generally right; but I think the whole
trouble lies with the system in vogue in the Federal courts for trying
patent suits, and in the fact, which cannot be disputed, that the Federal
judges, with but few exceptions, do not comprehend complicated scientific
questions. To secure uniformity in the several Federal circuits and
correct errors, it has been proposed to establish a central court of
patent appeals in Washington. This I believe in; but this court should
also contain at least two scientific men, who would not be blind to the
sophistry of paid experts. [7] Men whose inventions would have created
wealth of millions have been ruined and prevented from making any money
whereby they could continue their careers as creators of wealth for the
general good, just because the experts befuddled the judge by their
misleading statements."
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 7: As an illustration of the perplexing nature of
expert evidence in patent cases, the reader will probably be
interested in perusing the following extracts from the
opinion of Judge Dayton, in the suit of Bryce Bros. Co. vs.
Seneca Glass Co., tried in the United States Circuit Court,
Northern District of West Virginia, reported in The Federal
Reporter, 140, page 161:
"On this subject of the validity of this patent, a vast
amount of conflicting, technical, perplexing, and almost
hypercritical discussion and opinion has been indulged, both
in the testimony and in the able and exhaustive arguments
and briefs of counsel. Expert Osborn for defendant, after
setting forth minutely his superior qualifications
mechanical education, and great experience, takes up in
detail the patent claims, and shows to his own entire
satisfaction that none of them are new; that all of them
have been applied, under one form or another, in some
twenty-two previous patents, and in two other machines, not
patented, to-wit, the Central Glass and Kuny Kahbel ones;
that the whole machine is only 'an aggregation of well-known
mechanical elements that any skilled designer would bring to
his use in the construction of such a machine.' This
certainly, under ordinary conditions, would settle the
matter beyond peradventure; for this witness is a very wise
and learned man in these things, and very positive. But
expert Clarke appears for the plaintiff, and after setting
forth just as minutely his superior qualifications,
mechanical education, and great experience, which appear
fully equal in all respects to those of expert Osborn,
proceeds to take up in detail the patent claims, and shows
to his entire satisfaction that all, with possibly one
exception, are new, show inventive genius, and distinct
advances upon the prior art. In the most lucid, and even
fascinating, way he discusses all the parts of this machine,
compares it with the others, draws distinctions, points out
the merits of the one in controversy and the defects of all
the others, considers the twenty-odd patents referred to by
Osborn, and in the politest, but neatest, manner imaginable
shows that expert Osborn did not know what he was talking
about, and sums the whole matter up by declaring this
'invention of Mr. Schrader's, as embodied in the patent in
suit, a radical and wide departure, from the Kahbel machine'
(admitted on all sides to be nearest prior approach to it),
'a distinct and important advance in the art of engraving
glassware, and generally a machine for this purpose which
has involved the exercise of the inventive faculty in the
highest degree.'
"Thus a more radical and irreconcilable disagreement between
experts touching the same thing could hardly be found. So it
is with the testimony. If we take that for the defendant,
the Central Glass Company machine, and especially the Kuny
Kahbel machine, built and operated years before this patent
issued, and not patented, are just as good, just as
effective and practical, as this one, and capable of turning
out just as perfect work and as great a variety of it. On
the other hand, if we take that produced by the plaintiff,
we are driven to the conclusion that these prior machines,
the product of the same mind, were only progressive steps
forward from utter darkness, so to speak, into full
inventive sunlight, which made clear to him the solution of
the problem in this patented machine. The shortcomings of
the earlier machines are minutely set forth, and the
witnesses for the plaintiff are clear that they are neither
practical nor profitable.
"But this is not all of the trouble that confronts us in
this case. Counsel of both sides, with an indomitable
courage that must command admiration, a courage that has led
them to a vast amount of study, investigation, and thought,
that in fact has made them all experts, have dissected this
record of 356 closely printed pages, applied all mechanical
principles and laws to the facts as they see them, and,
besides, have ransacked the law-books and cited an enormous
number of cases, more or less in point, as illustration of
their respective contentions. The courts find nothing more
difficult than to apply an abstract principle to all classes
of cases that may arise. The facts in each case so
frequently create an exception to the general rule that such
rule must be honored rather in its breach than in its
observance. Therefore, after a careful examination of these
cases, it is no criticism of the courts to say that both
sides have found abundant and about an equal amount of
authority to sustain their respective contentions, and, as a
result, counsel have submitted, in briefs, a sum total of
225 closely printed pages, in which they have clearly, yet,
almost to a mathematical certainty, demonstrated on the one
side that this Schrader machine is new and patentable, and
on the other that it is old and not so. Under these
circumstances, it would be unnecessary labor and a fruitless
task for me to enter into any further technical discussion
of the mechanical problems involved, for the purpose of
seeking to convince either side of its error. In cases of
such perplexity as this generally some incidents appear that
speak more unerringly than do the tongues of the witnesses,
and to some of these I purpose to now refer."]
</pre>
<p>
Mr. Bernard Shaw, the distinguished English author, has given a most vivid
and amusing picture of this introduction of Edison's telephone into
England, describing the apparatus as "a much too ingenious invention,
being nothing less than a telephone of such stentorian efficiency that it
bellowed your most private communications all over the house, instead of
whispering them with some sort of discretion." Shaw, as a young man, was
employed by the Edison Telephone Company, and was very much alive to his
surroundings, often assisting in public demonstrations of the apparatus
"in a manner which I am persuaded laid the foundation of Mr. Edison's
reputation." The sketch of the men sent over from America is graphic:
"Whilst the Edison Telephone Company lasted it crowded the basement of a
high pile of offices in Queen Victoria Street with American artificers.
These deluded and romantic men gave me a glimpse of the skilled
proletariat of the United States. They sang obsolete sentimental songs
with genuine emotion; and their language was frightful even to an
Irishman. They worked with a ferocious energy which was out of all
proportion to the actual result achieved. Indomitably resolved to assert
their republican manhood by taking no orders from a tall-hatted Englishman
whose stiff politeness covered his conviction that they were relatively to
himself inferior and common persons, they insisted on being slave-driven
with genuine American oaths by a genuine free and equal American foreman.
They utterly despised the artfully slow British workman, who did as little
for his wages as he possibly could; never hurried himself; and had a deep
reverence for one whose pocket could be tapped by respectful behavior.
Need I add that they were contemptuously wondered at by this same British
workman as a parcel of outlandish adult boys who sweated themselves for
their employer's benefit instead of looking after their own interest? They
adored Mr. Edison as the greatest man of all time in every possible
department of science, art, and philosophy, and execrated Mr. Graham Bell,
the inventor of the rival telephone, as his Satanic adversary; but each of
them had (or intended to have) on the brink of completion an improvement
on the telephone, usually a new transmitter. They were free-souled
creatures, excellent company, sensitive, cheerful, and profane; liars,
braggarts, and hustlers, with an air of making slow old England hum, which
never left them even when, as often happened, they were wrestling with
difficulties of their own making, or struggling in no-thoroughfares, from
which they had to be retrieved like stray sheep by Englishmen without
imagination enough to go wrong."
</p>
<p>
Mr. Samuel Insull, who afterward became private secretary to Mr. Edison,
and a leader in the development of American electrical manufacturing and
the central-station art, was also in close touch with the London situation
thus depicted, being at the time private secretary to Colonel Gouraud, and
acting for the first half hour as the amateur telephone operator in the
first experimental exchange erected in Europe. He took notes of an early
meeting where the affairs of the company were discussed by leading men
like Sir John Lubbock (Lord Avebury) and the Right Hon. E. P. Bouverie
(then a cabinet minister), none of whom could see in the telephone much
more than an auxiliary for getting out promptly in the next morning's
papers the midnight debates in Parliament. "I remember another incident,"
says Mr. Insull. "It was at some celebration of one of the Royal Societies
at the Burlington House, Piccadilly. We had a telephone line running
across the roofs to the basement of the building. I think it was to
Tyndall's laboratory in Burlington Street. As the ladies and gentlemen
came through, they naturally wanted to look at the great curiosity, the
loud-speaking telephone: in fact, any telephone was a curiosity then. Mr.
and Mrs. Gladstone came through. I was handling the telephone at the
Burlington House end. Mrs. Gladstone asked the man over the telephone
whether he knew if a man or woman was speaking; and the reply came in
quite loud tones that it was a man!"
</p>
<p>
With Mr. E. H. Johnson, who represented Edison, there went to England for
the furtherance of this telephone enterprise, Mr. Charles Edison, a nephew
of the inventor. He died in Paris, October, 1879, not twenty years of age.
Stimulated by the example of his uncle, this brilliant youth had already
made a mark for himself as a student and inventor, and when only eighteen
he secured in open competition the contract to install a complete
fire-alarm telegraph system for Port Huron. A few months later he was
eagerly welcomed by his uncle at Menlo Park, and after working on the
telephone was sent to London to aid in its introduction. There he made the
acquaintance of Professor Tyndall, exhibited the telephone to the late
King of England; and also won the friendship of the late King of the
Belgians, with whom he took up the project of establishing telephonic
communication between Belgium and England. At the time of his premature
death he was engaged in installing the Edison quadruplex between Brussels
and Paris, being one of the very few persons then in Europe familiar with
the working of that invention.
</p>
<p>
Meantime, the telephonic art in America was undergoing very rapid
development. In March, 1878, addressing "the capitalists of the Electric
Telephone Company" on the future of his invention, Bell outlined with
prophetic foresight and remarkable clearness the coming of the modern
telephone exchange. Comparing with gas and water distribution, he said:
"In a similar manner, it is conceivable that cables of telephone wires
could be laid underground or suspended overhead communicating by branch
wires with private dwellings, country houses, shops, manufactories, etc.,
uniting them through the main cable with a central office, where the wire
could be connected as desired, establishing direct communication between
any two places in the city.... Not only so, but I believe, in the future,
wires will unite the head offices of telephone companies in different
cities; and a man in one part of the country may communicate by word of
mouth with another in a distant place."
</p>
<p>
All of which has come to pass. Professor Bell also suggested how this
could be done by "the employ of a man in each central office for the
purpose of connecting the wires as directed." He also indicated the two
methods of telephonic tariff—a fixed rental and a toll; and
mentioned the practice, now in use on long-distance lines, of a time
charge. As a matter of fact, this "centralizing" was attempted in May,
1877, in Boston, with the circuits of the Holmes burglar-alarm system,
four banking-houses being thus interconnected; while in January of 1878
the Bell telephone central-office system at New Haven, Connecticut, was
opened for business, "the first fully equipped commercial telephone
exchange ever established for public or general service."
</p>
<p>
All through this formative period Bell had adhered to and introduced the
magneto form of telephone, now used only as a receiver, and very poorly
adapted for the vital function of a speech-transmitter. From August, 1877,
the Western Union Telegraph Company worked along the other line, and in
1878, with its allied Gold & Stock Telegraph Company, it brought into
existence the American Speaking Telephone Company to introduce the Edison
apparatus, and to create telephone exchanges all over the country. In this
warfare, the possession of a good battery transmitter counted very heavily
in favor of the Western Union, for upon that the real expansion of the
whole industry depended; but in a few months the Bell system had its
battery transmitter, too, tending to equalize matters. Late in the same
year patent litigation was begun which brought out clearly the merits of
Bell, through his patent, as the original and first inventor of the
electric speaking telephone; and the Western Union Telegraph Company made
terms with its rival. A famous contract bearing date of November 10, 1879,
showed that under the Edison and other controlling patents the Western
Union Company had already set going some eighty-five exchanges, and was
making large quantities of telephonic apparatus. In return for its
voluntary retirement from the telephonic field, the Western Union
Telegraph Company, under this contract, received a royalty of 20 per cent.
of all the telephone earnings of the Bell system while the Bell patents
ran; and thus came to enjoy an annual income of several hundred thousand
dollars for some years, based chiefly on its modest investment in Edison's
work. It was also paid several thousand dollars in cash for the Edison,
Phelps, Gray, and other apparatus on hand. It secured further 40 per cent.
of the stock of the local telephone systems of New York and Chicago; and
last, but by no means least, it exacted from the Bell interests an
agreement to stay out of the telegraph field.
</p>
<p>
By March, 1881, there were in the United States only nine cities of more
than ten thousand inhabitants, and only one of more than fifteen thousand,
without a telephone exchange. The industry thrived under competition, and
the absence of it now had a decided effect in checking growth; for when
the Bell patent expired in 1893, the total of telephone sets in operation
in the United States was only 291,253. To quote from an official Bell
statement:
</p>
<p>
"The brief but vigorous Western Union competition was a kind of blessing
in disguise. The very fact that two distinct interests were actively
engaged in the work of organizing and establishing competing telephone
exchanges all over the country, greatly facilitated the spread of the idea
and the growth of the business, and familiarized the people with the use
of the telephone as a business agency; while the keenness of the
competition, extending to the agents and employees of both companies,
brought about a swift but quite unforeseen and unlooked-for expansion in
the individual exchanges of the larger cities, and a corresponding advance
in their importance, value, and usefulness."
</p>
<p>
The truth of this was immediately shown in 1894, after the Bell patents
had expired, by the tremendous outburst of new competitive activity, in
"independent" country systems and toll lines through sparsely settled
districts—work for which the Edison apparatus and methods were
peculiarly adapted, yet against which the influence of the Edison patent
was invoked. The data secured by the United States Census Office in 1902
showed that the whole industry had made gigantic leaps in eight years, and
had 2,371,044 telephone stations in service, of which 1,053,866 were
wholly or nominally independent of the Bell. By 1907 an even more notable
increase was shown, and the Census figures for that year included no fewer
than 6,118,578 stations, of which 1,986,575 were "independent." These six
million instruments every single set employing the principle of the carbon
transmitter—were grouped into 15,527 public exchanges, in the very
manner predicted by Bell thirty years before, and they gave service in the
shape of over eleven billions of talks. The outstanding capitalized value
of the plant was $814,616,004, the income for the year was nearly
$185,000,000, and the people employed were 140,000. If Edison had done
nothing else, his share in the creation of such an industry would have
entitled him to a high place among inventors.
</p>
<p>
This chapter is of necessity brief in its reference to many extremely
interesting points and details; and to some readers it may seem incomplete
in its references to the work of other men than Edison, whose influence on
telephony as an art has also been considerable. In reply to this pertinent
criticism, it may be pointed out that this is a life of Edison, and not of
any one else; and that even the discussion of his achievements alone in
these various fields requires more space than the authors have at their
disposal. The attempt has been made, however, to indicate the course of
events and deal fairly with the facts. The controversy that once waged
with great excitement over the invention of the microphone, but has long
since died away, is suggestive of the difficulties involved in trying to
do justice to everybody. A standard history describes the microphone thus:
</p>
<p>
"A form of apparatus produced during the early days of the telephone by
Professor Hughes, of England, for the purpose of rendering faint,
indistinct sounds distinctly audible, depended for its operation on the
changes that result in the resistance of loose contacts. This apparatus
was called the microphone, and was in reality but one of the many forms
that it is possible to give to the telephone transmitter. For example, the
Edison granular transmitter was a variety of microphone, as was also
Edison's transmitter, in which the solid button of carbon was employed.
Indeed, even the platinum point, which in the early form of the Reis
transmitter pressed against the platinum contact cemented to the centre of
the diaphragm, was a microphone."
</p>
<p>
At a time when most people were amazed at the idea of hearing, with the
aid of a "microphone," a fly walk at a distance of many miles, the
priority of invention of such a device was hotly disputed. Yet without
desiring to take anything from the credit of the brilliant American,
Hughes, whose telegraphic apparatus is still in use all over Europe, it
may be pointed out that this passage gives Edison the attribution of at
least two original forms of which those suggested by Hughes were mere
variations and modifications. With regard to this matter, Mr. Edison
himself remarks: "After I sent one of my men over to London especially, to
show Preece the carbon transmitter, and where Hughes first saw it, and
heard it—then within a month he came out with the microphone,
without any acknowledgment whatever. Published dates will show that Hughes
came along after me."
</p>
<p>
There have been other ways also in which Edison has utilized the peculiar
property that carbon possesses of altering its resistance to the passage
of current, according to the pressure to which it is subjected, whether at
the surface, or through closer union of the mass. A loose road with a few
inches of dust or pebbles on it offers appreciable resistance to the
wheels of vehicles travelling over it; but if the surface is kept hard and
smooth the effect is quite different. In the same way carbon, whether
solid or in the shape of finely divided powder, offers a high resistance
to the passage of electricity; but if the carbon is squeezed together the
conditions change, with less resistance to electricity in the circuit. For
his quadruplex system, Mr. Edison utilized this fact in the construction
of a rheostat or resistance box. It consists of a series of silk disks
saturated with a sizing of plumbago and well dried. The disks are
compressed by means of an adjustable screw; and in this manner the
resistance of a circuit can be varied over a wide range.
</p>
<p>
In like manner Edison developed a "pressure" or carbon relay, adapted to
the transference of signals of variable strength from one circuit to
another. An ordinary relay consists of an electromagnet inserted in the
main line for telegraphing, which brings a local battery and sounder
circuit into play, reproducing in the local circuit the signals sent over
the main line. The relay is adjusted to the weaker currents likely to be
received, but the signals reproduced on the sounder by the agency of the
relay are, of course, all of equal strength, as they depend upon the local
battery, which has only this steady work to perform. In cases where it is
desirable to reproduce the signals in the local circuit with the same
variations in strength as they are received by the relay, the Edison
carbon pressure relay does the work. The poles of the electromagnet in the
local circuit are hollowed out and filled up with carbon disks or powdered
plumbago. The armature and the carbon-tipped poles of the electromagnet
form part of the local circuit; and if the relay is actuated by a weak
current the armature will be attracted but feebly. The carbon being only
slightly compressed will offer considerable resistance to the flow of
current from the local battery, and therefore the signal on the local
sounder will be weak. If, on the contrary, the incoming current on the
main line be strong, the armature will be strongly attracted, the carbon
will be sharply compressed, the resistance in the local circuit will be
proportionately lowered, and the signal heard on the local sounder will be
a loud one. Thus it will be seen, by another clever juggle with the
willing agent, carbon, for which he has found so many duties, Edison is
able to transfer or transmit exactly, to the local circuit, the main-line
current in all its minutest variations.
</p>
<p>
In his researches to determine the nature of the motograph phenomena, and
to open up other sources of electrical current generation, Edison has
worked out a very ingenious and somewhat perplexing piece of apparatus
known as the "chalk battery." It consists of a series of chalk cylinders
mounted on a shaft revolved by hand. Resting against each of these
cylinders is a palladium-faced spring, and similar springs make contact
with the shaft between each cylinder. By connecting all these springs in
circuit with a galvanometer and revolving the shaft rapidly, a notable
deflection is obtained of the galvanometer needle, indicating the
production of electrical energy. The reason for this does not appear to
have been determined.
</p>
<p>
Last but not least, in this beautiful and ingenious series, comes the
"tasimeter," an instrument of most delicate sensibility in the presence of
heat. The name is derived from the Greek, the use of the apparatus being
primarily to measure extremely minute differences of pressure. A strip of
hard rubber with pointed ends rests perpendicularly on a platinum plate,
beneath which is a carbon button, under which again lies another platinum
plate. The two plates and the carbon button form part of an electric
circuit containing a battery and a galvanometer. The hard-rubber strip is
exceedingly sensitive to heat. The slightest degree of heat imparted to it
causes it to expand invisibly, thus increasing the pressure contact on the
carbon button and producing a variation in the resistance of the circuit,
registered immediately by the little swinging needle of the galvanometer.
The instrument is so sensitive that with a delicate galvanometer it will
show the impingement of the heat from a person's hand thirty feet away.
The suggestion to employ such an apparatus in astronomical observations
occurs at once, and it may be noted that in one instance the heat of rays
of light from the remote star Arcturus gave results.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2HCH0010" id="link2HCH0010">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CHAPTER X
</h2>
<h3>
THE PHONOGRAPH
</h3>
<p>
AT the opening of the Electrical Show in New York City in October, 1908,
to celebrate the jubilee of the Atlantic Cable and the first quarter
century of lighting with the Edison service on Manhattan Island, the
exercises were all conducted by means of the Edison phonograph. This
included the dedicatory speech of Governor Hughes, of New York; the modest
remarks of Mr. Edison, as president; the congratulations of the presidents
of several national electric bodies, and a number of vocal and
instrumental selections of operatic nature. All this was heard clearly by
a very large audience, and was repeated on other evenings. The same
speeches were used again phonographically at the Electrical Show in
Chicago in 1909—and now the records are preserved for reproduction a
hundred or a thousand years hence. This tour de force, never attempted
before, was merely an exemplification of the value of the phonograph not
only in establishing at first hand the facts of history, but in preserving
the human voice. What would we not give to listen to the very accents and
tones of the Sermon on the Mount, the orations of Demosthenes, the first
Pitt's appeal for American liberty, the Farewell of Washington, or the
Address at Gettysburg? Until Edison made his wonderful invention in 1877,
the human race was entirely without means for preserving or passing on to
posterity its own linguistic utterances or any other vocal sound. We have
some idea how the ancients looked and felt and wrote; the abundant
evidence takes us back to the cave-dwellers. But all the old languages are
dead, and the literary form is their embalmment. We do not even know
definitely how Shakespeare's and Goldsmith's plays were pronounced on the
stage in the theatres of the time; while it is only a guess that perhaps
Chaucer would sound much more modern than he scans.
</p>
<p>
The analysis of sound, which owes so much to Helmholtz, was one step
toward recording; and the various means of illustrating the phenomena of
sound to the eye and ear, prior to the phonograph, were all ingenious. One
can watch the dancing little flames of Koenig, and see a voice expressed
in tongues of fire; but the record can only be photographic. In like
manner, the simple phonautograph of Leon Scott, invented about 1858,
records on a revolving cylinder of blackened paper the sound vibrations
transmitted through a membrane to which a tiny stylus is attached; so that
a human mouth uses a pen and inscribes its sign vocal. Yet after all we
are just as far away as ever from enabling the young actors at Harvard to
give Aristophanes with all the true, subtle intonation and inflection of
the Athens of 400 B.C. The instrument is dumb. Ingenuity has been shown
also in the invention of "talking-machines," like Faber's, based on the
reed organ pipe. These automata can be made by dexterous manipulation to
jabber a little, like a doll with its monotonous "ma-ma," or a cuckoo
clock; but they lack even the sterile utility of the imitative art of
ventriloquism. The real great invention lies in creating devices that
shall be able to evoke from tinfoil, wax, or composition at any time
to-day or in the future the sound that once was as evanescent as the
vibrations it made on the air.
</p>
<p>
Contrary to the general notion, very few of the great modern inventions
have been the result of a sudden inspiration by which, Minerva-like, they
have sprung full-fledged from their creators' brain; but, on the contrary,
they have been evolved by slow and gradual steps, so that frequently the
final advance has been often almost imperceptible. The Edison phonograph
is an important exception to the general rule; not, of course, the
phonograph of the present day with all of its mechanical perfection, but
as an instrument capable of recording and reproducing sound. Its invention
has been frequently attributed to the discovery that a point attached to a
telephone diaphragm would, under the effect of sound-waves, vibrate with
sufficient force to prick the finger. The story, though interesting, is
not founded on fact; but, if true, it is difficult to see how the
discovery in question could have contributed materially to the ultimate
accomplishment. To a man of Edison's perception it is absurd to suppose
that the effect of the so-called discovery would not have been made as a
matter of deduction long before the physical sensation was experienced. As
a matter of fact, the invention of the phonograph was the result of pure
reason. Some time prior to 1877, Edison had been experimenting on an
automatic telegraph in which the letters were formed by embossing strips
of paper with the proper arrangement of dots and dashes. By drawing this
strip beneath a contact lever, the latter was actuated so as to control
the circuits and send the desired signals over the line. It was observed
that when the strip was moved very rapidly the vibration of the lever
resulted in the production of an audible note. With these facts before
him, Edison reasoned that if the paper strip could be imprinted with
elevations and depressions representative of sound-waves, they might be
caused to actuate a diaphragm so as to reproduce the corresponding sounds.
The next step in the line of development was to form the necessary
undulations on the strip, and it was then reasoned that original sounds
themselves might be utilized to form a graphic record by actuating a
diaphragm and causing a cutting or indenting point carried thereby to
vibrate in contact with a moving surface, so as to cut or indent the
record therein. Strange as it may seem, therefore, and contrary to the
general belief, the phonograph was developed backward, the production of
the sounds being of prior development to the idea of actually recording
them.
</p>
<p>
Mr. Edison's own account of the invention of the phonograph is intensely
interesting. "I was experimenting," he says, "on an automatic method of
recording telegraph messages on a disk of paper laid on a revolving
platen, exactly the same as the disk talking-machine of to-day. The platen
had a spiral groove on its surface, like the disk. Over this was placed a
circular disk of paper; an electromagnet with the embossing point
connected to an arm travelled over the disk; and any signals given through
the magnets were embossed on the disk of paper. If this disk was removed
from the machine and put on a similar machine provided with a contact
point, the embossed record would cause the signals to be repeated into
another wire. The ordinary speed of telegraphic signals is thirty-five to
forty words a minute; but with this machine several hundred words were
possible.
</p>
<p>
"From my experiments on the telephone I knew of the power of a diaphragm
to take up sound vibrations, as I had made a little toy which, when you
recited loudly in the funnel, would work a pawl connected to the
diaphragm; and this engaging a ratchet-wheel served to give continuous
rotation to a pulley. This pulley was connected by a cord to a little
paper toy representing a man sawing wood. Hence, if one shouted: 'Mary had
a little lamb,' etc., the paper man would start sawing wood. I reached the
conclusion that if I could record the movements of the diaphragm properly,
I could cause such record to reproduce the original movements imparted to
the diaphragm by the voice, and thus succeed in recording and reproducing
the human voice.
</p>
<p>
"Instead of using a disk I designed a little machine using a cylinder
provided with grooves around the surface. Over this was to be placed
tinfoil, which easily received and recorded the movements of the
diaphragm. A sketch was made, and the piece-work price, $18, was marked on
the sketch. I was in the habit of marking the price I would pay on each
sketch. If the workman lost, I would pay his regular wages; if he made
more than the wages, he kept it. The workman who got the sketch was John
Kruesi. I didn't have much faith that it would work, expecting that I
might possibly hear a word or so that would give hope of a future for the
idea. Kruesi, when he had nearly finished it, asked what it was for. I
told him I was going to record talking, and then have the machine talk
back. He thought it absurd. However, it was finished, the foil was put on;
I then shouted 'Mary had a little lamb,' etc. I adjusted the reproducer,
and the machine reproduced it perfectly. I was never so taken aback in my
life. Everybody was astonished. I was always afraid of things that worked
the first time. Long experience proved that there were great drawbacks
found generally before they could be got commercial; but here was
something there was no doubt of."
</p>
<p>
No wonder that honest John Kruesi, as he stood and listened to the
marvellous performance of the simple little machine he had himself just
finished, ejaculated in an awe-stricken tone: "Mein Gott im Himmel!" And
yet he had already seen Edison do a few clever things. No wonder they sat
up all night fixing and adjusting it so as to get better and better
results—reciting and singing, trying each other's voices, and then
listening with involuntary awe as the words came back again and again,
just as long as they were willing to revolve the little cylinder with its
dotted spiral indentations in the tinfoil under the vibrating stylus of
the reproducing diaphragm. It took a little time to acquire the knack of
turning the crank steadily while leaning over the recorder to talk into
the machine; and there was some deftness required also in fastening down
the tinfoil on the cylinder where it was held by a pin running in a
longitudinal slot. Paraffined paper appears also to have been experimented
with as an impressible material. It is said that Carman, the foreman of
the machine shop, had gone the length of wagering Edison a box of cigars
that the device would not work. All the world knows that he lost.
</p>
<p>
The original Edison phonograph thus built by Kruesi is preserved in the
South Kensington Museum, London. That repository can certainly have no
greater treasure of its kind. But as to its immediate use, the inventor
says: "That morning I took it over to New York and walked into the office
of the Scientific American, went up to Mr. Beach's desk, and said I had
something to show him. He asked what it was. I told him I had a machine
that would record and reproduce the human voice. I opened the package, set
up the machine and recited, 'Mary had a little lamb,' etc. Then I
reproduced it so that it could be heard all over the room. They kept me at
it until the crowd got so great Mr. Beach was afraid the floor would
collapse; and we were compelled to stop. The papers next morning contained
columns. None of the writers seemed to understand how it was done. I tried
to explain, it was so very simple, but the results were so surprising they
made up their minds probably that they never would understand it—and
they didn't.
</p>
<p>
"I started immediately making several larger and better machines, which I
exhibited at Menlo Park to crowds. The Pennsylvania Railroad ran special
trains. Washington people telegraphed me to come on. I took a phonograph
to Washington and exhibited it in the room of James G. Blaine's niece
(Gail Hamilton); and members of Congress and notable people of that city
came all day long until late in the evening. I made one break. I recited
'Mary,' etc., and another ditty:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
'There was a little girl, who had a little curl
Right in the middle of her forehead;
And when she was good she was very, very good,
But when she was bad she was horrid.'
</pre>
<p>
"It will be remembered that Senator Roscoe Conkling, then very prominent,
had a curl of hair on his forehead; and all the caricaturists developed it
abnormally. He was very sensitive about the subject. When he came in he
was introduced; but being rather deaf, I didn't catch his name, but sat
down and started the curl ditty. Everybody tittered, and I was told that
Mr. Conkling was displeased. About 11 o'clock at night word was received
from President Hayes that he would be very much pleased if I would come up
to the White House. I was taken there, and found Mr. Hayes and several
others waiting. Among them I remember Carl Schurz, who was playing the
piano when I entered the room. The exhibition continued till about 12.30
A.M., when Mrs. Hayes and several other ladies, who had been induced to
get up and dress, appeared. I left at 3.30 A.M.
</p>
<p>
"For a long time some people thought there was trickery. One morning at
Menlo Park a gentleman came to the laboratory and asked to see the
phonograph. It was Bishop Vincent, who helped Lewis Miller found the
Chautauqua I exhibited it, and then he asked if he could speak a few
words. I put on a fresh foil and told him to go ahead. He commenced to
recite Biblical names with immense rapidity. On reproducing it he said: 'I
am satisfied, now. There isn't a man in the United States who could recite
those names with the same rapidity.'"
</p>
<p>
The phonograph was now fairly launched as a world sensation, and a
reference to the newspapers of 1878 will show the extent to which it and
Edison were themes of universal discussion. Some of the press notices of
the period were most amazing—and amusing. As though the real
achievements of this young man, barely thirty, were not tangible and solid
enough to justify admiration of his genius, the "yellow journalists" of
the period began busily to create an "Edison myth," with gross absurdities
of assertion and attribution from which the modest subject of it all has
not yet ceased to suffer with unthinking people. A brilliantly vicious
example of this method of treatment is to be found in the Paris Figaro of
that year, which under the appropriate title of "This Astounding Eddison"
lay bare before the French public the most startling revelations as to the
inventor's life and character. "It should be understood," said this
journal, "that Mr. Eddison does not belong to himself. He is the property
of the telegraph company which lodges him in New York at a superb hotel;
keeps him on a luxurious footing, and pays him a formidable salary so as
to be the one to know of and profit by his discoveries. The company has,
in the dwelling of Eddison, men in its employ who do not quit him for a
moment, at the table, on the street, in the laboratory. So that this
wretched man, watched more closely than ever was any malefactor, cannot
even give a moment's thought to his own private affairs without one of his
guards asking him what he is thinking about." This foolish "blague" was
accompanied by a description of Edison's new "aerophone," a steam machine
which carried the voice a distance of one and a half miles. "You speak to
a jet of vapor. A friend previously advised can answer you by the same
method." Nor were American journals backward in this wild exaggeration.
</p>
<p>
The furor had its effect in stimulating a desire everywhere on the part of
everybody to see and hear the phonograph. A small commercial organization
was formed to build and exploit the apparatus, and the shops at Menlo Park
laboratory were assisted by the little Bergmann shop in New York. Offices
were taken for the new enterprise at 203 Broadway, where the Mail and
Express building now stands, and where, in a general way, under the
auspices of a talented dwarf, C. A. Cheever, the embryonic phonograph and
the crude telephone shared rooms and expenses. Gardiner G. Hubbard,
father-in-law of Alex. Graham Bell, was one of the stockholders in the
Phonograph Company, which paid Edison $10,000 cash and a 20 per cent.
royalty. This curious partnership was maintained for some time, even when
the Bell Telephone offices were removed to Reade Street, New York, whither
the phonograph went also; and was perhaps explained by the fact that just
then the ability of the phonograph as a money-maker was much more easily
demonstrated than was that of the telephone, still in its short range
magneto stage and awaiting development with the aid of the carbon
transmitter.
</p>
<p>
The earning capacity of the phonograph then, as largely now, lay in its
exhibition qualities. The royalties from Boston, ever intellectually awake
and ready for something new, ran as high as $1800 a week. In New York
there was a ceaseless demand for it, and with the aid of Hilbourne L.
Roosevelt, a famous organ builder, and uncle of ex-President Roosevelt,
concerts were given at which the phonograph was "featured." To manage this
novel show business the services of James Redpath were called into
requisition with great success. Redpath, famous as a friend and biographer
of John Brown, as a Civil War correspondent, and as founder of the
celebrated Redpath Lyceum Bureau in Boston, divided the country into
territories, each section being leased for exhibition purposes on a basis
of a percentage of the "gate money." To 203 Broadway from all over the
Union flocked a swarm of showmen, cranks, and particularly of old
operators, who, the seedier they were in appearance, the more insistent
they were that "Tom" should give them, for the sake of "Auld lang syne,"
this chance to make a fortune for him and for themselves. At the top of
the building was a floor on which these novices were graduated in the use
and care of the machine, and then, with an equipment of tinfoil and other
supplies, they were sent out on the road. It was a diverting experience
while it lasted. The excitement over the phonograph was maintained for
many months, until a large proportion of the inhabitants of the country
had seen it; and then the show receipts declined and dwindled away. Many
of the old operators, taken on out of good-nature, were poor exhibitors
and worse accountants, and at last they and the machines with which they
had been intrusted faded from sight. But in the mean time Edison had
learned many lessons as to this practical side of development that were
not forgotten when the renascence of the phonograph began a few years
later, leading up to the present enormous and steady demand for both
machines and records.
</p>
<p>
It deserves to be pointed out that the phonograph has changed little in
the intervening years from the first crude instruments of 1877-78. It has
simply been refined and made more perfect in a mechanical sense. Edison
was immensely impressed with its possibilities, and greatly inclined to
work upon it, but the coming of the electric light compelled him to throw
all his energies for a time into the vast new field awaiting conquest. The
original phonograph, as briefly noted above, was rotated by hand, and the
cylinder was fed slowly longitudinally by means of a nut engaging a screw
thread on the cylinder shaft. Wrapped around the cylinder was a sheet of
tinfoil, with which engaged a small chisel-like recording needle,
connected adhesively with the centre of an iron diaphragm. Obviously, as
the cylinder was turned, the needle followed a spiral path whose pitch
depended upon that of the feed screw. Along this path a thread was cut in
the cylinder so as to permit the needle to indent the foil readily as the
diaphragm vibrated. By rotating the cylinder and by causing the diaphragm
to vibrate under the effect of vocal or musical sounds, the needle-like
point would form a series of indentations in the foil corresponding to and
characteristic of the sound-waves. By now engaging the point with the
beginning of the grooved record so formed, and by again rotating the
cylinder, the undulations of the record would cause the needle and its
attached diaphragm to vibrate so as to effect the reproduction. Such an
apparatus was necessarily undeveloped, and was interesting only from a
scientific point of view. It had many mechanical defects which prevented
its use as a practical apparatus. Since the cylinder was rotated by hand,
the speed at which the record was formed would vary considerably, even
with the same manipulator, so that it would have been impossible to record
and reproduce music satisfactorily; in doing which exact uniformity of
speed is essential. The formation of the record in tinfoil was also
objectionable from a practical standpoint, since such a record was faint
and would be substantially obliterated after two or three reproductions.
Furthermore, the foil could not be easily removed from and replaced upon
the instrument, and consequently the reproduction had to follow the
recording immediately, and the successive tinfoils were thrown away. The
instrument was also heavy and bulky. Notwithstanding these objections the
original phonograph created, as already remarked, an enormous popular
excitement, and the exhibitions were considered by many sceptical persons
as nothing more than clever ventriloquism. The possibilities of the
instrument as a commercial apparatus were recognized from the very first,
and some of the fields in which it was predicted that the phonograph would
be used are now fully occupied. Some have not yet been realized. Writing
in 1878 in the North American-Review, Mr. Edison thus summed up his own
ideas as to the future applications of the new invention:
</p>
<p>
"Among the many uses to which the phonograph will be applied are the
following:
</p>
<p>
1. Letter writing and all kinds of dictation without the aid of a
stenographer.
</p>
<p>
2. Phonographic books, which will speak to blind people without effort on
their part.
</p>
<p>
3. The teaching of elocution.
</p>
<p>
4. Reproduction of music.
</p>
<p>
5. The 'Family Record'—a registry of sayings, reminiscences, etc.,
by members of a family in their own voices, and of the last words of dying
persons.
</p>
<p>
6. Music-boxes and toys.
</p>
<p>
7. Clocks that should announce in articulate speech the time for going
home, going to meals, etc.
</p>
<p>
8. The preservation of languages by exact reproduction of the manner of
pronouncing.
</p>
<p>
9. Educational purposes; such as preserving the explanations made by a
teacher, so that the pupil can refer to them at any moment, and spelling
or other lessons placed upon the phonograph for convenience in committing
to memory.
</p>
<p>
10. Connection with the telephone, so as to make that instrument an
auxiliary in the transmission of permanent and invaluable records, instead
of being the recipient of momentary and fleeting communication."
</p>
<p>
Of the above fields of usefulness in which it was expected that the
phonograph might be applied, only three have been commercially realized—namely,
the reproduction of musical, including vaudeville or talking selections,
for which purpose a very large proportion of the phonographs now made is
used; the employment of the machine as a mechanical stenographer, which
field has been taken up actively only within the past few years; and the
utilization of the device for the teaching of languages, for which purpose
it has been successfully employed, for example, by the International
Correspondence Schools of Scranton, Pennsylvania, for several years. The
other uses, however, which were early predicted for the phonograph have
not as yet been worked out practically, although the time seems not far
distant when its general utility will be widely enlarged. Both dolls and
clocks have been made, but thus far the world has not taken them
seriously.
</p>
<p>
The original phonograph, as invented by Edison, remained in its crude and
immature state for almost ten years—still the object of
philosophical interest, and as a convenient text-book illustration of the
effect of sound vibration. It continued to be a theme of curious interest
to the imaginative, and the subject of much fiction, while its neglected
commercial possibilities were still more or less vaguely referred to.
During this period of arrested development, Edison was continuously
working on the invention and commercial exploitation of the incandescent
lamp. In 1887 his time was comparatively free, and the phonograph was then
taken up with renewed energy, and the effort made to overcome its
mechanical defects and to furnish a commercial instrument, so that its
early promise might be realized. The important changes made from that time
up to 1890 converted the phonograph from a scientific toy into a
successful industrial apparatus. The idea of forming the record on tinfoil
had been early abandoned, and in its stead was substituted a cylinder of
wax-like material, in which the record was cut by a minute chisel-like
gouging tool. Such a record or phonogram, as it was then called, could be
removed from the machine or replaced at any time, many reproductions could
be obtained without wearing out the record, and whenever desired the
record could be shaved off by a turning-tool so as to present a fresh
surface on which a new record could be formed, something like an ancient
palimpsest. A wax cylinder having walls less than one-quarter of an inch
in thickness could be used for receiving a large number of records, since
the maximum depth of the record groove is hardly ever greater than one
one-thousandth of an inch. Later on, and as the crowning achievement in
the phonograph field, from a commercial point of view, came the
duplication of records to the extent of many thousands from a single
"master." This work was actively developed between the years 1890 and
1898, and its difficulties may be appreciated when the problem is stated;
the copying from a single master of many millions of excessively minute
sound-waves having a maximum width of one hundredth of an inch, and a
maximum depth of one thousandth of an inch, or less than the thickness of
a sheet of tissue-paper. Among the interesting developments of this
process was the coating of the original or master record with a
homogeneous film of gold so thin that three hundred thousand of these
piled one on top of the other would present a thickness of only one inch!
</p>
<p>
Another important change was in the nature of a reversal of the original
arrangement, the cylinder or mandrel carrying the record being mounted in
fixed bearings, and the recording or reproducing device being fed
lengthwise, like the cutting-tool of a lathe, as the blank or record was
rotated. It was early recognized that a single needle for forming the
record and the reproduction therefrom was an undesirable arrangement,
since the formation of the record required a very sharp cutting-tool,
while satisfactory and repeated reproduction suggested the use of a stylus
which would result in the minimum wear. After many experiments and the
production of a number of types of machines, the present recorders and
reproducers were evolved, the former consisting of a very small
cylindrical gouging tool having a diameter of about forty thousandths of
an inch, and the latter a ball or button-shaped stylus with a diameter of
about thirty-five thousandths of an inch. By using an incisor of this
sort, the record is formed of a series of connected gouges with rounded
sides, varying in depth and width, and with which the reproducer
automatically engages and maintains its engagement. Another difficulty
encountered in the commercial development of the phonograph was the
adjustment of the recording stylus so as to enter the wax-like surface to
a very slight depth, and of the reproducer so as to engage exactly the
record when formed. The earlier types of machines were provided with
separate screws for effecting these adjustments; but considerable skill
was required to obtain good results, and great difficulty was experienced
in meeting the variations in the wax-like cylinders, due to the warping
under atmospheric changes. Consequently, with the early types of
commercial phonographs, it was first necessary to shave off the blank
accurately before a record was formed thereon, in order that an absolutely
true surface might be presented. To overcome these troubles, the very
ingenious suggestion was then made and adopted, of connecting the
recording and reproducing styluses to their respective diaphragms through
the instrumentality of a compensating weight, which acted practically as a
fixed support under the very rapid sound vibrations, but which yielded
readily to distortions or variations in the wax-like cylinders. By reason
of this improvement, it became possible to do away with all adjustments,
the mass of the compensating weight causing the recorder to engage the
blank automatically to the required depth, and to maintain the reproducing
stylus always with the desired pressure on the record when formed. These
automatic adjustments were maintained even though the blank or record
might be so much out of true as an eighth of an inch, equal to more than
two hundred times the maximum depth of the record groove.
</p>
<p>
Another improvement that followed along the lines adopted by Edison for
the commercial development of the phonograph was making the recording and
reproducing styluses of sapphire, an extremely hard, non-oxidizable jewel,
so that those tiny instruments would always retain their true form and
effectively resist wear. Of course, in this work many other things were
done that may still be found on the perfected phonograph as it stands
to-day, and many other suggestions were made which were contemporaneously
adopted, but which were later abandoned. For the curious-minded, reference
is made to the records in the Patent Office, which will show that up to
1893 Edison had obtained upward of sixty-five patents in this art, from
which his line of thought can be very closely traced. The phonograph of
to-day, except for the perfection of its mechanical features, in its
beauty of manufacture and design, and in small details, may be considered
identical with the machine of 1889, with the exception that with the
latter the rotation of the record cylinder was effected by an electric
motor.
</p>
<p>
Its essential use as then contemplated was as a substitute for
stenographers, and the most extravagant fancies were indulged in as to
utility in that field. To exploit the device commercially, the patents
were sold to Philadelphia capitalists, who organized the North American
Phonograph Company, through which leases for limited periods were granted
to local companies doing business in special territories, generally within
the confines of a single State. Under that plan, resembling the methods of
1878, the machines and blank cylinders were manufactured by the Edison
Phonograph Works, which still retains its factories at Orange, New Jersey.
The marketing enterprise was early doomed to failure, principally because
the instruments were not well understood, and did not possess the
necessary refinements that would fit them for the special field in which
they were to be used. At first the instruments were leased; but it was
found that the leases were seldom renewed. Efforts were then made to sell
them, but the prices were high—from $100 to $150. In the midst of
these difficulties, the chief promoter of the enterprise, Mr. Lippincott,
died; and it was soon found that the roseate dreams of success entertained
by the sanguine promoters were not to be realized. The North American
Phonograph Company failed, its principal creditor being Mr. Edison, who,
having acquired the assets of the defunct concern, organized the National
Phonograph Company, to which he turned over the patents; and with
characteristic energy he attempted again to build up a business with which
his favorite and, to him, most interesting invention might be successfully
identified. The National Phonograph Company from the very start determined
to retire at least temporarily from the field of stenographic use, and to
exploit the phonograph for musical purposes as a competitor of the
music-box. Hence it was necessary that for such work the relatively heavy
and expensive electric motor should be discarded, and a simple spring
motor constructed with a sufficiently sensitive governor to permit
accurate musical reproduction. Such a motor was designed, and is now used
on all phonographs except on such special instruments as may be made with
electric motors, as well as on the successful apparatus that has more
recently been designed and introduced for stenographic use. Improved
factory facilities were introduced; new tools were made, and various types
of machines were designed so that phonographs can now be bought at prices
ranging from $10 to $200. Even with the changes which were thus made in
the two machines, the work of developing the business was slow, as a
demand had to be created; and the early prejudice of the public against
the phonograph, due to its failure as a stenographic apparatus, had to be
overcome. The story of the phonograph as an industrial enterprise, from
this point of departure, is itself full of interest, but embraces so many
details that it is necessarily given in a separate later chapter. We must
return to the days of 1878, when Edison, with at least three first-class
inventions to his credit—the quadruplex, the carbon telephone, and
the phonograph—had become a man of mark and a "world character."
</p>
<p>
The invention of the phonograph was immediately followed, as usual, by the
appearance of several other incidental and auxiliary devices, some
patented, and others remaining simply the application of the principles of
apparatus that had been worked out. One of these was the telephonograph, a
combination of a telephone at a distant station with a phonograph. The
diaphragm of the phonograph mouthpiece is actuated by an electromagnet in
the same way as that of an ordinary telephone receiver, and in this manner
a record of the message spoken from a distance can be obtained and turned
into sound at will. Evidently such a process is reversible, and the
phonograph can send a message to the distant receiver.
</p>
<p>
This idea was brilliantly demonstrated in practice in February, 1889, by
Mr. W. J. Hammer, one of Edison's earliest and most capable associates,
who carried on telephonographic communication between New York and an
audience in Philadelphia. The record made in New York on the Edison
phonograph was repeated into an Edison carbon transmitter, sent over one
hundred and three miles of circuit, including six miles of underground
cable; received by an Edison motograph; repeated by that on to a
phonograph; transferred from the phonograph to an Edison carbon
transmitter, and by that delivered to the Edison motograph receiver in the
enthusiastic lecture-hall, where every one could hear each sound and
syllable distinctly. In real practice this spectacular playing with sound
vibrations, as if they were lacrosse balls to toss around between the
goals, could be materially simplified.
</p>
<p>
The modern megaphone, now used universally in making announcements to
large crowds, particularly at sporting events, is also due to this period
as a perfection by Edison of many antecedent devices going back, perhaps,
much further than the legendary funnels through which Alexander the Great
is said to have sent commands to his outlying forces. The improved Edison
megaphone for long-distance work comprised two horns of wood or metal
about six feet long, tapering from a diameter of two feet six inches at
the mouth to a small aperture provided with ear-tubes. These converging
horns or funnels, with a large speaking-trumpet in between them, are
mounted on a tripod, and the megaphone is complete. Conversation can be
carried on with this megaphone at a distance of over two miles, as with a
ship or the balloon. The modern megaphone now employs the receiver form
thus introduced as its very effective transmitter, with which the
old-fashioned speaking-trumpet cannot possibly compete; and the word
"megaphone" is universally applied to the single, side-flaring horn.
</p>
<p>
A further step in this line brought Edison to the "aerophone," around
which the Figaro weaved its fanciful description. In the construction of
the aerophone the same kind of tympanum is used as in the phonograph, but
the imitation of the human voice, or the transmission of sound, is
effected by the quick opening and closing of valves placed within a
steam-whistle or an organ-pipe. The vibrations of the diaphragm
communicated to the valves cause them to operate in synchronism, so that
the vibrations are thrown upon the escaping air or steam; and the result
is an instrument with a capacity of magnifying the sounds two hundred
times, and of hurling them to great distances intelligibly, like a huge
fog-siren, but with immense clearness and penetration. All this study of
sound transmission over long distances without wires led up to the
consideration and invention of pioneer apparatus for wireless telegraphy—but
that also is another chapter.
</p>
<p>
Yet one more ingenious device of this period must be noted—Edison's
vocal engine, the patent application for which was executed in August,
1878, the patent being granted the following December. Reference to this
by Edison himself has already been quoted. The "voice-engine," or
"phonomotor," converts the vibrations of the voice or of music, acting on
the diaphragm, into motion which is utilized to drive some secondary
appliance, whether as a toy or for some useful purpose. Thus a man can
actually talk a hole through a board.
</p>
<p>
Somewhat weary of all this work and excitement, and not having enjoyed any
cessation from toil, or period of rest, for ten years, Edison jumped
eagerly at the opportunity afforded him in the summer of 1878 of making a
westward trip. Just thirty years later, on a similar trip over the same
ground, he jotted down for this volume some of his reminiscences. The lure
of 1878 was the opportunity to try the ability of his delicate tasimeter
during the total eclipse of the sun, July 29. His admiring friend, Prof.
George F. Barker, of the University of Pennsylvania, with whom he had now
been on terms of intimacy for some years, suggested the holiday, and was
himself a member of the excursion party that made its rendezvous at
Rawlins, Wyoming Territory. Edison had tested his tasimeter, and was
satisfied that it would measure down to the millionth part of a degree
Fahrenheit. It was just ten years since he had left the West in poverty
and obscurity, a penniless operator in search of a job; but now he was a
great inventor and famous, a welcome addition to the band of astronomers
and physicists assembled to observe the eclipse and the corona.
</p>
<p>
"There were astronomers from nearly every nation," says Mr. Edison. "We
had a special car. The country at that time was rather new; game was in
great abundance, and could be seen all day long from the car window,
especially antelope. We arrived at Rawlins about 4 P.M. It had a small
machine shop, and was the point where locomotives were changed for the
next section. The hotel was a very small one, and by doubling up we were
barely accommodated. My room-mate was Fox, the correspondent of the New
York Herald. After we retired and were asleep a thundering knock on the
door awakened us. Upon opening the door a tall, handsome man with flowing
hair dressed in western style entered the room. His eyes were bloodshot,
and he was somewhat inebriated. He introduced himself as 'Texas Jack'—Joe
Chromondo—and said he wanted to see Edison, as he had read about me
in the newspapers. Both Fox and I were rather scared, and didn't know what
was to be the result of the interview. The landlord requested him not to
make so much noise, and was thrown out into the hall. Jack explained that
he had just come in with a party which had been hunting, and that he felt
fine. He explained, also, that he was the boss pistol-shot of the West;
that it was he who taught the celebrated Doctor Carver how to shoot. Then
suddenly pointing to a weather-vane on the freight depot, he pulled out a
Colt revolver and fired through the window, hitting the vane. The shot
awakened all the people, and they rushed in to see who was killed. It was
only after I told him I was tired and would see him in the morning that he
left. Both Fox and I were so nervous we didn't sleep any that night.
</p>
<p>
"We were told in the morning that Jack was a pretty good fellow, and was
not one of the 'bad men,' of whom they had a good supply. They had one in
the jail, and Fox and I went over to see him. A few days before he had
held up a Union Pacific train and robbed all the passengers. In the jail
also was a half-breed horse-thief. We interviewed the bad man through bars
as big as railroad rails. He looked like a 'bad man.' The rim of his ear
all around came to a sharp edge and was serrated. His eyes were nearly
white, and appeared as if made of glass and set in wrong, like the
life-size figures of Indians in the Smithsonian Institution. His face was
also extremely irregular. He wouldn't answer a single question. I learned
afterward that he got seven years in prison, while the horse-thief was
hanged. As horses ran wild, and there was no protection, it meant death to
steal one."
</p>
<p>
This was one interlude among others. "The first thing the astronomers did
was to determine with precision their exact locality upon the earth. A
number of observations were made, and Watson, of Michigan University, with
two others, worked all night computing, until they agreed. They said they
were not in error more than one hundred feet, and that the station was
twelve miles out of the position given on the maps. It seemed to take an
immense amount of mathematics. I preserved one of the sheets, which looked
like the time-table of a Chinese railroad. The instruments of the various
parties were then set up in different parts of the little town, and got
ready for the eclipse which was to occur in three or four days. Two days
before the event we all got together, and obtaining an engine and car,
went twelve miles farther west to visit the United States Government
astronomers at a place called Separation, the apex of the Great Divide,
where the waters run east to the Mississippi and west to the Pacific. Fox
and I took our Winchester rifles with an idea of doing a little shooting.
After calling on the Government people we started to interview the
telegraph operator at this most lonely and desolate spot. After talking
over old acquaintances I asked him if there was any game around. He said,
'Plenty of jack-rabbits.' These jack-rabbits are a very peculiar species.
They have ears about six inches long and very slender legs, about three
times as long as those of an ordinary rabbit, and travel at a great speed
by a series of jumps, each about thirty feet long, as near as I could
judge. The local people called them 'narrow-gauge mules.' Asking the
operator the best direction, he pointed west, and noticing a rabbit in a
clear space in the sage bushes, I said, 'There is one now.' I advanced
cautiously to within one hundred feet and shot. The rabbit paid no
attention. I then advanced to within ten feet and shot again—the
rabbit was still immovable. On looking around, the whole crowd at the
station were watching—and then I knew the rabbit was stuffed!
However, we did shoot a number of live ones until Fox ran out of
cartridges. On returning to the station I passed away the time shooting at
cans set on a pile of tins. Finally the operator said to Fox: 'I have a
fine Springfield musket, suppose you try it!' So Fox took the musket and
fired. It knocked him nearly over. It seems that the musket had been run
over by a handcar, which slightly bent the long barrel, but not
sufficiently for an amateur like Fox to notice. After Fox had his shoulder
treated with arnica at the Government hospital tent, we returned to
Rawlins."
</p>
<p>
The eclipse was, however, the prime consideration, and Edison followed the
example of his colleagues in making ready. The place which he secured for
setting up his tasimeter was an enclosure hardly suitable for the purpose,
and he describes the results as follows:
</p>
<p>
"I had my apparatus in a small yard enclosed by a board fence six feet
high, at one end there was a house for hens. I noticed that they all went
to roost just before totality. At the same time a slight wind arose, and
at the moment of totality the atmosphere was filled with thistle-down and
other light articles. I noticed one feather, whose weight was at least one
hundred and fifty milligrams, rise perpendicularly to the top of the
fence, where it floated away on the wind. My apparatus was entirely too
sensitive, and I got no results." It was found that the heat from the
corona of the sun was ten times the index capacity of the instrument; but
this result did not leave the value of the device in doubt. The Scientific
American remarked;
</p>
<p>
"Seeing that the tasimeter is affected by a wider range of etheric
undulations than the eye can take cognizance of, and is withal far more
acutely sensitive, the probabilities are that it will open up hitherto
inaccessible regions of space, and possibly extend the range of aerial
knowledge as far beyond the limit obtained by the telescope as that is
beyond the narrow reach of unaided vision."
</p>
<p>
The eclipse over, Edison, with Professor Barker, Major Thornberg, several
soldiers, and a number of railroad officials, went hunting about one
hundred miles south of the railroad in the Ute country. A few months later
the Major and thirty soldiers were ambushed near the spot at which the
hunting-party had camped, and all were killed. Through an introduction
from Mr. Jay Gould, who then controlled the Union Pacific, Edison was
allowed to ride on the cow-catchers of the locomotives. "The different
engineers gave me a small cushion, and every day I rode in this manner,
from Omaha to the Sacramento Valley, except through the snow-shed on the
summit of the Sierras, without dust or anything else to obstruct the view.
Only once was I in danger when the locomotive struck an animal about the
size of a small cub bear—which I think was a badger. This animal
struck the front of the locomotive just under the headlight with great
violence, and was then thrown off by the rebound. I was sitting to one
side grasping the angle brace, so no harm was done."
</p>
<p>
This welcome vacation lasted nearly two months; but Edison was back in his
laboratory and hard at work before the end of August, gathering up many
loose ends, and trying out many thoughts and ideas that had accumulated on
the trip. One hot afternoon—August 30th, as shown by the document in
the case—Mr. Edison was found by one of the authors of this
biography employed most busily in making a mysterious series of tests on
paper, using for ink acids that corrugated and blistered the paper where
written upon. When interrogated as to his object, he stated that the plan
was to afford blind people the means of writing directly to each other,
especially if they were also deaf and could not hear a message on the
phonograph. The characters which he was thus forming on the paper were
high enough in relief to be legible to the delicate touch of a blind man's
fingers, and with simple apparatus letters could be thus written, sent,
and read. There was certainly no question as to the result obtained at the
moment, which was all that was asked; but the Edison autograph thus and
then written now shows the paper eaten out by the acid used, although
covered with glass for many years. Mr. Edison does not remember that he
ever recurred to this very interesting test.
</p>
<p>
He was, however, ready for anything new or novel, and no record can ever
be made or presented that would do justice to a tithe of the thoughts and
fancies daily and hourly put upon the rack. The famous note-books, to
which reference will be made later, were not begun as a regular series, as
it was only the profusion of these ideas that suggested the vital value of
such systematic registration. Then as now, the propositions brought to
Edison ranged over every conceivable subject, but the years have taught
him caution in grappling with them. He tells an amusing story of one
dilemma into which his good-nature led him at this period: "At Menlo Park
one day, a farmer came in and asked if I knew any way to kill potato-bugs.
He had twenty acres of potatoes, and the vines were being destroyed. I
sent men out and culled two quarts of bugs, and tried every chemical I had
to destroy them. Bisulphide of carbon was found to do it instantly. I got
a drum and went over to the potato farm and sprinkled it on the vines with
a pot. Every bug dropped dead. The next morning the farmer came in very
excited and reported that the stuff had killed the vines as well. I had to
pay $300 for not experimenting properly."
</p>
<p>
During this year, 1878, the phonograph made its way also to Europe, and
various sums of money were paid there to secure the rights to its
manufacture and exploitation. In England, for example, the Microscopic
Company paid $7500 down and agreed to a royalty, while arrangements were
effected also in France, Russia, and other countries. In every instance,
as in this country, the commercial development had to wait several years,
for in the mean time another great art had been brought into existence,
demanding exclusive attention and exhaustive toil. And when the work was
done the reward was a new heaven and a new earth—in the art of
illumination.
</p>
<p>
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<h2>
CHAPTER XI
</h2>
<h3>
THE INVENTION OF THE INCANDESCENT LAMP
</h3>
<p>
IT is possible to imagine a time to come when the hours of work and rest
will once more be regulated by the sun. But the course of civilization has
been marked by an artificial lengthening of the day, and by a constant
striving after more perfect means of illumination. Why mankind should
sleep through several hours of sunlight in the morning, and stay awake
through a needless time in the evening, can probably only be attributed to
total depravity. It is certainly a most stupid, expensive, and harmful
habit. In no one thing has man shown greater fertility of invention than
in lighting; to nothing does he cling more tenaciously than to his devices
for furnishing light. Electricity to-day reigns supreme in the field of
illumination, but every other kind of artificial light that has ever been
known is still in use somewhere. Toward its light-bringers the race has
assumed an attitude of veneration, though it has forgotten, if it ever
heard, the names of those who first brightened its gloom and dissipated
its darkness. If the tallow candle, hitherto unknown, were now invented,
its creator would be hailed as one of the greatest benefactors of the
present age.
</p>
<p>
Up to the close of the eighteenth century, the means of house and street
illumination were of two generic kinds—grease and oil; but then came
a swift and revolutionary change in the adoption of gas. The ideas and
methods of Murdoch and Lebon soon took definite shape, and "coal smoke"
was piped from its place of origin to distant points of consumption. As
early as 1804, the first company ever organized for gas lighting was
formed in London, one side of Pall Mall being lit up by the enthusiastic
pioneer, Winsor, in 1807. Equal activity was shown in America, and
Baltimore began the practice of gas lighting in 1816. It is true that
there were explosions, and distinguished men like Davy and Watt opined
that the illuminant was too dangerous; but the "spirit of coal" had
demonstrated its usefulness convincingly, and a commercial development
began, which, for extent and rapidity, was not inferior to that marking
the concurrent adoption of steam in industry and transportation.
</p>
<p>
Meantime the wax candle and the Argand oil lamp held their own bravely.
The whaling fleets, long after gas came into use, were one of the greatest
sources of our national wealth. To New Bedford, Massachusetts, alone, some
three or four hundred ships brought their whale and sperm oil, spermaceti,
and whalebone; and at one time that port was accounted the richest city in
the United States in proportion to its population. The ship-owners and
refiners of that whaling metropolis were slow to believe that their
monopoly could ever be threatened by newer sources of illumination; but
gas had become available in the cities, and coal-oil and petroleum were
now added to the list of illuminating materials. The American whaling
fleet, which at the time of Edison's birth mustered over seven hundred
sail, had dwindled probably to a bare tenth when he took up the problem of
illumination; and the competition of oil from the ground with oil from the
sea, and with coal-gas, had made the artificial production of light
cheaper than ever before, when up to the middle of the century it had
remained one of the heaviest items of domestic expense. Moreover, just
about the time that Edison took up incandescent lighting, water-gas was
being introduced on a large scale as a commercial illuminant that could be
produced at a much lower cost than coal-gas.
</p>
<p>
Throughout the first half of the nineteenth century the search for a
practical electric light was almost wholly in the direction of employing
methods analogous to those already familiar; in other words, obtaining the
illumination from the actual consumption of the light-giving material. In
the third quarter of the century these methods were brought to
practicality, but all may be referred back to the brilliant demonstrations
of Sir Humphry Davy at the Royal Institution, circa 1809-10, when, with
the current from a battery of two thousand cells, he produced an intense
voltaic arc between the points of consuming sticks of charcoal. For more
than thirty years the arc light remained an expensive laboratory
experiment; but the coming of the dynamo placed that illuminant on a
commercial basis. The mere fact that electrical energy from the least
expensive chemical battery using up zinc and acids costs twenty times as
much as that from a dynamo—driven by steam-engine—is in itself
enough to explain why so many of the electric arts lingered in embryo
after their fundamental principles had been discovered. Here is seen also
further proof of the great truth that one invention often waits for
another.
</p>
<p>
From 1850 onward the improvements in both the arc lamp and the dynamo were
rapid; and under the superintendence of the great Faraday, in 1858,
protecting beams of intense electric light from the voltaic arc were shed
over the waters of the Straits of Dover from the beacons of South Foreland
and Dungeness. By 1878 the arc-lighting industry had sprung into existence
in so promising a manner as to engender an extraordinary fever and furor
of speculation. At the Philadelphia Centennial Exposition of 1876,
Wallace-Farmer dynamos built at Ansonia, Connecticut, were shown, with the
current from which arc lamps were there put in actual service. A year or
two later the work of Charles F. Brush and Edward Weston laid the deep
foundation of modern arc lighting in America, securing as well substantial
recognition abroad.
</p>
<p>
Thus the new era had been ushered in, but it was based altogether on the
consumption of some material—carbon—in a lamp open to the air.
Every lamp the world had ever known did this, in one way or another.
Edison himself began at that point, and his note-books show that he made
various experiments with this type of lamp at a very early stage. Indeed,
his experiments had led him so far as to anticipate in 1875 what are now
known as "flaming arcs," the exceedingly bright and generally orange or
rose-colored lights which have been introduced within the last few years,
and are now so frequently seen in streets and public places. While the
arcs with plain carbons are bluish-white, those with carbons containing
calcium fluoride have a notable golden glow.
</p>
<p>
He was convinced, however, that the greatest field of lighting lay in the
illumination of houses and other comparatively enclosed areas, to replace
the ordinary gas light, rather than in the illumination of streets and
other outdoor places by lights of great volume and brilliancy. Dismissing
from his mind quickly the commercial impossibility of using arc lights for
general indoor illumination, he arrived at the conclusion that an electric
lamp giving light by incandescence was the solution of the problem.
</p>
<p>
Edison was familiar with the numerous but impracticable and commercially
unsuccessful efforts that had been previously made by other inventors and
investigators to produce electric light by incandescence, and at the time
that he began his experiments, in 1877, almost the whole scientific world
had pronounced such an idea as impossible of fulfilment. The leading
electricians, physicists, and experts of the period had been studying the
subject for more than a quarter of a century, and with but one known
exception had proven mathematically and by close reasoning that the
"Subdivision of the Electric Light," as it was then termed, was
practically beyond attainment. Opinions of this nature have ever been but
a stimulus to Edison when he has given deep thought to a subject, and has
become impressed with strong convictions of possibility, and in this
particular case he was satisfied that the subdivision of the electric
light—or, more correctly, the subdivision of the electric current—was
not only possible but entirely practicable.
</p>
<p>
It will have been perceived from the foregoing chapters that from the time
of boyhood, when he first began to rub against the world, his commercial
instincts were alert and predominated in almost all of the enterprises
that he set in motion. This characteristic trait had grown stronger as he
matured, having received, as it did, fresh impetus and strength from his
one lapse in the case of his first patented invention, the vote-recorder.
The lesson he then learned was to devote his inventive faculties only to
things for which there was a real, genuine demand, and that would subserve
the actual necessities of humanity; and it was probably a fortunate
circumstance that this lesson was learned at the outset of his career as
an inventor. He has never assumed to be a philosopher or "pure scientist."
</p>
<p>
In order that the reader may grasp an adequate idea of the magnitude and
importance of Edison's invention of the incandescent lamp, it will be
necessary to review briefly the "state of the art" at the time he began
his experiments on that line. After the invention of the voltaic battery,
early in the last century, experiments were made which determined that
heat could be produced by the passage of the electric current through
wires of platinum and other metals, and through pieces of carbon, as noted
already, and it was, of course, also observed that if sufficient current
were passed through these conductors they could be brought from the lower
stage of redness up to the brilliant white heat of incandescence. As early
as 1845 the results of these experiments were taken advantage of when
Starr, a talented American who died at the early age of twenty-five,
suggested, in his English patent of that year, two forms of small
incandescent electric lamps, one having a burner made from platinum foil
placed under a glass cover without excluding the air; and the other
composed of a thin plate or pencil of carbon enclosed in a Torricellian
vacuum. These suggestions of young Starr were followed by many other
experimenters, whose improvements consisted principally in devices to
increase the compactness and portability of the lamp, in the sealing of
the lamp chamber to prevent the admission of air, and in means for
renewing the carbon burner when it had been consumed. Thus Roberts, in
1852, proposed to cement the neck of the glass globe into a metallic cup,
and to provide it with a tube or stop-cock for exhaustion by means of a
hand-pump. Lodyguine, Konn, Kosloff, and Khotinsky, between 1872 and 1877,
proposed various ingenious devices for perfecting the joint between the
metal base and the glass globe, and also provided their lamps with several
short carbon pencils, which were automatically brought into circuit
successively as the pencils were consumed. In 1876 or 1877, Bouliguine
proposed the employment of a long carbon pencil, a short section only of
which was in circuit at any one time and formed the burner, the lamp being
provided with a mechanism for automatically pushing other sections of the
pencil into position between the contacts to renew the burner. Sawyer and
Man proposed, in 1878, to make the bottom plate of glass instead of metal,
and provided ingenious arrangements for charging the lamp chamber with an
atmosphere of pure nitrogen gas which does not support combustion.
</p>
<p>
These lamps and many others of similar character, ingenious as they were,
failed to become of any commercial value, due, among other things, to the
brief life of the carbon burner. Even under the best conditions it was
found that the carbon members were subject to a rapid disintegration or
evaporation, which experimenters assumed was due to the disrupting action
of the electric current; and hence the conclusion that carbon contained in
itself the elements of its own destruction, and was not a suitable
material for the burner of an incandescent lamp. On the other hand,
platinum, although found to be the best of all materials for the purpose,
aside from its great expense, and not combining with oxygen at high
temperatures as does carbon, required to be brought so near the
melting-point in order to give light, that a very slight increase in the
temperature resulted in its destruction. It was assumed that the
difficulty lay in the material of the burner itself, and not in its
environment.
</p>
<p>
It was not realized up to such a comparatively recent date as 1879 that
the solution of the great problem of subdivision of the electric current
would not, however, be found merely in the production of a durable
incandescent electric lamp—even if any of the lamps above referred
to had fulfilled that requirement. The other principal features necessary
to subdivide the electric current successfully were: the burning of an
indefinite number of lights on the same circuit; each light to give a
useful and economical degree of illumination; and each light to be
independent of all the others in regard to its operation and
extinguishment.
</p>
<p>
The opinions of scientific men of the period on the subject are well
represented by the two following extracts—the first, from a lecture
at the Royal United Service Institution, about February, 1879, by Mr.
(Sir) W. H. Preece, one of the most eminent electricians in England, who,
after discussing the question mathematically, said: "Hence the
sub-division of the light is an absolute ignis fatuus." The other extract
is from a book written by Paget Higgs, LL.D., D.Sc., published in London
in 1879, in which he says: "Much nonsense has been talked in relation to
this subject. Some inventors have claimed the power to 'indefinitely
divide' the electric current, not knowing or forgetting that such a
statement is incompatible with the well-proven law of conservation of
energy."
</p>
<p>
"Some inventors," in the last sentence just quoted, probably—indeed,
we think undoubtedly—refers to Edison, whose earlier work in
electric lighting (1878) had been announced in this country and abroad,
and who had then stated boldly his conviction of the practicability of the
subdivision of the electrical current. The above extracts are good
illustrations, however, of scientific opinions up to the end of 1879, when
Mr. Edison's epoch-making invention rendered them entirely untenable. The
eminent scientist, John Tyndall, while not sharing these precise views, at
least as late as January 17, 1879, delivered a lecture before the Royal
Institution on "The Electric Light," when, after pointing out the
development of the art up to Edison's work, and showing the apparent
hopelessness of the problem, he said: "Knowing something of the intricacy
of the practical problem, I should certainly prefer seeing it in Edison's
hands to having it in mine."
</p>
<p>
The reader may have deemed this sketch of the state of the art to be a
considerable digression; but it is certainly due to the subject to present
the facts in such a manner as to show that this great invention was
neither the result of improving some process or device that was known or
existing at the time, nor due to any unforeseen lucky chance, nor the
accidental result of other experiments. On the contrary, it was the
legitimate outcome of a series of exhaustive experiments founded upon
logical and original reasoning in a mind that had the courage and
hardihood to set at naught the confirmed opinions of the world, voiced by
those generally acknowledged to be the best exponents of the art—experiments
carried on amid a storm of jeers and derision, almost as contemptuous as
if the search were for the discovery of perpetual motion. In this we see
the man foreshadowed by the boy who, when he obtained his books on
chemistry or physics, did not accept any statement of fact or experiment
therein, but worked out every one of them himself to ascertain whether or
not they were true.
</p>
<p>
Although this brings the reader up to the year 1879, one must turn back
two years and accompany Edison in his first attack on the electric-light
problem. In 1877 he sold his telephone invention (the carbon transmitter)
to the Western Union Telegraph Company, which had previously come into
possession also of his quadruplex inventions, as already related. He was
still busily engaged on the telephone, on acoustic electrical
transmission, sextuplex telegraphs, duplex telegraphs, miscellaneous
carbon articles, and other inventions of a minor nature. During the whole
of the previous year and until late in the summer of 1877, he had been
working with characteristic energy and enthusiasm on the telephone; and,
in developing this invention to a successful issue, had preferred the use
of carbon and had employed it in numerous forms, especially in the form of
carbonized paper.
</p>
<p>
Eighteen hundred and seventy-seven in Edison's laboratory was a veritable
carbon year, for it was carbon in some shape or form for interpolation in
electric circuits of various kinds that occupied the thoughts of the whole
force from morning to night. It is not surprising, therefore, that in
September of that year, when Edison turned his thoughts actively toward
electric lighting by incandescence, his early experiments should be in the
line of carbon as an illuminant. His originality of method was displayed
at the very outset, for one of the first experiments was the bringing to
incandescence of a strip of carbon in the open air to ascertain merely how
much current was required. This conductor was a strip of carbonized paper
about an inch long, one-sixteenth of an inch broad, and six or seven
one-thousandths of an inch thick, the ends of which were secured to clamps
that formed the poles of a battery. The carbon was lighted up to
incandescence, and, of course, oxidized and disintegrated immediately.
Within a few days this was followed by experiments with the same kind of
carbon, but in vacuo by means of a hand-worked air-pump. This time the
carbon strip burned at incandescence for about eight minutes. Various
expedients to prevent oxidization were tried, such, for instance, as
coating the carbon with powdered glass, which in melting would protect the
carbon from the atmosphere, but without successful results.
</p>
<p>
Edison was inclined to concur in the prevailing opinion as to the easy
destructibility of carbon, but, without actually settling the point in his
mind, he laid aside temporarily this line of experiment and entered a new
field. He had made previously some trials of platinum wire as an
incandescent burner for a lamp, but left it for a time in favor of carbon.
He now turned to the use of almost infusible metals—such as boron,
ruthenium, chromium, etc.—as separators or tiny bridges between two
carbon points, the current acting so as to bring these separators to a
high degree of incandescence, at which point they would emit a brilliant
light. He also placed some of these refractory metals directly in the
circuit, bringing them to incandescence, and used silicon in powdered form
in glass tubes placed in the electric circuit. His notes include the use
of powdered silicon mixed with lime or other very infusible non-conductors
or semi-conductors. Edison's conclusions on these substances were that,
while in some respects they were within the bounds of possibility for the
subdivision of the electric current, they did not reach the ideal that he
had in mind for commercial results.
</p>
<p>
Edison's systematized attacks on the problem were two in number, the first
of which we have just related, which began in September, 1877, and
continued until about January, 1878. Contemporaneously, he and his force
of men were very busily engaged day and night on other important
enterprises and inventions. Among the latter, the phonograph may be
specially mentioned, as it was invented in the late fall of 1877. From
that time until July, 1878, his time and attention day and night were
almost completely absorbed by the excitement caused by the invention and
exhibition of the machine. In July, feeling entitled to a brief vacation
after several years of continuous labor, Edison went with the expedition
to Wyoming to observe an eclipse of the sun, and incidentally to test his
tasimeter, a delicate instrument devised by him for measuring heat
transmitted through immense distances of space. His trip has been already
described. He was absent about two months. Coming home rested and
refreshed, Mr. Edison says: "After my return from the trip to observe the
eclipse of the sun, I went with Professor Barker, Professor of Physics in
the University of Pennsylvania, and Doctor Chandler, Professor of
Chemistry in Columbia College, to see Mr. Wallace, a large manufacturer of
brass in Ansonia, Connecticut. Wallace at this time was experimenting on
series arc lighting. Just at that time I wanted to take up something new,
and Professor Barker suggested that I go to work and see if I could
subdivide the electric light so it could be got in small units like gas.
This was not a new suggestion, because I had made a number of experiments
on electric lighting a year before this. They had been laid aside for the
phonograph. I determined to take up the search again and continue it. On
my return home I started my usual course of collecting every kind of data
about gas; bought all the transactions of the gas-engineering societies,
etc., all the back volumes of gas journals, etc. Having obtained all the
data, and investigated gas-jet distribution in New York by actual
observations, I made up my mind that the problem of the subdivision of the
electric current could be solved and made commercial." About the end of
August, 1878, he began his second organized attack on the subdivision of
the current, which was steadily maintained until he achieved signal
victory a year and two months later.
</p>
<p>
The date of this interesting visit to Ansonia is fixed by an inscription
made by Edison on a glass goblet which he used. The legend in diamond
scratches runs: "Thomas A. Edison, September 8, 1878, made under the
electric light." Other members of the party left similar memorials, which
under the circumstances have come to be greatly prized. A number of
experiments were witnessed in arc lighting, and Edison secured a small
Wallace-Farmer dynamo for his own work, as well as a set of Wallace arc
lamps for lighting the Menlo Park laboratory. Before leaving Ansonia,
Edison remarked, significantly: "Wallace, I believe I can beat you making
electric lights. I don't think you are working in the right direction."
Another date which shows how promptly the work was resumed is October 14,
1878, when Edison filed an application for his first lighting patent:
"Improvement in Electric Lights." In after years, discussing the work of
Wallace, who was not only a great pioneer electrical manufacturer, but one
of the founders of the wire-drawing and brass-working industry, Edison
said: "Wallace was one of the earliest pioneers in electrical matters in
this country. He has done a great deal of good work, for which others have
received the credit; and the work which he did in the early days of
electric lighting others have benefited by largely, and he has been
crowded to one side and forgotten." Associated in all this work with
Wallace at Ansonia was Prof. Moses G. Farmer, famous for the introduction
of the fire-alarm system; as the discoverer of the self-exciting principle
of the modern dynamo; as a pioneer experimenter in the electric-railway
field; as a telegraph engineer, and as a lecturer on mines and explosives
to naval classes at Newport. During 1858, Farmer, who, like Edison, was a
ceaseless investigator, had made a series of studies upon the production
of light by electricity, and had even invented an automatic regulator by
which a number of platinum lamps in multiple arc could be kept at uniform
voltage for any length of time. In July, 1859, he lit up one of the rooms
of his house at Salem, Massachusetts, every evening with such lamps, using
in them small pieces of platinum and iridium wire, which were made to
incandesce by means of current from primary batteries. Farmer was not one
of the party that memorable day in September, but his work was known
through his intimate connection with Wallace, and there is no doubt that
reference was made to it. Such work had not led very far, the "lamps" were
hopelessly short-lived, and everything was obviously experimental; but it
was all helpful and suggestive to one whose open mind refused no hint from
any quarter.
</p>
<p>
At the commencement of his new attempts, Edison returned to his
experiments with carbon as an incandescent burner for a lamp, and made a
very large number of trials, all in vacuo. Not only were the ordinary
strip paper carbons tried again, but tissue-paper coated with tar and
lampblack was rolled into thin sticks, like knitting-needles, carbonized
and raised to incandescence in vacuo. Edison also tried hard carbon, wood
carbons, and almost every conceivable variety of paper carbon in like
manner. With the best vacuum that he could then get by means of the
ordinary air-pump, the carbons would last, at the most, only from ten to
fifteen minutes in a state of incandescence. Such results were evidently
not of commercial value.
</p>
<p>
Edison then turned his attention in other directions. In his earliest
consideration of the problem of subdividing the electric current, he had
decided that the only possible solution lay in the employment of a lamp
whose incandescing body should have a high resistance combined with a
small radiating surface, and be capable of being used in what is called
"multiple arc," so that each unit, or lamp, could be turned on or off
without interfering with any other unit or lamp. No other arrangement
could possibly be considered as commercially practicable.
</p>
<p>
The full significance of the three last preceding sentences will not be
obvious to laymen, as undoubtedly many of the readers of this book may be;
and now being on the threshold of the series of Edison's experiments that
led up to the basic invention, we interpolate a brief explanation, in
order that the reader may comprehend the logical reasoning and work that
in this case produced such far-reaching results.
</p>
<p>
If we consider a simple circuit in which a current is flowing, and include
in the circuit a carbon horseshoe-like conductor which it is desired to
bring to incandescence by the heat generated by the current passing
through it, it is first evident that the resistance offered to the current
by the wires themselves must be less than that offered by the burner,
because, otherwise current would be wasted as heat in the conducting
wires. At the very foundation of the electric-lighting art is the
essentially commercial consideration that one cannot spend very much for
conductors, and Edison determined that, in order to use wires of a
practicable size, the voltage of the current (i.e., its pressure or the
characteristic that overcomes resistance to its flow) should be one
hundred and ten volts, which since its adoption has been the standard. To
use a lower voltage or pressure, while making the solution of the lighting
problem a simple one as we shall see, would make it necessary to increase
the size of the conducting wires to a prohibitive extent. To increase the
voltage or pressure materially, while permitting some saving in the cost
of conductors, would enormously increase the difficulties of making a
sufficiently high resistance conductor to secure light by incandescence.
This apparently remote consideration —weight of copper used—was
really the commercial key to the problem, just as the incandescent burner
was the scientific key to that problem. Before Edison's invention
incandescent lamps had been suggested as a possibility, but they were
provided with carbon rods or strips of relatively low resistance, and to
bring these to incandescence required a current of low pressure, because a
current of high voltage would pass through them so readily as not to
generate heat; and to carry a current of low pressure through wires
without loss would require wires of enormous size. [8] Having a current of
relatively high pressure to contend with, it was necessary to provide a
carbon burner which, as compared with what had previously been suggested,
should have a very great resistance. Carbon as a material, determined
after patient search, apparently offered the greatest hope, but even with
this substance the necessary high resistance could be obtained only by
making the burner of extremely small cross-section, thereby also reducing
its radiating surface. Therefore, the crucial point was the production of
a hair-like carbon filament, with a relatively great resistance and small
radiating surface, capable of withstanding mechanical shock, and
susceptible of being maintained at a temperature of over two thousand
degrees for a thousand hours or more before breaking. And this filamentary
conductor required to be supported in a vacuum chamber so perfectly formed
and constructed that during all those hours, and subjected as it is to
varying temperatures, not a particle of air should enter to disintegrate
the filament. And not only so, but the lamp after its design must not be a
mere laboratory possibility, but a practical commercial article capable of
being manufactured at low cost and in large quantities. A statement of
what had to be done in those days of actual as well as scientific
electrical darkness is quite sufficient to explain Tyndall's attitude of
mind in preferring that the problem should be in Edison's hands rather
than in his own. To say that the solution of the problem lay merely in
reducing the size of the carbon burner to a mere hair, is to state a
half-truth only; but who, we ask, would have had the temerity even to
suggest that such an attenuated body could be maintained at a white heat,
without disintegration, for a thousand hours? The solution consisted not
only in that, but in the enormous mass of patiently worked-out details—the
manufacture of the filaments, their uniform carbonization, making the
globes, producing a perfect vacuum, and countless other factors, the
omission of any one of which would probably have resulted eventually in
failure.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 8: As a practical illustration of these facts it
was calculated by Professor Barker, of the University of
Pennsylvania (after Edison had invented the incandescent
lamp), that if it should cost $100,000 for copper conductors
to supply current to Edison lamps in a given area, it would
cost about $200,000,000 for copper conductors for lighting
the same area by lamps of the earlier experimenters—such,
for instance, as the lamp invented by Konn in 1875. This
enormous difference would be accounted for by the fact that
Edison's lamp was one having a high resistance and
relatively small radiating surface, while Konn's lamp was
one having a very low resistance and large radiating
surface.]
</pre>
<p>
Continuing the digression one step farther in order to explain the term
"multiple arc," it may be stated that there are two principal systems of
distributing electric current, one termed "series," and the other
"multiple arc." The two are illustrated, diagrammatically, side by side,
the arrows indicating flow of current. The series system, it will be seen,
presents one continuous path for the current. The current for the last
lamp must pass through the first and all the intermediate lamps. Hence, if
any one light goes out, the continuity of the path is broken, current
cannot flow, and all the lamps are extinguished unless a loop or by-path
is provided. It is quite obvious that such a system would be commercially
impracticable where small units, similar to gas jets, were employed. On
the other hand, in the multiple-arc system, current may be considered as
flowing in two parallel conductors like the vertical sides of a ladder,
the ends of which never come together. Each lamp is placed in a separate
circuit across these two conductors, like a rung in the ladder, thus
making a separate and independent path for the current in each case.
Hence, if a lamp goes out, only that individual subdivision, or ladder
step, is affected; just that one particular path for the current is
interrupted, but none of the other lamps is interfered with. They remain
lighted, each one independent of the other. The reader will quite readily
understand, therefore, that a multiple-arc system is the only one
practically commercial where electric light is to be used in small units
like those of gas or oil.
</p>
<p>
Such was the nature of the problem that confronted Edison at the outset.
There was nothing in the whole world that in any way approximated a
solution, although the most brilliant minds in the electrical art had been
assiduously working on the subject for a quarter of a century preceding.
As already seen, he came early to the conclusion that the only solution
lay in the use of a lamp of high resistance and small radiating surface,
and, with characteristic fervor and energy, he attacked the problem from
this standpoint, having absolute faith in a successful outcome. The mere
fact that even with the successful production of the electric lamp the
assault on the complete problem of commercial lighting would hardly be
begun did not deter him in the slightest. To one of Edison's enthusiastic
self-confidence the long vista of difficulties ahead—we say it in
all sincerity—must have been alluring.
</p>
<p>
After having devoted several months to experimental trials of carbon, at
the end of 1878, as already detailed, he turned his attention to the
platinum group of metals and began a series of experiments in which he
used chiefly platinum wire and iridium wire, and alloys of refractory
metals in the form of wire burners for incandescent lamps. These metals
have very high fusing-points, and were found to last longer than the
carbon strips previously used when heated up to incandescence by the
electric current, although under such conditions as were then possible
they were melted by excess of current after they had been lighted a
comparatively short time, either in the open air or in such a vacuum as
could be obtained by means of the ordinary air-pump.
</p>
<p>
Nevertheless, Edison continued along this line of experiment with
unremitting vigor, making improvement after improvement, until about
April, 1879, he devised a means whereby platinum wire of a given length,
which would melt in the open air when giving a light equal to four
candles, would emit a light of twenty-five candle-power without fusion.
This was accomplished by introducing the platinum wire into an all-glass
globe, completely sealed and highly exhausted of air, and passing a
current through the platinum wire while the vacuum was being made. In
this, which was a new and radical invention, we see the first step toward
the modern incandescent lamp. The knowledge thus obtained that current
passing through the platinum during exhaustion would drive out occluded
gases (i.e., gases mechanically held in or upon the metal), and increase
the infusibility of the platinum, led him to aim at securing greater
perfection in the vacuum, on the theory that the higher the vacuum
obtained, the higher would be the infusibility of the platinum burner. And
this fact also was of the greatest importance in making successful the
final use of carbon, because without the subjection of the carbon to the
heating effect of current during the formation of the vacuum, the presence
of occluded gases would have been a fatal obstacle.
</p>
<p>
Continuing these experiments with most fervent zeal, taking no account of
the passage of time, with an utter disregard for meals, and but scanty
hours of sleep snatched reluctantly at odd periods of the day or night,
Edison kept his laboratory going without cessation. A great variety of
lamps was made of the platinum-iridium type, mostly with thermal devices
to regulate the temperature of the burner and prevent its being melted by
an excess of current. The study of apparatus for obtaining more perfect
vacua was unceasingly carried on, for Edison realized that in this there
lay a potent factor of ultimate success. About August he had obtained a
pump that would produce a vacuum up to about the one-hundred-thousandth
part of an atmosphere, and some time during the next month, or beginning
of October, had obtained one that would produce a vacuum up to the
one-millionth part of an atmosphere. It must be remembered that the
conditions necessary for MAINTAINING this high vacuum were only made
possible by his invention of the one-piece all-glass globe, in which all
the joints were hermetically sealed during its manufacture into a lamp,
whereby a high vacuum could be retained continuously for any length of
time.
</p>
<p>
In obtaining this perfection of vacuum apparatus, Edison realized that he
was approaching much nearer to a solution of the problem. In his
experiments with the platinum-iridium lamps, he had been working all the
time toward the proposition of high resistance and small radiating
surface, until he had made a lamp having thirty feet of fine platinum wire
wound upon a small bobbin of infusible material; but the desired economy,
simplicity, and durability were not obtained in this manner, although at
all times the burner was maintained at a critically high temperature.
After attaining a high degree of perfection with these lamps, he
recognized their impracticable character, and his mind reverted to the
opinion he had formed in his early experiments two years before—viz.,
that carbon had the requisite resistance to permit a very simple conductor
to accomplish the object if it could be used in the form of a hair-like
"filament," provided the filament itself could be made sufficiently
homogeneous. As we have already seen, he could not use carbon successfully
in his earlier experiments, for the strips of carbon he then employed,
although they were much larger than "filaments," would not stand, but were
consumed in a few minutes under the imperfect conditions then at his
command.
</p>
<p>
Now, however, that he had found means for obtaining and maintaining high
vacua, Edison immediately went back to carbon, which from the first he had
conceived of as the ideal substance for a burner. His next step proved
conclusively the correctness of his old deductions. On October 21, 1879,
after many patient trials, he carbonized a piece of cotton sewing-thread
bent into a loop or horseshoe form, and had it sealed into a glass globe
from which he exhausted the air until a vacuum up to one-millionth of an
atmosphere was produced. This lamp, when put on the circuit, lighted up
brightly to incandescence and maintained its integrity for over forty
hours, and lo! the practical incandescent lamp was born. The impossible,
so called, had been attained; subdivision of the electric-light current
was made practicable; the goal had been reached; and one of the greatest
inventions of the century was completed. Up to this time Edison had spent
over $40,000 in his electric-light experiments, but the results far more
than justified the expenditure, for with this lamp he made the discovery
that the FILAMENT of carbon, under the conditions of high vacuum, was
commercially stable and would stand high temperatures without the
disintegration and oxidation that took place in all previous attempts that
he knew of for making an incandescent burner out of carbon. Besides, this
lamp possessed the characteristics of high resistance and small radiating
surface, permitting economy in the outlay for conductors, and requiring
only a small current for each unit of light—conditions that were
absolutely necessary of fulfilment in order to accomplish commercially the
subdivision of the electric-light current.
</p>
<p>
This slender, fragile, tenuous thread of brittle carbon, glowing steadily
and continuously with a soft light agreeable to the eyes, was the tiny key
that opened the door to a world revolutionized in its interior
illumination. It was a triumphant vindication of Edison's reasoning
powers, his clear perceptions, his insight into possibilities, and his
inventive faculty, all of which had already been productive of so many
startling, practical, and epoch-making inventions. And now he had stepped
over the threshold of a new art which has since become so world-wide in
its application as to be an integral part of modern human experience. [9]
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 9: The following extract from Walker on Patents
(4th edition) will probably be of interest to the reader:
"Sec. 31a. A meritorious exception, to the rule of the last
section, is involved in the adjudicated validity of the
Edison incandescent-light patent. The carbon filament, which
constitutes the only new part of the combination of the
second claim of that patent, differs from the earlier carbon
burners of Sawyer and Man, only in having a diameter of one-
sixty-fourth of an inch or less, whereas the burners of
Sawyer and Man had a diameter of one-thirty-second of an
inch or more. But that reduction of one-half in diameter
increased the resistance of the burner FOURFOLD, and reduced
its radiating surface TWOFOLD, and thus increased eightfold,
its ratio of resistance to radiating surface. That eightfold
increase of proportion enabled the resistance of the
conductor of electricity from the generator to the burner to
be increased eightfold, without any increase of percentage
of loss of energy in that conductor, or decrease of
percentage of development of heat in the burner; and thus
enabled the area of the cross-section of that conductor to
be reduced eightfold, and thus to be made with one-eighth of
the amount of copper or other metal, which would be required
if the reduction of diameter of the burner from one-thirty-
second to one-sixty-fourth of an inch had not been made. And
that great reduction in the size and cost of conductors,
involved also a great difference in the composition of the
electric energy employed in the system; that difference
consisting in generating the necessary amount of electrical
energy with comparatively high electromotive force, and
comparatively low current, instead of contrariwise. For this
reason, the use of carbon filaments, one-sixty-fourth of an
inch in diameter or less, instead of carbon burners one-
thirty-second of an inch in diameter or more, not only
worked an enormous economy in conductors, but also
necessitated a great change in generators, and did both
according to a philosophy, which Edison was the first to
know, and which is stated in this paragraph in its simplest
form and aspect, and which lies at the foundation of the
incandescent electric lighting of the world."]
</pre>
<p>
No sooner had the truth of this new principle been established than the
work to establish it firmly and commercially was carried on more
assiduously than ever. The next immediate step was a further investigation
of the possibilities of improving the quality of the carbon filament.
Edison had previously made a vast number of experiments with carbonized
paper for various electrical purposes, with such good results that he once
more turned to it and now made fine filament-like loops of this material
which were put into other lamps. These proved even more successful
(commercially considered) than the carbonized thread—so much so that
after a number of such lamps had been made and put through severe tests,
the manufacture of lamps from these paper carbons was begun and carried on
continuously. This necessitated first the devising and making of a large
number of special tools for cutting the carbon filaments and for making
and putting together the various parts of the lamps. Meantime, great
excitement had been caused in this country and in Europe by the
announcement of Edison's success. In the Old World, scientists generally
still declared the impossibility of subdividing the electric-light
current, and in the public press Mr. Edison was denounced as a dreamer.
Other names of a less complimentary nature were applied to him, even
though his lamp were actually in use, and the principle of commercial
incandescent lighting had been established.
</p>
<p>
Between October 21, 1879, and December 21, 1879, some hundreds of these
paper-carbon lamps had been made and put into actual use, not only in the
laboratory, but in the streets and several residences at Menlo Park, New
Jersey, causing great excitement and bringing many visitors from far and
near. On the latter date a full-page article appeared in the New York
Herald which so intensified the excited feeling that Mr. Edison deemed it
advisable to make a public exhibition. On New Year's Eve, 1879, special
trains were run to Menlo Park by the Pennsylvania Railroad, and over three
thousand persons took advantage of the opportunity to go out there and
witness this demonstration for themselves. In this great crowd were many
public officials and men of prominence in all walks of life, who were
enthusiastic in their praises.
</p>
<p>
In the mean time, the mind that conceived and made practical this
invention could not rest content with anything less than perfection, so
far as it could be realized. Edison was not satisfied with paper carbons.
They were not fully up to the ideal that he had in mind. What he sought
was a perfectly uniform and homogeneous carbon, one like the "One-Hoss
Shay," that had no weak spots to break down at inopportune times. He began
to carbonize everything in nature that he could lay hands on. In his
laboratory note-books are innumerable jottings of the things that were
carbonized and tried, such as tissue-paper, soft paper, all kinds of
cardboards, drawing-paper of all grades, paper saturated with tar, all
kinds of threads, fish-line, threads rubbed with tarred lampblack, fine
threads plaited together in strands, cotton soaked in boiling tar,
lamp-wick, twine, tar and lampblack mixed with a proportion of lime,
vulcanized fibre, celluloid, boxwood, cocoanut hair and shell, spruce,
hickory, baywood, cedar and maple shavings, rosewood, punk, cork, bagging,
flax, and a host of other things. He also extended his searches far into
the realms of nature in the line of grasses, plants, canes, and similar
products, and in these experiments at that time and later he carbonized,
made into lamps, and tested no fewer than six thousand different species
of vegetable growths.
</p>
<p>
The reasons for such prodigious research are not apparent on the face of
the subject, nor is this the occasion to enter into an explanation, as
that alone would be sufficient to fill a fair-sized book. Suffice it to
say that Edison's omnivorous reading, keen observation, power of
assimilating facts and natural phenomena, and skill in applying the
knowledge thus attained to whatever was in hand, now came into full play
in determining that the results he desired could only be obtained in
certain directions.
</p>
<p>
At this time he was investigating everything with a microscope, and one
day in the early part of 1880 he noticed upon a table in the laboratory an
ordinary palm-leaf fan. He picked it up and, looking it over, observed
that it had a binding rim made of bamboo, cut from the outer edge of the
cane; a very long strip. He examined this, and then gave it to one of his
assistants, telling him to cut it up and get out of it all the filaments
he could, carbonize them, put them into lamps, and try them. The results
of this trial were exceedingly successful, far better than with anything
else thus far used; indeed, so much so, that after further experiments and
microscopic examinations Edison was convinced that he was now on the right
track for making a thoroughly stable, commercial lamp; and shortly
afterward he sent a man to Japan to procure further supplies of bamboo.
The fascinating story of the bamboo hunt will be told later; but even this
bamboo lamp was only one item of a complete system to be devised—a
system that has since completely revolutionized the art of interior
illumination.
</p>
<p>
Reference has been made in this chapter to the preliminary study that
Edison brought to bear on the development of the gas art and industry.
This study was so exhaustive that one can only compare it to the careful
investigation made in advance by any competent war staff of the elements
of strength and weakness, on both sides, in a possible campaign. A popular
idea of Edison that dies hard, pictures a breezy, slap-dash, energetic
inventor arriving at new results by luck and intuition, making boastful
assertions and then winning out by mere chance. The native simplicity of
the man, the absence of pose and ceremony, do much to strengthen this
notion; but the real truth is that while gifted with unusual imagination,
Edison's march to the goal of a new invention is positively humdrum and
monotonous in its steady progress. No one ever saw Edison in a hurry; no
one ever saw him lazy; and that which he did with slow, careful scrutiny
six months ago, he will be doing with just as much calm deliberation of
research six months hence—and six years hence if necessary. If, for
instance, he were asked to find the most perfect pebble on the Atlantic
shore of New Jersey, instead of hunting here, there, and everywhere for
the desired object, we would no doubt find him patiently screening the
entire beach, sifting out the most perfect stones and eventually, by
gradual exclusion, reaching the long-sought-for pebble; and the mere fact
that in this search years might be taken, would not lessen his enthusiasm
to the slightest extent.
</p>
<p>
In the "prospectus book" among the series of famous note-books, all the
references and data apply to gas. The book is numbered 184, falls into the
period now dealt with, and runs along casually with items spread out over
two or three years. All these notes refer specifically to "Electricity vs.
Gas as General Illuminants," and cover an astounding range of inquiry and
comment. One of the very first notes tells the whole story: "Object,
Edison to effect exact imitation of all done by gas, so as to replace
lighting by gas by lighting by electricity. To improve the illumination to
such an extent as to meet all requirements of natural, artificial, and
commercial conditions." A large programme, but fully executed! The notes,
it will be understood, are all in Edison's handwriting. They go on to
observe that "a general system of distribution is the only possible means
of economical illumination," and they dismiss isolated-plant lighting as
in mills and factories as of so little importance to the public—"we
shall leave the consideration of this out of this book." The shrewd
prophecy is made that gas will be manufactured less for lighting, as the
result of electrical competition, and more and more for heating, etc.,
thus enlarging its market and increasing its income. Comment is made on
kerosene and its cost, and all kinds of general statistics are jotted down
as desirable. Data are to be obtained on lamp and dynamo efficiency, and
"Another review of the whole thing as worked out upon pure science
principles by Rowland, Young, Trowbridge; also Rowland on the
possibilities and probabilities of cheaper production by better
manufacture—higher incandescence without decrease of life of lamps."
Notes are also made on meters and motors. "It doesn't matter if
electricity is used for light or for power"; while small motors, it is
observed, can be used night or day, and small steam-engines are
inconvenient. Again the shrewd comment: "Generally poorest district for
light, best for power, thus evening up whole city—the effect of this
on investment."
</p>
<p>
It is pointed out that "Previous inventions failed—necessities for
commercial success and accomplishment by Edison. Edison's great effort—not
to make a large light or a blinding light, but a small light having the
mildness of gas." Curves are then called for of iron and copper investment—also
energy line—curves of candle-power and electromotive force; curves
on motors; graphic representation of the consumption of gas January to
December; tables and formulae; representations graphically of what one
dollar will buy in different kinds of light; "table, weight of copper
required different distance, 100-ohm lamp, 16 candles"; table with curves
showing increased economy by larger engine, higher power, etc. There is
not much that is dilettante about all this. Note is made of an article in
April, 1879, putting the total amount of gas investment in the whole world
at that time at $1,500,000,000; which is now (1910) about the amount of
the electric-lighting investment in the United States. Incidentally a note
remarks: "So unpleasant is the effect of the products of gas that in the
new Madison Square Theatre every gas jet is ventilated by special tubes to
carry away the products of combustion." In short, there is no aspect of
the new problem to which Edison failed to apply his acutest powers; and
the speed with which the new system was worked out and introduced was
simply due to his initial mastery of all the factors in the older art.
Luther Stieringer, an expert gas engineer and inventor, whose services
were early enlisted, once said that Edison knew more about gas than any
other man he had ever met. The remark is an evidence of the kind of
preparation Edison gave himself for his new task.
</p>
<p>
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</div>
<h2>
CHAPTER XII
</h2>
<h3>
MEMORIES OF MENLO PARK
</h3>
<p>
FROM the spring of 1876 to 1886 Edison lived and did his work at Menlo
Park; and at this stage of the narrative, midway in that interesting and
eventful period, it is appropriate to offer a few notes and jottings on
the place itself, around which tradition is already weaving its fancies,
just as at the time the outpouring of new inventions from it invested the
name with sudden prominence and with the glamour of romance. "In 1876 I
moved," says Edison, "to Menlo Park, New Jersey, on the Pennsylvania
Railroad, several miles below Elizabeth. The move was due to trouble I had
about rent. I had rented a small shop in Newark, on the top floor of a
padlock factory, by the month. I gave notice that I would give it up at
the end of the month, paid the rent, moved out, and delivered the keys.
Shortly afterward I was served with a paper, probably a judgment, wherein
I was to pay nine months' rent. There was some law, it seems, that made a
monthly renter liable for a year. This seemed so unjust that I determined
to get out of a place that permitted such injustice." For several Sundays
he walked through different parts of New Jersey with two of his assistants
before he decided on Menlo Park. The change was a fortunate one, for the
inventor had married Miss Mary E. Stillwell, and was now able to establish
himself comfortably with his wife and family while enjoying immediate
access to the new laboratory. Every moment thus saved was valuable.
</p>
<p>
To-day the place and region have gone back to the insignificance from
which Edison's genius lifted them so startlingly. A glance from the car
windows reveals only a gently rolling landscape dotted with modest
residences and unpretentious barns; and there is nothing in sight by way
of memorial to suggest that for nearly a decade this spot was the scene of
the most concentrated and fruitful inventive activity the world has ever
known. Close to the Menlo Park railway station is a group of gaunt and
deserted buildings, shelter of the casual tramp, and slowly crumbling away
when not destroyed by the carelessness of some ragged smoker. This silent
group of buildings comprises the famous old laboratory and workshops of
Mr. Edison, historic as being the birthplace of the carbon transmitter,
the phonograph, the incandescent lamp, and the spot where Edison also
worked out his systems of electrical distribution, his commercial dynamo,
his electric railway, his megaphone, his tasimeter, and many other
inventions of greater or lesser degree. Here he continued, moreover, his
earlier work on the quadruplex, sextuplex, multiplex, and automatic
telegraphs, and did his notable pioneer work in wireless telegraphy. As
the reader knows, it had been a master passion with Edison from boyhood up
to possess a laboratory, in which with free use of his own time and
powers, and with command of abundant material resources, he could wrestle
with Nature and probe her closest secrets. Thus, from the little cellar at
Port Huron, from the scant shelves in a baggage car, from the nooks and
corners of dingy telegraph offices, and the grimy little shops in New York
and Newark, he had now come to the proud ownership of an establishment to
which his favorite word "laboratory" might justly be applied. Here he
could experiment to his heart's content and invent on a larger, bolder
scale than ever—and he did!
</p>
<p>
Menlo Park was the merest hamlet. Omitting the laboratory structures, it
had only about seven houses, the best looking of which Edison lived in, a
place that had a windmill pumping water into a reservoir. One of the
stories of the day was that Edison had his front gate so connected with
the pumping plant that every visitor as he opened or closed the gate added
involuntarily to the supply in the reservoir. Two or three of the houses
were occupied by the families of members of the staff; in the others
boarders were taken, the laboratory, of course, furnishing all the
patrons. Near the railway station was a small saloon kept by an old
Scotchman named Davis, where billiards were played in idle moments, and
where in the long winter evenings the hot stove was a centre of attraction
to loungers and story-tellers. The truth is that there was very little
social life of any kind possible under the strenuous conditions prevailing
at the laboratory, where, if anywhere, relaxation was enjoyed at odd
intervals of fatigue and waiting.
</p>
<p>
The main laboratory was a spacious wooden building of two floors. The
office was in this building at first, until removed to the brick library
when that was finished. There S. L. Griffin, an old telegraph friend of
Edison, acted as his secretary and had charge of a voluminous and amazing
correspondence. The office employees were the Carman brothers and the late
John F. Randolph, afterwards secretary. According to Mr. Francis Jehl, of
Budapest, then one of the staff, to whom the writers are indebted for a
great deal of valuable data on this period: "It was on the upper story of
this laboratory that the most important experiments were executed, and
where the incandescent lamp was born. This floor consisted of a large hall
containing several long tables, upon which could be found all the various
instruments, scientific and chemical apparatus that the arts at that time
could produce. Books lay promiscuously about, while here and there long
lines of bichromate-of-potash cells could be seen, together with
experimental models of ideas that Edison or his assistants were engaged
upon. The side walls of this hall were lined with shelves filled with
bottles, phials, and other receptacles containing every imaginable
chemical and other material that could be obtained, while at the end of
this hall, and near the organ which stood in the rear, was a large glass
case containing the world's most precious metals in sheet and wire form,
together with very rare and costly chemicals. When evening came on, and
the last rays of the setting sun penetrated through the side windows, this
hall looked like a veritable Faust laboratory.
</p>
<p>
"On the ground floor we had our testing-table, which stood on two large
pillars of brick built deep into the earth in order to get rid of all
vibrations on account of the sensitive instruments that were upon it.
There was the Thomson reflecting mirror galvanometer and electrometer,
while nearby were the standard cells by which the galvanometers were
adjusted and standardized. This testing-table was connected by means of
wires with all parts of the laboratory and machine-shop, so that
measurements could be conveniently made from a distance, as in those days
we had no portable and direct-reading instruments, such as now exist.
Opposite this table we installed, later on, our photometrical chamber,
which was constructed on the Bunsen principle. A little way from this
table, and separated by a partition, we had the chemical laboratory with
its furnaces and stink-chambers. Later on another chemical laboratory was
installed near the photometer-room, and this Dr. A. Haid had charge of."
</p>
<p>
Next to the laboratory in importance was the machine-shop, a large and
well-lighted building of brick, at one end of which there was the boiler
and engine-room. This shop contained light and heavy lathes, boring and
drilling machines, all kinds of planing machines; in fact, tools of all
descriptions, so that any apparatus, however delicate or heavy, could be
made and built as might be required by Edison in experimenting. Mr. John
Kruesi had charge of this shop, and was assisted by a number of skilled
mechanics, notably John Ott, whose deft fingers and quick intuitive grasp
of the master's ideas are still in demand under the more recent conditions
at the Llewellyn Park laboratory in Orange.
</p>
<p>
Between the machine-shop and the laboratory was a small building of wood
used as a carpenter-shop, where Tom Logan plied his art. Nearby was the
gasoline plant. Before the incandescent lamp was perfected, the only
illumination was from gasoline gas; and that was used later for
incandescent-lamp glass-blowing, which was done in another small building
on one side of the laboratory. Apparently little or no lighting service
was obtained from the Wallace-Farmer arc lamps secured from Ansonia,
Connecticut. The dynamo was probably needed for Edison's own experiments.
</p>
<p>
On the outskirts of the property was a small building in which lampblack
was crudely but carefully manufactured and pressed into very small cakes,
for use in the Edison carbon transmitters of that time. The
night-watchman, Alfred Swanson, took care of this curious plant, which
consisted of a battery of petroleum lamps that were forced to burn to the
sooting point. During his rounds in the night Swanson would find time to
collect from the chimneys the soot that the lamps gave. It was then
weighed out into very small portions, which were pressed into cakes or
buttons by means of a hand-press. These little cakes were delicately
packed away between layers of cotton in small, light boxes and shipped to
Bergmann in New York, by whom the telephone transmitters were being made.
A little later the Edison electric railway was built on the confines of
the property out through the woods, at first only a third of a mile in
length, but reaching ultimately to Pumptown, almost three miles away.
</p>
<p>
Mr. Edison's own words may be quoted as to the men with whom he surrounded
himself here and upon whose services he depended principally for help in
the accomplishment of his aims. In an autobiographical article in the
Electrical World of March 5, 1904, he says: "It is interesting to note
that in addition to those mentioned above (Charles Batchelor and Frank
Upton), I had around me other men who ever since have remained active in
the field, such as Messrs. Francis Jehl, William J. Hammer, Martin Force,
Ludwig K. Boehm, not forgetting that good friend and co-worker, the late
John Kruesi. They found plenty to do in the various developments of the
art, and as I now look back I sometimes wonder how we did so much in so
short a time." Mr. Jehl in his reminiscences adds another name to the
above—namely, that of John W. Lawson, and then goes on to say:
"These are the names of the pioneers of incandescent lighting, who were
continuously at the side of Edison day and night for some years, and who,
under his guidance, worked upon the carbon-filament lamp from its birth to
ripe maturity. These men all had complete faith in his ability and stood
by him as on a rock, guarding their work with the secretiveness of a
burglar-proof safe. Whenever it leaked out in the world that Edison was
succeeding in his work on the electric light, spies and others came to the
Park; so it was of the utmost importance that the experiments and their
results should be kept a secret until Edison had secured the protection of
the Patent Office." With this staff was associated from the first Mr. E.
H. Johnson, whose work with Mr. Edison lay chiefly, however, outside the
laboratory, taking him to all parts of the country and to Europe. There
were also to be regarded as detached members of it the Bergmann brothers,
manufacturing for Mr. Edison in New York, and incessantly experimenting
for him. In addition there must be included Mr. Samuel Insull, whose
activities for many years as private secretary and financial manager were
devoted solely to Mr. Edison's interests, with Menlo Park as a centre and
main source of anxiety as to pay-rolls and other constantly recurring
obligations. The names of yet other associates occur from time to time in
this narrative—"Edison men" who have been very proud of their close
relationship to the inventor and his work at old Menlo. "There was also
Mr. Charles L. Clarke, who devoted himself mainly to engineering matters,
and later on acted as chief engineer of the Edison Electric Light Company
for some years. Then there were William Holzer and James Hipple, both of
whom took an active part in the practical development of the glass-blowing
department of the laboratory, and, subsequently, at the first Edison lamp
factory at Menlo Park. Later on Messrs. Jehl, Hipple, and Force assisted
Mr. Batchelor to install the lamp-works of the French Edison Company at
Ivry-sur-Seine. Then there were Messrs. Charles T. Hughes, Samuel D. Mott,
and Charles T. Mott, who devoted their time chiefly to commercial affairs.
Mr. Hughes conducted most of this work, and later on took a prominent part
in Edison's electric-railway experiments. His business ability was on a
high level, while his personal character endeared him to us all."
</p>
<p>
Among other now well-known men who came to us and assisted in various
kinds of work were Messrs. Acheson, Worth, Crosby, Herrick, and Hill,
while Doctor Haid was placed by Mr. Edison in charge of a special chemical
laboratory. Dr. E. L. Nichols was also with us for a short time conducting
a special series of experiments. There was also Mr. Isaacs, who did a
great deal of photographic work, and to whom we must be thankful for the
pictures of Menlo Park in connection with Edison's work.
</p>
<p>
"Among others who were added to Mr. Kruesi's staff in the machine-shop
were Messrs. J. H. Vail and W. S. Andrews. Mr. Vail had charge of the
dynamo-room. He had a good general knowledge of machinery, and very soon
acquired such familiarity with the dynamos that he could skip about among
them with astonishing agility to regulate their brushes or to throw rosin
on the belts when they began to squeal. Later on he took an active part in
the affairs and installations of the Edison Light Company. Mr. Andrews
stayed on Mr. Kruesi's staff as long as the laboratory machine-shop was
kept open, after which he went into the employ of the Edison Electric
Light Company and became actively engaged in the commercial and technical
exploitation of the system. Another man who was with us at Menlo Park was
Mr. Herman Claudius, an Austrian, who at one time was employed in
connection with the State Telegraphs of his country. To him Mr. Edison
assigned the task of making a complete model of the network of conductors
for the contemplated first station in New York."
</p>
<p>
Mr. Francis R. Upton, who was early employed by Mr. Edison as his
mathematician, furnishes a pleasant, vivid picture of his chief associates
engaged on the memorable work at Menlo Park. He says: "Mr. Charles
Batchelor was Mr. Edison's principal assistant at that time. He was an
Englishman, and came to this country to set up the thread-weaving
machinery for the Clark thread-works. He was a most intelligent, patient,
competent, and loyal assistant to Mr. Edison. I remember distinctly seeing
him work many hours to mount a small filament; and his hand would be as
steady and his patience as unyielding at the end of those many hours as it
was at the beginning, in spite of repeated failures. He was a wonderful
mechanic; the control that he had of his fingers was marvellous, and his
eyesight was sharp. Mr. Batchelor's judgment and good sense were always in
evidence.
</p>
<p>
"Mr. Kruesi was the superintendent, a Swiss trained in the best Swiss
ideas of accuracy. He was a splendid mechanic with a vigorous temper, and
wonderful ability to work continuously and to get work out of men. It was
an ideal combination, that of Edison, Batchelor, and Kruesi. Mr. Edison
with his wonderful flow of ideas which were sharply defined in his mind,
as can be seen by any of the sketches that he made, as he evidently always
thinks in three dimensions; Mr. Kruesi, willing to take the ideas, and
capable of comprehending them, would distribute the work so as to get it
done with marvellous quickness and great accuracy. Mr. Batchelor was
always ready for any special fine experimenting or observation, and could
hold to whatever he was at as long as Mr. Edison wished; and always
brought to bear on what he was at the greatest skill."
</p>
<p>
While Edison depended upon Upton for his mathematical work, he was wont to
check it up in a very practical manner, as evidenced by the following
incident described by Mr. Jehl: "I was once with Mr. Upton calculating
some tables which he had put me on, when Mr. Edison appeared with a glass
bulb having a pear-shaped appearance in his hand. It was the kind that we
were going to use for our lamp experiments; and Mr. Edison asked Mr. Upton
to please calculate for him its cubic contents in centimetres. Now Mr.
Upton was a very able mathematician, who, after he finished his studies at
Princeton, went to Germany and got his final gloss under that great
master, Helmholtz. Whatever he did and worked on was executed in a pure
mathematical manner, and any wrangler at Oxford would have been delighted
to see him juggle with integral and differential equations, with a
dexterity that was surprising. He drew the shape of the bulb exactly on
paper, and got the equation of its lines with which he was going to
calculate its contents, when Mr. Edison again appeared and asked him what
it was. He showed Edison the work he had already done on the subject, and
told him that he would very soon finish calculating it. 'Why,' said
Edison, 'I would simply take that bulb and fill it with mercury and weigh
it; and from the weight of the mercury and its specific gravity I'll get
it in five minutes, and use less mental energy than is necessary in such a
fatiguing operation.'"
</p>
<p>
Menlo Park became ultimately the centre of Edison's business life as it
was of his inventing. After the short distasteful period during the
introduction of his lighting system, when he spent a large part of his
time at the offices at 65 Fifth Avenue, New York, or on the actual work
connected with the New York Edison installation, he settled back again in
Menlo Park altogether. Mr. Samuel Insull describes the business methods
which prevailed throughout the earlier Menlo Park days of "storm and
stress," and the curious conditions with which he had to deal as private
secretary: "I never attempted to systematize Edison's business life.
Edison's whole method of work would upset the system of any office. He was
just as likely to be at work in his laboratory at midnight as midday. He
cared not for the hours of the day or the days of the week. If he was
exhausted he might more likely be asleep in the middle of the day than in
the middle of the night, as most of his work in the way of inventions was
done at night. I used to run his office on as close business methods as my
experience admitted; and I would get at him whenever it suited his
convenience. Sometimes he would not go over his mail for days at a time;
but other times he would go regularly to his office in the morning. At
other times my engagements used to be with him to go over his business
affairs at Menlo Park at night, if I was occupied in New York during the
day. In fact, as a matter of convenience I used more often to get at him
at night, as it left my days free to transact his affairs, and enabled me,
probably at a midnight luncheon, to get a few minutes of his time to look
over his correspondence and get his directions as to what I should do in
some particular negotiation or matter of finance. While it was a matter of
suiting Edison's convenience as to when I should transact business with
him, it also suited my own ideas, as it enabled me after getting through
my business with him to enjoy the privilege of watching him at his work,
and to learn something about the technical side of matters. Whatever
knowledge I may have of the electric light and power industry I feel I owe
it to the tuition of Edison. He was about the most willing tutor, and I
must confess that he had to be a patient one."
</p>
<p>
Here again occurs the reference to the incessant night-work at Menlo Park,
a note that is struck in every reminiscence and in every record of the
time. But it is not to be inferred that the atmosphere of grim
determination and persistent pursuit of the new invention characteristic
of this period made life a burden to the small family of laborers
associated with Edison. Many a time during the long, weary nights of
experimenting Edison would call a halt for refreshments, which he had
ordered always to be sent in when night-work was in progress. Everything
would be dropped, all present would join in the meal, and the last good
story or joke would pass around. In his notes Mr. Jehl says: "Our lunch
always ended with a cigar, and I may mention here that although Edison was
never fastidious in eating, he always relished a good cigar, and seemed to
find in it consolation and solace.... It often happened that while we were
enjoying the cigars after our midnight repast, one of the boys would start
up a tune on the organ and we would all sing together, or one of the
others would give a solo. Another of the boys had a voice that sounded
like something between the ring of an old tomato can and a pewter jug. He
had one song that he would sing while we roared with laughter. He was also
great in imitating the tin-foil phonograph.... When Boehm was in
good-humor he would play his zither now and then, and amuse us by singing
pretty German songs. On many of these occasions the laboratory was the
rendezvous of jolly and convivial visitors, mostly old friends and
acquaintances of Mr. Edison. Some of the office employees would also drop
in once in a while, and as everybody present was always welcome to partake
of the midnight meal, we all enjoyed these gatherings. After a while, when
we were ready to resume work, our visitors would intimate that they were
going home to bed, but we fellows could stay up and work, and they would
depart, generally singing some song like Good-night, ladies! . . . It
often happened that when Edison had been working up to three or four
o'clock in the morning, he would lie down on one of the laboratory tables,
and with nothing but a couple of books for a pillow, would fall into a
sound sleep. He said it did him more good than being in a soft bed, which
spoils a man. Some of the laboratory assistants could be seen now and then
sleeping on a table in the early morning hours. If their snoring became
objectionable to those still at work, the 'calmer' was applied. This
machine consisted of a Babbitt's soap box without a cover. Upon it was
mounted a broad ratchet-wheel with a crank, while into the teeth of the
wheel there played a stout, elastic slab of wood. The box would be placed
on the table where the snorer was sleeping and the crank turned rapidly.
The racket thus produced was something terrible, and the sleeper would
jump up as though a typhoon had struck the laboratory. The irrepressible
spirit of humor in the old days, although somewhat strenuous at times,
caused many a moment of hilarity which seemed to refresh the boys, and
enabled them to work with renewed vigor after its manifestation." Mr.
Upton remarks that often during the period of the invention of the
incandescent lamp, when under great strain and fatigue, Edison would go to
the organ and play tunes in a primitive way, and come back to crack jokes
with the staff. "But I have often felt that Mr. Edison never could
comprehend the limitations of the strength of other men, as his own
physical and mental strength have always seemed to be without limit. He
could work continuously as long as he wished, and had sleep at his
command. His sleep was always instant, profound, and restful. He has told
me that he never dreamed. I have known Mr. Edison now for thirty-one
years, and feel that he has always kept his mind direct and simple, going
straight to the root of troubles. One of the peculiarities I have noticed
is that I have never known him to break into a conversation going on
around him, and ask what people were talking about. The nearest he would
ever come to it was when there had evidently been some story told, and his
face would express a desire to join in the laugh, which would immediately
invite telling the story to him."
</p>
<p>
Next to those who worked with Edison at the laboratory and were with him
constantly at Menlo Park were the visitors, some of whom were his business
associates, some of them scientific men, and some of them hero-worshippers
and curiosity-hunters. Foremost in the first category was Mr. E. H.
Johnson, who was in reality Edison's most intimate friend, and was
required for constant consultation; but whose intense activity, remarkable
grasp of electrical principles, and unusual powers of exposition, led to
his frequent detachment for long trips, including those which resulted in
the introduction of the telephone, phonograph, and electric light in
England and on the Continent. A less frequent visitor was Mr. S. Bergmann,
who had all he needed to occupy his time in experimenting and
manufacturing, and whose contemporaneous Wooster Street letter-heads
advertised Edison's inventions as being made there, Among the scientists
were Prof. George F. Barker, of Philadelphia, a big, good-natured
philosopher, whose valuable advice Edison esteemed highly. In sharp
contrast to him was the earnest, serious Rowland, of Johns Hopkins
University, afterward the leading American physicist of his day. Profs. C.
F. Brackett and C. F. Young, of Princeton University, were often received,
always interested in what Edison was doing, and proud that one of their
own students, Mr. Upton, was taking such a prominent part in the
development of the work.
</p>
<p>
Soon after the success of the lighting experiments and the installation at
Menlo Park became known, Edison was besieged by persons from all parts of
the world anxious to secure rights and concessions for their respective
countries. Among these was Mr. Louis Rau, of Paris, who organized the
French Edison Company, the pioneer Edison lighting corporation in Europe,
and who, with the aid of Mr. Batchelor, established lamp-works and a
machine-shop at Ivry sur-Seine, near Paris, in 1882. It was there that Mr.
Nikola Tesla made his entree into the field of light and power, and began
his own career as an inventor; and there also Mr. Etienne Fodor, general
manager of the Hungarian General Electric Company at Budapest, received
his early training. It was he who erected at Athens the first European
Edison station on the now universal three-wire system. Another visitor
from Europe, a little later, was Mr. Emil Rathenau, the present director
of the great Allgemeine Elektricitaets Gesellschaft of Germany. He secured
the rights for the empire, and organized the Berlin Edison system, now one
of the largest in the world. Through his extraordinary energy and
enterprise the business made enormous strides, and Mr. Rathenau has become
one of the most conspicuous industrial figures in his native country. From
Italy came Professor Colombo, later a cabinet minister, with his friend
Signor Buzzi, of Milan. The rights were secured for the peninsula; Colombo
and his friends organized the Italian Edison Company, and erected at Milan
the first central station in that country. Mr. John W. Lieb, Jr., now a
vice-president of the New York Edison Company, was sent over by Mr. Edison
to steer the enterprise technically, and spent ten years in building it
up, with such brilliant success that he was later decorated as Commander
of the Order of the Crown of Italy by King Victor. Another young American
enlisted into European service was Mr. E. G. Acheson, the inventor of
carborundum, who built a number of plants in Italy and France before he
returned home. Mr. Lieb has since become President of the American
Institute of Electrical Engineers and the Association of Edison
Illuminating Companies, while Doctor Acheson has been President of the
American Electrochemical Society.
</p>
<p>
Switzerland sent Messrs. Turrettini, Biedermann, and Thury, all
distinguished engineers, to negotiate for rights in the republic; and so
it went with regard to all the other countries of Europe, as well as those
of South America. It was a question of keeping such visitors away rather
than of inviting them to take up the exploitation of the Edison system;
for what time was not spent in personal interviews was required for the
masses of letters from every country under the sun, all making inquiries,
offering suggestions, proposing terms. Nor were the visitors merely those
on business bent. There were the lion-hunters and celebrities, of whom
Sarah Bernhardt may serve as a type. One visit of note was that paid by
Lieut. G. W. De Long, who had an earnest and protracted conversation with
Edison over the Arctic expedition he was undertaking with the aid of Mr.
James Gordon Bennett, of the New York Herald. The Jeannette was being
fitted out, and Edison told De Long that he would make and present him
with a small dynamo machine, some incandescent lamps, and an arc lamp.
While the little dynamo was being built all the men in the laboratory
wrote their names on the paper insulation that was wound upon the iron
core of the armature. As the Jeannette had no steam-engine on board that
could be used for the purpose, Edison designed the dynamo so that it could
be worked by man power and told Lieutenant De Long "it would keep the boys
warm up in the Arctic," when they generated current with it. The ill-fated
ship never returned from her voyage, but went down in the icy waters of
the North, there to remain until some future cataclysm of nature, ten
thousand years hence, shall reveal the ship and the first marine dynamo as
curious relics of a remote civilization.
</p>
<p>
Edison also furnished De Long with a set of telephones provided with
extensible circuits, so that parties on the ice-floes could go long
distances from the ship and still keep in communication with her. So far
as the writers can ascertain this is the first example of "field
telephony." Another nautical experiment that he made at this time,
suggested probably by the requirements of the Arctic expedition, was a
buoy that was floated in New York harbor, and which contained a small
Edison dynamo and two or three incandescent lamps. The dynamo was driven
by the wave or tide motion through intermediate mechanism, and thus the
lamps were lit up from time to time, serving as signals. These were the
prototypes of the lighted buoys which have since become familiar, as in
the channel off Sandy Hook.
</p>
<p>
One notable afternoon was that on which the New York board of aldermen
took a special train out to Menlo Park to see the lighting system with its
conductors underground in operation. The Edison Electric Illuminating
Company was applying for a franchise, and the aldermen, for lack of
scientific training and specific practical information, were very
sceptical on the subject—as indeed they might well be. "Mr. Edison
demonstrated personally the details and merits of the system to them. The
voltage was increased to a higher pressure than usual, and all the
incandescent lamps at Menlo Park did their best to win the approbation of
the New York City fathers. After Edison had finished exhibiting all the
good points of his system, he conducted his guests upstairs in the
laboratory, where a long table was spread with the best things that one of
the most prominent New York caterers could furnish. The laboratory
witnessed high times that night, for all were in the best of humor, and
many a bottle was drained in toasting the health of Edison and the
aldermen." This was one of the extremely rare occasions on which Edison
has addressed an audience; but the stake was worth the effort. The
representatives of New York could with justice drink the health of the
young inventor, whose system is one of the greatest boons the city has
ever had conferred upon it.
</p>
<p>
Among other frequent visitors was Mr, Edison's father, "one of those
amiable, patriarchal characters with a Horace Greeley beard, typical
Americans of the old school," who would sometimes come into the laboratory
with his two grandchildren, a little boy and girl called "Dash" and "Dot."
He preferred to sit and watch his brilliant son at work "with an
expression of satisfaction on his face that indicated a sense of happiness
and content that his boy, born in that distant, humble home in Ohio, had
risen to fame and brought such honor upon the name. It was, indeed, a
pathetic sight to see a father venerate his son as the elder Edison did."
Not less at home was Mr. Mackenzie, the Mt. Clemens station agent, the
life of whose child Edison had saved when a train newsboy. The old
Scotchman was one of the innocent, chartered libertines of the place, with
an unlimited stock of good jokes and stories, but seldom of any practical
use. On one occasion, however, when everything possible and impossible
under the sun was being carbonized for lamp filaments, he allowed a
handful of his bushy red beard to be taken for the purpose; and his laugh
was the loudest when the Edison-Mackenzie hair lamps were brought up to
incandescence—their richness in red rays being slyly attributed to
the nature of the filamentary material! Oddly enough, a few years later,
some inventor actually took out a patent for making incandescent lamps
with carbonized hair for filaments!
</p>
<p>
Yet other visitors again haunted the place, and with the following
reminiscence of one of them, from Mr. Edison himself, this part of the
chapter must close: "At Menlo Park one cold winter night there came into
the laboratory a strange man in a most pitiful condition. He was nearly
frozen, and he asked if he might sit by the stove. In a few moments he
asked for the head man, and I was brought forward. He had a head of
abnormal size, with highly intellectual features and a very small and
emaciated body. He said he was suffering very much, and asked if I had any
morphine. As I had about everything in chemistry that could be bought, I
told him I had. He requested that I give him some, so I got the morphine
sulphate. He poured out enough to kill two men, when I told him that we
didn't keep a hotel for suicides, and he had better cut the quantity down.
He then bared his legs and arms, and they were literally pitted with
scars, due to the use of hypodermic syringes. He said he had taken it for
years, and it required a big dose to have any effect. I let him go ahead.
In a short while he seemed like another man and began to tell stories, and
there were about fifty of us who sat around listening until morning. He
was a man of great intelligence and education. He said he was a Jew, but
there was no distinctive feature to verify this assertion. He continued to
stay around until he finished every combination of morphine with an acid
that I had, probably ten ounces all told. Then he asked if he could have
strychnine. I had an ounce of the sulphate. He took enough to kill a
horse, and asserted it had as good an effect as morphine. When this was
gone, the only thing I had left was a chunk of crude opium, perhaps two or
three pounds. He chewed this up and disappeared. I was greatly
disappointed, because I would have laid in another stock of morphine to
keep him at the laboratory. About a week afterward he was found dead in a
barn at Perth Amboy."
</p>
<p>
Returning to the work itself, note of which has already been made in this
and preceding chapters, we find an interesting and unique reminiscence in
Mr. Jehl's notes of the reversion to carbon as a filament in the lamps,
following an exhibition of metallic-filament lamps given in the spring of
1879 to the men in the syndicate advancing the funds for these
experiments: "They came to Menlo Park on a late afternoon train from New
York. It was already dark when they were conducted into the machine-shop,
where we had several platinum lamps installed in series. When Edison had
finished explaining the principles and details of the lamp, he asked
Kruesi to let the dynamo machine run. It was of the Gramme type, as our
first dynamo of the Edison design was not yet finished. Edison then
ordered the 'juice' to be turned on slowly. To-day I can see those lamps
rising to a cherry red, like glowbugs, and hear Mr. Edison saying 'a
little more juice,' and the lamps began to glow. 'A little more' is the
command again, and then one of the lamps emits for an instant a light like
a star in the distance, after which there is an eruption and a puff; and
the machine-shop is in total darkness. We knew instantly which lamp had
failed, and Batchelor replaced that by a good one, having a few in reserve
near by. The operation was repeated two or three times with about the same
results, after which the party went into the library until it was time to
catch the train for New York."
</p>
<p>
Such an exhibition was decidedly discouraging, and it was not a jubilant
party that returned to New York, but: "That night Edison remained in the
laboratory meditating upon the results that the platinum lamp had given so
far. I was engaged reading a book near a table in the front, while Edison
was seated in a chair by a table near the organ. With his head turned
downward, and that conspicuous lock of hair hanging loosely on one side,
he looked like Napoleon in the celebrated picture, On the Eve of a Great
Battle. Those days were heroic ones, for he then battled against mighty
odds, and the prospects were dim and not very encouraging. In cases of
emergency Edison always possessed a keen faculty of deciding immediately
and correctly what to do; and the decision he then arrived at was
predestined to be the turning-point that led him on to ultimate
success.... After that exhibition we had a house-cleaning at the
laboratory, and the metallic-filament lamps were stored away, while
preparations were made for our experiments on carbon lamps."
</p>
<p>
Thus the work went on. Menlo Park has hitherto been associated in the
public thought with the telephone, phonograph, and incandescent lamp; but
it was there, equally, that the Edison dynamo and system of distribution
were created and applied to their specific purposes. While all this study
of a possible lamp was going on, Mr. Upton was busy calculating the
economy of the "multiple arc" system, and making a great many tables to
determine what resistance a lamp should have for the best results, and at
what point the proposed general system would fall off in economy when the
lamps were of the lower resistance that was then generally assumed to be
necessary. The world at that time had not the shadow of an idea as to what
the principles of a multiple arc system should be, enabling millions of
lamps to be lighted off distributing circuits, each lamp independent of
every other; but at Menlo Park at that remote period in the seventies Mr.
Edison's mathematician was formulating the inventor's conception in clear,
instructive figures; "and the work then executed has held its own ever
since." From the beginning of his experiments on electric light, Mr.
Edison had a well-defined idea of producing not only a practicable lamp,
but also a SYSTEM of commercial electric lighting. Such a scheme involved
the creation of an entirely new art, for there was nothing on the face of
the earth from which to draw assistance or precedent, unless we except the
elementary forms of dynamos then in existence. It is true, there were
several types of machines in use for the then very limited field of arc
lighting, but they were regarded as valueless as a part of a great
comprehensive scheme which could supply everybody with light. Such
machines were confessedly inefficient, although representing the farthest
reach of a young art. A commission appointed at that time by the Franklin
Institute, and including Prof. Elihu Thomson, investigated the merits of
existing dynamos and reported as to the best of them: "The Gramme machine
is the most economical as a means of converting motive force into
electricity; it utilizes in the arc from 38 to 41 per cent. of the motive
work produced, after deduction is made for friction and the resistance of
the air." They reported also that the Brush arc lighting machine "produces
in the luminous arc useful work equivalent to 31 per cent. of the motive
power employed, or to 38 1/2 per cent. after the friction has been
deducted." Commercial possibilities could not exist in the face of such
low economy as this, and Mr. Edison realized that he would have to improve
the dynamo himself if he wanted a better machine. The scientific world at
that time was engaged in a controversy regarding the external and internal
resistance of a circuit in which a generator was situated. Discussing the
subject Mr. Jehl, in his biographical notes, says: "While this controversy
raged in the scientific papers, and criticism and confusion seemed at its
height, Edison and Upton discussed this question very thoroughly, and
Edison declared he did not intend to build up a system of distribution in
which the external resistance would be equal to the internal resistance.
He said he was just about going to do the opposite; he wanted a large
external resistance and a low internal one. He said he wanted to sell the
energy outside of the station and not waste it in the dynamo and
conductors, where it brought no profits.... In these later days, when
these ideas of Edison are used as common property, and are applied in
every modern system of distribution, it is astonishing to remember that
when they were propounded they met with most vehement antagonism from the
world at large." Edison, familiar with batteries in telegraphy, could not
bring himself to believe that any substitute generator of electrical
energy could be efficient that used up half its own possible output before
doing an equal amount of outside work.
</p>
<p>
Undaunted by the dicta of contemporaneous science, Mr. Edison attacked the
dynamo problem with his accustomed vigor and thoroughness. He chose the
drum form for his armature, and experimented with different kinds of iron.
Cores were made of cast iron, others of forged iron; and still others of
sheets of iron of various thicknesses separated from each other by paper
or paint. These cores were then allowed to run in an excited field, and
after a given time their temperature was measured and noted. By such
practical methods Edison found that the thin, laminated cores of sheet
iron gave the least heat, and had the least amount of wasteful eddy
currents. His experiments and ideas on magnetism at that period were far
in advance of the time. His work and tests regarding magnetism were
repeated later on by Hopkinson and Kapp, who then elucidated the whole
theory mathematically by means of formulae and constants. Before this,
however, Edison had attained these results by pioneer work, founded on his
original reasoning, and utilized them in the construction of his dynamo,
thus revolutionizing the art of building such machines.
</p>
<p>
After thorough investigation of the magnetic qualities of different kinds
of iron, Edison began to make a study of winding the cores, first
determining the electromotive force generated per turn of wire at various
speeds in fields of different intensities. He also considered various
forms and shapes for the armature, and by methodical and systematic
research obtained the data and best conditions upon which he could build
his generator. In the field magnets of his dynamo he constructed the cores
and yoke of forged iron having a very large cross-section, which was a new
thing in those days. Great attention was also paid to all the joints,
which were smoothed down so as to make a perfect magnetic contact. The
Edison dynamo, with its large masses of iron, was a vivid contrast to the
then existing types with their meagre quantities of the ferric element.
Edison also made tests on his field magnets by slowly raising the strength
of the exciting current, so that he obtained figures similar to those
shown by a magnetic curve, and in this way found where saturation
commenced, and where it was useless to expend more current on the field.
If he had asked Upton at the time to formulate the results of his work in
this direction, for publication, he would have anticipated the historic
work on magnetism that was executed by the two other investigators;
Hopkinson and Kapp, later on.
</p>
<p>
The laboratory note-books of the period bear abundant evidence of the
systematic and searching nature of these experiments and investigations,
in the hundreds of pages of notes, sketches, calculations, and tables made
at the time by Edison, Upton, Batchelor, Jehl, and by others who from time
to time were intrusted with special experiments to elucidate some
particular point. Mr. Jehl says: "The experiments on armature-winding were
also very interesting. Edison had a number of small wooden cores made, at
both ends of which we inserted little brass nails, and we wound the wooden
cores with twine as if it were wire on an armature. In this way we studied
armature-winding, and had matches where each of us had a core, while bets
were made as to who would be the first to finish properly and correctly a
certain kind of winding. Care had to be taken that the wound core
corresponded to the direction of the current, supposing it were placed in
a field and revolved. After Edison had decided this question, Upton made
drawings and tables from which the real armatures were wound and connected
to the commutator. To a student of to-day all this seems simple, but in
those days the art of constructing dynamos was about as dark as air
navigation is at present.... Edison also improved the armature by dividing
it and the commutator into a far greater number of sections than up to
that time had been the practice. He was also the first to use mica in
insulating the commutator sections from each other."
</p>
<p>
In the mean time, during the progress of the investigations on the dynamo,
word had gone out to the world that Edison expected to invent a generator
of greater efficiency than any that existed at the time. Again he was
assailed and ridiculed by the technical press, for had not the foremost
electricians and physicists of Europe and America worked for years on the
production of dynamos and arc lamps as they then existed? Even though this
young man at Menlo Park had done some wonderful things for telegraphy and
telephony; even if he had recorded and reproduced human speech, he had his
limitations, and could not upset the settled dictum of science that the
internal resistance must equal the external resistance.
</p>
<p>
Such was the trend of public opinion at the time, but "after Mr. Kruesi
had finished the first practical dynamo, and after Mr. Upton had tested it
thoroughly and verified his figures and results several times—for he
also was surprised—Edison was able to tell the world that he had
made a generator giving an efficiency of 90 per cent." Ninety per cent. as
against 40 per cent. was a mighty hit, and the world would not believe it.
Criticism and argument were again at their height, while Upton, as
Edison's duellist, was kept busy replying to private and public challenges
of the fact.... "The tremendous progress of the world in the last quarter
of a century, owing to the revolution caused by the all-conquering march
of 'Heavy Current Engineering,' is the outcome of Edison's work at Menlo
Park that raised the efficiency of the dynamo from 40 per cent. to 90 per
cent."
</p>
<p>
Mr. Upton sums it all up very precisely in his remarks upon this period:
"What has now been made clear by accurate nomenclature was then very foggy
in the text-books. Mr. Edison had completely grasped the effect of
subdivision of circuits, and the influence of wires leading to such
subdivisions, when it was most difficult to express what he knew in
technical language. I remember distinctly when Mr. Edison gave me the
problem of placing a motor in circuit in multiple arc with a fixed
resistance; and I had to work out the problem entirely, as I could find no
prior solution. There was nothing I could find bearing upon the counter
electromotive force of the armature, and the effect of the resistance of
the armature on the work given out by the armature. It was a wonderful
experience to have problems given me out of the intuitions of a great
mind, based on enormous experience in practical work, and applying to new
lines of progress. One of the main impressions left upon me after knowing
Mr. Edison for many years is the marvellous accuracy of his guesses. He
will see the general nature of a result long before it can be reached by
mathematical calculation. His greatness was always to be clearly seen when
difficulties arose. They always made him cheerful, and started him
thinking; and very soon would come a line of suggestions which would not
end until the difficulty was met and overcome, or found insurmountable. I
have often felt that Mr. Edison got himself purposely into trouble by
premature publications and otherwise, so that he would have a full
incentive to get himself out of the trouble."
</p>
<p>
This chapter may well end with a statement from Mr. Jehl, shrewd and
observant, as a participator in all the early work of the development of
the Edison lighting system: "Those who were gathered around him in the old
Menlo Park laboratory enjoyed his confidence, and he theirs. Nor was this
confidence ever abused. He was respected with a respect which only great
men can obtain, and he never showed by any word or act that he was their
employer in a sense that would hurt the feelings, as is often the case in
the ordinary course of business life. He conversed, argued, and disputed
with us all as if he were a colleague on the same footing. It was his
winning ways and manners that attached us all so loyally to his side, and
made us ever ready with a boundless devotion to execute any request or
desire." Thus does a great magnet, run through a heap of sand and filings,
exert its lines of force and attract irresistibly to itself the iron and
steel particles that are its affinity, and having sifted them out, leaving
the useless dust behind, hold them to itself with responsive tenacity.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2HCH0013" id="link2HCH0013">
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</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CHAPTER XIII
</h2>
<h3>
A WORLD-HUNT FOR FILAMENT MATERIAL
</h3>
<p>
IN writing about the old experimenting days at Menlo Park, Mr. F. R. Upton
says: "Edison's day is twenty-four hours long, for he has always worked
whenever there was anything to do, whether day or night, and carried a
force of night workers, so that his experiments could go on continually.
If he wanted material, he always made it a principle to have it at once,
and never hesitated to use special messengers to get it. I remember in the
early days of the electric light he wanted a mercury pump for exhausting
the lamps. He sent me to Princeton to get it. I got back to Metuchen late
in the day, and had to carry the pump over to the laboratory on my back
that evening, set it up, and work all night and the next day getting
results."
</p>
<p>
This characteristic principle of obtaining desired material in the
quickest and most positive way manifested itself in the search that Edison
instituted for the best kind of bamboo for lamp filaments, immediately
after the discovery related in a preceding chapter. It is doubtful
whether, in the annals of scientific research and experiment, there is
anything quite analogous to the story of this search and the various
expeditions that went out from the Edison laboratory in 1880 and
subsequent years, to scour the earth for a material so apparently simple
as a homogeneous strip of bamboo, or other similar fibre. Prolonged and
exhaustive experiment, microscopic examination, and an intimate knowledge
of the nature of wood and plant fibres, however, had led Edison to the
conclusion that bamboo or similar fibrous filaments were more suitable
than anything else then known for commercial incandescent lamps, and he
wanted the most perfect for that purpose. Hence, the quickest way was to
search the tropics until the proper material was found.
</p>
<p>
The first emissary chosen for this purpose was the late William H. Moore,
of Rahway, New Jersey, who left New York in the summer of 1880, bound for
China and Japan, these being the countries preeminently noted for the
production of abundant species of bamboo. On arrival in the East he
quickly left the cities behind and proceeded into the interior, extending
his search far into the more remote country districts, collecting
specimens on his way, and devoting much time to the study of the bamboo,
and in roughly testing the relative value of its fibre in canes of one,
two, three, four, and five year growths. Great bales of samples were sent
to Edison, and after careful tests a certain variety and growth of
Japanese bamboo was determined to be the most satisfactory material for
filaments that had been found. Mr. Moore, who was continuing his searches
in that country, was instructed to arrange for the cultivation and
shipment of regular supplies of this particular species. Arrangements to
this end were accordingly made with a Japanese farmer, who began to make
immediate shipments, and who subsequently displayed so much ingenuity in
fertilizing and cross-fertilizing that the homogeneity of the product was
constantly improved. The use of this bamboo for Edison lamp filaments was
continued for many years.
</p>
<p>
Although Mr. Moore did not meet with the exciting adventures of some
subsequent explorers, he encountered numerous difficulties and novel
experiences in his many months of travel through the hinterland of Japan
and China. The attitude toward foreigners thirty years ago was not as
friendly as it has since become, but Edison, as usual, had made a happy
choice of messengers, as Mr. Moore's good nature and diplomacy attested.
These qualities, together with his persistence and perseverance and
faculty of intelligent discrimination in the matter of fibres, helped to
make his mission successful, and gave to him the honor of being the one
who found the bamboo which was adopted for use as filaments in commercial
Edison lamps.
</p>
<p>
Although Edison had satisfied himself that bamboo furnished the most
desirable material thus far discovered for incandescent-lamp filaments, he
felt that in some part of the world there might be found a natural product
of the same general character that would furnish a still more perfect and
homogeneous material. In his study of this subject, and during the
prosecution of vigorous and searching inquiries in various directions, he
learned that Mr. John C. Brauner, then residing in Brooklyn, New York, had
an expert knowledge of indigenous plants of the particular kind desired.
During the course of a geological survey which he had made for the
Brazilian Government, Mr. Brauner had examined closely the various species
of palms which grow plentifully in that country, and of them there was one
whose fibres he thought would be just what Edison wanted.
</p>
<p>
Accordingly, Mr. Brauner was sent for and dispatched to Brazil in
December, 1880, to search for and send samples of this and such other
palms, fibres, grasses, and canes as, in his judgment, would be suitable
for the experiments then being carried on at Menlo Park. Landing at Para,
he crossed over into the Amazonian province, and thence proceeded through
the heart of the country, making his way by canoe on the rivers and their
tributaries, and by foot into the forests and marshes of a vast and almost
untrodden wilderness. In this manner Mr. Brauner traversed about two
thousand miles of the comparatively unknown interior of Southern Brazil,
and procured a large variety of fibrous specimens, which he shipped to
Edison a few months later. When these fibres arrived in the United States
they were carefully tested and a few of them found suitable but not
superior to the Japanese bamboo, which was then being exclusively used in
the manufacture of commercial Edison lamps.
</p>
<p>
Later on Edison sent out an expedition to explore the wilds of Cuba and
Jamaica. A two months' investigation of the latter island revealed a
variety of bamboo growths, of which a great number of specimens were
obtained and shipped to Menlo Park; but on careful test they were found
inferior to the Japanese bamboo, and hence rejected. The exploration of
the glades and swamps of Florida by three men extended over a period of
five months in a minute search for fibrous woods of the palmetto species.
A great variety was found, and over five hundred boxes of specimens were
shipped to the laboratory from time to time, but none of them tested out
with entirely satisfactory results.
</p>
<p>
The use of Japanese bamboo for carbon filaments was therefore continued in
the manufacture of lamps, although an incessant search was maintained for
a still more perfect material. The spirit of progress, so pervasive in
Edison's character, led him, however, to renew his investigations further
afield by sending out two other men to examine the bamboo and similar
growths of those parts of South America not covered by Mr. Brauner. These
two men were Frank McGowan and C. F. Hanington, both of whom had been for
nearly seven years in the employ of the Edison Electric Light Company in
New York. The former was a stocky, rugged Irishman, possessing the native
shrewdness and buoyancy of his race, coupled with undaunted courage and
determination; and the latter was a veteran of the Civil War, with some
knowledge of forest and field, acquired as a sportsman. They left New York
in September, 1887, arriving in due time at Para, proceeding thence
twenty-three hundred miles up the Amazon River to Iquitos. Nothing of an
eventful nature occurred during this trip, but on arrival at Iquitos the
two men separated; Mr. McGowan to explore on foot and by canoe in Peru,
Ecuador, and Colombia, while Mr. Hanington returned by the Amazon River to
Para. Thence Hanington went by steamer to Montevideo, and by similar
conveyance up the River de la Plata and through Uruguay, Argentine, and
Paraguay to the southernmost part of Brazil, collecting a large number of
specimens of palms and grasses.
</p>
<p>
The adventures of Mr. McGowan, after leaving Iquitos, would fill a book if
related in detail. The object of the present narrative and the space at
the authors' disposal, however, do not permit of more than a brief mention
of his experiences. His first objective point was Quito, about five
hundred miles away, which he proposed to reach on foot and by means of
canoeing on the Napo River through a wild and comparatively unknown
country teeming with tribes of hostile natives. The dangers of the
expedition were pictured to him in glowing colors, but spurning prophecies
of dire disaster, he engaged some native Indians and a canoe and started
on his explorations, reaching Quito in eighty-seven days, after a thorough
search of the country on both sides of the Napo River. From Quito he went
to Guayaquil, from there by steamer to Buenaventura, and thence by rail,
twelve miles, to Cordova. From this point he set out on foot to explore
the Cauca Valley and the Cordilleras.
</p>
<p>
Mr. McGowan found in these regions a great variety of bamboo, small and
large, some species growing seventy-five to one hundred feet in height,
and from six to nine inches in diameter. He collected a large number of
specimens, which were subsequently sent to Orange for Edison's
examination. After about fifteen months of exploration attended by much
hardship and privation, deserted sometimes by treacherous guides, twice
laid low by fevers, occasionally in peril from Indian attacks, wild
animals and poisonous serpents, tormented by insect pests, endangered by
floods, one hundred and nineteen days without meat, ninety-eight days
without taking off his clothes, Mr. McGowan returned to America, broken in
health but having faithfully fulfilled the commission intrusted to him.
The Evening Sun, New York, obtained an interview with him at that time,
and in its issue of May 2, 1889, gave more than a page to a brief story of
his interesting adventures, and then commented editorially upon them, as
follows:
</p>
<p>
"A ROMANCE OF SCIENCE"
</p>
<p>
"The narrative given elsewhere in the Evening Sun of the wanderings of
Edison's missionary of science, Mr. Frank McGowan, furnishes a new proof
that the romances of real life surpass any that the imagination can frame.
</p>
<p>
"In pursuit of a substance that should meet the requirements of the Edison
incandescent lamp, Mr. McGowan penetrated the wilderness of the Amazon,
and for a year defied its fevers, beasts, reptiles, and deadly insects in
his quest of a material so precious that jealous Nature has hidden it in
her most secret fastnesses.
</p>
<p>
"No hero of mythology or fable ever dared such dragons to rescue some
captive goddess as did this dauntless champion of civilization. Theseus,
or Siegfried, or any knight of the fairy books might envy the victories of
Edison's irresistible lieutenant.
</p>
<p>
"As a sample story of adventure, Mr. McGowan's narrative is a marvel fit
to be classed with the historic journeyings of the greatest travellers.
But it gains immensely in interest when we consider that it succeeded in
its scientific purpose. The mysterious bamboo was discovered, and large
quantities of it were procured and brought to the Wizard's laboratory,
there to suffer another wondrous change and then to light up our
pleasure-haunts and our homes with a gentle radiance."
</p>
<p>
A further, though rather sad, interest attaches to the McGowan story, for
only a short time had elapsed after his return to America when he
disappeared suddenly and mysteriously, and in spite of long-continued and
strenuous efforts to obtain some light on the subject, no clew or trace of
him was ever found. He was a favorite among the Edison "oldtimers," and
his memory is still cherished, for when some of the "boys" happen to get
together, as they occasionally do, some one is almost sure to "wonder what
became of poor 'Mac.'" He was last seen at Mouquin's famous old French
restaurant on Fulton Street, New York, where he lunched with one of the
authors of this book and the late Luther Stieringer. He sat with them for
two or three hours discussing his wonderful trip, and telling some
fascinating stories of adventure. Then the party separated at the Ann
Street door of the restaurant, after making plans to secure the narrative
in more detailed form for subsequent use—and McGowan has not been
seen from that hour to this. The trail of the explorer was more instantly
lost in New York than in the vast recesses of the Amazon swamps.
</p>
<p>
The next and last explorer whom Edison sent out in search of natural
fibres was Mr. James Ricalton, of Maplewood, New Jersey, a
school-principal, a well-known traveller, and an ardent student of natural
science. Mr. Ricalton's own story of his memorable expedition is so
interesting as to be worthy of repetition here:
</p>
<p>
"A village schoolmaster is not unaccustomed to door-rappings; for the
steps of belligerent mothers are often thitherward bent seeking redress
for conjured wrongs to their darling boobies.
</p>
<p>
"It was a bewildering moment, therefore, to the Maplewood teacher when, in
answering a rap at the door one afternoon, he found, instead of an irate
mother, a messenger from the laboratory of the world's greatest inventor
bearing a letter requesting an audience a few hours later.
</p>
<p>
"Being the teacher to whom reference is made, I am now quite willing to
confess that for the remainder of that afternoon, less than a problem in
Euclid would have been sufficient to disqualify me for the remaining
scholastic duties of the hour. I felt it, of course, to be no small honor
for a humble teacher to be called to the sanctum of Thomas A. Edison. The
letter, however, gave no intimation of the nature of the object for which
I had been invited to appear before Mr. Edison....
</p>
<p>
"When I was presented to Mr. Edison his way of setting forth the mission
he had designated for me was characteristic of how a great mind conceives
vast undertakings and commands great things in few words. At this time Mr.
Edison had discovered that the fibre of a certain bamboo afforded a very
desirable carbon for the electric lamp, and the variety of bamboo used was
a product of Japan. It was his belief that in other parts of the world
other and superior varieties might be found, and to that end he had
dispatched explorers to bamboo regions in the valleys of the great South
American rivers, where specimens were found of extraordinary quality; but
the locality in which these specimens were found was lost in the limitless
reaches of those great river-bottoms. The great necessity for more durable
carbons became a desideratum so urgent that the tireless inventor decided
to commission another explorer to search the tropical jungles of the
Orient.
</p>
<p>
"This brings me then to the first meeting of Edison, when he set forth
substantially as follows, as I remember it twenty years ago, the purpose
for which he had called me from my scholastic duties. With a quizzical
gleam in his eye, he said: 'I want a man to ransack all the tropical
jungles of the East to find a better fibre for my lamp; I expect it to be
found in the palm or bamboo family. How would you like that job?' Suiting
my reply to his love of brevity and dispatch, I said, 'That would suit
me.' 'Can you go to-morrow?' was his next question. 'Well, Mr. Edison, I
must first of all get a leave of absence from my Board of Education, and
assist the board to secure a substitute for the time of my absence. How
long will it take, Mr. Edison?' 'How can I tell? Maybe six months, and
maybe five years; no matter how long, find it.' He continued: 'I sent a
man to South America to find what I want; he found it; but lost the place
where he found it, so he might as well never have found it at all.' Hereat
I was enjoined to proceed forthwith to court the Board of Education for a
leave of absence, which I did successfully, the board considering that a
call so important and honorary was entitled to their unqualified favor,
which they generously granted.
</p>
<p>
"I reported to Mr. Edison on the following day, when he instructed me to
come to the laboratory at once to learn all the details of drawing and
carbonizing fibres, which it would be necessary to do in the Oriental
jungles. This I did, and, in the mean time, a set of suitable tools for
this purpose had been ordered to be made in the laboratory. As soon as I
learned my new trade, which I accomplished in a few days, Mr. Edison
directed me to the library of the laboratory to occupy a few days in
studying the geography of the Orient and, particularly, in drawing maps of
the tributaries of the Ganges, the Irrawaddy, and the Brahmaputra rivers,
and other regions which I expected to explore.
</p>
<p>
"It was while thus engaged that Mr. Edison came to me one day and said:
'If you will go up to the house' (his palatial home not far away) 'and
look behind the sofa in the library you will find a joint of bamboo, a
specimen of that found in South America; bring it down and make a study of
it; if you find something equal to that I will be satisfied.' At the home
I was guided to the library by an Irish servant-woman, to whom I
communicated my knowledge of the definite locality of the sample joint.
She plunged her arm, bare and herculean, behind the aforementioned sofa,
and holding aloft a section of wood, called out in a mood of discovery:
'Is that it?' Replying in the affirmative, she added, under an impulse of
innocent divination that whatever her wizard master laid hands upon could
result in nothing short of an invention, 'Sure, sor, and what's he going
to invint out o' that?'
</p>
<p>
"My kit of tools made, my maps drawn, my Oriental geography reviewed, I
come to the point when matters of immediate departure are discussed; and
when I took occasion to mention to my chief that, on the subject of life
insurance, underwriters refuse to take any risks on an enterprise so
hazardous, Mr. Edison said that, if I did not place too high a valuation
on my person, he would take the risk himself. I replied that I was born
and bred in New York State, but now that I had become a Jersey man I did
not value myself at above fifteen hundred dollars. Edison laughed and said
that he would assume the risk, and another point was settled. The next
matter was the financing of the trip, about which Mr. Edison asked in a
tentative way about the rates to the East. I told him the expense of such
a trip could not be determined beforehand in detail, but that I had
established somewhat of a reputation for economic travel, and that I did
not believe any traveller could surpass me in that respect. He desired no
further assurance in that direction, and thereupon ordered a letter of
credit made out with authorization to order a second when the first was
exhausted. Herein then are set forth in briefest space the preliminaries
of a circuit of the globe in quest of fibre.
</p>
<p>
"It so happened that the day on which I set out fell on Washington's
Birthday, and I suggested to my boys and girls at school that they make a
line across the station platform near the school at Maplewood, and from
this line I would start eastward around the world, and if good-fortune
should bring me back I would meet them from the westward at the same line.
As I had often made them 'toe the scratch,' for once they were only too
well pleased to have me toe the line for them.
</p>
<p>
"This was done, and I sailed via England and the Suez Canal to Ceylon,
that fair isle to which Sindbad the Sailor made his sixth voyage,
picturesquely referred to in history as the 'brightest gem in the British
Colonial Crown.' I knew Ceylon to be eminently tropical; I knew it to be
rich in many varieties of the bamboo family, which has been called the
king of the grasses; and in this family had I most hope of finding the
desired fibre. Weeks were spent in this paradisiacal isle. Every part was
visited. Native wood craftsmen were offered a premium on every new species
brought in, and in this way nearly a hundred species were tested, a
greater number than was found in any other country. One of the best
specimens tested during the entire trip around the world was found first
in Ceylon, although later in Burmah, it being indigenous to the latter
country. It is a gigantic tree-grass or reed growing in clumps of from one
to two hundred, often twelve inches in diameter, and one hundred and fifty
feet high, and known as the giant bamboo (Bambusa gigantia). This giant
grass stood the highest test as a carbon, and on account of its
extraordinary size and qualities I extend it this special mention. With
others who have given much attention to this remarkable reed, I believe
that in its manifold uses the bamboo is the world's greatest dendral
benefactor.
</p>
<p>
"From Ceylon I proceeded to India, touching the great peninsula first at
Cape Comorin, and continuing northward by way of Pondicherry, Madura, and
Madras; and thence to the tableland of Bangalore and the Western Ghauts,
testing many kinds of wood at every point, but particularly the palm and
bamboo families. From the range of the Western Ghauts I went to Bombay and
then north by the way of Delhi to Simla, the summer capital of the
Himalayas; thence again northward to the headwaters of the Sutlej River,
testing everywhere on my way everything likely to afford the desired
carbon.
</p>
<p>
"On returning from the mountains I followed the valleys of the Jumna and
the Ganges to Calcutta, whence I again ascended the Sub-Himalayas to
Darjeeling, where the numerous river-bottoms were sprinkled plentifully
with many varieties of bamboo, from the larger sizes to dwarfed species
covering the mountain slopes, and not longer than the grass of meadows.
Again descending to the plains I passed eastward to the Brahmaputra River,
which I ascended to the foot-hills in Assam; but finding nothing of
superior quality in all this northern region I returned to Calcutta and
sailed thence to Rangoon, in Burmah; and there, finding no samples giving
more excellent tests in the lower reaches of the Irrawaddy, I ascended
that river to Mandalay, where, through Burmese bamboo wiseacres, I
gathered in from round about and tested all that the unusually rich
Burmese flora could furnish. In Burmah the giant bamboo, as already
mentioned, is found indigenous; but beside it no superior varieties were
found. Samples tested at several points on the Malay Peninsula showed no
new species, except at a point north of Singapore, where I found a species
large and heavy which gave a test nearly equal to that of the giant bamboo
in Ceylon.
</p>
<p>
"After completing the Malay Peninsula I had planned to visit Java and
Borneo; but having found in the Malay Peninsula and in Ceylon a bamboo
fibre which averaged a test from one to two hundred per cent. better than
that in use at the lamp factory, I decided it was unnecessary to visit
these countries or New Guinea, as my 'Eureka' had already been
established, and that I would therefore set forth over the return
hemisphere, searching China and Japan on the way. The rivers in Southern
China brought down to Canton bamboos of many species, where this
wondrously utilitarian reed enters very largely into the industrial life
of that people, and not merely into the industrial life, but even into the
culinary arts, for bamboo sprouts are a universal vegetable in China; but
among all the bamboos of China I found none of superexcellence in
carbonizing qualities. Japan came next in the succession of countries to
be explored, but there the work was much simplified, from the fact that
the Tokio Museum contains a complete classified collection of all the
different species in the empire, and there samples could be obtained and
tested.
</p>
<p>
"Now the last of the important bamboo-producing countries in the globe
circuit had been done, and the 'home-lap' was in order; the broad Pacific
was spanned in fourteen days; my natal continent in six; and on the 22d of
February, on the same day, at the same hour, at the same minute, one year
to a second, 'little Maude,' a sweet maid of the school, led me across the
line which completed the circuit of the globe, and where I was greeted by
the cheers of my boys and girls. I at once reported to Mr. Edison, whose
manner of greeting my return was as characteristic of the man as his
summary and matter-of-fact manner of my dispatch. His little catechism of
curious inquiry was embraced in four small and intensely Anglo-Saxon words—with
his usual pleasant smile he extended his hand and said: 'Did you get it?'
This was surely a summing of a year's exploration not less laconic than
Caesar's review of his Gallic campaign. When I replied that I had, but
that he must be the final judge of what I had found, he said that during
my absence he had succeeded in making an artificial carbon which was
meeting the requirements satisfactorily; so well, indeed, that I believe
no practical use was ever made of the bamboo fibres thereafter.
</p>
<p>
"I have herein given a very brief resume of my search for fibre through
the Orient; and during my connection with that mission I was at all times
not less astonished at Mr. Edison's quick perception of conditions and his
instant decision and his bigness of conceptions, than I had always been
with his prodigious industry and his inventive genius.
</p>
<p>
"Thinking persons know that blatant men never accomplish much, and
Edison's marvellous brevity of speech along with his miraculous
achievements should do much to put bores and garrulity out of fashion."
</p>
<p>
Although Edison had instituted such a costly and exhaustive search
throughout the world for the most perfect of natural fibres, he did not
necessarily feel committed for all time to the exclusive use of that
material for his lamp filaments. While these explorations were in
progress, as indeed long before, he had given much thought to the
production of some artificial compound that would embrace not only the
required homogeneity, but also many other qualifications necessary for the
manufacture of an improved type of lamp which had become desirable by
reason of the rapid adoption of his lighting system.
</p>
<p>
At the very time Mr. McGowan was making his explorations deep in South
America, and Mr. Ricalton his swift trip around the world, Edison, after
much investigation and experiment, had produced a compound which promised
better results than bamboo fibres. After some changes dictated by
experience, this artificial filament was adopted in the manufacture of
lamps. No radical change was immediately made, however, but the product of
the lamp factory was gradually changed over, during the course of a few
years, from the use of bamboo to the "squirted" filament, as the new
material was called. An artificial compound of one kind or another has
indeed been universally adopted for the purpose by all manufacturers;
hence the incandescing conductors in all carbon-filament lamps of the
present day are made in that way. The fact remains, however, that for
nearly nine years all Edison lamps (many millions in the aggregate) were
made with bamboo filaments, and many of them for several years after that,
until bamboo was finally abandoned in the early nineties, except for use
in a few special types which were so made until about the end of 1908. The
last few years have witnessed a remarkable advance in the manufacture of
incandescent lamps in the substitution of metallic filaments for those of
carbon. It will be remembered that many of the earlier experiments were
based on the use of strips of platinum; while other rare metals were the
subject of casual trial. No real success was attained in that direction,
and for many years the carbon-filament lamp reigned supreme. During the
last four or five years lamps with filaments made from tantalum and
tungsten have been produced and placed on the market with great success,
and are now largely used. Their price is still very high, however, as
compared with that of the carbon lamp, which has been vastly improved in
methods of construction, and whose average price of fifteen cents is only
one-tenth of what it was when Edison first brought it out.
</p>
<p>
With the close of Mr. McGowan's and Mr. Ricalton's expeditions, there
ended the historic world-hunt for natural fibres. From start to finish the
investigations and searches made by Edison himself, and carried on by
others under his direction, are remarkable not only from the fact that
they entailed a total expenditure of about $100,000, (disbursed under his
supervision by Mr. Upton), but also because of their unique inception and
thoroughness they illustrate one of the strongest traits of his character—an
invincible determination to leave no stone unturned to acquire that which
he believes to be in existence, and which, when found, will answer the
purpose that he has in mind.
</p>
<p>
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<h2>
CHAPTER XIV
</h2>
<h3>
INVENTING A COMPLETE SYSTEM OF LIGHTING
</h3>
<p>
IN Berlin, on December 11, 1908, with notable eclat, the seventieth
birthday was celebrated of Emil Rathenau, the founder of the great
Allgemein Elektricitaets Gesellschaft. This distinguished German, creator
of a splendid industry, then received the congratulations of his
fellow-countrymen, headed by Emperor William, who spoke enthusiastically
of his services to electro-technics and to Germany. In his interesting
acknowledgment, Mr. Rathenau told how he went to Paris in 1881, and at the
electrical exhibition there saw the display of Edison's inventions in
electric lighting "which have met with as little proper appreciation as
his countless innovations in connection with telegraphy, telephony, and
the entire electrical industry." He saw the Edison dynamo, and he saw the
incandescent lamp, "of which millions have been manufactured since that
day without the great master being paid the tribute to his invention." But
what impressed the observant, thoroughgoing German was the breadth with
which the whole lighting art had been elaborated and perfected, even at
that early day. "The Edison system of lighting was as beautifully
conceived down to the very details, and as thoroughly worked out as if it
had been tested for decades in various towns. Neither sockets, switches,
fuses, lamp-holders, nor any of the other accessories necessary to
complete the installation were wanting; and the generating of the current,
the regulation, the wiring with distributing boxes, house connections,
meters, etc., all showed signs of astonishing skill and incomparable
genius."
</p>
<p>
Such praise on such an occasion from the man who introduced incandescent
electric lighting into Germany is significant as to the continued
appreciation abroad of Mr. Edison's work. If there is one thing modern
Germany is proud and jealous of, it is her leadership in electrical
engineering and investigation. But with characteristic insight, Mr.
Rathenau here placed his finger on the great merit that has often been
forgotten. Edison was not simply the inventor of a new lamp and a new
dynamo. They were invaluable elements, but far from all that was
necessary. His was the mighty achievement of conceiving and executing in
all its details an art and an industry absolutely new to the world. Within
two years this man completed and made that art available in its essential,
fundamental facts, which remain unchanged after thirty years of rapid
improvement and widening application.
</p>
<p>
Such a stupendous feat, whose equal is far to seek anywhere in the history
of invention, is worth studying, especially as the task will take us over
much new ground and over very little of the territory already covered.
Notwithstanding the enormous amount of thought and labor expended on the
incandescent lamp problem from the autumn of 1878 to the winter of 1879,
it must not be supposed for one moment that Edison's whole endeavor and
entire inventive skill had been given to the lamp alone, or the dynamo
alone. We have sat through the long watches of the night while Edison
brooded on the real solution of the swarming problems. We have gazed
anxiously at the steady fingers of the deft and cautious Batchelor, as one
fragile filament after another refused to stay intact until it could be
sealed into its crystal prison and there glow with light that never was
before on land or sea. We have calculated armatures and field coils for
the new dynamo with Upton, and held the stakes for Jehl and his fellows at
their winding bees. We have seen the mineral and vegetable kingdoms rifled
and ransacked for substances that would yield the best "filament." We have
had the vague consciousness of assisting at a great development whose
evidences to-day on every hand attest its magnitude. We have felt the
fierce play of volcanic effort, lifting new continents of opportunity from
the infertile sea, without any devastation of pre-existing fields of human
toil and harvest. But it still remains to elucidate the actual thing done;
to reduce it to concrete data, and in reducing, to unfold its colossal
dimensions.
</p>
<p>
The lighting system that Edison contemplated in this entirely new
departure from antecedent methods included the generation of electrical
energy, or current, on a very large scale; its distribution throughout
extended areas, and its division and subdivision into small units
converted into light at innumerable points in every direction from the
source of supply, each unit to be independent of every other and
susceptible to immediate control by the user.
</p>
<p>
This was truly an altogether prodigious undertaking. We need not wonder
that Professor Tyndall, in words implying grave doubt as to the
possibility of any solution of the various problems, said publicly that he
would much rather have the matter in Edison's hands than in his own. There
were no precedents, nothing upon which to build or improve. The problems
could only be answered by the creation of new devices and methods
expressly worked out for their solution. An electric lamp answering
certain specific requirements would, indeed, be the key to the situation,
but its commercial adaptation required a multifarious variety of apparatus
and devices. The word "system" is much abused in invention, and during the
early days of electric lighting its use applied to a mere freakish lamp or
dynamo was often ludicrous. But, after all, nothing short of a complete
system could give real value to the lamp as an invention; nothing short of
a system could body forth the new art to the public. Let us therefore set
down briefly a few of the leading items needed for perfect illumination by
electricity, all of which were part of the Edison programme:
</p>
<p>
First—To conceive a broad and fundamentally correct method of
distributing the current, satisfactory in a scientific sense and practical
commercially in its efficiency and economy. This meant, ready made, a
comprehensive plan analogous to illumination by gas, with a network of
conductors all connected together, so that in any given city area the
lights could be fed with electricity from several directions, thus
eliminating any interruption due to the disturbance on any particular
section.
</p>
<p>
Second—To devise an electric lamp that would give about the same
amount of light as a gas jet, which custom had proven to be a suitable and
useful unit. This lamp must possess the quality of requiring only a small
investment in the copper conductors reaching it. Each lamp must be
independent of every other lamp. Each and all the lights must be produced
and operated with sufficient economy to compete on a commercial basis with
gas. The lamp must be durable, capable of being easily and safely handled
by the public, and one that would remain capable of burning at full
incandescence and candle-power a great length of time.
</p>
<p>
Third—To devise means whereby the amount of electrical energy
furnished to each and every customer could be determined, as in the case
of gas, and so that this could be done cheaply and reliably by a meter at
the customer's premises.
</p>
<p>
Fourth—To elaborate a system or network of conductors capable of
being placed underground or overhead, which would allow of being tapped at
any intervals, so that service wires could be run from the main conductors
in the street into each building. Where these mains went below the surface
of the thoroughfare, as in large cities, there must be protective conduit
or pipe for the copper conductors, and these pipes must allow of being
tapped wherever necessary. With these conductors and pipes must also be
furnished manholes, junction-boxes, connections, and a host of varied
paraphernalia insuring perfect general distribution.
</p>
<p>
Fifth—To devise means for maintaining at all points in an extended
area of distribution a practically even pressure of current, so that all
the lamps, wherever located, near or far away from the central station,
should give an equal light at all times, independent of the number that
might be turned on; and safeguarding the lamps against rupture by sudden
and violent fluctuations of current. There must also be means for thus
regulating at the point where the current was generated the quality or
pressure of the current throughout the whole lighting area, with devices
for indicating what such pressure might actually be at various points in
the area.
</p>
<p>
Sixth—To design efficient dynamos, such not being in existence at
the time, that would convert economically the steam-power of high-speed
engines into electrical energy, together with means for connecting and
disconnecting them with the exterior consumption circuits; means for
regulating, equalizing their loads, and adjusting the number of dynamos to
be used according to the fluctuating demands on the central station. Also
the arrangement of complete stations with steam and electric apparatus and
auxiliary devices for insuring their efficient and continuous operation.
</p>
<p>
Seventh—To invent devices that would prevent the current from
becoming excessive upon any conductors, causing fire or other injury; also
switches for turning the current on and off; lamp-holders, fixtures, and
the like; also means and methods for establishing the interior circuits
that were to carry current to chandeliers and fixtures in buildings.
</p>
<p>
Here was the outline of the programme laid down in the autumn of 1878, and
pursued through all its difficulties to definite accomplishment in about
eighteen months, some of the steps being made immediately, others being
taken as the art evolved. It is not to be imagined for one moment that
Edison performed all the experiments with his own hands. The method of
working at Menlo Park has already been described in these pages by those
who participated. It would not only have been physically impossible for
one man to have done all this work himself, in view of the time and labor
required, and the endless detail; but most of the apparatus and devices
invented or suggested by him as the art took shape required the handiwork
of skilled mechanics and artisans of a high order of ability. Toward the
end of 1879 the laboratory force thus numbered at least one hundred
earnest men. In this respect of collaboration, Edison has always adopted a
policy that must in part be taken to explain his many successes. Some
inventors of the greatest ability, dealing with ideas and conceptions of
importance, have found it impossible to organize or even to tolerate a
staff of co-workers, preferring solitary and secret toil, incapable of
team work, or jealous of any intrusion that could possibly bar them from a
full and complete claim to the result when obtained. Edison always stood
shoulder to shoulder with his associates, but no one ever questioned the
leadership, nor was it ever in doubt where the inspiration originated. The
real truth is that Edison has always been so ceaselessly fertile of ideas
himself, he has had more than his whole staff could ever do to try them
all out; he has sought co-operation, but no exterior suggestion. As a
matter of fact a great many of the "Edison men" have made notable
inventions of their own, with which their names are imperishably
associated; but while they were with Edison it was with his work that they
were and must be busied.
</p>
<p>
It was during this period of "inventing a system" that so much systematic
and continuous work with good results was done by Edison in the design and
perfection of dynamos. The value of his contributions to the art of
lighting comprised in this work has never been fully understood or
appreciated, having been so greatly overshadowed by his invention of the
incandescent lamp, and of a complete system of distribution. It is a fact,
however, that the principal improvements he made in dynamo-electric
generators were of a radical nature and remain in the art. Thirty years
bring about great changes, especially in a field so notably progressive as
that of the generation of electricity; but different as are the dynamos of
to-day from those of the earlier period, they embody essential principles
and elements that Edison then marked out and elaborated as the conditions
of success. There was indeed prompt appreciation in some well-informed
quarters of what Edison was doing, evidenced by the sensation caused in
the summer of 1881, when he designed, built, and shipped to Paris for the
first Electrical Exposition ever held, the largest dynamo that had been
built up to that time. It was capable of lighting twelve hundred
incandescent lamps, and weighed with its engine twenty-seven tons, the
armature alone weighing six tons. It was then, and for a long time after,
the eighth wonder of the scientific world, and its arrival and
installation in Paris were eagerly watched by the most famous physicists
and electricians of Europe.
</p>
<p>
Edison's amusing description of his experience in shipping the dynamo to
Paris when built may appropriately be given here: "I built a very large
dynamo with the engine directly connected, which I intended for the Paris
Exposition of 1881. It was one or two sizes larger than those I had
previously built. I had only a very short period in which to get it ready
and put it on a steamer to reach the Exposition in time. After the machine
was completed we found the voltage was too low. I had to devise a way of
raising the voltage without changing the machine, which I did by adding
extra magnets. After this was done, we tested the machine, and the
crank-shaft of the engine broke and flew clear across the shop. By working
night and day a new crank-shaft was put in, and we only had three days
left from that time to get it on board the steamer; and had also to run a
test. So we made arrangements with the Tammany leader, and through him
with the police, to clear the street—one of the New York crosstown
streets—and line it with policemen, as we proposed to make a quick
passage, and didn't know how much time it would take. About four hours
before the steamer had to get it, the machine was shut down after the
test, and a schedule was made out in advance of what each man had to do.
Sixty men were put on top of the dynamo to get it ready, and each man had
written orders as to what he was to perform. We got it all taken apart and
put on trucks and started off. They drove the horses with a fire-bell in
front of them to the French pier, the policemen lining the streets. Fifty
men were ready to help the stevedores get it on the steamer—and we
were one hour ahead of time."
</p>
<p>
This Exposition brings us, indeed, to a dramatic and rather pathetic
parting of the ways. The hour had come for the old laboratory force that
had done such brilliant and memorable work to disband, never again to
assemble under like conditions for like effort, although its members all
remained active in the field, and many have ever since been associated
prominently with some department of electrical enterprise. The fact was
they had done their work so well they must now disperse to show the world
what it was, and assist in its industrial exploitation. In reality, they
were too few for the demands that reached Edison from all parts of the
world for the introduction of his system; and in the emergency the men
nearest to him and most trusted were those upon whom he could best depend
for such missionary work as was now required. The disciples full of fire
and enthusiasm, as well as of knowledge and experience, were soon
scattered to the four winds, and the rapidity with which the Edison system
was everywhere successfully introduced is testimony to the good judgment
with which their leader had originally selected them as his colleagues. No
one can say exactly just how this process of disintegration began, but Mr.
E. H. Johnson had already been sent to England in the Edison interests,
and now the question arose as to what should be done with the French
demands and the Paris Electrical Exposition, whose importance as a point
of new departure in electrical industry was speedily recognized on both
sides of the Atlantic. It is very interesting to note that as the earlier
staff broke up, Edison became the centre of another large body, equally
devoted, but more particularly concerned with the commercial development
of his ideas. Mr. E. G. Acheson mentions in his personal notes on work at
the laboratory, that in December of 1880, while on some experimental work,
he was called to the new lamp factory started recently at Menlo Park, and
there found Edison, Johnson, Batchelor, and Upton in conference, and
"Edison informed me that Mr. Batchelor, who was in charge of the
construction, development, and operation of the lamp factory, was soon to
sail for Europe to prepare for the exhibit to be made at the Electrical
Exposition to be held in Paris during the coming summer." These
preparations overlap the reinforcement of the staff with some notable
additions, chief among them being Mr. Samuel Insull, whose interesting
narrative of events fits admirably into the story at this stage, and gives
a vivid idea of the intense activity and excitement with which the whole
atmosphere around Edison was then surcharged: "I first met Edison on March
1, 1881. I arrived in New York on the City of Chester about five or six in
the evening, and went direct to 65 Fifth Avenue. I had come over to act as
Edison's private secretary, the position having been obtained for me
through the good offices of Mr. E. H. Johnson, whom I had known in London,
and who wrote to Mr. U. H. Painter, of Washington, about me in the fall of
1880. Mr. Painter sent the letter on to Mr. Batchelor, who turned it over
to Edison. Johnson returned to America late in the fall of 1880, and in
January, 1881, cabled to me to come to this country. At the time he cabled
for me Edison was still at Menlo Park, but when I arrived in New York the
famous offices of the Edison Electric Light Company had been opened at
'65' Fifth Avenue, and Edison had moved into New York with the idea of
assisting in the exploitation of the Light Company's business.
</p>
<p>
"I was taken by Johnson direct from the Inman Steamship pier to 65 Fifth
Avenue, and met Edison for the first time. There were three rooms on the
ground floor at that time. The front one was used as a kind of
reception-room; the room immediately behind it was used as the office of
the president of the Edison Electric Light Company, Major S. B. Eaton. The
rear room, which was directly back of the front entrance hall, was
Edison's office, and there I first saw him. There was very little in the
room except a couple of walnut roller-top desks—which were very
generally used in American offices at that time. Edison received me with
great cordiality. I think he was possibly disappointed at my being so
young a man; I had only just turned twenty-one, and had a very boyish
appearance. The picture of Edison is as vivid to me now as if the incident
occurred yesterday, although it is now more than twenty-nine years since
that first meeting. I had been connected with Edison's affairs in England
as private secretary to his London agent for about two years; and had been
taught by Johnson to look on Edison as the greatest electrical inventor of
the day—a view of him, by-the-way, which has been greatly
strengthened as the years have rolled by. Owing to this, and to the fact
that I felt highly flattered at the appointment as his private secretary,
I was naturally prepared to accept him as a hero. With my strict English
ideas as to the class of clothes to be worn by a prominent man, there was
nothing in Edison's dress to impress me. He wore a rather seedy black
diagonal Prince Albert coat and waistcoat, with trousers of a dark
material, and a white silk handkerchief around his neck, tied in a
careless knot falling over the stiff bosom of a white shirt somewhat the
worse for wear. He had a large wide-awake hat of the sombrero pattern then
generally used in this country, and a rough, brown overcoat, cut somewhat
similarly to his Prince Albert coat. His hair was worn quite long, and
hanging carelessly over his fine forehead. His face was at that time, as
it is now, clean shaven. He was full in face and figure, although by no
means as stout as he has grown in recent years. What struck me above
everything else was the wonderful intelligence and magnetism of his
expression, and the extreme brightness of his eyes. He was far more modest
than in my youthful picture of him. I had expected to find a man of
distinction. His appearance, as a whole, was not what you would call
'slovenly,' it is best expressed by the word 'careless.'"
</p>
<p>
Mr. Insull supplements this pen-picture by another, bearing upon the
hustle and bustle of the moment: "After a short conversation Johnson
hurried me off to meet his family, and later in the evening, about eight
o'clock, he and I returned to Edison's office; and I found myself launched
without further ceremony into Edison's business affairs. Johnson had
already explained to me that he was sailing the next morning, March 2d, on
the S.S. Arizona, and that Mr. Edison wanted to spend the evening
discussing matters in connection with his European affairs. It was
assumed, inasmuch as I had just arrived from London, that I would be able
to give more or less information on this subject. As Johnson was to sail
the next morning at five o'clock, Edison explained that it would be
necessary for him to have an understanding of European matters. Edison
started out by drawing from his desk a check-book and stating how much
money he had in the bank; and he wanted to know what European telephone
securities were most salable, as he wished to raise the necessary funds to
put on their feet the incandescent lamp factory, the Electric Tube works,
and the necessary shops to build dynamos. All through the interview I was
tremendously impressed with Edison's wonderful resourcefulness and grasp,
and his immediate appreciation of any suggestion of consequence bearing on
the subject under discussion.
</p>
<p>
"He spoke with very great enthusiasm of the work before him—namely,
the development of his electric-lighting system; and his one idea seemed
to be to raise all the money he could with the object of pouring it into
the manufacturing side of the lighting business. I remember how
extraordinarily I was impressed with him on this account, as I had just
come from a circle of people in London who not only questioned the
possibility of the success of Edison's invention, but often expressed
doubt as to whether the work he had done could be called an invention at
all. After discussing affairs with Johnson—who was receiving his
final instructions from Edison—far into the night, and going down to
the steamer to see Johnson aboard, I finished my first night's business
with Edison somewhere between four and five in the morning, feeling
thoroughly imbued with the idea that I had met one of the great master
minds of the world. You must allow for my youthful enthusiasm, but you
must also bear in mind Edison's peculiar gift of magnetism, which has
enabled him during his career to attach so many men to him. I fell a
victim to the spell at the first interview."
</p>
<p>
Events moved rapidly in those days. The next morning, Tuesday, Edison took
his new fidus Achates with him to a conference with John Roach, the famous
old ship-builder, and at it agreed to take the AEtna Iron works, where
Roach had laid the foundations of his fame and fortune. These works were
not in use at the time. They were situated on Goerck Street, New York,
north of Grand Street, on the east side of the city, and there, very soon
after, was established the first Edison dynamo-manufacturing
establishment, known for many years as the Edison Machine Works. The same
night Insull made his first visit to Menlo Park. Up to that time he had
seen very little incandescent lighting, for the simple reason that there
was very little to see. Johnson had had a few Edison lamps in London, lit
up from primary batteries, as a demonstration; and in the summer of 1880
Swan had had a few series lamps burning in London. In New York a small
gas-engine plant was being started at the Edison offices on Fifth Avenue.
But out at Menlo Park there was the first actual electric-lighting central
station, supplying distributed incandescent lamps and some electric motors
by means of underground conductors imbedded in asphaltum and surrounded by
a wooden box. Mr. Insull says: "The system employed was naturally the
two-wire, as at that time the three-wire had not been thought of. The
lamps were partly of the horseshoe filament paper-carbon type, and partly
bamboo-filament lamps, and were of an efficiency of 95 to 100 watts per 16
c.p. I can never forget the impression that this first view of the
electric-lighting industry produced on me. Menlo Park must always be
looked upon as the birthplace of the electric light and power industry. At
that time it was the only place where could be seen an electric light and
power multiple arc distribution system, the operation of which seemed as
successful to my youthful mind as the operation of one of the large
metropolitan systems to-day. I well remember about ten o'clock that night
going down to the Menlo Park depot and getting the station agent, who was
also the telegraph operator, to send some cable messages for me to my
London friends, announcing that I had seen Edison's incandescent lighting
system in actual operation, and that so far as I could tell it was an
accomplished fact. A few weeks afterward I received a letter from one of
my London friends, who was a doubting Thomas, upbraiding me for coming so
soon under the spell of the 'Yankee inventor.'"
</p>
<p>
It was to confront and deal with just this element of doubt in London and
in Europe generally, that the dispatch of Johnson to England and of
Batchelor to France was intended. Throughout the Edison staff there was a
mingled feeling of pride in the work, resentment at the doubts expressed
about it, and keen desire to show how excellent it was. Batchelor left for
Paris in July, 1881—on his second trip to Europe that year—and
the exhibit was made which brought such an instantaneous recognition of
the incalculable value of Edison's lighting inventions, as evidenced by
the awards and rewards immediately bestowed upon him. He was made an
officer of the Legion of Honor, and Prof. George F. Barker cabled as
follows from Paris, announcing the decision of the expert jury which
passed upon the exhibits: "Accept my congratulations. You have distanced
all competitors and obtained a diploma of honor, the highest award given
in the Exposition. No person in any class in which you were an exhibitor
received a like reward."
</p>
<p>
Nor was this all. Eminent men in science who had previously expressed
their disbelief in the statements made as to the Edison system were now
foremost in generous praise of his notable achievements, and accorded him
full credit for its completion. A typical instance was M. Du Moncel, a
distinguished electrician, who had written cynically about Edison's work
and denied its practicability. He now recanted publicly in this language,
which in itself shows the state of the art when Edison came to the front:
"All these experiments achieved but moderate success, and when, in 1879,
the new Edison incandescent carbon lamp was announced, many of the
scientists, and I, particularly, doubted the accuracy of the reports which
came from America. This horseshoe of carbonized paper seemed incapable to
resist mechanical shocks and to maintain incandescence for any
considerable length of time. Nevertheless, Mr. Edison was not discouraged,
and despite the active opposition made to his lamp, despite the polemic
acerbity of which he was the object, he did not cease to perfect it; and
he succeeded in producing the lamps which we now behold exhibited at the
Exposition, and are admired by all for their perfect steadiness."
</p>
<p>
The competitive lamps exhibited and tested at this time comprised those of
Edison, Maxim, Swan, and Lane-Fox. The demonstration of Edison's success
stimulated the faith of his French supporters, and rendered easier the
completion of plans for the Societe Edison Continental, of Paris, formed
to operate the Edison patents on the Continent of Europe. Mr. Batchelor,
with Messrs. Acheson and Hipple, and one or two other assistants, at the
close of the Exposition transferred their energies to the construction and
equipment of machine-shops and lamp factories at Ivry-sur-Seine for the
company, and in a very short time the installation of plants began in
various countries—France, Italy, Holland, Belgium, etc.
</p>
<p>
All through 1881 Johnson was very busy, for his part, in England. The
first "Jumbo" Edison dynamo had gone to Paris; the second and third went
to London, where they were installed in 1881 by Mr. Johnson and his
assistant, Mr. W. J. Hammer, in the three-thousand-light central station
on Holborn Viaduct, the plant going into operation on January 12, 1882.
Outside of Menlo Park this was the first regular station for incandescent
lighting in the world, as the Pearl Street station in New York did not go
into operation until September of the same year. This historic plant was
hurriedly thrown together on Crown land, and would doubtless have been the
nucleus of a great system but for the passage of the English electric
lighting act of 1882, which at once throttled the industry by its absurd
restrictive provisions, and which, though greatly modified, has left
England ever since in a condition of serious inferiority as to development
in electric light and power. The streets and bridges of Holborn Viaduct
were lighted by lamps turned on and off from the station, as well as the
famous City Temple of Dr. Joseph Parker, the first church in the world to
be lighted by incandescent lamps—indeed, so far as can be
ascertained, the first church to be illuminated by electricity in any
form. Mr. W. J. Hammer, who supplies some very interesting notes on the
installation, says: "I well remember the astonishment of Doctor Parker and
his associates when they noted the difference of temperature as compared
with gas. I was informed that the people would not go in the gallery in
warm weather, owing to the great heat caused by the many gas jets, whereas
on the introduction of the incandescent lamp there was no complaint." The
telegraph operating-room of the General Post-Office, at St. Martin's-Le
Grand and Newgate Street nearby, was supplied with four hundred lamps
through the instrumentality of Mr. (Sir) W. H. Preece, who, having been
seriously sceptical as to Mr. Edison's results, became one of his most
ardent advocates, and did much to facilitate the introduction of the
light. This station supplied its customers by a network of feeders and
mains of the standard underground two-wire Edison tubing-conductors in
sections of iron pipe—such as was used subsequently in New York,
Milan, and other cities. It also had a measuring system for the current,
employing the Edison electrolytic meter. Arc lamps were operated from its
circuits, and one of the first sets of practicable storage batteries was
used experimentally at the station. In connection with these batteries Mr.
Hammer tells a characteristic anecdote of Edison: "A careless boy passing
through the station whistling a tune and swinging carelessly a hammer in
his hand, rapped a carboy of sulphuric acid which happened to be on the
floor above a 'Jumbo' dynamo. The blow broke the glass carboy, and the
acid ran down upon the field magnets of the dynamo, destroying the
windings of one of the twelve magnets. This accident happened while I was
taking a vacation in Germany, and a prominent scientific man connected
with the company cabled Mr. Edison to know whether the machine would work
if the coil was cut out. Mr. Edison sent the laconic reply: 'Why doesn't
he try it and see?' Mr. E. H. Johnson was kept busy not only with the
cares and responsibilities of this pioneer English plant, but by
negotiations as to company formations, hearings before Parliamentary
committees, and particularly by distinguished visitors, including all the
foremost scientific men in England, and a great many well-known members of
the peerage. Edison was fortunate in being represented by a man with so
much address, intimate knowledge of the subject, and powers of
explanation. As one of the leading English papers said at the time, with
equal humor and truth: 'There is but one Edison, and Johnson is his
prophet.'"
</p>
<p>
As the plant continued in operation, various details and ideas of
improvement emerged, and Mr. Hammer says: "Up to the time of the
construction of this plant it had been customary to place a single-pole
switch on one wire and a safety fuse on the other; and the practice of
putting fuses on both sides of a lighting circuit was first used here.
Some of the first, if not the very first, of the insulated fixtures were
used in this plant, and many of the fixtures were equipped with ball
insulating joints, enabling the chandeliers—or 'electroliers'—to
be turned around, as was common with the gas chandeliers. This particular
device was invented by Mr. John B. Verity, whose firm built many of the
fixtures for the Edison Company, and constructed the notable electroliers
shown at the Crystal Palace Exposition of 1882."
</p>
<p>
We have made a swift survey of developments from the time when the system
of lighting was ready for use, and when the staff scattered to introduce
it. It will be readily understood that Edison did not sit with folded
hands or drop into complacent satisfaction the moment he had reached the
practical stage of commercial exploitation. He was not willing to say "Let
us rest and be thankful," as was one of England's great Liberal leaders
after a long period of reform. On the contrary, he was never more active
than immediately after the work we have summed up at the beginning of this
chapter. While he had been pursuing his investigations of the generator in
conjunction with the experiments on the incandescent lamp, he gave much
thought to the question of distribution of the current over large areas,
revolving in his mind various plans for the accomplishment of this
purpose, and keeping his mathematicians very busy working on the various
schemes that suggested themselves from time to time. The idea of a
complete system had been in his mind in broad outline for a long time, but
did not crystallize into commercial form until the incandescent lamp was
an accomplished fact. Thus in January, 1880, his first patent application
for a "System of Electrical Distribution" was signed. It was filed in the
Patent Office a few days later, but was not issued as a patent until
August 30, 1887. It covered, fundamentally, multiple arc distribution, how
broadly will be understood from the following extracts from the New York
Electrical Review of September 10, 1887: "It would appear as if the entire
field of multiple distribution were now in the hands of the owners of this
patent.... The patent is about as broad as a patent can be, being
regardless of specific devices, and laying a powerful grasp on the
fundamental idea of multiple distribution from a number of generators
throughout a metallic circuit."
</p>
<p>
Mr. Edison made a number of other applications for patents on electrical
distribution during the year 1880. Among these was the one covering the
celebrated "Feeder" invention, which has been of very great commercial
importance in the art, its object being to obviate the "drop" in pressure,
rendering lights dim in those portions of an electric-light system that
were remote from the central station. [10]
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 10: For further explanation of "Feeder" patent,
see Appendix.]
</pre>
<p>
From these two patents alone, which were absolutely basic and fundamental
in effect, and both of which were, and still are, put into actual use
wherever central-station lighting is practiced, the reader will see that
Mr. Edison's patient and thorough study, aided by his keen foresight and
unerring judgment, had enabled him to grasp in advance with a master hand
the chief and underlying principles of a true system—that system
which has since been put into practical use all over the world, and whose
elements do not need the touch or change of more modern scientific
knowledge.
</p>
<p>
These patents were not by any means all that he applied for in the year
1880, which it will be remembered was the year in which he was perfecting
the incandescent electric lamp and methods, to put into the market for
competition with gas. It was an extraordinarily busy year for Mr. Edison
and his whole force, which from time to time was increased in number.
Improvement upon improvement was the order of the day. That which was
considered good to-day was superseded by something better and more
serviceable to-morrow. Device after device, relating to some part of the
entire system, was designed, built, and tried, only to be rejected
ruthlessly as being unsuitable; but the pursuit was not abandoned. It was
renewed over and over again in innumerable ways until success had been
attained.
</p>
<p>
During the year 1880 Edison had made application for sixty patents, of
which thirty-two were in relation to incandescent lamps; seven covered
inventions relating to distributing systems (including the two above
particularized); five had reference to inventions of parts, such as
motors, sockets, etc.; six covered inventions relating to dynamo-electric
machines; three related to electric railways, and seven to miscellaneous
apparatus, such as telegraph relays, magnetic ore separators, magneto
signalling apparatus, etc.
</p>
<p>
The list of Mr. Edison's patents (see Appendices) is not only a monument
to his life's work, but serves to show what subjects he has worked on from
year to year since 1868. The reader will see from an examination of this
list that the years 1880, 1881, 1882, and 1883 were the most prolific
periods of invention. It is worth while to scrutinize this list closely to
appreciate the wide range of his activities. Not that his patents cover
his entire range of work by any means, for his note-books reveal a great
number of major and minor inventions for which he has not seen fit to take
out patents. Moreover, at the period now described Edison was the victim
of a dishonest patent solicitor, who deprived him of a number of patents
in the following manner:
</p>
<p>
"Around 1881-82 I had several solicitors attending to different classes of
work. One of these did me a most serious injury. It was during the time
that I was developing my electric-lighting system, and I was working and
thinking very hard in order to cover all the numerous parts, in order that
it would be complete in every detail. I filed a great many applications
for patents at that time, but there were seventy-eight of the inventions I
made in that period that were entirely lost to me and my company by reason
of the dishonesty of this patent solicitor. Specifications had been drawn,
and I had signed and sworn to the application for patents for these
seventy-eight inventions, and naturally I supposed they had been filed in
the regular way.
</p>
<p>
"As time passed I was looking for some action of the Patent Office, as
usual, but none came. I thought it very strange, but had no suspicions
until I began to see my inventions recorded in the Patent Office Gazette
as being patented by others. Of course I ordered an investigation, and
found that the patent solicitor had drawn from the company the fees for
filing all these applications, but had never filed them. All the papers
had disappeared, however, and what he had evidently done was to sell them
to others, who had signed new applications and proceeded to take out
patents themselves on my inventions. I afterward found that he had been
previously mixed up with a somewhat similar crooked job in connection with
telephone patents.
</p>
<p>
"I am free to confess that the loss of these seventy-eight inventions has
left a sore spot in me that has never healed. They were important, useful,
and valuable, and represented a whole lot of tremendous work and mental
effort, and I had had a feeling of pride in having overcome through them a
great many serious obstacles, One of these inventions covered the
multipolar dynamo. It was an elaborated form of the type covered by my
patent No. 219,393 which had a ring armature. I modified and improved on
this form and had a number of pole pieces placed all around the ring, with
a modified form of armature winding. I built one of these machines and ran
it successfully in our early days at the Goerck Street shop.
</p>
<p>
"It is of no practical use to mention the man's name. I believe he is
dead, but he may have left a family. The occurrence is a matter of the old
Edison Company's records."
</p>
<p>
It will be seen from an examination of the list of patents in the Appendix
that Mr. Edison has continued year after year adding to his contributions
to the art of electric lighting, and in the last twenty-eight years—1880-1908—has
taken out no fewer than three hundred and seventy-five patents in this
branch of industry alone. These patents may be roughly tabulated as
follows:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
Incandescent lamps and their manufacture....................149
Distributing systems and their control and regulation....... 77
Dynamo-electric machines and accessories....................106
Minor parts, such as sockets, switches, safety catches,
meters, underground conductors and parts, etc............... 43
</pre>
<p>
Quite naturally most of these patents cover inventions that are in the
nature of improvements or based upon devices which he had already created;
but there are a number that relate to inventions absolutely fundamental
and original in their nature. Some of these have already been alluded to;
but among the others there is one which is worthy of special mention in
connection with the present consideration of a complete system. This is
patent No. 274,290, applied for November 27, 1882, and is known as the
"Three-wire" patent. It is described more fully in the Appendix.
</p>
<p>
The great importance of the "Feeder" and "Three-wire" inventions will be
apparent when it is realized that without them it is a question whether
electric light could be sold to compete with low-priced gas, on account of
the large investment in conductors that would be necessary. If a large
city area were to be lighted from a central station by means of copper
conductors running directly therefrom to all parts of the district, it
would be necessary to install large conductors, or suffer such a drop of
pressure at the ends most remote from the station as to cause the lights
there to burn with a noticeable diminution of candle-power. The Feeder
invention overcame this trouble, and made it possible to use conductors
ONLY ONE-EIGHTH THE SIZE that would otherwise have been necessary to
produce the same results.
</p>
<p>
A still further economy in cost of conductors was effected by the
"Three-wire" invention, by the use of which the already diminished
conductors could be still further reduced TO ONE-THIRD of this smaller
size, and at the same time allow of the successful operation of the
station with far better results than if it were operated exactly as at
first conceived. The Feeder and Three-wire systems are at this day used in
all parts of the world, not only in central-station work, but in the
installation and operation of isolated electric-light plants in large
buildings. No sensible or efficient station manager or electric contractor
would ever think of an installation made upon any other plan. Thus Mr.
Edison's early conceptions of the necessities of a complete system, one of
them made even in advance of practice, have stood firm, unimproved, and
unchanged during the past twenty-eight years, a period of time which has
witnessed more wonderful and rapid progress in electrical science and art
than has been known during any similar art or period of time since the
world began.
</p>
<p>
It must be remembered that the complete system in all its parts is not
comprised in the few of Mr. Edison's patents, of which specific mention is
here made. In order to comprehend the magnitude and extent of his work and
the quality of his genius, it is necessary to examine minutely the list of
patents issued for the various elements which go to make up such a system.
To attempt any relation in detail of the conception and working-out of
each part or element; to enter into any description of the almost
innumerable experiments and investigations that were made would entail the
writing of several volumes, for Mr. Edison's close-written note-books
covering these subjects number nearly two hundred.
</p>
<p>
It is believed that enough evidence has been given in this chapter to lead
to an appreciation of the assiduous work and practical skill involved in
"inventing a system" of lighting that would surpass, and to a great
extent, in one single quarter of a century, supersede all the other
methods of illumination developed during long centuries. But it will be
appropriate before passing on to note that on January 17, 1908, while this
biography was being written, Mr. Edison became the fourth recipient of the
John Fritz gold medal for achievement in industrial progress. This medal
was founded in 1902 by the professional friends and associates of the
veteran American ironmaster and metallurgical inventor, in honor of his
eightieth birthday. Awards are made by a board of sixteen engineers
appointed in equal numbers from the four great national engineering
societies—the American Society of Civil Engineers, the American
Institute of Mining Engineers, the American Society of Mechanical
Engineers, and the American Institute of Electrical Engineers, whose
membership embraces the very pick and flower of professional engineering
talent in America. Up to the time of the Edison award, three others had
been made. The first was to Lord Kelvin, the Nestor of physics in Europe,
for his work in submarine-cable telegraphy and other scientific
achievement. The second was to George Westinghouse for the air-brake. The
third was to Alexander Graham Bell for the invention and introduction of
the telephone. The award to Edison was not only for his inventions in
duplex and quadruplex telegraphy, and for the phonograph, but for the
development of a commercially practical incandescent lamp, and the
development of a complete system of electric lighting, including dynamos,
regulating devices, underground system, protective devices, and meters.
Great as has been the genius brought to bear on electrical development,
there is no other man to whom such a comprehensive tribute could be paid.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2HCH0015" id="link2HCH0015">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CHAPTER XV
</h2>
<h3>
INTRODUCTION OF THE EDISON ELECTRIC LIGHT
</h3>
<p>
IN the previous chapter on the invention of a system, the narrative has
been carried along for several years of activity up to the verge of the
successful and commercial application of Edison's ideas and devices for
incandescent electric lighting. The story of any one year in this period,
if treated chronologically, would branch off in a great many different
directions, some going back to earlier work, others forward to arts not
yet within the general survey; and the effect of such treatment would be
confusing. In like manner the development of the Edison lighting system
followed several concurrent, simultaneous lines of advance; and an effort
was therefore made in the last chapter to give a rapid glance over the
whole movement, embracing a term of nearly five years, and including in
its scope both the Old World and the New. What is necessary to the
completeness of the story at this stage is not to recapitulate, but to
take up some of the loose ends of threads woven in and follow them through
until the clear and comprehensive picture of events can be seen.
</p>
<p>
Some things it would be difficult to reproduce in any picture of the art
and the times. One of the greatest delusions of the public in regard to
any notable invention is the belief that the world is waiting for it with
open arms and an eager welcome. The exact contrary is the truth. There is
not a single new art or device the world has ever enjoyed of which it can
be said that it was given an immediate and enthusiastic reception. The way
of the inventor is hard. He can sometimes raise capital to help him in
working out his crude conceptions, but even then it is frequently done at
a distressful cost of personal surrender. When the result is achieved the
invention makes its appeal on the score of economy of material or of
effort; and then "labor" often awaits with crushing and tyrannical spirit
to smash the apparatus or forbid its very use. Where both capital and
labor are agreed that the object is worthy of encouragement, there is the
supreme indifference of the public to overcome, and the stubborn
resistance of pre-existing devices to combat. The years of hardship and
struggle are thus prolonged, the chagrin of poverty and neglect too
frequently embitters the inventor's scanty bread; and one great spirit
after another has succumbed to the defeat beyond which lay the
procrastinated triumph so dearly earned. Even in America, where the
adoption of improvements and innovations is regarded as so prompt and
sure, and where the huge tolls of the Patent Office and the courts bear
witness to the ceaseless efforts of the inventor, it is impossible to deny
the sad truth that unconsciously society discourages invention rather than
invites it. Possibly our national optimism as revealed in invention—the
seeking a higher good—needs some check. Possibly the leaders would
travel too fast and too far on the road to perfection if conservatism did
not also play its salutary part in insisting that the procession move
forward as a whole.
</p>
<p>
Edison and his electric light were happily more fortunate than other men
and inventions, in the relative cordiality of the reception given them.
The merit was too obvious to remain unrecognized. Nevertheless, it was
through intense hostility and opposition that the young art made its way,
pushed forward by Edison's own strong personality and by his unbounded,
unwavering faith in the ultimate success of his system. It may seem
strange that great effort was required to introduce a light so manifestly
convenient, safe, agreeable, and advantageous, but the facts are matter of
record; and to-day the recollection of some of the episodes brings a
fierce glitter into the eye and keen indignation into the voice of the man
who has come so victoriously through it all.
</p>
<p>
It was not a fact at any time that the public was opposed to the idea of
the electric light. On the contrary, the conditions for its acceptance had
been ripening fast. Yet the very vogue of the electric arc light made
harder the arrival of the incandescent. As a new illuminant for the
streets, the arc had become familiar, either as a direct substitute for
the low gas lamp along the sidewalk curb, or as a novel form of moonlight,
raised in groups at the top of lofty towers often a hundred and fifty feet
high. Some of these lights were already in use for large indoor spaces,
although the size of the unit, the deadly pressure of the current, and the
sputtering sparks from the carbons made them highly objectionable for such
purposes. A number of parent arc-lighting companies were in existence, and
a great many local companies had been called into being under franchises
for commercial business and to execute regular city contracts for street
lighting. In this manner a good deal of capital and the energies of many
prominent men in politics and business had been rallied distinctively to
the support of arc lighting. Under the inventive leadership of such
brilliant men as Brush, Thomson, Weston, and Van Depoele—there were
scores of others—the industry had made considerable progress and the
art had been firmly established. Here lurked, however, very vigorous
elements of opposition, for Edison predicted from the start the
superiority of the small electric unit of light, and devoted himself
exclusively to its perfection and introduction. It can be readily seen
that this situation made it all the more difficult for the Edison system
to secure the large sums of money needed for its exploitation, and to
obtain new franchises or city ordinances as a public utility. Thus in a
curious manner the modern art of electric lighting was in a very true
sense divided against itself, with intense rivalries and jealousies which
were none the less real because they were but temporary and occurred in a
field where ultimate union of forces was inevitable. For a long period the
arc was dominant and supreme in the lighting branch of the electrical
industries, in all respects, whether as to investment, employees, income,
and profits, or in respect to the manufacturing side. When the great
National Electric Light Association was formed in 1885, its organizers
were the captains of arc lighting, and not a single Edison company or
licensee could be found in its ranks, or dared to solicit membership. The
Edison companies, soon numbering about three hundred, formed their own
association—still maintained as a separate and useful body—and
the lines were tensely drawn in a way that made it none too easy for the
Edison service to advance, or for an impartial man to remain friendly with
both sides. But the growing popularity of incandescent lighting, the
flexibility and safety of the system, the ease with which other electric
devices for heat, power, etc., could be put indiscriminately on the same
circuits with the lamps, in due course rendered the old attitude of
opposition obviously foolish and untenable. The United States Census
Office statistics of 1902 show that the income from incandescent lighting
by central stations had by that time become over 52 per cent. of the
total, while that from arc lighting was less than 29; and electric-power
service due to the ease with which motors could be introduced on
incandescent circuits brought in 15 per cent. more. Hence twenty years
after the first Edison stations were established the methods they involved
could be fairly credited with no less than 67 per cent. of all
central-station income in the country, and the proportion has grown since
then. It will be readily understood that under these conditions the modern
lighting company supplies to its customers both incandescent and arc
lighting, frequently from the same dynamo-electric machinery as a source
of current; and that the old feud as between the rival systems has died
out. In fact, for some years past the presidents of the National Electric
Light Association have been chosen almost exclusively from among the
managers of the great Edison lighting companies in the leading cities.
</p>
<p>
The other strong opposition to the incandescent light came from the gas
industry. There also the most bitter feeling was shown. The gas manager
did not like the arc light, but it interfered only with his street
service, which was not his largest source of income by any means. What did
arouse his ire and indignation was to find this new opponent, the little
incandescent lamp, pushing boldly into the field of interior lighting,
claiming it on a great variety of grounds of superiority, and calmly
ignoring the question of price, because it was so much better. Newspaper
records and the pages of the technical papers of the day show to what an
extent prejudice and passion were stirred up and the astounding degree to
which the opposition to the new light was carried.
</p>
<p>
Here again was given a most convincing demonstration of the truth that
such an addition to the resources of mankind always carries with it
unsuspected benefits even for its enemies. In two distinct directions the
gas art was immediately helped by Edison's work. The competition was most
salutary in the stimulus it gave to improvements in processes for making,
distributing, and using gas, so that while vast economies have been
effected at the gas works, the customer has had an infinitely better light
for less money. In the second place, the coming of the incandescent light
raised the standard of illumination in such a manner that more gas than
ever was wanted in order to satisfy the popular demand for brightness and
brilliancy both indoors and on the street. The result of the operation of
these two forces acting upon it wholly from without, and from a rival it
was desired to crush, has been to increase enormously the production and
use of gas in the last twenty-five years. It is true that the income of
the central stations is now over $300,000,000 a year, and that
isolated-plant lighting represents also a large amount of diverted
business; but as just shown, it would obviously be unfair to regard all
this as a loss from the standpoint of gas. It is in great measure due to
new sources of income developed by electricity for itself.
</p>
<p>
A retrospective survey shows that had the men in control of the American
gas-lighting art, in 1880, been sufficiently far-sighted, and had they
taken a broader view of the situation, they might easily have remained
dominant in the whole field of artificial lighting by securing the
ownership of the patents and devices of the new industry. Apparently not a
single step of that kind was undertaken, nor probably was there a gas
manager who would have agreed with Edison in the opinion written down by
him at the time in little note-book No. 184, that gas properties were
having conferred on them an enhanced earning capacity. It was doubtless
fortunate and providential for the electric-lighting art that in its state
of immature development it did not fall into the hands of men who were
opposed to its growth, and would not have sought its technical perfection.
It was allowed to carve out its own career, and thus escaped the fate that
is supposed to have attended other great inventions—of being bought
up merely for purposes of suppression. There is a vague popular notion
that this happens to the public loss; but the truth is that no discovery
of any real value is ever entirely lost. It may be retarded; but that is
all. In the case of the gas companies and the incandescent light, many of
them to whom it was in the early days as great an irritant as a red flag
to a bull, emulated the performance of that animal and spent a great deal
of money and energy in bellowing and throwing up dirt in the effort to
destroy the hated enemy. This was not long nor universally the spirit
shown; and to-day in hundreds of cities the electric and gas properties
are united under the one management, which does not find it impossible to
push in a friendly and progressive way the use of both illuminants. The
most conspicuous example of this identity of interest is given in New York
itself.
</p>
<p>
So much for the early opposition, of which there was plenty. But it may be
questioned whether inertia is not equally to be dreaded with active
ill-will. Nothing is more difficult in the world than to get a good many
hundreds of thousands or millions of people to do something they have
never done before. A very real difficulty in the introduction of his lamp
and lighting system by Edison lay in the absolute ignorance of the public
at large, not only as to its merits, but as to the very appearance of the
light, Some few thousand people had gone out to Menlo Park, and had there
seen the lamps in operation at the laboratory or on the hillsides, but
they were an insignificant proportion of the inhabitants of the United
States. Of course, a great many accounts were written and read, but while
genuine interest was aroused it was necessarily apathetic. A newspaper
description or a magazine article may be admirably complete in itself,
with illustrations, but until some personal experience is had of the thing
described it does not convey a perfect mental picture, nor can it always
make the desire active and insistent. Generally, people wait to have the
new thing brought to them; and hence, as in the case of the Edison light,
an educational campaign of a practical nature is a fundamental condition
of success.
</p>
<p>
Another serious difficulty confronting Edison and his associates was that
nowhere in the world were there to be purchased any of the appliances
necessary for the use of the lighting system. Edison had resolved from the
very first that the initial central station embodying his various ideas
should be installed in New York City, where he could superintend the
installation personally, and then watch the operation. Plans to that end
were now rapidly maturing; but there would be needed among many other
things—every one of them new and novel—dynamos, switchboards,
regulators, pressure and current indicators, fixtures in great variety,
incandescent lamps, meters, sockets, small switches, underground
conductors, junction-boxes, service-boxes, manhole-boxes, connectors, and
even specially made wire. Now, not one of these miscellaneous things was
in existence; not an outsider was sufficiently informed about such devices
to make them on order, except perhaps the special wire. Edison therefore
started first of all a lamp factory in one of the buildings at Menlo Park,
equipped it with novel machinery and apparatus, and began to instruct men,
boys, and girls, as they could be enlisted, in the absolutely new art,
putting Mr. Upton in charge.
</p>
<p>
With regard to the conditions attendant upon the manufacture of the lamps,
Edison says: "When we first started the electric light we had to have a
factory for manufacturing lamps. As the Edison Light Company did not seem
disposed to go into manufacturing, we started a small lamp factory at
Menlo Park with what money I could raise from my other inventions and
royalties, and some assistance. The lamps at that time were costing about
$1.25 each to make, so I said to the company: 'If you will give me a
contract during the life of the patents, I will make all the lamps
required by the company and deliver them for forty cents.' The company
jumped at the chance of this offer, and a contract was drawn up. We then
bought at a receiver's sale at Harrison, New Jersey, a very large brick
factory building which had been used as an oil-cloth works. We got it at a
great bargain, and only paid a small sum down, and the balance on
mortgage. We moved the lamp works from Menlo Park to Harrison. The first
year the lamps cost us about $1.10 each. We sold them for forty cents; but
there were only about twenty or thirty thousand of them. The next year
they cost us about seventy cents, and we sold them for forty. There were a
good many, and we lost more money the second year than the first. The
third year I succeeded in getting up machinery and in changing the
processes, until it got down so that they cost somewhere around fifty
cents. I still sold them for forty cents, and lost more money that year
than any other, because the sales were increasing rapidly. The fourth year
I got it down to thirty-seven cents, and I made all the money up in one
year that I had lost previously. I finally got it down to twenty-two
cents, and sold them for forty cents; and they were made by the million.
Whereupon the Wall Street people thought it was a very lucrative business,
so they concluded they would like to have it, and bought us out.
</p>
<p>
"One of the incidents which caused a very great cheapening was that, when
we started, one of the important processes had to be done by experts. This
was the sealing on of the part carrying the filament into the globe, which
was rather a delicate operation in those days, and required several months
of training before any one could seal in a fair number of parts in a day.
When we got to the point where we employed eighty of these experts they
formed a union; and knowing it was impossible to manufacture lamps without
them, they became very insolent. One instance was that the son of one of
these experts was employed in the office, and when he was told to do
anything would not do it, or would give an insolent reply. He was
discharged, whereupon the union notified us that unless the boy was taken
back the whole body would go out. It got so bad that the manager came to
me and said he could not stand it any longer; something had got to be
done. They were not only more surly; they were diminishing the output, and
it became impossible to manage the works. He got me enthused on the
subject, so I started in to see if it were not possible to do that
operation by machinery. After feeling around for some days I got a clew
how to do it. I then put men on it I could trust, and made the preliminary
machinery. That seemed to work pretty well. I then made another machine
which did the work nicely. I then made a third machine, and would bring in
yard men, ordinary laborers, etc., and when I could get these men to put
the parts together as well as the trained experts, in an hour, I
considered the machine complete. I then went secretly to work and made
thirty of the machines. Up in the top loft of the factory we stored those
machines, and at night we put up the benches and got everything all ready.
Then we discharged the office-boy. Then the union went out. It has been
out ever since.
</p>
<p>
"When we formed the works at Harrison we divided the interests into one
hundred shares or parts at $100 par. One of the boys was hard up after a
time, and sold two shares to Bob Cutting. Up to that time we had never
paid anything; but we got around to the point where the board declared a
dividend every Saturday night. We had never declared a dividend when
Cutting bought his shares, and after getting his dividends for three weeks
in succession, he called up on the telephone and wanted to know what kind
of a concern this was that paid a weekly dividend. The works sold for
$1,085,000."
</p>
<p>
Incidentally it may be noted, as illustrative of the problems brought to
Edison, that while he had the factory at Harrison an importer in the
Chinese trade went to him and wanted a dynamo to be run by hand power. The
importer explained that in China human labor was cheaper than steam power.
Edison devised a machine to answer the purpose, and put long spokes on it,
fitted it up, and shipped it to China. He has not, however, heard of it
since.
</p>
<p>
For making the dynamos Edison secured, as noted in the preceding chapter,
the Roach Iron Works on Goerck Street, New York, and this was also
equipped. A building was rented on Washington Street, where machinery and
tools were put in specially designed for making the underground tube
conductors and their various paraphernalia; and the faithful John Kruesi
was given charge of that branch of production. To Sigmund Bergmann, who
had worked previously with Edison on telephone apparatus and phonographs,
and was already making Edison specialties in a small way in a loft on
Wooster Street, New York, was assigned the task of constructing sockets,
fixtures, meters, safety fuses, and numerous other details.
</p>
<p>
Thus, broadly, the manufacturing end of the problem of introduction was
cared for. In the early part of 1881 the Edison Electric Light Company
leased the old Bishop mansion at 65 Fifth Avenue, close to Fourteenth
Street, for its headquarters and show-rooms. This was one of the finest
homes in the city of that period, and its acquisition was a premonitory
sign of the surrender of the famous residential avenue to commerce. The
company needed not only offices, but, even more, such an interior as would
display to advantage the new light in everyday use; and this house with
its liberal lines, spacious halls, lofty ceilings, wide parlors, and
graceful, winding stairway was ideal for the purpose. In fact, in
undergoing this violent change, it did not cease to be a home in the real
sense, for to this day many an Edison veteran's pulse is quickened by some
chance reference to "65," where through many years the work of development
by a loyal and devoted band of workers was centred. Here Edison and a few
of his assistants from Menlo Park installed immediately in the basement a
small generating plant, at first with a gas-engine which was not
successful, and then with a Hampson high-speed engine and boiler,
constituting a complete isolated plant. The building was wired from top to
bottom, and equipped with all the appliances of the art. The experience
with the little gas-engine was rather startling. "At an early period at
'65' we decided," says Edison, "to light it up with the Edison system, and
put a gas-engine in the cellar, using city gas. One day it was not going
very well, and I went down to the man in charge and got exploring around.
Finally I opened the pedestal—a storehouse for tools, etc. We had an
open lamp, and when we opened the pedestal, it blew the doors off, and
blew out the windows, and knocked me down, and the other man."
</p>
<p>
For the next four or five years "65" was a veritable beehive, day and
night. The routine was very much the same as that at the laboratory, in
its utter neglect of the clock. The evenings were not only devoted to the
continuance of regular business, but the house was thrown open to the
public until late at night, never closing before ten o'clock, so as to
give everybody who wished an opportunity to see that great novelty of the
time—the incandescent light—whose fame had meanwhile been
spreading all over the globe. The first year, 1881, was naturally that
which witnessed the greatest rush of visitors; and the building hardly
ever closed its doors till midnight. During the day business was carried
on under great stress, and Mr. Insull has described how Edison was to be
found there trying to lead the life of a man of affairs in the
conventional garb of polite society, instead of pursuing inventions and
researches in his laboratory. But the disagreeable ordeal could not be
dodged. After the experience Edison could never again be tempted to quit
his laboratory and work for any length of time; but in this instance there
were some advantages attached to the sacrifice, for the crowds of
lion-hunters and people seeking business arrangements would only have gone
out to Menlo Park; while, on the other hand, the great plans for lighting
New York demanded very close personal attention on the spot.
</p>
<p>
As it was, not only Edison, but all the company's directors, officers, and
employees, were kept busy exhibiting and explaining the light. To the
public of that day, when the highest known form of house illuminant was
gas, the incandescent lamp, with its ability to burn in any position, its
lack of heat so that you could put your hand on the brilliant glass globe;
the absence of any vitiating effect on the atmosphere, the obvious safety
from fire; the curious fact that you needed no matches to light it, and
that it was under absolute control from a distance—these and many
other features came as a distinct revelation and marvel, while promising
so much additional comfort, convenience, and beauty in the home, that
inspection was almost invariably followed by a request for installation.
</p>
<p>
The camaraderie that existed at this time was very democratic, for all
were workers in a common cause; all were enthusiastic believers in the
doctrine they proclaimed, and hoped to profit by the opening up of the new
art. Often at night, in the small hours, all would adjourn for
refreshments to a famous resort nearby, to discuss the events of to-day
and to-morrow, full of incident and excitement. The easy relationship of
the time is neatly sketched by Edison in a humorous complaint as to his
inability to keep his own cigars: "When at '65' I used to have in my desk
a box of cigars. I would go to the box four or five times to get a cigar,
but after it got circulated about the building, everybody would come to
get my cigars, so that the box would only last about a day and a half. I
was telling a gentleman one day that I could not keep a cigar. Even if I
locked them up in my desk they would break it open. He suggested to me
that he had a friend over on Eighth Avenue who made a superior grade of
cigars, and who would show them a trick. He said he would have some of
them made up with hair and old paper, and I could put them in without a
word and see the result. I thought no more about the matter. He came in
two or three months after, and said: 'How did that cigar business work?' I
didn't remember anything about it. On coming to investigate, it appeared
that the box of cigars had been delivered and had been put in my desk, and
I had smoked them all! I was too busy on other things to notice."
</p>
<p>
It was no uncommon sight to see in the parlors in the evening John
Pierpont Morgan, Norvin Green, Grosvenor P. Lowrey, Henry Villard, Robert
L. Cutting, Edward D. Adams, J. Hood Wright, E. G. Fabbri, R. M. Galloway,
and other men prominent in city life, many of them stock-holders and
directors; all interested in doing this educational work. Thousands of
persons thus came—bankers, brokers, lawyers, editors, and reporters,
prominent business men, electricians, insurance experts, under whose
searching and intelligent inquiries the facts were elicited, and general
admiration was soon won for the system, which in advance had solved so
many new problems. Edison himself was in universal request and the subject
of much adulation, but altogether too busy and modest to be spoiled by it.
Once in a while he felt it his duty to go over the ground with scientific
visitors, many of whom were from abroad, and discuss questions which were
not simply those of technique, but related to newer phenomena, such as the
action of carbon, the nature and effects of high vacua; the principles of
electrical subdivision; the value of insulation, and many others which,
unfortunate to say, remain as esoteric now as they were then, ever
fruitful themes of controversy.
</p>
<p>
Speaking of those days or nights, Edison says: "Years ago one of the great
violinists was Remenyi. After his performances were over he used to come
down to '65' and talk economics, philosophy, moral science, and everything
else. He was highly educated and had great mental capacity. He would talk
with me, but I never asked him to bring his violin. One night he came with
his violin, about twelve o'clock. I had a library at the top of the house,
and Remenyi came up there. He was in a genial humor, and played the violin
for me for about two hours—$2000 worth. The front doors were closed,
and he walked up and down the room as he played. After that, every time he
came to New York he used to call at '65' late at night with his violin. If
we were not there, he could come down to the slums at Goerck Street, and
would play for an hour or two and talk philosophy. I would talk for the
benefit of his music. Henry E. Dixey, then at the height of his 'Adonis'
popularity, would come in in those days, after theatre hours, and would
entertain us with stories—1882-84. Another visitor who used to give
us a good deal of amusement and pleasure was Captain Shaw, the head of the
London Fire Brigade. He was good company. He would go out among the
fire-laddies and have a great time. One time Robert Lincoln and Anson
Stager, of the Western Union, interested in the electric light, came on to
make some arrangement with Major Eaton, President of the Edison Electric
Light Company. They came to '65' in the afternoon, and Lincoln commenced
telling stories—like his father. They told stories all the
afternoon, and that night they left for Chicago. When they got to
Cleveland, it dawned upon them that they had not done any business, so
they had to come back on the next train to New York to transact it. They
were interested in the Chicago Edison Company, now one of the largest of
the systems in the world. Speaking of telling stories, I once got telling
a man stories at the Harrison lamp factory, in the yard, as he was
leaving. It was winter, and he was all in furs. I had nothing on to
protect me against the cold. I told him one story after the other—six
of them. Then I got pleurisy, and had to be shipped to Florida for cure."
</p>
<p>
The organization of the Edison Electric Light Company went back to 1878;
but up to the time of leasing 65 Fifth Avenue it had not been engaged in
actual business. It had merely enjoyed the delights of anxious
anticipation, and the perilous pleasure of backing Edison's experiments.
Now active exploitation was required. Dr. Norvin Green, the well-known
President of the Western Union Telegraph Company, was president also of
the Edison Company, but the pressing nature of his regular duties left him
no leisure for such close responsible management as was now required.
Early in 1881 Mr. Grosvenor P. Lowrey, after consultation with Mr. Edison,
prevailed upon Major S. B. Eaton, the leading member of a very prominent
law firm in New York, to accept the position of vice-president and general
manager of the company, in which, as also in some of the subsidiary Edison
companies, and as president, he continued actively and energetically for
nearly four years, a critical, formative period in which the solidity of
the foundation laid is attested by the magnitude and splendor of the
superstructure.
</p>
<p>
The fact that Edison conferred at this point with Mr. Lowrey should,
perhaps, be explained in justice to the distinguished lawyer, who for so
many years was the close friend of the inventor, and the chief counsel in
all the tremendous litigation that followed the effort to enforce and
validate the Edison patents. As in England Mr. Edison was fortunate in
securing the legal assistance of Sir Richard Webster, afterward Lord Chief
Justice of England, so in America it counted greatly in his favor to enjoy
the advocacy of such a man as Lowrey, prominent among the famous leaders
of the New York bar. Born in Massachusetts, Mr. Lowrey, in his earlier
days of straitened circumstances, was accustomed to defray some portion of
his educational expenses by teaching music in the Berkshire villages, and
by a curious coincidence one of his pupils was F. L. Pope, later Edison's
partner for a time. Lowrey went West to "Bleeding Kansas" with the first
Governor, Reeder, and both were active participants in the exciting scenes
of the "Free State" war until driven away in 1856, like many other
free-soilers, by the acts of the "Border Ruffian" legislature. Returning
East, Mr. Lowrey took up practice in New York, soon becoming eminent in
his profession, and upon the accession of William Orton to the presidency
of the Western Union Telegraph Company in 1866, he was appointed its
general counsel, the duties of which post he discharged for fifteen years.
One of the great cases in which he thus took a leading and distinguished
part was that of the quadruplex telegraph; and later he acted as legal
adviser to Henry Villard in his numerous grandiose enterprises. Lowrey
thus came to know Edison, to conceive an intense admiration for him, and
to believe in his ability at a time when others could not detect the fire
of genius smouldering beneath the modest exterior of a gaunt young
operator slowly "finding himself." It will be seen that Mr Lowrey was in a
peculiarly advantageous position to make his convictions about Edison
felt, so that it was he and his friends who rallied quickly to the new
banner of discovery, and lent to the inventor the aid that came at a
critical period. In this connection it may be well to quote an article
that appeared at the time of Mr. Lowrey's death, in 1893: "One of the most
important services which Mr. Lowrey has ever performed was in furnishing
and procuring the necessary financial backing for Thomas A. Edison in
bringing out and perfecting his system of incandescent lighting. With
characteristic pertinacity, Mr. Lowrey stood by the inventor through thick
and thin, in spite of doubt, discouragement, and ridicule, until at last
success crowned his efforts. In all the litigation which has resulted from
the wide-spread infringements of the Edison patents, Mr. Lowrey has ever
borne the burden and heat of the day, and perhaps in no other field has he
so personally distinguished himself as in the successful advocacy of the
claims of Edison to the invention of the incandescent lamp and everything
'hereunto pertaining.'"
</p>
<p>
This was the man of whom Edison had necessarily to make a confidant and
adviser, and who supplied other things besides the legal direction and
financial alliance, by his knowledge of the world and of affairs. There
were many vital things to be done in the exploitation of the system that
Edison simply could not and would not do; but in Lowrey's savoir faire,
ready wit and humor, chivalry of devotion, graceful eloquence, and
admirable equipoise of judgment were all the qualities that the occasion
demanded and that met the exigencies.
</p>
<p>
We are indebted to Mr. Insull for a graphic sketch of Edison at this
period, and of the conditions under which work was done and progress was
made: "I do not think I had any understanding with Edison when I first
went with him as to my duties. I did whatever he told me, and looked after
all kinds of affairs, from buying his clothes to financing his business. I
used to open the correspondence and answer it all, sometimes signing
Edison's name with my initial, and sometimes signing my own name. If the
latter course was pursued, and I was addressing a stranger, I would sign
as Edison's private secretary. I held his power of attorney, and signed
his checks. It was seldom that Edison signed a letter or check at this
time. If he wanted personally to send a communication to anybody, if it
was one of his close associates, it would probably be a pencil memorandum
signed 'Edison.' I was a shorthand writer, but seldom took down from
Edison's dictation, unless it was on some technical subject that I did not
understand. I would go over the correspondence with Edison, sometimes
making a marginal note in shorthand, and sometimes Edison would make his
own notes on letters, and I would be expected to clean up the
correspondence with Edison's laconic comments as a guide as to the
character of answer to make. It was a very common thing for Edison to
write the words 'Yes' or 'No,' and this would be all I had on which to
base my answer. Edison marginalized documents extensively. He had a
wonderful ability in pointing out the weak points of an agreement or a
balance-sheet, all the while protesting he was no lawyer or accountant;
and his views were expressed in very few words, but in a characteristic
and emphatic manner.
</p>
<p>
"The first few months I was with Edison he spent most of the time in the
office at 65 Fifth Avenue. Then there was a great deal of trouble with the
life of the lamps there, and he disappeared from the office and spent his
time largely at Menlo Park. At another time there was a great deal of
trouble with some of the details of construction of the dynamos, and
Edison spent a lot of time at Goerck Street, which had been rapidly
equipped with the idea of turning out bi-polar dynamo-electric machines,
direct-connected to the engine, the first of which went to Paris and
London, while the next were installed in the old Pearl Street station of
the Edison Electric Illuminating Company of New York, just south of Fulton
Street, on the west side of the street. Edison devoted a great deal of his
time to the engineering work in connection with the laying out of the
first incandescent electric-lighting system in New York. Apparently at
that time—between the end of 1881 and spring of 1882—the most
serious work was the manufacture and installation of underground
conductors in this territory. These conductors were manufactured by the
Electric Tube Company, which Edison controlled in a shop at 65 Washington
Street, run by John Kruesi. Half-round copper conductors were used, kept
in place relatively to each other and in the tube, first of all by a heavy
piece of cardboard, and later on by a rope; and then put in a twenty-foot
iron pipe; and a combination of asphaltum and linseed oil was forced into
the pipe for the insulation. I remember as a coincidence that the building
was only twenty feet wide. These lengths of conductors were twenty feet
six inches long, as the half-round coppers extended three inches beyond
the drag-ends of the lengths of pipe; and in one of the operations we used
to take the length of tubing out of the window in order to turn it around.
I was elected secretary of the Electric Tube Company, and was expected to
look after its finance; and it was in this position that my long intimacy
with John Kruesi started."
</p>
<p>
At this juncture a large part of the correspondence referred very
naturally to electric lighting, embodying requests for all kinds of
information, catalogues, prices, terms, etc.; and all these letters were
turned over to the lighting company by Edison for attention. The company
was soon swamped with propositions for sale of territorial rights and with
other negotiations, and some of these were accompanied by the offer of
very large sums of money. It was the beginning of the electric-light furor
which soon rose to sensational heights. Had the company accepted the cash
offers from various localities, it could have gathered several millions of
dollars at once into its treasury; but this was not at all in accord with
Mr. Edison's idea, which was to prove by actual experience the commercial
value of the system, and then to license central-station companies in
large cities and towns, the parent company taking a percentage of their
capital for the license under the Edison patents, and contracting also for
the supply of apparatus, lamps, etc. This left the remainder of the
country open for the cash sale of plants wherever requested. His counsels
prevailed, and the wisdom of the policy adopted was seen in the swift
establishment of Edison companies in centres of population both great and
small, whose business has ever been a constant and growing source of
income for the parent manufacturing interests.
</p>
<p>
From first to last Edison has been an exponent and advocate of the
central-station idea of distribution now so familiar to the public mind,
but still very far from being carried out to its logical conclusion. In
this instance, demands for isolated plants for lighting factories, mills,
mines, hotels, etc., began to pour in, and something had to be done with
them. This was a class of plant which the inquirers desired to purchase
outright and operate themselves, usually because of remoteness from any
possible source of general supply of current. It had not been Edison's
intention to cater to this class of customer until his broad
central-station plan had been worked out, and he has always discouraged
the isolated plant within the limits of urban circuits; but this demand
was so insistent it could not be denied, and it was deemed desirable to
comply with it at once, especially as it was seen that the steady call for
supplies and renewals would benefit the new Edison manufacturing plants.
After a very short trial, it was found necessary to create a separate
organization for this branch of the industry, leaving the Edison Electric
Light Company to continue under the original plan of operation as a
parent, patent-holding and licensing company. Accordingly a new and
distinct corporation was formed called the Edison Company for Isolated
Lighting, to which was issued a special license to sell and operate plants
of a self-contained character. As a matter of fact such work began in
advance of almost every other kind. A small plant using the paper-carbon
filament lamps was furnished by Edison at the earnest solicitation of Mr.
Henry Villard for the steamship Columbia, in 1879, and it is amusing to
note that Mr. Upton carried the lamps himself to the ship, very tenderly
and jealously, like fresh eggs, in a market-garden basket. The
installation was most successful. Another pioneer plant was that equipped
and started in January, 1881, for Hinds & Ketcham, a New York firm of
lithographers and color printers, who had previously been able to work
only by day, owing to difficulties in color-printing by artificial light.
A year later they said: "It is the best substitute for daylight we have
ever known, and almost as cheap."
</p>
<p>
Mr. Edison himself describes various instances in which the demand for
isolated plants had to be met: "One night at '65,'" he says, "James Gordon
Bennett came in. We were very anxious to get into a printing
establishment. I had caused a printer's composing case to be set up with
the idea that if we could get editors and publishers in to see it, we
should show them the advantages of the electric light. So ultimately Mr.
Bennett came, and after seeing the whole operation of everything, he
ordered Mr. Howland, general manager of the Herald, to light the newspaper
offices up at once with electricity."
</p>
<p>
Another instance of the same kind deals with the introduction of the light
for purely social purposes: "While at 65 Fifth Avenue," remarks Mr.
Edison, "I got to know Christian Herter, then the largest decorator in the
United States. He was a highly intellectual man, and I loved to talk to
him. He was always railing against the rich people, for whom he did work,
for their poor taste. One day Mr. W. H. Vanderbilt came to '65,' saw the
light, and decided that he would have his new house lighted with it. This
was one of the big 'box houses' on upper Fifth Avenue. He put the whole
matter in the hands of his son-in-law, Mr. H. McK. Twombly, who was then
in charge of the telephone department of the Western Union. Twombly closed
the contract with us for a plant. Mr. Herter was doing the decoration, and
it was extraordinarily fine. After a while we got the engines and boilers
and wires all done, and the lights in position, before the house was quite
finished, and thought we would have an exhibit of the light. About eight
o'clock in the evening we lit up, and it was very good. Mr. Vanderbilt and
his wife and some of his daughters came in, and were there a few minutes
when a fire occurred. The large picture-gallery was lined with silk cloth
interwoven with fine metallic thread. In some manner two wires had got
crossed with this tinsel, which became red-hot, and the whole mass was
soon afire. I knew what was the matter, and ordered them to run down and
shut off. It had not burst into flame, and died out immediately. Mrs.
Vanderbilt became hysterical, and wanted to know where it came from. We
told her we had the plant in the cellar, and when she learned we had a
boiler there she said she would not occupy the house. She would not live
over a boiler. We had to take the whole installation out. The houses
afterward went onto the New York Edison system."
</p>
<p>
The art was, however, very crude and raw, and as there were no artisans in
existence as mechanics or electricians who had any knowledge of the
practice, there was inconceivable difficulty in getting such isolated
plants installed, as well as wiring the buildings in the district to be
covered by the first central station in New York. A night school was,
therefore, founded at Fifth Avenue, and was put in charge of Mr. E. H.
Johnson, fresh from his successes in England. The most available men for
the purpose were, of course, those who had been accustomed to wiring for
the simpler electrical systems then in vogue—telephones,
district-messenger calls, burglar alarms, house annunciators, etc., and a
number of these "wiremen" were engaged and instructed patiently in the
rudiments of the new art by means of a blackboard and oral lessons.
Students from the technical schools and colleges were also eager recruits,
for here was something that promised a career, and one that was especially
alluring to youth because of its novelty. These beginners were also
instructed in general engineering problems under the guidance of Mr. C. L.
Clarke, who was brought in from the Menlo Park laboratory to assume charge
of the engineering part of the company's affairs. Many of these pioneer
students and workmen became afterward large and successful contractors, or
have filled positions of distinction as managers and superintendents of
central stations. Possibly the electrical industry may not now attract as
much adventurous genius as it did then, for automobiles, aeronautics, and
other new arts have come to the front in a quarter of a century to enlist
the enthusiasm of a younger generation of mercurial spirits; but it is
certain that at the period of which we write, Edison himself, still under
thirty-five, was the centre of an extraordinary group of men, full of
effervescing and aspiring talent, to which he gave glorious opportunity.
</p>
<p>
A very novel literary feature of the work was the issuance of a bulletin
devoted entirely to the Edison lighting propaganda. Nowadays the "house
organ," as it is called, has become a very hackneyed feature of industrial
development, confusing in its variety and volume, and a somewhat doubtful
adjunct to a highly perfected, widely circulating periodical technical
press. But at that time, 1882, the Bulletin of the Edison Electric Light
Company, published in ordinary 12mo form, was distinctly new in
advertising and possibly unique, as it is difficult to find anything that
compared with it. The Bulletin was carried on for some years, until its
necessity was removed by the development of other opportunities for
reaching the public; and its pages serve now as a vivid and lively picture
of the period to which its record applies. The first issue, of January 12,
1882, was only four pages, but it dealt with the question of insurance;
plants at Santiago, Chili, and Rio de Janeiro; the European Company with
3,500,000 francs subscribed; the work in Paris, London, Strasburg, and
Moscow; the laying of over six miles of street mains in New York; a patent
decision in favor of Edison; and the size of safety catch wire. By April
of 1882, the Bulletin had attained the respectable size of sixteen pages;
and in December it was a portly magazine of forty-eight. Every item bears
testimony to the rapid progress being made; and by the end of 1882 it is
seen that no fewer than 153 isolated Edison plants had been installed in
the United States alone, with a capacity of 29,192 lamps. Moreover, the
New York central station had gone into operation, starting at 3 P.M. on
September 4, and at the close of 1882 it was lighting 225 houses wired for
about 5000 lamps. This epochal story will be told in the next chapter.
Most interesting are the Bulletin notes from England, especially in regard
to the brilliant exhibition given by Mr. E. H. Johnson at the Crystal
Palace, Sydenham, visited by the Duke and Duchess of Edinburgh, twice by
the Dukes of Westminster and Sutherland, by three hundred members of the
Gas Institute, and by innumerable delegations from cities, boroughs, etc.
Describing this before the Royal Society of Arts, Sir W. H. Preece,
F.R.S., remarked: "Many unkind things have been said of Mr. Edison and his
promises; perhaps no one has been severer in this direction than myself.
It is some gratification for me to announce my belief that he has at last
solved the problem he set himself to solve, and to be able to describe to
the Society the way in which he has solved it." Before the exhibition
closed it was visited by the Prince and Princess of Wales—now the
deceased Edward VII. and the Dowager Queen Alexandra—and the
Princess received from Mr. Johnson as a souvenir a tiny electric
chandelier fashioned like a bouquet of fern leaves and flowers, the buds
being some of the first miniature incandescent lamps ever made.
</p>
<p>
The first item in the first Bulletin dealt with the "Fire Question," and
all through the successive issues runs a series of significant items on
the same subject. Many of them are aimed at gas, and there are several
grim summaries of death and fires due to gas-leaks or explosions. A
tendency existed at the time to assume that electricity was altogether
safe, while its opponents, predicating their attacks on arc-lighting
casualties, insisted it was most dangerous. Edison's problem in educating
the public was rather difficult, for while his low-pressure,
direct-current system has always been absolutely without danger to life,
there has also been the undeniable fact that escaping electricity might
cause a fire just as a leaky water-pipe can flood a house. The important
question had arisen, therefore, of satisfying the fire underwriters as to
the safety of the system. He had foreseen that there would be an absolute
necessity for special devices to prevent fires from occurring by reason of
any excess of current flowing in any circuit; and several of his earliest
detail lighting inventions deal with this subject. The insurance
underwriters of New York and other parts of the country gave a great deal
of time and study to the question through their most expert
representatives, with the aid of Edison and his associates, other
electric-light companies cooperating; and the knowledge thus gained was
embodied in insurance rules to govern wiring for electric lights,
formulated during the latter part of 1881, adopted by the New York Board
of Fire Underwriters, January 12, 1882, and subsequently endorsed by other
boards in the various insurance districts. Under temporary rulings,
however, a vast amount of work had already been done, but it was obvious
that as the industry grew there would be less and less possibility of
supervision except through such regulations, insisting upon the use of the
best devices and methods. Indeed, the direct superintendence soon became
unnecessary, owing to the increasing knowledge and greater skill acquired
by the installing staff; and this system of education was notably improved
by a manual written by Mr. Edison himself. Copies of this brochure are as
scarce to-day as First Folio Shakespeares, and command prices equal to
those of other American first editions. The little book is the only known
incursion of its author into literature, if we except the brief articles
he has written for technical papers and for the magazines. It contained
what was at once a full, elaborate, and terse explanation of a complete
isolated plant, with diagrams of various methods of connection and
operation, and a carefully detailed description of every individual part,
its functions and its characteristics. The remarkable success of those
early years was indeed only achieved by following up with Chinese
exactness the minute and intimate methods insisted upon by Edison as to
the use of the apparatus and devices employed. It was a curious example of
establishing standard practice while changing with kaleidoscopic rapidity
all the elements involved. He was true to an ideal as to the pole-star,
but was incessantly making improvements in every direction. With an
iconoclasm that has often seemed ruthless and brutal he did not hesitate
to sacrifice older devices the moment a new one came in sight that
embodied a real advance in securing effective results. The process is
heroic but costly. Nobody ever had a bigger scrap-heap than Edison; but
who dare proclaim the process intrinsically wasteful if the losses occur
in the initial stages, and the economies in all the later ones?
</p>
<p>
With Edison in this introduction of his lighting system the method was
ruthless, but not reckless. At an early stage of the commercial
development a standardizing committee was formed, consisting of the heads
of all the departments, and to this body was intrusted the task of testing
and criticising all existing and proposed devices, as well as of
considering the suggestions and complaints of workmen offered from time to
time. This procedure was fruitful in two principal results—the
education of the whole executive force in the technical details of the
system; and a constant improvement in the quality of the Edison
installations; both contributing to the rapid growth of the industry.
</p>
<p>
For many years Goerck Street played an important part in Edison's affairs,
being the centre of all his manufacture of heavy machinery. But it was not
in a desirable neighborhood, and owing to the rapid growth of the business
soon became disadvantageous for other reasons. Edison tells of his
frequent visits to the shops at night, with the escort of "Jim" Russell, a
well-known detective, who knew all the denizens of the place: "We used to
go out at night to a little, low place, an all-night house—eight
feet wide and twenty-two feet long—where we got a lunch at two or
three o'clock in the morning. It was the toughest kind of restaurant ever
seen. For the clam chowder they used the same four clams during the whole
season, and the average number of flies per pie was seven. This was by
actual count."
</p>
<p>
As to the shops and the locality: "The street was lined with rather old
buildings and poor tenements. We had not much frontage. As our business
increased enormously, our quarters became too small, so we saw the
district Tammany leader and asked him if we could not store castings and
other things on the sidewalk. He gave us permission—told us to go
ahead, and he would see it was all right. The only thing he required for
this was that when a man was sent with a note from him asking us to give
him a job, he was to be put on. We had a hand-laborer foreman—'Big
Jim'—a very powerful Irishman, who could lift above half a ton. When
one of the Tammany aspirants appeared, he was told to go right to work at
$1.50 per day. The next day he was told off to lift a certain piece, and
if the man could not lift it he was discharged. That made the Tammany man
all safe. Jim could pick the piece up easily. The other man could not, and
so we let him out. Finally the Tammany leader called a halt, as we were
running big engine lathes out on the sidewalk, and he was afraid we were
carrying it a little too far. The lathes were worked right out in the
street, and belted through the windows of the shop."
</p>
<p>
At last it became necessary to move from Goerck Street, and Mr. Edison
gives a very interesting account of the incidents in connection with the
transfer of the plant to Schenectady, New York: "After our works at Goerck
Street got too small, we had labor troubles also. It seems I had rather a
socialistic strain in me, and I raised the pay of the workmen twenty-five
cents an hour above the prevailing rate of wages, whereupon Hoe &
Company, our near neighbors, complained at our doing this. I said I
thought it was all right. But the men, having got a little more wages,
thought they would try coercion and get a little more, as we were
considered soft marks. Whereupon they struck at a time that was critical.
However, we were short of money for pay-rolls; and we concluded it might
not be so bad after all, as it would give us a couple of weeks to catch
up. So when the men went out they appointed a committee to meet us; but
for two weeks they could not find us, so they became somewhat more anxious
than we were. Finally they said they would like to go back. We said all
right, and back they went. It was quite a novelty to the men not to be
able to find us when they wanted to; and they didn't relish it at all.
</p>
<p>
"What with these troubles and the lack of room, we decided to find a
factory elsewhere, and decided to try the locomotive works up at
Schenectady. It seems that the people there had had a falling out among
themselves, and one of the directors had started opposition works; but
before he had completed all the buildings and put in machinery some
compromise was made, and the works were for sale. We bought them very
reasonably and moved everything there. These works were owned by me and my
assistants until sold to the Edison General Electric Company. At one time
we employed several thousand men; and since then the works have been
greatly expanded.
</p>
<p>
"At these new works our orders were far in excess of our capital to handle
the business, and both Mr. Insull and I were afraid we might get into
trouble for lack of money. Mr. Insull was then my business manager,
running the whole thing; and, therefore, when Mr. Henry Villard and his
syndicate offered to buy us out, we concluded it was better to be sure
than be sorry; so we sold out for a large sum. Villard was a very
aggressive man with big ideas, but I could never quite understand him. He
had no sense of humor. I remember one time we were going up on the Hudson
River boat to inspect the works, and with us was Mr. Henderson, our chief
engineer, who was certainly the best raconteur of funny stories I ever
knew. We sat at the tail-end of the boat, and he started in to tell funny
stories. Villard could not see a single point, and scarcely laughed at
all; and Henderson became so disconcerted he had to give it up. It was the
same way with Gould. In the early telegraph days I remember going with him
to see Mackay in 'The Impecunious Country Editor.' It was very funny, full
of amusing and absurd situations; but Gould never smiled once."
</p>
<p>
The formation of the Edison General Electric Company involved the
consolidation of the immediate Edison manufacturing interests in electric
light and power, with a capitalization of $12,000,000, now a relatively
modest sum; but in those days the amount was large, and the combination
caused a great deal of newspaper comment as to such a coinage of brain
power. The next step came with the creation of the great General Electric
Company of to-day, a combination of the Edison, Thomson-Houston, and Brush
lighting interests in manufacture, which to this day maintains the
ever-growing plants at Harrison, Lynn, and Schenectady, and there employs
from twenty to twenty-five thousand people.
</p>
<p>
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<div style="height: 4em;">
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</div>
<h2>
CHAPTER XVI
</h2>
<h3>
THE FIRST EDISON CENTRAL STATION
</h3>
<p>
A NOTED inventor once said at the end of a lifetime of fighting to defend
his rights, that he found there were three stages in all great inventions:
the first, in which people said the thing could not be done; the second,
in which they said anybody could do it; and the third, in which they said
it had always been done by everybody. In his central-station work Edison
has had very much this kind of experience; for while many of his opponents
came to acknowledge the novelty and utility of his plans, and gave him
unstinted praise, there are doubtless others who to this day profess to
look upon him merely as an adapter. How different the view of so eminent a
scientist as Lord Kelvin was, may be appreciated from his remark when in
later years, in reply to the question why some one else did not invent so
obvious and simple a thing as the Feeder System, he said: "The only answer
I can think of is that no one else was Edison."
</p>
<p>
Undaunted by the attitude of doubt and the predictions of impossibility,
Edison had pushed on until he was now able to realize all his ideas as to
the establishment of a central station in the work that culminated in New
York City in 1882. After he had conceived the broad plan, his ambition was
to create the initial plant on Manhattan Island, where it would be
convenient of access for watching its operation, and where the
demonstration of its practicability would have influence in financial
circles. The first intention was to cover a district extending from Canal
Street on the north to Wall Street on the south; but Edison soon realized
that this territory was too extensive for the initial experiment, and he
decided finally upon the district included between Wall, Nassau, Spruce,
and Ferry streets, Peck Slip and the East River, an area nearly a square
mile in extent. One of the preliminary steps taken to enable him to figure
on such a station and system was to have men go through this district on
various days and note the number of gas jets burning at each hour up to
two or three o'clock in the morning. The next step was to divide the
region into a number of sub-districts and institute a house-to-house
canvass to ascertain precisely the data and conditions pertinent to the
project. When the canvass was over, Edison knew exactly how many gas jets
there were in every building in the entire district, the average hours of
burning, and the cost of light; also every consumer of power, and the
quantity used; every hoistway to which an electric motor could be applied;
and other details too numerous to mention, such as related to the gas
itself, the satisfaction of the customers, and the limitations of day and
night demand. All this information was embodied graphically in large maps
of the district, by annotations in colored inks; and Edison thus could
study the question with every detail before him. Such a reconnaissance,
like that of a coming field of battle, was invaluable, and may help give a
further idea of the man's inveterate care for the minutiae of things.
</p>
<p>
The laboratory note-books of this period—1878-80, more particularly—show
an immense amount of calculation by Edison and his chief mathematician,
Mr. Upton, on conductors for the distribution of current over large areas,
and then later in the district described. With the results of this canvass
before them, the sizes of the main conductors to be laid throughout the
streets of this entire territory were figured, block by block; and the
results were then placed on the map. These data revealed the fact that the
quantity of copper required for the main conductors would be exceedingly
large and costly; and, if ever, Edison was somewhat dismayed. But as usual
this apparently insurmountable difficulty only spurred him on to further
effort. It was but a short time thereafter that he solved the knotty
problem by an invention mentioned in a previous chapter. This is known as
the "feeder and main" system, for which he signed the application for a
patent on August 4, 1880. As this invention effected a saving of
seven-eighths of the cost of the chief conductors in a straight multiple
arc system, the mains for the first district were refigured, and enormous
new maps were made, which became the final basis of actual installation,
as they were subsequently enlarged by the addition of every proposed
junction-box, bridge safety-catch box, and street-intersection box in the
whole area.
</p>
<p>
When this patent, after protracted fighting, was sustained by Judge Green
in 1893, the Electrical Engineer remarked that the General Electric
Company "must certainly feel elated" because of its importance; and the
journal expressed its fear that although the specifications and claims
related only to the maintenance of uniform pressure of current on lighting
circuits, the owners might naturally seek to apply it also to feeders used
in the electric-railway work already so extensive. At this time, however,
the patent had only about a year of life left, owing to the expiration of
the corresponding English patent. The fact that thirteen years had elapsed
gives a vivid idea of the ordeal involved in sustaining a patent and the
injustice to the inventor, while there is obviously hardship to those who
cannot tell from any decision of the court whether they are infringing or
not. It is interesting to note that the preparation for hearing this case
in New Jersey was accompanied by models to show the court exactly the
method and its economy, as worked out in comparison with what is known as
the "tree system" of circuits—the older alternative way of doing it.
As a basis of comparison, a district of thirty-six city blocks in the form
of a square was assumed. The power station was placed at the centre of the
square; each block had sixteen consumers using fifteen lights each.
Conductors were run from the station to supply each of the four quarters
of the district with light. In one example the "feeder" system was used;
in the other the "tree." With these models were shown two cubes which
represented one one-hundredth of the actual quantity of copper required
for each quarter of the district by the two-wire tree system as compared
with the feeder system under like conditions. The total weight of copper
for the four quarter districts by the tree system was 803,250 pounds, but
when the feeder system was used it was only 128,739 pounds! This was a
reduction from $23.24 per lamp for copper to $3.72 per lamp. Other models
emphasized this extraordinary contrast. At the time Edison was doing this
work on economizing in conductors, much of the criticism against him was
based on the assumed extravagant use of copper implied in the obvious
"tree" system, and it was very naturally said that there was not enough
copper in the world to supply his demands. It is true that the modern
electrical arts have been a great stimulator of copper production, now
taking a quarter of all made; yet evidently but for such inventions as
this such arts could not have come into existence at all, or else in
growing up they would have forced copper to starvation prices. [11]
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 11: For description of feeder patent see
Appendix.]
</pre>
<p>
It should be borne in mind that from the outset Edison had determined upon
installing underground conductors as the only permanent and satisfactory
method for the distribution of current from central stations in cities;
and that at Menlo Park he laid out and operated such a system with about
four hundred and twenty-five lamps. The underground system there was
limited to the immediate vicinity of the laboratory and was somewhat
crude, as well as much less complicated than would be the network of over
eighty thousand lineal feet, which he calculated to be required for the
underground circuits in the first district of New York City. At Menlo Park
no effort was made for permanency; no provision was needed in regard to
occasional openings of the street for various purposes; no new customers
were to be connected from time to time to the mains, and no repairs were
within contemplation. In New York the question of permanency was of
paramount importance, and the other contingencies were sure to arise as
well as conditions more easy to imagine than to forestall. These problems
were all attacked in a resolute, thoroughgoing manner, and one by one
solved by the invention of new and unprecedented devices that were
adequate for the purposes of the time, and which are embodied in apparatus
of slight modification in use up to the present day.
</p>
<p>
Just what all this means it is hard for the present generation to imagine.
New York and all the other great cities in 1882, and for some years
thereafter, were burdened and darkened by hideous masses of overhead wires
carried on ugly wooden poles along all the main thoroughfares. One after
another rival telegraph and telephone, stock ticker, burglar-alarm, and
other companies had strung their circuits without any supervision or
restriction; and these wires in all conditions of sag or decay ramified
and crisscrossed in every direction, often hanging broken and loose-ended
for months, there being no official compulsion to remove any dead wire.
None of these circuits carried dangerous currents; but the introduction of
the arc light brought an entirely new menace in the use of pressures that
were even worse than the bully of the West who "kills on sight," because
this kindred peril was invisible, and might lurk anywhere. New poles were
put up, and the lighting circuits on them, with but a slight insulation of
cotton impregnated with some "weather-proof" compound, straggled all over
the city exposed to wind and rain and accidental contact with other wires,
or with the metal of buildings. So many fatalities occurred that the
insulated wire used, called "underwriters," because approved by the
insurance bodies, became jocularly known as "undertakers," and efforts
were made to improve its protective qualities. Then came the overhead
circuits for distributing electrical energy to motors for operating
elevators, driving machinery, etc., and these, while using a lower, safer
potential, were proportionately larger. There were no wires underground.
Morse had tried that at the very beginning of electrical application, in
telegraphy, and all agreed that renewals of the experiment were at once
costly and foolish. At last, in cities like New York, what may be styled
generically the "overhead system" of wires broke down under its own
weight; and various methods of underground conductors were tried, hastened
in many places by the chopping down of poles and wires as the result of
some accident that stirred the public indignation. One typical tragic
scene was that in New York, where, within sight of the City Hall, a
lineman was killed at his work on the arc light pole, and his body slowly
roasted before the gaze of the excited populace, which for days afterward
dropped its silver and copper coin into the alms-box nailed to the fatal
pole for the benefit of his family. Out of all this in New York came a
board of electrical control, a conduit system, and in the final analysis
the Public Service Commission, that is credited to Governor Hughes as the
furthest development of utility corporation control.
</p>
<p>
The "road to yesterday" back to Edison and his insistence on underground
wires is a long one, but the preceding paragraph traces it. Even admitting
that the size and weight of his low-tension conductors necessitated
putting them underground, this argues nothing against the propriety and
sanity of his methods. He believed deeply and firmly in the analogy
between electrical supply and that for water and gas, and pointed to the
trite fact that nobody hoisted the water and gas mains into the air on
stilts, and that none of the pressures were inimical to human safety. The
arc-lighting methods were unconsciously and unwittingly prophetic of the
latter-day long-distance transmissions at high pressure that,
electrically, have placed the energy of Niagara at the command of Syracuse
and Utica, and have put the power of the falling waters of the Sierras at
the disposal of San Francisco, two hundred miles away. But within city
limits overhead wires, with such space-consuming potentials, are as
fraught with mischievous peril to the public as the dynamite stored by a
nonchalant contractor in the cellar of a schoolhouse. As an offset, then,
to any tendency to depreciate the intrinsic value of Edison's lighting
work, let the claim be here set forth modestly and subject to
interference, that he was the father of underground wires in America, and
by his example outlined the policy now dominant in every city of the first
rank. Even the comment of a cynic in regard to electrical development may
be accepted: "Some electrical companies wanted all the air; others
apparently had use for all the water; Edison only asked for the earth."
</p>
<p>
The late Jacob Hess, a famous New York Republican politician, was a member
of the commission appointed to put the wires underground in New York City,
in the "eighties." He stated that when the commission was struggling with
the problem, and examining all kinds of devices and plans, patented and
unpatented, for which fabulous sums were often asked, the body turned to
Edison in its perplexity and asked for advice. Edison said: "All you have
to do, gentlemen, is to insulate your wires, draw them through the
cheapest thing on earth—iron pipe—run your pipes through
channels or galleries under the street, and you've got the whole thing
done." This was practically the system adopted and in use to this day.
What puzzled the old politician was that Edison would accept nothing for
his advice.
</p>
<p>
Another story may also be interpolated here as to the underground work
done in New York for the first Edison station. It refers to the "man
higher up," although the phrase had not been coined in those days of lower
public morality. That a corporation should be "held up" was accepted
philosophically by the corporation as one of the unavoidable incidents of
its business; and if the corporation "got back" by securing some privilege
without paying for it, the public was ready to condone if not applaud.
Public utilities were in the making, and no one in particular had a keen
sense of what was right or what was wrong, in the hard, practical details
of their development. Edison tells this illuminating story: "When I was
laying tubes in the streets of New York, the office received notice from
the Commissioner of Public Works to appear at his office at a certain
hour. I went up there with a gentleman to see the Commissioner, H. O.
Thompson. On arrival he said to me: 'You are putting down these tubes. The
Department of Public Works requires that you should have five inspectors
to look after this work, and that their salary shall be $5 per day,
payable at the end of each week. Good-morning.' I went out very much
crestfallen, thinking I would be delayed and harassed in the work which I
was anxious to finish, and was doing night and day. We watched patiently
for those inspectors to appear. The only appearance they made was to draw
their pay Saturday afternoon."
</p>
<p>
Just before Christmas in 1880—December 17—as an item for the
silk stocking of Father Knickerbocker—the Edison Electric
Illuminating Company of New York was organized. In pursuance of the policy
adhered to by Edison, a license was issued to it for the exclusive use of
the system in that territory—Manhattan Island—in consideration
of a certain sum of money and a fixed percentage of its capital in stock
for the patent rights. Early in 1881 it was altogether a paper enterprise,
but events moved swiftly as narrated already, and on June 25, 1881, the
first "Jumbo" prototype of the dynamo-electric machines to generate
current at the Pearl Street station was put through its paces before being
shipped to Paris to furnish new sensations to the flaneur of the
boulevards. A number of the Edison officers and employees assembled at
Goerck Street to see this "gigantic" machine go into action, and watched
its performance with due reverence all through the night until five
o'clock on Sunday morning, when it respected the conventionalities by
breaking a shaft and suspending further tests. After this dynamo was
shipped to France, and its successors to England for the Holborn Viaduct
plant, Edison made still further improvements in design, increasing
capacity and economy, and then proceeded vigorously with six machines for
Pearl Street.
</p>
<p>
An ideal location for any central station is at the very centre of the
district served. It may be questioned whether it often goes there. In the
New York first district the nearest property available was a double
building at Nos. 255 and 257 Pearl Street, occupying a lot so by 100 feet.
It was four stories high, with a fire-wall dividing it into two equal
parts. One of these parts was converted for the uses of the station
proper, and the other was used as a tube-shop by the underground
construction department, as well as for repair-shops, storage, etc. Those
were the days when no one built a new edifice for station purposes; that
would have been deemed a fantastic extravagance. One early station in New
York for arc lighting was an old soap-works whose well-soaked floors did
not need much additional grease to render them choice fuel for the
inevitable flames. In this Pearl Street instance, the building, erected
originally for commercial uses, was quite incapable of sustaining the
weight of the heavy dynamos and steam-engines to be installed on the
second floor; so the old flooring was torn out and a new one of heavy
girders supported by stiff columns was substituted. This heavy
construction, more familiar nowadays, and not unlike the supporting metal
structure of the Manhattan Elevated road, was erected independent of the
enclosing walls, and occupied the full width of 257 Pearl Street, and
about three-quarters of its depth. This change in the internal
arrangements did not at all affect the ugly external appearance, which did
little to suggest the stately and ornate stations since put up by the New
York Edison Company, the latest occupying whole city blocks.
</p>
<p>
Of this episode Edison gives the following account: "While planning for my
first New York station—Pearl Street—of course, I had no real
estate, and from lack of experience had very little knowledge of its cost
in New York; so I assumed a rather large, liberal amount of it to plan my
station on. It occurred to me one day that before I went too far with my
plans I had better find out what real estate was worth. In my original
plan I had 200 by 200 feet. I thought that by going down on a slum street
near the water-front I would get some pretty cheap property. So I picked
out the worst dilapidated street there was, and found I could only get two
buildings, each 25 feet front, one 100 feet deep and the other 85 feet
deep. I thought about $10,000 each would cover it; but when I got the
price I found that they wanted $75,000 for one and $80,000 for the other.
Then I was compelled to change my plans and go upward in the air where
real estate was cheap. I cleared out the building entirely to the walls
and built my station of structural ironwork, running it up high."
</p>
<p>
Into this converted structure was put the most complete steam plant
obtainable, together with all the mechanical and engineering adjuncts
bearing upon economical and successful operation. Being in a narrow street
and a congested district, the plant needed special facilities for the
handling of coal and ashes, as well as for ventilation and forced draught.
All of these details received Mr. Edison's personal care and consideration
on the spot, in addition to the multitude of other affairs demanding his
thought. Although not a steam or mechanical engineer, his quick grasp of
principles and omnivorous reading had soon supplied the lack of training;
nor had he forgotten the practical experience picked up as a boy on the
locomotives of the Grand Trunk road. It is to be noticed as a feature of
the plant, in common with many of later construction, that it was placed
well away from the water's edge, and equipped with non-condensing engines;
whereas the modern plant invariably seeks the bank of a river or lake for
the purpose of a generous supply of water for its condensing engines or
steam-turbines. These are among the refinements of practice coincidental
with the advance of the art.
</p>
<p>
At the award of the John Fritz gold medal in April, 1909, to Charles T.
Porter for his work in advancing the knowledge of steam-engineering, and
for improvements in engine construction, Mr. Frank J. Sprague spoke on
behalf of the American Institute of Electrical Engineers of the debt of
electricity to the high-speed steam-engine. He recalled the fact that at
the French Exposition of 1867 Mr. Porter installed two Porter-Allen
engines to drive electric alternating-current generators for supplying
current to primitive lighthouse apparatus. While the engines were not
directly coupled to the dynamos, it was a curious fact that the piston
speeds and number of revolutions were what is common to-day in isolated
direct-coupled plants. In the dozen years following Mr. Porter built many
engines with certain common characteristics—i.e., high piston speed
and revolutions, solid engine bed, and babbitt-metal bearings; but there
was no electric driving until 1880, when Mr. Porter installed a high-speed
engine for Edison at his laboratory in Menlo Park. Shortly after this he
was invited to construct for the Edison Pearl Street station the first of
a series of engines for so-called "steam-dynamos," each independently
driven by a direct-coupled engine. Mr. Sprague compared the relations thus
established between electricity and the high-speed engine not to those of
debtor and creditor, but rather to those of partners—an industrial
marriage—one of the most important in the engineering world. Here
were two machines destined to be joined together, economizing space,
enhancing economy, augmenting capacity, reducing investment, and
increasing dividends.
</p>
<p>
While rapid progress was being made in this and other directions, the
wheels of industry were humming merrily at the Edison Tube Works, for over
fifteen miles of tube conductors were required for the district, besides
the boxes to connect the network at the street intersections, and the
hundreds of junction boxes for taking the service conductors into each of
the hundreds of buildings. In addition to the immense amount of money
involved, this specialized industry required an enormous amount of
experiment, as it called for the development of an entirely new art. But
with Edison's inventive fertility—if ever there was a
cross-fertilizer of mechanical ideas it is he—and with Mr. Kruesi's
never-failing patience and perseverance applied to experiment and
evolution, rapid progress was made. A franchise having been obtained from
the city, the work of laying the underground conductors began in the late
fall of 1881, and was pushed with almost frantic energy. It is not to be
supposed, however, that the Edison tube system had then reached a finality
of perfection in the eyes of its inventor. In his correspondence with
Kruesi, as late as 1887, we find Edison bewailing the inadequacy of the
insulation of the conductors under twelve hundred volts pressure, as for
example: "Dear Kruesi,—There is nothing wrong with your present
compound. It is splendid. The whole trouble is air-bubbles. The hotter it
is poured the greater the amount of air-bubbles. At 212 it can be put on
rods and there is no bubble. I have a man experimenting and testing all
the time. Until I get at the proper method of pouring and getting rid of
the air-bubbles, it will be waste of time to experiment with other
asphalts. Resin oil distils off easily. It may answer, but paraffine or
other similar substances must be put in to prevent brittleness, One thing
is certain, and that is, everything must be poured in layers, not only the
boxes, but the tubes. The tube itself should have a thin coating. The rope
should also have a coating. The rods also. The whole lot, rods and rope,
when ready for tube, should have another coat, and then be placed in tube
and filled. This will do the business." Broad and large as a continent in
his ideas, if ever there was a man of finical fussiness in attention to
detail, it is Edison. A letter of seven pages of about the same date in
1887 expatiates on the vicious troubles caused by the air-bubble, and
remarks with fine insight into the problems of insulation and the idea of
layers of it: "Thus you have three separate coatings, and it is impossible
an air-hole in one should match the other."
</p>
<p>
To a man less thorough and empirical in method than Edison, it would have
been sufficient to have made his plans clear to associates or subordinates
and hold them responsible for accurate results. No such vicarious
treatment would suit him, ready as he has always been to share the work
where he could give his trust. In fact he realized, as no one else did at
this stage, the tremendous import of this novel and comprehensive scheme
for giving the world light; and he would not let go, even if busy to the
breaking-point. Though plunged in a veritable maelstrom of new and
important business interests, and though applying for no fewer than
eighty-nine patents in 1881, all of which were granted, he superintended
on the spot all this laying of underground conductors for the first
district. Nor did he merely stand around and give orders. Day and night he
actually worked in the trenches with the laborers, amid the dirt and
paving-stones and hurry-burly of traffic, helping to lay the tubes,
filling up junction-boxes, and taking part in all the infinite detail. He
wanted to know for himself how things went, why for some occult reason a
little change was necessary, what improvement could be made in the
material. His hours of work were not regulated by the clock, but lasted
until he felt the need of a little rest. Then he would go off to the
station building in Pearl Street, throw an overcoat on a pile of tubes,
lie down and sleep for a few hours, rising to resume work with the first
gang. There was a small bedroom on the third floor of the station
available for him, but going to bed meant delay and consumed time. It is
no wonder that such impatience, such an enthusiasm, drove the work forward
at a headlong pace.
</p>
<p>
Edison says of this period: "When we put down the tubes in the lower part
of New York, in the streets, we kept a big stock of them in the cellar of
the station at Pearl Street. As I was on all the time, I would take a nap
of an hour or so in the daytime—any time—and I used to sleep
on those tubes in the cellar. I had two Germans who were testing there,
and both of them died of diphtheria, caught in the cellar, which was cold
and damp. It never affected me."
</p>
<p>
It is worth pausing just a moment to glance at this man taking a fitful
rest on a pile of iron pipe in a dingy building. His name is on the tip of
the world's tongue. Distinguished scientists from every part of Europe
seek him eagerly. He has just been decorated and awarded high honors by
the French Government. He is the inventor of wonderful new apparatus, and
the exploiter of novel and successful arts. The magic of his achievements
and the rumors of what is being done have caused a wild drop in gas
securities, and a sensational rise in his own electric-light stock from
$100 to $3500 a share. Yet these things do not at all affect his slumber
or his democratic simplicity, for in that, as in everything else, he is
attending strictly to business, "doing the thing that is next to him."
</p>
<p>
Part of the rush and feverish haste was due to the approach of frost,
which, as usual in New York, suspended operations in the earth; but the
laying of the conductors was resumed promptly in the spring of 1882; and
meantime other work had been advanced. During the fall and winter months
two more "Jumbo" dynamos were built and sent to London, after which the
construction of six for New York was swiftly taken in hand. In the month
of May three of these machines, each with a capacity of twelve hundred
incandescent lamps, were delivered at Pearl Street and assembled on the
second floor. On July 5th—owing to the better opportunity for
ceaseless toil given by a public holiday—the construction of the
operative part of the station was so far completed that the first of the
dynamos was operated under steam; so that three days later the
satisfactory experiment was made of throwing its flood of electrical
energy into a bank of one thousand lamps on an upper floor. Other tests
followed in due course. All was excitement. The field-regulating apparatus
and the electrical-pressure indicator—first of its kind—were
also tested, and in turn found satisfactory. Another vital test was made
at this time—namely, of the strength of the iron structure itself on
which the plant was erected. This was done by two structural experts; and
not till he got their report as to ample factors of safety was Edison
reassured as to this detail.
</p>
<p>
A remark of Edison, familiar to all who have worked with him, when it is
reported to him that something new goes all right and is satisfactory from
all points of view, is: "Well, boys, now let's find the bugs," and the
hunt for the phylloxera begins with fiendish, remorseless zest. Before
starting the plant for regular commercial service, he began personally a
series of practical experiments and tests to ascertain in advance what
difficulties would actually arise in practice, so that he could provide
remedies or preventives. He had several cots placed in the adjoining
building, and he and a few of his most strenuous assistants worked day and
night, leaving the work only for hurried meals and a snatch of sleep.
These crucial tests, aiming virtually to break the plant down if possible
within predetermined conditions, lasted several weeks, and while most
valuable in the information they afforded, did not hinder anything, for
meantime customers' premises throughout the district were being wired and
supplied with lamps and meters.
</p>
<p>
On Monday, September 4, 1882, at 3 o'clock, P.M., Edison realized the
consummation of his broad and original scheme. The Pearl Street station
was officially started by admitting steam to the engine of one of the
"Jumbos," current was generated, turned into the network of underground
conductors, and was transformed into light by the incandescent lamps that
had thus far been installed. This date and event may properly be regarded
as historical, for they mark the practical beginning of a new art, which
in the intervening years has grown prodigiously, and is still increasing
by leaps and bounds.
</p>
<p>
Everything worked satisfactorily in the main. There were a few mechanical
and engineering annoyances that might naturally be expected to arise in a
new and unprecedented enterprise; but nothing of sufficient moment to
interfere with the steady and continuous supply of current to customers at
all hours of the day and night. Indeed, once started, this station was
operated uninterruptedly for eight years with only insignificant stoppage.
</p>
<p>
It will have been noted by the reader that there was nothing to indicate
rashness in starting up the station, as only one dynamo was put in
operation. Within a short time, however, it was deemed desirable to supply
the underground network with more current, as many additional customers
had been connected and the demand for the new light was increasing very
rapidly. Although Edison had successfully operated several dynamos in
multiple arc two years before—i.e., all feeding current together
into the same circuits—there was not, at this early period of
experience, any absolute certainty as to what particular results might
occur upon the throwing of the current from two or more such massive
dynamos into a great distributing system. The sequel showed the value of
Edison's cautious method in starting the station by operating only a
single unit at first.
</p>
<p>
He decided that it would be wise to make the trial operation of a second
"Jumbo" on a Sunday, when business houses were closed in the district,
thus obviating any danger of false impressions in the public mind in the
event of any extraordinary manifestations. The circumstances attending the
adding of a second dynamo are thus humorously described by Edison: "My
heart was in my mouth at first, but everything worked all right.... Then
we started another engine and threw them in parallel. Of all the circuses
since Adam was born, we had the worst then! One engine would stop, and the
other would run up to about a thousand revolutions, and then they would
see-saw. The trouble was with the governors. When the circus commenced,
the gang that was standing around ran out precipitately, and I guess some
of them kept running for a block or two. I grabbed the throttle of one
engine, and E. H. Johnson, who was the only one present to keep his wits,
caught hold of the other, and we shut them off." One of the "gang" that
ran, but, in this case, only to the end of the room, afterward said: "At
the time it was a terrifying experience, as I didn't know what was going
to happen. The engines and dynamos made a horrible racket, from loud and
deep groans to a hideous shriek, and the place seemed to be filled with
sparks and flames of all colors. It was as if the gates of the infernal
regions had been suddenly opened."
</p>
<p>
This trouble was at once attacked by Edison in his characteristic and
strenuous way. The above experiment took place between three and four
o'clock on a Sunday afternoon, and within a few hours he had gathered his
superintendent and men of the machine-works and had them at work on a
shafting device that he thought would remedy the trouble. He says: "Of
course, I discovered that what had happened was that one set was running
the other as a motor. I then put up a long shaft, connecting all the
governors together, and thought this would certainly cure the trouble; but
it didn't. The torsion of the shaft was so great that one governor still
managed to get ahead of the others. Well, it was a serious state of
things, and I worried over it a lot. Finally I went down to Goerck Street
and got a piece of shafting and a tube in which it fitted. I twisted the
shafting one way and the tube the other as far as I could, and pinned them
together. In this way, by straining the whole outfit up to its elastic
limit in opposite directions, the torsion was practically eliminated, and
after that the governors ran together all right."
</p>
<p>
Edison realized, however, that in commercial practice this was only a
temporary expedient, and that a satisfactory permanence of results could
only be attained with more perfect engines that could be depended upon for
close and simple regulation. The engines that were made part of the first
three "Jumbos" placed in the station were the very best that could be
obtained at the time, and even then had been specially designed and built
for the purpose. Once more quoting Edison on this subject: "About that
time" (when he was trying to run several dynamos in parallel in the Pearl
Street station) "I got hold of Gardiner C. Sims, and he undertook to build
an engine to run at three hundred and fifty revolutions and give one
hundred and seventy-five horse-power. He went back to Providence and set
to work, and brought the engine back with him to the shop. It worked only
a few minutes when it busted. That man sat around that shop and slept in
it for three weeks, until he got his engine right and made it work the way
he wanted it to. When he reached this period I gave orders for the
engine-works to run night and day until we got enough engines, and when
all was ready we started the engines. Then everything worked all right....
One of these engines that Sims built ran twenty-four hours a day, three
hundred and sixty-five days in the year, for over a year before it
stopped." [12]
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 12: We quote the following interesting notes of
Mr. Charles L. Clarke on the question of see-sawing, or
"hunting," as it was afterward termed:
</pre>
<p>
"In the Holborn Viaduct station the difficulty of 'hunting' was not
experienced. At the time the 'Jumbos' were first operated in multiple arc,
April 8, 1882, one machine was driven by a Porter-Allen engine, and the
other by an Armington & Sims engine, and both machines were on a solid
foundation. At the station at Milan, Italy, the first 'Jumbos' operated in
multiple arc were driven by Porter-Allen engines, and dash-pots were
applied to the governors. These machines were also upon a solid
foundation, and no trouble was experienced.
</p>
<p>
"At the Pearl Street station, however, the machines were supported upon
long iron floor-beams, and at the high speed of 350 revolutions per
minute, considerable vertical vibration was given to the engines. And the
writer is inclined to the opinion that this vibration, acting in the same
direction as the action of gravitation, which was one of the two
controlling forces in the operation of the Porter-Allen governor, was the
primary cause of the 'hunting.' In the Armington & Sims engine the
controlling forces in the operation of the governor were the centrifugal
force of revolving weights, and the opposing force of compressed springs,
and neither the action of gravitation nor the vertical vibrations of the
engine could have any sensible effect upon the governor."]
</p>
<p>
The Pearl Street station, as this first large plant was called, made rapid
and continuous growth in its output of electric current. It started, as we
have said, on September 4, 1882, supplying about four hundred lights to a
comparatively small number of customers. Among those first supplied was
the banking firm of Drexel, Morgan & Company, corner of Broad and Wall
streets, at the outermost limits of the system. Before the end of December
of the same year the light had so grown in favor that it was being
supplied to over two hundred and forty customers whose buildings were
wired for over five thousand lamps. By this time three more "Jumbos" had
been added to the plant. The output from this time forward increased
steadily up to the spring of 1884, when the demands of the station
necessitated the installation of two additional "Jumbos" in the adjoining
building, which, with the venous improvements that had been made in the
mean time, gave the station a capacity of over eleven thousand lamps
actually in service at any one time.
</p>
<p>
During the first three months of operating the Pearl Street station light
was supplied to customers without charge. Edison had perfect confidence in
his meters, and also in the ultimate judgment of the public as to the
superiority of the incandescent electric light as against other
illuminants. He realized, however, that in the beginning of the operation
of an entirely novel plant there was ample opportunity for unexpected
contingencies, although the greatest care had been exercised to make
everything as perfect as possible. Mechanical defects or other unforeseen
troubles in any part of the plant or underground system might arise and
cause temporary stoppages of operation, thus giving grounds for
uncertainty which would create a feeling of public distrust in the
permanence of the supply of light.
</p>
<p>
As to the kind of mishap that was wont to occur, Edison tells the
following story: "One afternoon, after our Pearl Street station started, a
policeman rushed in and told us to send an electrician at once up to the
corner of Ann and Nassau streets—some trouble. Another man and I
went up. We found an immense crowd of men and boys there and in the
adjoining streets—a perfect jam. There was a leak in one of our
junction-boxes, and on account of the cellars extending under the street,
the top soil had become insulated. Hence, by means of this leak powerful
currents were passing through this thin layer of moist earth. When a horse
went to pass over it he would get a very severe shock. When I arrived I
saw coming along the street a ragman with a dilapidated old horse, and one
of the boys told him to go over on the other side of the road—which
was the place where the current leaked. When the ragman heard this he took
that side at once. The moment the horse struck the electrified soil he
stood straight up in the air, and then reared again; and the crowd yelled,
the policeman yelled; and the horse started to run away. This continued
until the crowd got so serious that the policeman had to clear it out; and
we were notified to cut the current off. We got a gang of men, cut the
current off for several junction-boxes, and fixed the leak. One man who
had seen it came to me next day and wanted me to put in apparatus for him
at a place where they sold horses. He said he could make a fortune with
it, because he could get old nags in there and make them act like
thoroughbreds."
</p>
<p>
So well had the work been planned and executed, however, that nothing
happened to hinder the continuous working of the station and the supply of
light to customers. Hence it was decided in December, 1882, to begin
charging a price for the service, and, accordingly, Edison electrolytic
meters were installed on the premises of each customer then connected. The
first bill for lighting, based upon the reading of one of these meters,
amounted to $50.40, and was collected on January 18, 1883, from the
Ansonia Brass and Copper Company, 17 and 19 Cliff Street. Generally
speaking, customers found that their bills compared fairly with gas bills
for corresponding months where the same amount of light was used, and they
paid promptly and cheerfully, with emphatic encomiums of the new light.
During November, 1883, a little over one year after the station was
started, bills for lighting amounting to over $9000 were collected.
</p>
<p>
An interesting story of meter experience in the first few months of
operation of the Pearl Street station is told by one of the "boys" who was
then in position to know the facts; "Mr. J. P. Morgan, whose firm was one
of the first customers, expressed to Mr. Edison some doubt as to the
accuracy of the meter. The latter, firmly convinced of its correctness,
suggested a strict test by having some cards printed and hung on each
fixture at Mr. Morgan's place. On these cards was to be noted the number
of lamps in the fixture, and the time they were turned on and off each day
for a month. At the end of that time the lamp-hours were to be added
together by one of the clerks and figured on a basis of a definite amount
per lamp-hour, and compared with the bill that would be rendered by the
station for the corresponding period. The results of the first month's
test showed an apparent overcharge by the Edison company. Mr. Morgan was
exultant, while Mr. Edison was still confident and suggested a
continuation of the test. Another month's trial showed somewhat similar
results. Mr. Edison was a little disturbed, but insisted that there was a
mistake somewhere. He went down to Drexel, Morgan & Company's office
to investigate, and, after looking around, asked when the office was
cleaned out. He was told it was done at night by the janitor, who was sent
for, and upon being interrogated as to what light he used, said that he
turned on a central fixture containing about ten lights. It came out that
he had made no record of the time these lights were in use. He was told to
do so in future, and another month's test was made. On comparison with the
company's bill, rendered on the meter-reading, the meter came within a few
cents of the amount computed from the card records, and Mr. Morgan was
completely satisfied of the accuracy of the meter."
</p>
<p>
It is a strange but not extraordinary commentary on the perversity of
human nature and the lack of correct observation, to note that even after
the Pearl Street station had been in actual operation twenty-four hours a
day for nearly three months, there should still remain an attitude of
"can't be done." That such a scepticism still obtained is evidenced by the
public prints of the period. Edison's electric-light system and his broad
claims were freely discussed and animadverted upon at the very time he was
demonstrating their successful application. To show some of the feeling at
the time, we reproduce the following letter, which appeared November 29,
1882:
</p>
<p>
"To the Editor of the Sun:
</p>
<p>
"SIR,—In reading the discussions relative to the Pearl Street
station of the Edison light, I have noted that while it is claimed that
there is scarcely any loss from leakage of current, nothing is said about
the loss due to the resistance of the long circuits. I am informed that
this is the secret of the failure to produce with the power in position a
sufficient amount of current to run all the lamps that have been put up,
and that while six, and even seven, lights to the horse-power may be
produced from an isolated plant, the resistance of the long underground
wires reduces this result in the above case to less than three lights to
the horse-power, thus making the cost of production greatly in excess of
gas. Can the Edison company explain this? 'INVESTIGATOR'."
</p>
<p>
This was one of the many anonymous letters that had been written to the
newspapers on the subject, and the following reply by the Edison company
was printed December 3, 1882:
</p>
<p>
"To the Editor of the Sun:
</p>
<p>
"SIR,—'Investigator' in Wednesday's Sun, says that the Edison
company is troubled at its Pearl Street station with a 'loss of current,
due to the resistance of the long circuits'; also that, whereas Edison
gets 'six or even seven lights to the horse-power in isolated plants, the
resistance of the long underground wires reduces that result in the Pearl
Street station to less than three lights to the horse-power.' Both of
these statements are false. As regards loss due to resistance, there is a
well-known law for determining it, based on Ohm's law. By use of that law
we knew in advance, that is to say, when the original plans for the
station were drawn, just what this loss would be, precisely the same as a
mechanical engineer when constructing a mill with long lines of shafting
can forecast the loss of power due to friction. The practical result in
the Pearl Street station has fully demonstrated the correctness of our
estimate thus made in advance. As regards our getting only three lights
per horse-power, our station has now been running three months, without
stopping a moment, day or night, and we invariably get over six lamps per
horse-power, or substantially the same as we do in our isolated plants. We
are now lighting one hundred and ninety-three buildings, wired for
forty-four hundred lamps, of which about two-thirds are in constant use,
and we are adding additional houses and lamps daily. These figures can be
verified at the office of the Board of Underwriters, where certificates
with full details permitting the use of our light are filed by their own
inspector. To light these lamps we run from one to three dynamos,
according to the lamps in use at any given time, and we shall start
additional dynamos as fast as we can connect more buildings. Neither as
regards the loss due to resistance, nor as regards the number of lamps per
horse-power, is there the slightest trouble or disappointment on the part
of our company, and your correspondent is entirely in error is assuming
that there is. Let me suggest that if 'Investigator' really wishes to
investigate, and is competent and willing to learn the exact facts, he can
do so at this office, where there is no mystery of concealment, but, on
the contrary, a strong desire to communicate facts to intelligent
inquirers. Such a method of investigating must certainly be more
satisfactory to one honestly seeking knowledge than that of first assuming
an error as the basis of a question, and then demanding an explanation.
</p>
<p>
"Yours very truly,
</p>
<p>
"S. B. EATON, President."
</p>
<p>
Viewed from the standpoint of over twenty-seven years later, the wisdom
and necessity of answering anonymous newspaper letters of this kind might
be deemed questionable, but it must be remembered that, although the Pearl
Street station was working successfully, and Edison's comprehensive plans
were abundantly vindicated, the enterprise was absolutely new and only
just stepping on the very threshold of commercial exploitation. To enter
in and possess the land required the confidence of capital and the general
public. Hence it was necessary to maintain a constant vigilance to defeat
the insidious attacks of carping critics and others who would attempt to
injure the Edison system by misleading statements.
</p>
<p>
It will be interesting to the modern electrician to note that when this
pioneer station was started, and in fact for some little time afterward,
there was not a single electrical instrument in the whole station—not
a voltmeter or an ammeter! Nor was there a central switchboard! Each
dynamo had its own individual control switch. The feeder connections were
all at the front of the building, and the general voltage control
apparatus was on the floor above. An automatic pressure indicator had been
devised and put in connection with the main circuits. It consisted,
generally speaking, of an electromagnet with relays connecting with a red
and a blue lamp. When the electrical pressure was normal, neither lamp was
lighted; but if the electromotive force rose above a predetermined amount
by one or two volts, the red lamp lighted up, and the attendant at the
hand-wheel of the field regulator inserted resistance in the field
circuit, whereas, if the blue lamp lighted, resistance was cut out until
the pressure was raised to normal. Later on this primitive indicator was
supplanted by the "Bradley Bridge," a crude form of the "Howell" pressure
indicators, which were subsequently used for many years in the Edison
stations.
</p>
<p>
Much could be added to make a complete pictorial description of the
historic Pearl Street station, but it is not within the scope of this
narrative to enter into diffuse technical details, interesting as they may
be to many persons. We cannot close this chapter, however, without mention
of the fate of the Pearl Street station, which continued in successful
commercial operation until January 2, 1890, when it was partially
destroyed by fire. All the "Jumbos" were ruined, excepting No. 9, which is
still a venerated relic in the possession of the New York Edison Company.
Luckily, the boilers were unharmed. Belt-driven generators and engines
were speedily installed, and the station was again in operation in a few
days. The uninjured "Jumbo," No. 9, again continued to perform its duty.
But in the words of Mr. Charles L. Clarke, "the glory of the old Pearl
Street station, unique in bearing the impress of Mr. Edison's personality,
and, as it were, constructed with his own hands, disappeared in the flame
and smoke of that Thursday morning fire."
</p>
<p>
The few days' interruption of the service was the only serious one that
has taken place in the history of the New York Edison Company from
September 4, 1882, to the present date. The Pearl Street station was
operated for some time subsequent to the fire, but increasing demands in
the mean time having led to the construction of other stations, the mains
of the First District were soon afterward connected to another plant, the
Pearl Street station was dismantled, and the building was sold in 1895.
</p>
<p>
The prophetic insight into the magnitude of central-station lighting that
Edison had when he was still experimenting on the incandescent lamp over
thirty years ago is a little less than astounding, when it is so amply
verified in the operations of the New York Edison Company (the successor
of the Edison Electric Illuminating Company of New York) and many others.
At the end of 1909 the New York Edison Company alone was operating
twenty-eight stations and substations, having a total capacity of 159,500
kilowatts. Connected with its lines were approximately 85,000 customers
wired for 3,813,899 incandescent lamps and nearly 225,000 horse-power
through industrial electric motors connected with the underground service.
A large quantity of electrical energy is also supplied for heating and
cooking, charging automobiles, chemical and plating work, and various
other uses.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2HCH0017" id="link2HCH0017">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CHAPTER XVII
</h2>
<h3>
OTHER EARLY STATIONS—THE METER
</h3>
<p>
WE have now seen the Edison lighting system given a complete, convincing
demonstration in Paris, London, and New York; and have noted steps taken
for its introduction elsewhere on both sides of the Atlantic. The Paris
plant, like that at the Crystal Palace, was a temporary exhibit. The
London plant was less temporary, but not permanent, supplying before it
was torn out no fewer than three thousand lamps in hotels, churches,
stores, and dwellings in the vicinity of Holborn Viaduct. There Messrs.
Johnson and Hammer put into practice many of the ideas now standard in the
art, and secured much useful data for the work in New York, of which the
story has just been told.
</p>
<p>
As a matter of fact the first Edison commercial station to be operated in
this country was that at Appleton, Wisconsin, but its only serious claim
to notice is that it was the initial one of the system driven by
water-power. It went into service August 15, 1882, about three weeks
before the Pearl Street station. It consisted of one small dynamo of a
capacity of two hundred and eighty lights of 10 c.p. each, and was housed
in an unpretentious wooden shed. The dynamo-electric machine, though
small, was robust, for under all the varying speeds of water-power, and
the vicissitudes of the plant to which it, belonged, it continued in
active use until 1899—seventeen years.
</p>
<p>
Edison was from the first deeply impressed with the possibilities of
water-power, and, as this incident shows, was prompt to seize such a very
early opportunity. But his attention was in reality concentrated closely
on the supply of great centres of population, a task which he then felt
might well occupy his lifetime; and except in regard to furnishing
isolated plants he did not pursue further the development of
hydro-electric stations. That was left to others, and to the application
of the alternating current, which has enabled engineers to harness remote
powers, and, within thoroughly economical limits, transmit thousands of
horse-power as much as two hundred miles at pressures of 80,000 and
100,000 volts. Owing to his insistence on low pressure, direct current for
use in densely populated districts, as the only safe and truly universal,
profitable way of delivering electrical energy to the consumers, Edison
has been frequently spoken of as an opponent of the alternating current.
This does him an injustice. At the time a measure was before the Virginia
legislature, in 1890, to limit the permissible pressures of current so as
to render it safe, he said: "You want to allow high pressure wherever the
conditions are such that by no possible accident could that pressure get
into the houses of the consumers; you want to give them all the latitude
you can." In explaining this he added: "Suppose you want to take the falls
down at Richmond, and want to put up a water-power? Why, if we erect a
station at the falls, it is a great economy to get it up to the city. By
digging a cheap trench and putting in an insulated cable, and connecting
such station with the central part of Richmond, having the end of the
cable come up into the station from the earth and there connected with
motors, the power of the falls would be transmitted to these motors. If
now the motors were made to run dynamos conveying low-pressure currents to
the public, there is no possible way whereby this high-pressure current
could get to the public." In other words, Edison made the sharp
fundamental distinction between high pressure alternating current for
transmission and low pressure direct current for distribution; and this is
exactly the practice that has been adopted in all the great cities of the
country to-day. There seems no good reason for believing that it will
change. It might perhaps have been altogether better for Edison, from the
financial standpoint, if he had not identified himself so completely with
one kind of current, but that made no difference to him, as it was a
matter of conviction; and Edison's convictions are granitic. Moreover,
this controversy over the two currents, alternating and direct, which has
become historical in the field of electricity—and is something like
the "irrepressible conflict" we heard of years ago in national affairs—illustrates
another aspect of Edison's character. Broad as the prairies and free in
thought as the winds that sweep them, he is idiosyncratically opposed to
loose and wasteful methods, to plans of empire that neglect the poor at
the gate. Everything he has done has been aimed at the conservation of
energy, the contraction of space, the intensification of culture. Burbank
and his tribe represent in the vegetable world, Edison in the mechanical.
Not only has he developed distinctly new species, but he has elucidated
the intensive art of getting $1200 out of an electrical acre instead of
$12—a manured market-garden inside London and a ten-bushel exhausted
wheat farm outside Lawrence, Kansas, being the antipodes of productivity—yet
very far short of exemplifying the difference of electrical yield between
an acre of territory in Edison's "first New York district" and an acre in
some small town.
</p>
<p>
Edison's lighting work furnished an excellent basis—in fact, the
only one—for the development of the alternating current now so
generally employed in central-station work in America; and in the McGraw
Electrical Directory of April, 1909, no fewer than 4164 stations out of
5780 reported its use. When the alternating current was introduced for
practical purposes it was not needed for arc lighting, the circuit for
which, from a single dynamo, would often be twenty or thirty miles in
length, its current having a pressure of not less than five or six
thousand volts. For some years it was not found feasible to operate motors
on alternating-current circuits, and that reason was often urged against
it seriously. It could not be used for electroplating or deposition, nor
could it charge storage batteries, all of which are easily within the
ability of the direct current. But when it came to be a question of
lighting a scattered suburb, a group of dwellings on the outskirts, a
remote country residence or a farm-house, the alternating current, in all
elements save its danger, was and is ideal. Its thin wires can be carried
cheaply over vast areas, and at each local point of consumption the
transformer of size exactly proportioned to its local task takes the
high-voltage transmission current and lowers its potential at a ratio of
20 or 40 to 1, for use in distribution and consumption circuits. This
evolution has been quite distinct, with its own inventors like Gaulard and
Gibbs and Stanley, but came subsequent to the work of supplying small,
dense areas of population; the art thus growing from within, and using
each new gain as a means for further achievement.
</p>
<p>
Nor was the effect of such great advances as those made by Edison limited
to the electrical field. Every department of mechanics was stimulated and
benefited to an extraordinary degree. Copper for the circuits was more
highly refined than ever before to secure the best conductivity, and
purity was insisted on in every kind of insulation. Edison was intolerant
of sham and shoddy, and nothing would satisfy him that could not stand
cross-examination by microscope, test-tube, and galvanometer. It was,
perhaps, the steam-engine on which the deepest imprint for good was made,
referred to already in the remarks of Mr. F. J. Sprague in the preceding
chapter, but best illustrated in the perfection of the modern high-speed
engine of the Armington & Sims type. Unless he could secure an engine
of smoother running and more exactly governed and regulated than those
available for his dynamo and lamp, Edison realized that he would find it
almost impossible to give a steady light. He did not want his customers to
count the heart-beats of the engine in the flicker of the lamp. Not a
single engine was even within gunshot of the standard thus set up, but the
emergency called forth its man in Gardiner C. Sims, a talented draughtsman
and designer who had been engaged in locomotive construction and in the
engineering department of the United States Navy. He may be quoted as to
what happened: "The deep interest, financial and moral, and friendly
backing I received from Mr. Edison, together with valuable suggestions,
enabled me to bring out the engine; as I was quite alone in the world—poor—I
had found a friend who knew what he wanted and explained it clearly. Mr.
Edison was a leader far ahead of the time. He compelled the design of the
successful engine.
</p>
<p>
"Our first engine compelled the inventing and making of a suitable engine
indicator to indicate it—the Tabor. He obtained the desired speed
and load with a friction brake; also regulator of speed; but waited for an
indicator to verify it. Then again there was no known way to lubricate an
engine for continuous running, and Mr. Edison informed me that as a marine
engine started before the ship left New York and continued running until
it reached its home port, so an engine for his purposes must produce light
at all times. That was a poser to me, for a five-hours' run was about all
that had been required up to that time.
</p>
<p>
"A day or two later Mr. Edison inquired: 'How far is it from here to
Lawrence; it is a long walk, isn't it?' 'Yes, rather.' He said: 'Of course
you will understand I meant without oil.' To say I was deeply perplexed
does not express my feelings. We were at the machine works, Goerck Street.
I started for the oil-room, when, about entering, I saw a small funnel
lying on the floor. It had been stepped on and flattened. I took it up,
and it had solved the engine-oiling problem—and my walk to Lawrence
like a tramp actor's was off! The eccentric strap had a round glass
oil-cup with a brass base that screwed into the strap. I took it off, and
making a sketch, went to Dave Cunningham, having the funnel in my hand to
illustrate what I wanted made. I requested him to make a sheet-brass
oil-cup and solder it to the base I had. He did so. I then had a standard
made to hold another oil-cup, so as to see and regulate the drop-feed. On
this combination I obtained a patent which is now universally used."
</p>
<p>
It is needless to say that in due course the engine builders of the United
States developed a variety of excellent prime movers for electric-light
and power plants, and were grateful to the art from which such a stimulus
came to their industry; but for many years one never saw an Edison
installation without expecting to find one or more Armington & Sims
high-speed engines part of it. Though the type has gone out of existence,
like so many other things that are useful in their day and generation, it
was once a very vital part of the art, and one more illustration of that
intimate manner in which the advances in different fields of progress
interact and co-operate.
</p>
<p>
Edison had installed his historic first great central-station system in
New York on the multiple arc system covered by his feeder and main
invention, which resulted in a notable saving in the cost of conductors as
against a straight two-wire system throughout of the "tree" kind. He soon
foresaw that still greater economy would be necessary for commercial
success not alone for the larger territory opening, but for the compact
districts of large cities. Being firmly convinced that there was a way
out, he pushed aside a mass of other work, and settled down to this
problem, with the result that on November 20, 1882, only two months after
current had been sent out from Pearl Street, he executed an application
for a patent covering what is now known as the "three-wire system." It has
been universally recognized as one of the most valuable inventions in the
history of the lighting art. [13] Its use resulted in a saving of over 60
per cent. of copper in conductors, figured on the most favorable basis
previously known, inclusive of those calculated under his own feeder and
main system. Such economy of outlay being effected in one of the heaviest
items of expense in central-station construction, it was now made possible
to establish plants in towns where the large investment would otherwise
have been quite prohibitive. The invention is in universal use today,
alike for direct and for alternating current, and as well in the equipment
of large buildings as in the distribution system of the most extensive
central-station networks. One cannot imagine the art without it.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 13: For technical description and illustration of
this invention, see Appendix.]
</pre>
<p>
The strong position held by the Edison system, under the strenuous
competition that was already springing up, was enormously improved by the
introduction of the three-wire system; and it gave an immediate impetus to
incandescent lighting. Desiring to put this new system into practical use
promptly, and receiving applications for licenses from all over the
country, Edison selected Brockton, Massachusetts, and Sunbury,
Pennsylvania, as the two towns for the trial. Of these two Brockton
required the larger plant, but with the conductors placed underground. It
was the first to complete its arrangements and close its contract. Mr.
Henry Villard, it will be remembered, had married the daughter of
Garrison, the famous abolitionist, and it was through his relationship
with the Garrison family that Brockton came to have the honor of
exemplifying so soon the principles of an entirely new art. Sunbury,
however, was a much smaller installation, employed overhead conductors,
and hence was the first to "cross the tape." It was specially suited for a
trial plant also, in the early days when a yield of six or eight lamps to
the horse-power was considered subject for congratulation. The town being
situated in the coal region of Pennsylvania, good coal could then be
obtained there at seventy-five cents a ton.
</p>
<p>
The Sunbury generating plant consisted of an Armington & Sims engine
driving two small Edison dynamos having a total capacity of about four
hundred lamps of 16 c.p. The indicating instruments were of the crudest
construction, consisting of two voltmeters connected by "pressure wires"
to the centre of electrical distribution. One ammeter, for measuring the
quantity of current output, was interpolated in the "neutral bus" or
third-wire return circuit to indicate when the load on the two machines
was out of balance. The circuits were opened and closed by means of about
half a dozen roughly made plug-switches. [14] The "bus-bars" to receive
the current from the dynamos were made of No. 000 copper line wire,
straightened out and fastened to the wooden sheathing of the station by
iron staples without any presence to insulation. Commenting upon this Mr.
W. S. Andrews, detailed from the central staff, says: "The interior
winding of the Sunbury station, including the running of two three-wire
feeders the entire length of the building from back to front, the wiring
up of the dynamos and switchboard and all instruments, together with
bus-bars, etc.—in fact, all labor and material used in the
electrical wiring installation—amounted to the sum of $90. I
received a rather sharp letter from the New York office expostulating for
this EXTRAVAGANT EXPENDITURE, and stating that great economy must be
observed in future!" The street conductors were of the overhead pole-line
construction, and were installed by the construction company that had been
organized by Edison to build and equip central stations. A special type of
street pole had been devised by him for the three-wire system.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 14: By reason of the experience gained at this
station through the use of these crude plug-switches, Mr.
Edison started a competition among a few of his assistants
to devise something better. The result was the invention of
a "breakdown" switch by Mr. W. S. Andrews, which was
accepted by Mr. Edison as the best of the devices suggested,
and was developed and used for a great many years
afterward.]
</pre>
<p>
Supplementing the story of Mr. Andrews is that of Lieut. F. J. Sprague,
who also gives a curious glimpse of the glorious uncertainties and
vicissitudes of that formative period. Mr. Sprague served on the jury at
the Crystal Palace Exhibition with Darwin's son—the present Sir
Horace—and after the tests were ended left the Navy and entered
Edison's service at the suggestion of Mr. E. H. Johnson, who was Edison's
shrewd recruiting sergeant in those days: "I resigned sooner than Johnson
expected, and he had me on his hands. Meanwhile he had called upon me to
make a report of the three-wire system, known in England as the Hopkinson,
both Dr. John Hopkinson and Mr. Edison being independent inventors at
practically the same time. I reported on that, left London, and landed in
New York on the day of the opening of the Brooklyn Bridge in 1883—May
24—with a year's leave of absence.
</p>
<p>
"I reported at the office of Mr. Edison on Fifth Avenue and told him I had
seen Johnson. He looked me over and said: 'What did he promise you?' I
replied: 'Twenty-five hundred dollars a year.' He did not say much, but
looked it. About that time Mr. Andrews and I came together. On July 2d of
that year we were ordered to Sunbury, and to be ready to start the station
on the fourth. The electrical work had to be done in forty-eight hours!
Having travelled around the world, I had cultivated an indifference to any
special difficulties of that kind. Mr. Andrews and I worked in
collaboration until the night of the third. I think he was perhaps more
appreciative than I was of the discipline of the Edison Construction
Department, and thought it would be well for us to wait until the morning
of the fourth before we started up. I said we were sent over to get going,
and insisted on starting up on the night of the third. We had an Armington
& Sims engine with sight-feed oiler. I had never seen one, and did not
know how it worked, with the result that we soon burned up the babbitt
metal in the bearings and spent a good part of the night getting them in
order. The next day Mr. Edison, Mr. Insull, and the chief engineer of the
construction department appeared on the scene and wanted to know what had
happened. They found an engine somewhat loose in the bearings, and there
followed remarks which would not look well in print. Andrews skipped from
under; he obeyed orders; I did not. But the plant ran, and it was the
first three-wire station in this country."
</p>
<p>
Seen from yet another angle, the worries of this early work were not
merely those of the men on the "firing line." Mr. Insull, in speaking of
this period, says: "When it was found difficult to push the
central-station business owing to the lack of confidence in its financial
success, Edison decided to go into the business of promoting and
constructing central-station plants, and he formed what was known as the
Thomas A. Edison Construction Department, which he put me in charge of.
The organization was crude, the steam-engineering talent poor, and owing
to the impossibility of getting any considerable capital subscribed, the
plants were put in as cheaply as possible. I believe that this
construction department was unkindly named the 'Destruction Department.'
It served its purpose; never made any money; and I had the unpleasant task
of presiding at its obsequies."
</p>
<p>
On July 4th the Sunbury plant was put into commercial operation by Edison,
and he remained a week studying its conditions and watching for any
unforeseen difficulty that might arise. Nothing happened, however, to
interfere with the successful running of the station, and for twenty years
thereafter the same two dynamos continued to furnish light in Sunbury.
They were later used as reserve machines, and finally, with the engine,
retired from service as part of the "Collection of Edisonia"; but they
remain in practically as good condition as when installed in 1883.
</p>
<p>
Sunbury was also provided with the first electro-chemical meters used in
the United States outside New York City, so that it served also to
accentuate electrical practice in a most vital respect—namely, the
measurement of the electrical energy supplied to customers. At this time
and long after, all arc lighting was done on a "flat rate" basis. The arc
lamp installed outside a customer's premises, or in a circuit for public
street lighting, burned so many hours nightly, so many nights in the
month; and was paid for at that rate, subject to rebate for hours when the
lamp might be out through accident. The early arc lamps were rated to
require 9 to 10 amperes of current, at 45 volts pressure each, receiving
which they were estimated to give 2000 c.p., which was arrived at by
adding together the light found at four different positions, so that in
reality the actual light was about 500 c.p. Few of these data were ever
actually used, however; and it was all more or less a matter of guesswork,
although the central-station manager, aiming to give good service, would
naturally see that the dynamos were so operated as to maintain as steadily
as possible the normal potential and current. The same loose methods
applied to the early attempts to use electric motors on arc-lighting
circuits, and contracts were made based on the size of the motor, the
width of the connecting belt, or the amount of power the customer thought
he used—never on the measurement of the electrical energy furnished
him.
</p>
<p>
Here again Edison laid the foundation of standard practice. It is true
that even down to the present time the flat rate is applied to a great
deal of incandescent lighting, each lamp being charged for individually
according to its probable consumption during each month. This may answer,
perhaps, in a small place where the manager can gauge pretty closely from
actual observation what each customer does; but even then there are
elements of risk and waste; and obviously in a large city such a method
would soon be likely to result in financial disaster to the plant. Edison
held that the electricity sold must be measured just like gas or water,
and he proceeded to develop a meter. There was infinite scepticism around
him on the subject, and while other inventors were also giving the subject
their thought, the public took it for granted that anything so utterly
intangible as electricity, that could not be seen or weighed, and only
gave secondary evidence of itself at the exact point of use, could not be
brought to accurate registration. The general attitude of doubt was
exemplified by the incident in Mr. J. P. Morgan's office, noted in the
last chapter. Edison, however, had satisfied himself that there were
various ways of accomplishing the task, and had determined that the
current should be measured on the premises of every consumer. His
electrolytic meter was very successful, and was of widespread use in
America and in Europe until the perfection of mechanical meters by Elihu
Thomson and others brought that type into general acceptance. Hence the
Edison electrolytic meter is no longer used, despite its excellent
qualities. Houston & Kennelly in their Electricity in Everyday Life
sum the matter up as follows: "The Edison chemical meter is capable of
giving fair measurements of the amount of current passing. By reason,
however, of dissatisfaction caused from the inability of customers to read
the indications of the meter, it has in later years, to a great extent,
been replaced by registering meters that can be read by the customer."
</p>
<p>
The principle employed in the Edison electrolytic meter is that which
exemplifies the power of electricity to decompose a chemical substance. In
other words it is a deposition bath, consisting of a glass cell in which
two plates of chemically pure zinc are dipped in a solution of zinc
sulphate. When the lights or motors in the circuit are turned on, and a
certain definite small portion of the current is diverted to flow through
the meter, from the positive plate to the negative plate, the latter
increases in weight by receiving a deposit of metallic zinc; the positive
plate meantime losing in weight by the metal thus carried away from it.
This difference in weight is a very exact measure of the quantity of
electricity, or number of ampere-hours, that have, so to speak, passed
through the cell, and hence of the whole consumption in the circuit. The
amount thus due from the customer is ascertained by removing the cell,
washing and drying the plates, and weighing them in a chemical balance.
Associated with this simple form of apparatus were various ingenious
details and refinements to secure regularity of operation, freedom from
inaccuracy, and immunity from such tampering as would permit theft of
current or damage. As the freezing of the zinc sulphate solution in cold
weather would check its operation, Edison introduced, for example, into
the meter an incandescent lamp and a thermostat so arranged that when the
temperature fell to a certain point, or rose above another point, it was
cut in or out; and in this manner the meter could be kept from freezing.
The standard Edison meter practice was to remove the cells once a month to
the meter-room of the central-station company for examination, another set
being substituted. The meter was cheap to manufacture and install, and not
at all liable to get out of order.
</p>
<p>
In December, 1888, Mr. W. J. Jenks read an interesting paper before the
American Institute of Electrical Engineers on the six years of practical
experience had up to that time with the meter, then more generally in use
than any other. It appears from the paper that twenty-three Edison
stations were then equipped with 5187 meters, which were relied upon for
billing the monthly current consumption of 87,856 lamps and 350 motors of
1000 horse-power total. This represented about 75 per cent. of the entire
lamp capacity of the stations. There was an average cost per lamp for
meter operation of twenty-two cents a year, and each meter took care of an
average of seventeen lamps. It is worthy of note, as to the promptness
with which the Edison stations became paying properties, that four of the
metered stations were earning upward of 15 per cent. on their capital
stock; three others between 8 and 10 per cent.; eight between 5 and 8 per
cent.; the others having been in operation too short a time to show
definite results, although they also went quickly to a dividend basis.
Reports made in the discussion at the meeting by engineers showed the
simplicity and success of the meter. Mr. C. L. Edgar, of the Boston Edison
system, stated that he had 800 of the meters in service cared for by two
men and three boys, the latter employed in collecting the meter cells; the
total cost being perhaps $2500 a year. Mr. J. W. Lieb wrote from Milan,
Italy, that he had in use on the Edison system there 360 meters ranging
from 350 ampere-hours per month up to 30,000.
</p>
<p>
In this connection it should be mentioned that the Association of Edison
Illuminating Companies in the same year adopted resolutions unanimously to
the effect that the Edison meter was accurate, and that its use was not
expensive for stations above one thousand lights; and that the best
financial results were invariably secured in a station selling current by
meter. Before the same association, at its meeting in September, 1898, at
Sault Ste. Marie, Mr. C. S. Shepard read a paper on the meter practice of
the New York Edison Company, giving data as to the large number of Edison
meters in use and the transition to other types, of which to-day the
company has several on its circuits: "Until October, 1896, the New York
Edison Company metered its current in consumer's premises exclusively by
the old-style chemical meters, of which there were connected on that date
8109. It was then determined to purchase no more." Mr. Shepard went on to
state that the chemical meters were gradually displaced, and that on
September 1, 1898, there were on the system 5619 mechanical and 4874
chemical. The meter continued in general service during 1899, and probably
up to the close of the century.
</p>
<p>
Mr. Andrews relates a rather humorous meter story of those early days:
"The meter man at Sunbury was a firm and enthusiastic believer in the
correctness of the Edison meter, having personally verified its reading
many times by actual comparison of lamp-hours. One day, on making out a
customer's bill, his confidence received a severe shock, for the meter
reading showed a consumption calling for a charge of over $200, whereas he
knew that the light actually used should not cost more than one-quarter of
that amount. He weighed and reweighed the meter plates, and pursued every
line of investigation imaginable, but all in vain. He felt he was up
against it, and that perhaps another kind of a job would suit him better.
Once again he went to the customer's meter to look around, when a small
piece of thick wire on the floor caught his eye. The problem was solved.
He suddenly remembered that after weighing the plates he went and put them
in the customer's meter; but the wire attached to one of the plates was
too long to go in the meter, and he had cut it off. He picked up the piece
of wire, took it to the station, weighed it carefully, and found that it
accounted for about $150 worth of electricity, which was the amount of the
difference."
</p>
<p>
Edison himself is, however, the best repertory of stories when it comes to
the difficulties of that early period, in connection with metering the
current and charging for it. He may be quoted at length as follows: "When
we started the station at Pearl Street, in September, 1882, we were not
very commercial. We put many customers on, but did not make out many
bills. We were more interested in the technical condition of the station
than in the commercial part. We had meters in which there were two bottles
of liquid. To prevent these electrolytes from freezing we had in each
meter a strip of metal. When it got very cold the metal would contract and
close a circuit, and throw a lamp into circuit inside the meter. The heat
from this lamp would prevent the liquid from freezing, so that the meter
could go on doing its duty. The first cold day after starting the station,
people began to come in from their offices, especially down in Front
Street and Water Street, saying the meter was on fire. We received
numerous telephone messages about it. Some had poured water on it, and
others said: 'Send a man right up to put it out.'
</p>
<p>
"After the station had been running several months and was technically a
success, we began to look after the financial part. We started to collect
some bills; but we found that our books were kept badly, and that the
person in charge, who was no business man, had neglected that part of it.
In fact, he did not know anything about the station, anyway. So I got the
directors to permit me to hire a man to run the station. This was Mr.
Chinnock, who was then superintendent of the Metropolitan Telephone
Company of New York. I knew Chinnock to be square and of good business
ability, and induced him to leave his job. I made him a personal
guarantee, that if he would take hold of the station and put it on a
commercial basis, and pay 5 per cent. on $600,000, I would give him
$10,000 out of my own pocket. He took hold, performed the feat, and I paid
him the $10,000. I might remark in this connection that years afterward I
applied to the Edison Electric Light Company asking them if they would not
like to pay me this money, as it was spent when I was very hard up and
made the company a success, and was the foundation of their present
prosperity. They said they 'were sorry'—that is, 'Wall Street sorry'—and
refused to pay it. This shows what a nice, genial, generous lot of people
they have over in Wall Street.
</p>
<p>
"Chinnock had a great deal of trouble getting the customers straightened
out. I remember one man who had a saloon on Nassau Street. He had had his
lights burning for two or three months. It was in June, and Chinnock put
in a bill for $20; July for $20; August about $28; September about $35. Of
course the nights were getting longer. October about $40; November about
$45. Then the man called Chinnock up. He said: 'I want to see you about my
electric-light bill.' Chinnock went up to see him. He said: 'Are you the
manager of this electric-light plant?' Chinnock said: 'I have the honor.'
'Well,' he said, my bill has gone from $20 up to $28, $35, $45. I want you
to understand, young fellow, that my limit is $60.'
</p>
<p>
"After Chinnock had had all this trouble due to the incompetency of the
previous superintendent, a man came in and said to him: 'Did Mr. Blank
have charge of this station?' 'Yes.' 'Did he know anything about running a
station like this?' Chinnock said: 'Does he KNOW anything about running a
station like this? No, sir. He doesn't even suspect anything.'
</p>
<p>
"One day Chinnock came to me and said: 'I have a new customer.' I said:
'What is it?' He said: 'I have a fellow who is going to take two hundred
and fifty lights.' I said: 'What for?' 'He has a place down here in a top
loft, and has got two hundred and fifty barrels of "rotgut" whiskey. He
puts a light down in the barrel and lights it up, and it ages the
whiskey.' I met Chinnock several weeks after, and said: 'How is the
whiskey man getting along?' 'It's all right; he is paying his bill. It
fixes the whiskey and takes the shudder right out of it.' Somebody went
and took out a patent on this idea later.
</p>
<p>
"In the second year we put the Stock Exchange on the circuits of the
station, but were very fearful that there would be a combination of heavy
demand and a dark day, and that there would be an overloaded station. We
had an index like a steam-gauge, called an ampere-meter, to indicate the
amount of current going out. I was up at 65 Fifth Avenue one afternoon. A
sudden black cloud came up, and I telephoned to Chinnock and asked him
about the load. He said: 'We are up to the muzzle, and everything is
running all right.' By-and-by it became so thick we could not see across
the street. I telephoned again, and felt something would happen, but
fortunately it did not. I said to Chinnock: 'How is it now?' He replied:
'Everything is red-hot, and the ampere-meter has made seventeen
revolutions.'"
</p>
<p>
In 1883 no such fittings as "fixture insulators" were known. It was the
common practice to twine the electric wires around the disused
gas-fixtures, fasten them with tape or string, and connect them to
lamp-sockets screwed into attachments under the gas-burners—elaborated
later into what was known as the "combination fixture." As a result it was
no uncommon thing to see bright sparks snapping between the chandelier and
the lighting wires during a sharp thunder-storm. A startling manifestation
of this kind happened at Sunbury, when the vivid display drove nervous
guests of the hotel out into the street, and the providential storm led
Mr. Luther Stieringer to invent the "insulating joint." This separated the
two lighting systems thoroughly, went into immediate service, and is
universally used to-day.
</p>
<p>
Returning to the more specific subject of pioneer plants of importance,
that at Brockton must be considered for a moment, chiefly for the reason
that the city was the first in the world to possess an Edison station
distributing current through an underground three-wire network of
conductors—the essentially modern contemporaneous practice, standard
twenty-five years later. It was proposed to employ pole-line construction
with overhead wires, and a party of Edison engineers drove about the town
in an open barouche with a blue-print of the circuits and streets spread
out on their knees, to determine how much tree-trimming would be
necessary. When they came to some heavily shaded spots, the fine trees
were marked "T" to indicate that the work in getting through them would be
"tough." Where the trees were sparse and the foliage was thin, the same
cheerful band of vandals marked the spots "E" to indicate that there it
would be "easy" to run the wires. In those days public opinion was not so
alive as now to the desirability of preserving shade-trees, and of
enhancing the beauty of a city instead of destroying it. Brockton had a
good deal of pride in its fine trees, and a strong sentiment was very soon
aroused against the mutilation proposed so thoughtlessly. The investors in
the enterprise were ready and anxious to meet the extra cost of putting
the wires underground. Edison's own wishes were altogether for the use of
the methods he had so carefully devised; and hence that bustling home of
shoe manufacture was spared this infliction of more overhead wires.
</p>
<p>
The station equipment at Brockton consisted at first of three dynamos, one
of which was so arranged as to supply both sides of the system during
light loads by a breakdown switch connection. This arrangement interfered
with correct meter registration, as the meters on one side of the system
registered backward during the hours in which the combination was
employed. Hence, after supplying an all-night customer whose lamps were on
one side of the circuits, the company might be found to owe him some thing
substantial in the morning. Soon after the station went into operation
this ingenious plan was changed, and the third dynamo was replaced by two
others. The Edison construction department took entire charge of the
installation of the plant, and the formal opening was attended on October
1, 1883, by Mr. Edison, who then remained a week in ceaseless study and
consultation over the conditions developed by this initial three-wire
underground plant. Some idea of the confidence inspired by the fame of
Edison at this period is shown by the fact that the first theatre ever
lighted from a central station by incandescent lamps was designed this
year, and opened in 1884 at Brockton with an equipment of three hundred
lamps. The theatre was never piped for gas! It was also from the Brockton
central station that current was first supplied to a fire-engine house—another
display of remarkably early belief in the trustworthiness of the service,
under conditions where continuity of lighting was vital. The building was
equipped in such a manner that the striking of the fire-alarm would light
every lamp in the house automatically and liberate the horses. It was at
this central station that Lieutenant Sprague began his historic work on
the electric motor; and here that another distinguished engineer and
inventor, Mr. H. Ward Leonard, installed the meters and became meter man,
in order that he might study in every intimate detail the improvements and
refinements necessary in that branch of the industry.
</p>
<p>
The authors are indebted for these facts and some other data embodied in
this book to Mr. W. J. Jenks, who as manager of this plant here made his
debut in the Edison ranks. He had been connected with local telephone
interests, but resigned to take active charge of this plant, imbibing
quickly the traditional Edison spirit, working hard all day and sleeping
in the station at night on a cot brought there for that purpose. It was a
time of uninterrupted watchfulness. The difficulty of obtaining engineers
in those days to run the high-speed engines (three hundred and fifty
revolutions per minute) is well illustrated by an amusing incident in the
very early history of the station. A locomotive engineer had been engaged,
as it was supposed he would not be afraid of anything. One evening there
came a sudden flash of fire and a spluttering, sizzling noise. There had
been a short-circuit on the copper mains in the station. The fireman hid
behind the boiler and the engineer jumped out of the window. Mr. Sprague
realized the trouble, quickly threw off the current and stopped the
engine.
</p>
<p>
Mr. Jenks relates another humorous incident in connection with this plant:
"One night I heard a knock at the office door, and on opening it saw two
well-dressed ladies, who asked if they might be shown through. I invited
them in, taking them first to the boiler-room, where I showed them the
coal-pile, explaining that this was used to generate steam in the boiler.
We then went to the dynamo-room, where I pointed out the machines
converting the steam-power into electricity, appearing later in the form
of light in the lamps. After that they were shown the meters by which the
consumption of current was measured. They appeared to be interested, and I
proceeded to enter upon a comparison of coal made into gas or burned under
a boiler to be converted into electricity. The ladies thanked me
effusively and brought their visit to a close. As they were about to go
through the door, one of them turned to me and said: 'We have enjoyed this
visit very much, but there is one question we would like to ask: What is
it that you make here?'"
</p>
<p>
The Brockton station was for a long time a show plant of the Edison
company, and had many distinguished visitors, among them being Prof. Elihu
Thomson, who was present at the opening, and Sir W. H. Preece, of London.
The engineering methods pursued formed the basis of similar installations
in Lawrence, Massachusetts, in November, 1883; in Fall River,
Massachusetts, in December, 1883; and in Newburgh, New York, the following
spring.
</p>
<p>
Another important plant of this period deserves special mention, as it was
the pioneer in the lighting of large spaces by incandescent lamps. This
installation of five thousand lamps on the three-wire system was made to
illuminate the buildings at the Louisville, Kentucky, Exposition in 1883,
and, owing to the careful surveys, calculations, and preparations of H. M.
Byllesby and the late Luther Stieringer, was completed and in operation
within six weeks after the placing of the order. The Jury of Awards, in
presenting four medals to the Edison company, took occasion to pay a high
compliment to the efficiency of the system. It has been thought by many
that the magnificent success of this plant did more to stimulate the
growth of the incandescent lighting business than any other event in the
history of the Edison company. It was literally the beginning of the
electrical illumination of American Expositions, carried later to such
splendid displays as those of the Chicago World's Fair in 1893, Buffalo in
1901, and St. Louis in 1904.
</p>
<p>
Thus the art was set going in the United States under many difficulties,
but with every sign of coming triumph. Reference has already been made to
the work abroad in Paris and London. The first permanent Edison station in
Europe was that at Milan, Italy, for which the order was given as early as
May, 1882, by an enterprising syndicate. Less than a year later, March 3,
1883, the installation was ready and was put in operation, the Theatre
Santa Radegonda having been pulled down and a new central-station building
erected in its place—probably the first edifice constructed in
Europe for the specific purpose of incandescent lighting. Here "Jumbos"
were installed from time to time, until at last there were no fewer than
ten of them; and current was furnished to customers with a total of nearly
ten thousand lamps connected to the mains. This pioneer system was
operated continuously until February 9, 1900, or for a period of about
seventeen years, when the sturdy old machines, still in excellent
condition, were put out of service, so that a larger plant could be
installed to meet the demand. This new plant takes high-tension polyphase
current from a water-power thirty or forty miles away at Paderno, on the
river Adda, flowing from the Apennines; but delivers low-tension direct
current for distribution to the regular Edison three-wire system
throughout Milan.
</p>
<p>
About the same time that southern Europe was thus opened up to the new
system, South America came into line, and the first Edison central station
there was installed at Santiago, Chile, in the summer of 1883, under the
supervision of Mr. W. N. Stewart. This was the result of the success
obtained with small isolated plants, leading to the formation of an Edison
company. It can readily be conceived that at such an extreme distance from
the source of supply of apparatus the plant was subject to many peculiar
difficulties from the outset, of which Mr. Stewart speaks as follows: "I
made an exhibition of the 'Jumbo' in the theatre at Santiago, and on the
first evening, when it was filled with the aristocracy of the city, I
discovered to my horror that the binding wire around the armature was
slowly stripping off and going to pieces. We had no means of boring out
the field magnets, and we cut grooves in them. I think the machine is
still running (1907). The station went into operation soon after with an
equipment of eight Edison 'K' dynamos with certain conditions inimical to
efficiency, but which have not hindered the splendid expansion of the
local system. With those eight dynamos we had four belts between each
engine and the dynamo. The steam pressure was limited to seventy-five
pounds per square inch. We had two-wire underground feeders, sent without
any plans or specifications for their installation. The station had
neither voltmeter nor ammeter. The current pressure was regulated by a
galvanometer. We were using coal costing $12 a ton, and were paid for our
light in currency worth fifty cents on the dollar. The only thing I can be
proud of in connection with the plant is the fact that I did not design
it, that once in a while we made out to pay its operating expenses, and
that occasionally we could run it for three months without a total
breakdown."
</p>
<p>
It was not until 1885 that the first Edison station in Germany was
established; but the art was still very young, and the plant represented
pioneer lighting practice in the Empire. The station at Berlin comprised
five boilers, and six vertical steam-engines driving by belts twelve
Edison dynamos, each of about fifty-five horse-power capacity. A model of
this station is preserved in the Deutschen Museum at Munich. In the
bulletin of the Berlin Electricity Works for May, 1908, it is said with
regard to the events that led up to the creation of the system, as noted
already at the Rathenau celebration: "The year 1881 was a mile-stone in
the history of the Allgemeine Elektricitaets Gesellschaft. The
International Electrical Exposition at Paris was intended to place before
the eyes of the civilized world the achievements of the century. Among the
exhibits of that Exposition was the Edison system of incandescent
lighting. IT BECAME THE BASIS OF MODERN HEAVY CURRENT TECHNICS." The last
phrase is italicized as being a happy and authoritative description, as
well as a tribute.
</p>
<p>
This chapter would not be complete if it failed to include some reference
to a few of the earlier isolated plants of a historic character. Note has
already been made of the first Edison plants afloat on the Jeannette and
Columbia, and the first commercial plant in the New York lithographic
establishment. The first mill plant was placed in the woollen factory of
James Harrison at Newburgh, New York, about September 15, 1881. A year
later, Mr. Harrison wrote with some pride: "I believe my mill was the
first lighted with your electric light, and therefore may be called No. 1.
Besides being job No. 1 it is a No. 1 job, and a No. 1 light, being better
and cheaper than gas and absolutely safe as to fire." The first
steam-yacht lighted by incandescent lamps was James Gordon Bennett's
Namouna, equipped early in 1882 with a plant for one hundred and twenty
lamps of eight candlepower, which remained in use there many years
afterward.
</p>
<p>
The first Edison plant in a hotel was started in October, 1881, at the
Blue Mountain House in the Adirondacks, and consisted of two "Z" dynamos
with a complement of eight and sixteen candle lamps. The hotel is situated
at an elevation of thirty-five hundred feet above the sea, and was at that
time forty miles from the railroad. The machinery was taken up in pieces
on the backs of mules from the foot of the mountain. The boilers were
fired by wood, as the economical transportation of coal was a physical
impossibility. For a six-hour run of the plant one-quarter of a cord of
wood was required, at a cost of twenty-five cents per cord.
</p>
<p>
The first theatre in the United States to be lighted by an Edison isolated
plant was the Bijou Theatre, Boston. The installation of boilers, engines,
dynamos, wiring, switches, fixtures, three stage regulators, and six
hundred and fifty lamps, was completed in eleven days after receipt of the
order, and the plant was successfully operated at the opening of the
theatre, on December 12, 1882.
</p>
<p>
The first plant to be placed on a United States steamship was the one
consisting of an Edison "Z" dynamo and one hundred and twenty eight-candle
lamps installed on the Fish Commission's steamer Albatross in 1883. The
most interesting feature of this installation was the employment of
special deep-sea lamps, supplied with current through a cable nine hundred
and forty feet in length, for the purpose of alluring fish. By means of
the brilliancy of the lamps marine animals in the lower depths were
attracted and then easily ensnared.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2HCH0018" id="link2HCH0018">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CHAPTER XVIII
</h2>
<h3>
THE ELECTRIC RAILWAY
</h3>
<p>
EDISON had no sooner designed his dynamo in 1879 than he adopted the same
form of machine for use as a motor. The two are shown in the Scientific
American of October 18, 1879, and are alike, except that the dynamo is
vertical and the motor lies in a horizontal position, the article
remarking: "Its construction differs but slightly from the electric
generator." This was but an evidence of his early appreciation of the
importance of electricity as a motive power; but it will probably surprise
many people to know that he was the inventor of an electric motor before
he perfected his incandescent lamp. His interest in the subject went back
to his connection with General Lefferts in the days of the evolution of
the stock ticker. While Edison was carrying on his shop at Newark, New
Jersey, there was considerable excitement in electrical circles over the
Payne motor, in regard to the alleged performance of which Governor
Cornell of New York and other wealthy capitalists were quite enthusiastic.
Payne had a shop in Newark, and in one small room was the motor, weighing
perhaps six hundred pounds. It was of circular form, incased in iron, with
the ends of several small magnets sticking through the floor. A pulley and
belt, connected to a circular saw larger than the motor, permitted large
logs of oak timber to be sawed with ease with the use of two small cells
of battery. Edison's friend, General Lefferts, had become excited and was
determined to invest a large sum of money in the motor company, but
knowing Edison's intimate familiarity with all electrical subjects he was
wise enough to ask his young expert to go and see the motor with him. At
an appointed hour Edison went to the office of the motor company and found
there the venerable Professor Morse, Governor Cornell, General Lefferts,
and many others who had been invited to witness a performance of the
motor. They all proceeded to the room where the motor was at work. Payne
put a wire in the binding-post of the battery, the motor started, and an
assistant began sawing a heavy oak log. It worked beautifully, and so
great was the power developed, apparently, from the small battery, that
Morse exclaimed: "I am thankful that I have lived to see this day." But
Edison kept a close watch on the motor. The results were so foreign to his
experience that he knew there was a trick in it. He soon discovered it.
While holding his hand on the frame of the motor he noticed a tremble
coincident with the exhaust of an engine across the alleyway, and he then
knew that the power came from the engine by a belt under the floor,
shifted on and off by a magnet, the other magnets being a blind. He
whispered to the General to put his hand on the frame of the motor, watch
the exhaust, and note the coincident tremor. The General did so, and in
about fifteen seconds he said: "Well, Edison, I must go now. This thing is
a fraud." And thus he saved his money, although others not so shrewdly
advised were easily persuaded to invest by such a demonstration.
</p>
<p>
A few years later, in 1878, Edison went to Wyoming with a group of
astronomers, to test his tasimeter during an eclipse of the sun, and saw
the land white to harvest. He noticed the long hauls to market or elevator
that the farmers had to make with their loads of grain at great expense,
and conceived the idea that as ordinary steam-railroad service was too
costly, light electric railways might be constructed that could be
operated automatically over simple tracks, the propelling motors being
controlled at various points. Cheap to build and cheap to maintain, such
roads would be a great boon to the newer farming regions of the West,
where the highways were still of the crudest character, and where
transportation was the gravest difficulty with which the settlers had to
contend. The plan seems to have haunted him, and he had no sooner worked
out a generator and motor that owing to their low internal resistance
could be operated efficiently, than he turned his hand to the practical
trial of such a railroad, applicable to both the haulage of freight and
the transportation of passengers. Early in 1880, when the tremendous rush
of work involved in the invention of the incandescent lamp intermitted a
little, he began the construction of a stretch of track close to the Menlo
Park laboratory, and at the same time built an electric locomotive to
operate over it.
</p>
<p>
This is a fitting stage at which to review briefly what had been done in
electric traction up to that date. There was absolutely no art, but there
had been a number of sporadic and very interesting experiments made. The
honor of the first attempt of any kind appears to rest with this country
and with Thomas Davenport, a self-trained blacksmith, of Brandon, Vermont,
who made a small model of a circular electric railway and cars in 1834,
and exhibited it the following year in Springfield, Boston, and other
cities. Of course he depended upon batteries for current, but the
fundamental idea was embodied of using the track for the circuit, one rail
being positive and the other negative, and the motor being placed across
or between them in multiple arc to receive the current. Such are also
practically the methods of to-day. The little model was in good
preservation up to the year 1900, when, being shipped to the Paris
Exposition, it was lost, the steamer that carried it foundering in
mid-ocean. The very broad patent taken out by this simple mechanic, so far
ahead of his times, was the first one issued in America for an electric
motor. Davenport was also the first man to apply electric power to the
printing-press, in 1840. In his traction work he had a close second in
Robert Davidson, of Aberdeen, Scotland, who in 1839 operated both a lathe
and a small locomotive with the motor he had invented. His was the credit
of first actually carrying passengers—two at a time, over a rough
plank road—while it is said that his was the first motor to be tried
on real tracks, those of the Edinburgh-Glasgow road, making a speed of
four miles an hour.
</p>
<p>
The curse of this work and of all that succeeded it for a score of years
was the necessity of depending upon chemical batteries for current, the
machine usually being self-contained and hauling the batteries along with
itself, as in the case of the famous Page experiments in April, 1851, when
a speed of nineteen miles an hour was attained on the line of the
Washington & Baltimore road. To this unfruitful period belonged,
however, the crude idea of taking the current from a stationary source of
power by means of an overhead contact, which has found its practical
evolution in the modern ubiquitous trolley; although the patent for this,
based on his caveat of 1879, was granted several years later than that to
Stephen D. Field, for the combination of an electric motor operated by
means of a current from a stationary dynamo or source of electricity
conducted through the rails. As a matter of fact, in 1856 and again in
1875, George F. Green, a jobbing machinist, of Kalamazoo, Michigan, built
small cars and tracks to which current was fed from a distant battery,
enough energy being utilized to haul one hundred pounds of freight or one
passenger up and down a "road" two hundred feet long. All the work prior
to the development of the dynamo as a source of current was sporadic and
spasmodic, and cannot be said to have left any trace on the art, though it
offered many suggestions as to operative methods.
</p>
<p>
The close of the same decade of the nineteenth century that saw the
electric light brought to perfection, saw also the realization in practice
of all the hopes of fifty years as to electric traction. Both utilizations
depended upon the supply of current now cheaply obtainable from the
dynamo. These arts were indeed twins, feeding at inexhaustible breasts. In
1879, at the Berlin Exhibition, the distinguished firm of Siemens, to
whose ingenuity and enterprise electrical development owes so much,
installed a road about one-third of a mile in length, over which the
locomotive hauled a train of three small cars at a speed of about eight
miles an hour, carrying some twenty persons every trip. Current was fed
from a dynamo to the motor through a central third rail, the two outer
rails being joined together as the negative or return circuit. Primitive
but essentially successful, this little road made a profound impression on
the minds of many inventors and engineers, and marked the real beginning
of the great new era, which has already seen electricity applied to the
operation of main lines of trunk railways. But it is not to be supposed
that on the part of the public there was any great amount of faith then
discernible; and for some years the pioneers had great difficulty,
especially in this country, in raising money for their early modest
experiments. Of the general conditions at this moment Frank J. Sprague
says in an article in the Century Magazine of July, 1905, on the creation
of the new art: "Edison was perhaps nearer the verge of great
electric-railway possibilities than any other American. In the face of
much adverse criticism he had developed the essentials of the
low-internal-resistance dynamo with high-resistance field, and many of the
essential features of multiple-arc distribution, and in 1880 he built a
small road at his laboratory at Menlo Park."
</p>
<p>
On May 13th of the year named this interesting road went into operation as
the result of hard and hurried work of preparation during the spring
months. The first track was about a third of a mile in length, starting
from the shops, following a country road, passing around a hill at the
rear and curving home, in the general form of the letter "U." The rails
were very light. Charles T. Hughes, who went with Edison in 1879, and was
in charge of much of the work, states that they were "second" street-car
rails, insulated with tar canvas paper and things of that sort—"asphalt."
They were spiked down on ordinary sleepers laid upon the natural grade,
and the gauge was about three feet six inches. At one point the grade
dropped some sixty feet in a distance of three hundred, and the curves
were of recklessly short radius. The dynamos supplying current to the road
were originally two of the standard size "Z" machines then being made at
the laboratory, popularly known throughout the Edison ranks as
"Longwaisted Mary Anns," and the circuits from these were carried out to
the rails by underground conductors. They were not large—about
twelve horse-power each—generating seventy-five amperes of current
at one hundred and ten volts, so that not quite twenty-five horse-power of
electrical energy was available for propulsion.
</p>
<p>
The locomotive built while the roadbed was getting ready was a
four-wheeled iron truck, an ordinary flat dump-car about six feet long and
four feet wide, upon which was mounted a "Z" dynamo used as a motor, so
that it had a capacity of about twelve horsepower. This machine was laid
on its side, with the armature end coming out at the front of the
locomotive, and the motive power was applied to the driving-axle by a
cumbersome series of friction pulleys. Each wheel of the locomotive had a
metal rim and a centre web of wood or papier-mache, and the current picked
up by one set of wheels was carried through contact brushes and a brass
hub to the motor; the circuit back to the track, or other rail, being
closed through the other wheels in a similar manner. The motor had its
field-magnet circuit in permanent connection as a shunt across the rails,
protected by a crude bare copper-wire safety-catch. A switch in the
armature circuit enabled the motorman to reverse the direction of travel
by reversing the current flow through the armature coils.
</p>
<p>
Things went fairly well for a time on that memorable Thursday afternoon,
when all the laboratory force made high holiday and scrambled for foothold
on the locomotive for a trip; but the friction gearing was not equal to
the sudden strain put upon it during one run and went to pieces. Some
years later, also, Daft again tried friction gear in his historical
experiments on the Manhattan Elevated road, but the results were attended
with no greater success. The next resort of Edison was to belts, the
armature shafting belted to a countershaft on the locomotive frame, and
the countershaft belted to a pulley on the car-axle. The lever which threw
the former friction gear into adjustment was made to operate an idler
pulley for tightening the axle-belt. When the motor was started, the
armature was brought up to full revolution and then the belt was tightened
on the car-axle, compelling motion of the locomotive. But the belts were
liable to slip a great deal in the process, and the chafing of the belts
charred them badly. If that did not happen, and if the belt was made taut
suddenly, the armature burned out—which it did with disconcerting
frequency. The next step was to use a number of resistance-boxes in series
with the armature, so that the locomotive could start with those in
circuit, and then the motorman could bring it up to speed gradually by
cutting one box out after the other. To stop the locomotive, the armature
circuit was opened by the main switch, stopping the flow of current, and
then brakes were applied by long levers. Matters generally and the motors
in particular went much better, even if the locomotive was so freely
festooned with resistance-boxes all of perceptible weight and occupying
much of the limited space. These details show forcibly and typically the
painful steps of advance that every inventor in this new field had to make
in the effort to reach not alone commercial practicability, but mechanical
feasibility. It was all empirical enough; but that was the only way open
even to the highest talent.
</p>
<p>
Smugglers landing laces and silks have been known to wind them around
their bodies, as being less ostentatious than carrying them in a trunk.
Edison thought his resistance-boxes an equally superfluous display, and
therefore ingeniously wound some copper resistance wire around one of the
legs of the motor field magnet, where it was out of the way, served as a
useful extra field coil in starting up the motor, and dismissed most of
the boxes back to the laboratory—a few being retained under the seat
for chance emergencies. Like the boxes, this coil was in series with the
armature, and subject to plugging in and out at will by the motorman. Thus
equipped, the locomotive was found quite satisfactory, and long did yeoman
service. It was given three cars to pull, one an open awning-car with two
park benches placed back to back; one a flat freight-car, and one box-car
dubbed the "Pullman," with which Edison illustrated a system of electric
braking. Although work had been begun so early in the year, and the road
had been operating since May, it was not until July that Edison executed
any application for patents on his "electromagnetic railway engine," or
his ingenious braking system. Every inventor knows how largely his fate
lies in the hands of a competent and alert patent attorney, in both the
preparation and the prosecution of his case; and Mr. Sprague is justified
in observing in his Century article: "The paucity of controlling claims
obtained in these early patents is remarkable." It is notorious that
Edison did not then enjoy the skilful aid in safeguarding his ideas that
he commanded later.
</p>
<p>
The daily newspapers and technical journals lost no time in bringing the
road to public attention, and the New York Herald of June 25th was swift
to suggest that here was the locomotive that would be "most pleasing to
the average New Yorker, whose head has ached with noise, whose eyes have
been filled with dust, or whose clothes have been ruined with oil." A
couple of days later, the Daily Graphic illustrated and described the road
and published a sketch of a one-hundred-horse-power electric locomotive
for the use of the Pennsylvania Railroad between Perth Amboy and Rahway.
Visitors, of course, were numerous, including many curious, sceptical
railroad managers, few if any of whom except Villard could see the
slightest use for the new motive power. There is, perhaps, some excuse for
such indifference. No men in the world have more new inventions brought to
them than railroad managers, and this was the rankest kind of novelty. It
was not, indeed, until a year later, in May, 1881, that the first regular
road collecting fares was put in operation—a little stretch of one
and a half miles from Berlin to Lichterfelde, with one miniature motorcar.
Edison was in reality doing some heavy electric-railway engineering, his
apparatus full of ideas, suggestions, prophecies; but to the operators of
long trunk lines it must have seemed utterly insignificant and "excellent
fooling."
</p>
<p>
Speaking of this situation, Mr. Edison says: "One day Frank Thomson, the
President of the Pennsylvania Railroad, came out to see the electric light
and the electric railway in operation. The latter was then about a mile
long. He rode on it. At that time I was getting out plans to make an
electric locomotive of three hundred horse-power with six-foot drivers,
with the idea of showing people that they could dispense with their steam
locomotives. Mr. Thomson made the objection that it was impracticable, and
that it would be impossible to supplant steam. His great experience and
standing threw a wet blanket on my hopes. But I thought he might perhaps
be mistaken, as there had been many such instances on record. I continued
to work on the plans, and about three years later I started to build the
locomotive at the works at Goerck Street, and had it about finished when I
was switched off on some other work. One of the reasons why I felt the
electric railway to be eminently practical was that Henry Villard, the
President of the Northern Pacific, said that one of the greatest things
that could be done would be to build right-angle feeders into the
wheat-fields of Dakota and bring in the wheat to the main lines, as the
farmers then had to draw it from forty to eighty miles. There was a point
where it would not pay to raise it at all; and large areas of the country
were thus of no value. I conceived the idea of building a very light
railroad of narrow gauge, and had got all the data as to the winds on the
plains, and found that it would be possible with very large windmills to
supply enough power to drive those wheat trains."
</p>
<p>
Among others who visited the little road at this juncture were persons
interested in the Manhattan Elevated system of New York, on which
experiments were repeatedly tried later, but which was not destined to
adopt a method so obviously well suited to all the conditions until after
many successful demonstrations had been made on elevated roads elsewhere.
It must be admitted that Mr. Edison was not very profoundly impressed with
the desire entertained in that quarter to utilize any improvement, for he
remarks: "When the Elevated Railroad in New York, up Sixth Avenue, was
started there was a great clamor about the noise, and injunctions were
threatened. The management engaged me to make a report on the cause of the
noise. I constructed an instrument that would record the sound, and set
out to make a preliminary report, but I found that they never intended to
do anything but let the people complain."
</p>
<p>
It was upon the co-operation of Villard that Edison fell back, and an
agreement was entered into between them on September 14, 1881, which
provided that the latter would "build two and a half miles of electric
railway at Menlo Park, equipped with three cars, two locomotives, one for
freight, and one for passengers, capacity of latter sixty miles an hour.
Capacity freight engine, ten tons net freight; cost of handling a ton of
freight per mile per horse-power to be less than ordinary locomotive....
If experiments are successful, Villard to pay actual outlay in
experiments, and to treat with the Light Company for the installation of
at least fifty miles of electric railroad in the wheat regions." Mr.
Edison is authority for the statement that Mr. Villard advanced between
$35,000 and $40,000, and that the work done was very satisfactory; but it
did not end at that time in any practical results, as the Northern Pacific
went into the hands of a receiver, and Mr. Villard's ability to help was
hopelessly crippled. The directors of the Edison Electric Light Company
could not be induced to have anything to do with the electric railway, and
Mr. Insull states that the money advanced was treated by Mr. Edison as a
personal loan and repaid to Mr. Villard, for whom he had a high admiration
and a strong feeling of attachment. Mr. Insull says: "Among the financial
men whose close personal friendship Edison enjoyed, I would mention Henry
Villard, who, I think, had a higher appreciation of the possibilities of
the Edison system than probably any other man of his time in Wall Street.
He dropped out of the business at the time of the consolidation of the
Thomson-Houston Company with the Edison General Electric Company; but from
the earliest days of the business, when it was in its experimental period,
when the Edison light and power system was but an idea, down to the day of
his death, Henry Villard continued a strong supporter not only with his
influence, but with his money. He was the first capitalist to back
individually Edison's experiments in electric railways."
</p>
<p>
In speaking of his relationships with Mr. Villard at this time, Edison
says: "When Villard was all broken down, and in a stupor caused by his
disasters in connection with the Northern Pacific, Mrs. Villard sent for
me to come and cheer him up. It was very difficult to rouse him from his
despair and apathy, but I talked about the electric light to him, and its
development, and told him that it would help him win it all back and put
him in his former position. Villard made his great rally; he made money
out of the electric light; and he got back control of the Northern
Pacific. Under no circumstances can a hustler be kept down. If he is only
square, he is bound to get back on his feet. Villard has often been blamed
and severely criticised, but he was not the only one to blame. His
engineers had spent $20,000,000 too much in building the road, and it was
not his fault if he found himself short of money, and at that time unable
to raise any more."
</p>
<p>
Villard maintained his intelligent interest in electric-railway
development, with regard to which Edison remarks: "At one time Mr. Villard
got the idea that he would run the mountain division of the Northern
Pacific Railroad by electricity. He asked me if it could be done. I said:
'Certainly, it is too easy for me to undertake; let some one else do it.'
He said: 'I want you to tackle the problem,' and he insisted on it. So I
got up a scheme of a third rail and shoe and erected it in my yard here in
Orange. When I got it all ready, he had all his division engineers come on
to New York, and they came over here. I showed them my plans, and the
unanimous decision of the engineers was that it was absolutely and utterly
impracticable. That system is on the New York Central now, and was also
used on the New Haven road in its first work with electricity."
</p>
<p>
At this point it may be well to cite some other statements of Edison as to
kindred work, with which he has not usually been associated in the public
mind. "In the same manner I had worked out for the Manhattan Elevated
Railroad a system of electric trains, and had the control of each car
centred at one place—multiple control. This was afterward worked out
and made practical by Frank Sprague. I got up a slot contact for street
railways, and have a patent on it—a sliding contact in a slot.
Edward Lauterbach was connected with the Third Avenue Railroad in New York—as
counsel—and I told him he was making a horrible mistake putting in
the cable. I told him to let the cable stand still and send electricity
through it, and he would not have to move hundreds of tons of metal all
the time. He would rue the day when he put the cable in." It cannot be
denied that the prophecy was fulfilled, for the cable was the beginning of
the frightful financial collapse of the system, and was torn out in a few
years to make way for the triumphant "trolley in the slot."
</p>
<p>
Incidental glimpses of this work are both amusing and interesting. Hughes,
who was working on the experimental road with Mr. Edison, tells the
following story: "Villard sent J. C. Henderson, one of his mechanical
engineers, to see the road when it was in operation, and we went down one
day—Edison, Henderson, and I—and went on the locomotive.
Edison ran it, and just after we started there was a trestle sixty feet
long and seven feet deep, and Edison put on all the power. When we went
over it we must have been going forty miles an hour, and I could see the
perspiration come out on Henderson. After we got over the trestle and
started on down the track, Henderson said: 'When we go back I will walk.
If there is any more of that kind of running I won't be in it myself.'" To
the correspondence of Grosvenor P. Lowrey we are indebted for a similar
reminiscence, under date of June 5, 1880: "Goddard and I have spent a part
of the day at Menlo, and all is glorious. I have ridden at forty miles an
hour on Mr. Edison's electric railway—and we ran off the track. I
protested at the rate of speed over the sharp curves, designed to show the
power of the engine, but Edison said they had done it often. Finally, when
the last trip was to be taken, I said I did not like it, but would go
along. The train jumped the track on a short curve, throwing Kruesi, who
was driving the engine, with his face down in the dirt, and another man in
a comical somersault through some underbrush. Edison was off in a minute,
jumping and laughing, and declaring it a most beautiful accident. Kruesi
got up, his face bleeding and a good deal shaken; and I shall never forget
the expression of voice and face in which he said, with some foreign
accent: 'Oh! yes, pairfeckly safe.' Fortunately no other hurts were
suffered, and in a few minutes we had the train on the track and running
again."
</p>
<p>
All this rough-and-ready dealing with grades and curves was not mere
horse-play, but had a serious purpose underlying it, every trip having its
record as to some feature of defect or improvement. One particular set of
experiments relating to such work was made on behalf of visitors from
South America, and were doubtless the first tests of the kind made for
that continent, where now many fine electric street and interurban railway
systems are in operation. Mr. Edison himself supplies the following data:
"During the electric-railway experiments at Menlo Park, we had a short
spur of track up one of the steep gullies. The experiment came about in
this way. Bogota, the capital of Columbia, is reached on muleback—or
was—from Honda on the headwaters of the Magdalena River. There were
parties who wanted to know if transportation over the mule route could not
be done by electricity. They said the grades were excessive, and it would
cost too much to do it with steam locomotives, even if they could climb
the grades. I said: 'Well, it can't be much more than 45 per cent.; we
will try that first. If it will do that it will do anything else.' I
started at 45 per cent. I got up an electric locomotive with a grip on the
rail by which it went up the 45 per cent. grade. Then they said the curves
were very short. I put the curves in. We started the locomotive with
nobody on it, and got up to twenty miles an hour, taking those curves of
very short radius; but it was weeks before we could prevent it from
running off. We had to bank the tracks up to an angle of thirty degrees
before we could turn the curve and stay on. These Spanish parties were
perfectly satisfied we could put in an electric railway from Honda to
Bogota successfully, and then they disappeared. I have never seen them
since. As usual, I paid for the experiment."
</p>
<p>
In the spring of 1883 the Electric Railway Company of America was
incorporated in the State of New York with a capital of $2,000,000 to
develop the patents and inventions of Edison and Stephen D. Field, to the
latter of whom the practical work of active development was confided, and
in June of the same year an exhibit was made at the Chicago Railway
Exposition, which attracted attention throughout the country, and did much
to stimulate the growing interest in electric-railway work. With the aid
of Messrs. F. B. Rae, C. L. Healy, and C. O. Mailloux a track and
locomotive were constructed for the company by Mr. Field and put in
service in the gallery of the main exhibition building. The track curved
sharply at either end on a radius of fifty-six feet, and the length was
about one-third of a mile. The locomotive named "The Judge," after Justice
Field, an uncle of Stephen D. Field, took current from a central rail
between the two outer rails, that were the return circuit, the contact
being a rubbing wire brush on each side of the "third rail," answering the
same purpose as the contact shoe of later date. The locomotive weighed
three tons, was twelve feet long, five feet wide, and made a speed of nine
miles an hour with a trailer car for passengers. Starting on June 5th,
when the exhibition closed on June 23d this tiny but typical road had
operated for over 118 hours, had made over 446 miles, and had carried
26,805 passengers. After the exposition closed the outfit was taken during
the same year to the exposition at Louisville, Kentucky, where it was also
successful, carrying a large number of passengers. It deserves note that
at Chicago regular railway tickets were issued to paying passengers, the
first ever employed on American electric railways.
</p>
<p>
With this modest but brilliant demonstration, to which the illustrious
names of Edison and Field were attached, began the outburst of excitement
over electric railways, very much like the eras of speculation and
exploitation that attended only a few years earlier the introduction of
the telephone and the electric light, but with such significant results
that the capitalization of electric roads in America is now over
$4,000,000,000, or twice as much as that of the other two arts combined.
There was a tremendous rush into the electric-railway field after 1883,
and an outburst of inventive activity that has rarely, if ever, been
equalled. It is remarkable that, except Siemens, no European achieved fame
in this early work, while from America the ideas and appliances of Edison,
Van Depoele, Sprague, Field, Daft, and Short have been carried and adopted
all over the world.
</p>
<p>
Mr. Edison was consulting electrician for the Electric Railway Company,
but neither a director nor an executive officer. Just what the trouble was
as to the internal management of the corporation it is hard to determine a
quarter of a century later; but it was equipped with all essential
elements to dominate an art in which after its first efforts it remained
practically supine and useless, while other interests forged ahead and
reaped both the profit and the glory. Dissensions arose between the
representatives of the Field and Edison interests, and in April, 1890, the
Railway Company assigned its rights to the Edison patents to the Edison
General Electric Company, recently formed by the consolidation of all the
branches of the Edison light, power, and manufacturing industry under one
management. The only patent rights remaining to the Railway Company were
those under three Field patents, one of which, with controlling claims,
was put in suit June, 1890, against the Jamaica & Brooklyn Road
Company, a customer of the Edison General Electric Company. This was, to
say the least, a curious and anomalous situation. Voluminous records were
made by both parties to the suit, and in the spring of 1894 the case was
argued before the late Judge Townsend, who wrote a long opinion dismissing
the bill of complaint. [15] The student will find therein a very complete
and careful study of the early electric-railway art. After this decision
was rendered, the Electric Railway Company remained for several years in a
moribund condition, and on the last day of 1896 its property was placed in
the hands of a receiver. In February of 1897 the receiver sold the three
Field patents to their original owner, and he in turn sold them to the
Westinghouse Electric and Manufacturing Company. The Railway Company then
went into voluntary dissolution, a sad example of failure to seize the
opportunity at the psychological moment, and on the part of the inventor
to secure any adequate return for years of effort and struggle in founding
one of the great arts. Neither of these men was squelched by such a
calamitous result, but if there were not something of bitterness in their
feelings as they survey what has come of their work, they would not be
human.
</p>
<p>
As a matter of fact, Edison retained a very lively interest in
electric-railway progress long after the pregnant days at Menlo Park, one
of the best evidences of which is an article in the New York Electrical
Engineer of November 18, 1891, which describes some important and original
experiments in the direction of adapting electrical conditions to the
larger cities. The overhead trolley had by that time begun its victorious
career, but there was intense hostility displayed toward it in many places
because of the inevitable increase in the number of overhead wires, which,
carrying, as they did, a current of high voltage and large quantity, were
regarded as a menace to life and property. Edison has always manifested a
strong objection to overhead wires in cities, and urged placing them
underground; and the outcry against the overhead "deadly" trolley met with
his instant sympathy. His study of the problem brought him to the
development of the modern "substation," although the twists that later
evolutions have given the idea have left it scarcely recognizable.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 15: See 61 Fed. Rep. 655.]
</pre>
<p>
Mr. Villard, as President of the Edison General Electric Company,
requested Mr. Edison, as electrician of the company, to devise a
street-railway system which should be applicable to the largest cities
where the use of the trolley would not be permitted, where the slot
conduit system would not be used, and where, in general, the details of
construction should be reduced to the simplest form. The limits imposed
practically were such as to require that the system should not cost more
than a cable road to install. Edison reverted to his ingenious lighting
plan of years earlier, and thus settled on a method by which current
should be conveyed from the power plant at high potential to
motor-generators placed below the ground in close proximity to the rails.
These substations would convert the current received at a pressure of,
say, one thousand volts to one of twenty volts available between rail and
rail, with a corresponding increase in the volume of the current. With the
utilization of heavy currents at low voltage it became necessary, of
course, to devise apparatus which should be able to pick up with absolute
certainty one thousand amperes of current at this pressure through two
inches of mud, if necessary. With his wonted activity and fertility Edison
set about devising such a contact, and experimented with metal wheels
under all conditions of speed and track conditions. It was several months
before he could convey one hundred amperes by means of such contacts, but
he worked out at last a satisfactory device which was equal to the task.
The next point was to secure a joint between contiguous rails such as
would permit of the passage of several thousand amperes without
introducing undue resistance. This was also accomplished.
</p>
<p>
Objections were naturally made to rails out in the open on the street
surface carrying large currents at a potential of twenty volts. It was
said that vehicles with iron wheels passing over the tracks and spanning
the two rails would short-circuit the current, "chew" themselves up, and
destroy the dynamos generating the current by choking all that tremendous
amount of energy back into them. Edison tackled the objection squarely and
short-circuited his track with such a vehicle, but succeeded in getting
only about two hundred amperes through the wheels, the low voltage and the
insulating properties of the axle-grease being sufficient to account for
such a result. An iron bar was also used, polished, and with a man
standing on it to insure solid contact; but only one thousand amperes
passed through it—i.e., the amount required by a single car, and, of
course, much less than the capacity of the generators able to operate a
system of several hundred cars.
</p>
<p>
Further interesting experiments showed that the expected large leakage of
current from the rails in wet weather did not materialize. Edison found
that under the worst conditions with a wet and salted track, at a
potential difference of twenty volts between the two rails, the extreme
loss was only two and one-half horse-power. In this respect the phenomenon
followed the same rule as that to which telegraph wires are subject—namely,
that the loss of insulation is greater in damp, murky weather when the
insulators are covered with wet dust than during heavy rains when the
insulators are thoroughly washed by the action of the water. In like
manner a heavy rain-storm cleaned the tracks from the accumulations due
chiefly to the droppings of the horses, which otherwise served largely to
increase the conductivity. Of course, in dry weather the loss of current
was practically nothing, and, under ordinary conditions, Edison held, his
system was in respect to leakage and the problems of electrolytic attack
of the current on adjacent pipes, etc., as fully insulated as the standard
trolley network of the day. The cost of his system Mr. Edison placed at
from $30,000 to $100,000 per mile of double track, in accordance with
local conditions, and in this respect comparing very favorably with the
cable systems then so much in favor for heavy traffic. All the arguments
that could be urged in support of this ingenious system are tenable and
logical at the present moment; but the trolley had its way except on a few
lines where the conduit-and-shoe method was adopted; and in the
intervening years the volume of traffic created and handled by electricity
in centres of dense population has brought into existence the modern
subway.
</p>
<p>
But down to the moment of the preparation of this biography, Edison has
retained an active interest in transportation problems, and his latest
work has been that of reviving the use of the storage battery for
street-car purposes. At one time there were a number of storage-battery
lines and cars in operation in such cities as Washington, New York,
Chicago, and Boston; but the costs of operation and maintenance were found
to be inordinately high as compared with those of the direct-supply
methods, and the battery cars all disappeared. The need for them under
many conditions remained, as, for example, in places in Greater New York
where the overhead trolley wires are forbidden as objectionable, and where
the ground is too wet or too often submerged to permit of the conduit with
the slot. Some of the roads in Greater New York have been anxious to
secure such cars, and, as usual, the most resourceful electrical engineer
and inventor of his times has made the effort. A special experimental
track has been laid at the Orange laboratory, and a car equipped with the
Edison storage battery and other devices has been put under severe and
extended trial there and in New York.
</p>
<p>
Menlo Park, in ruin and decay, affords no traces of the early Edison
electric-railway work, but the crude little locomotive built by Charles T.
Hughes was rescued from destruction, and has become the property of the
Pratt Institute, of Brooklyn, to whose thousands of technical students it
is a constant example and incentive. It was loaned in 1904 to the
Association of Edison Illuminating Companies, and by it exhibited as part
of the historical Edison collection at the St. Louis Exposition.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2HCH0019" id="link2HCH0019">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CHAPTER XIX
</h2>
<h3>
MAGNETIC ORE MILLING WORK
</h3>
<p>
DURING the Hudson-Fulton celebration of October, 1909, Burgomaster Van
Leeuwen, of Amsterdam, member of the delegation sent officially from
Holland to escort the Half Moon and participate in the functions of the
anniversary, paid a visit to the Edison laboratory at Orange to see the
inventor, who may be regarded as pre-eminent among those of Dutch descent
in this country. Found, as usual, hard at work—this time on his
cement house, of which he showed the iron molds—Edison took occasion
to remark that if he had achieved anything worth while, it was due to the
obstinacy and pertinacity he had inherited from his forefathers. To which
it may be added that not less equally have the nature of inheritance and
the quality of atavism been exhibited in his extraordinary predilection
for the miller's art. While those Batavian ancestors on the low shores of
the Zuyder Zee devoted their energies to grinding grain, he has been not
less assiduous than they in reducing the rocks of the earth itself to
flour.
</p>
<p>
Although this phase of Mr. Edison's diverse activities is not as generally
known to the world as many others of a more popular character, the milling
of low-grade auriferous ores and the magnetic separation of iron ores have
been subjects of engrossing interest and study to him for many years.
Indeed, his comparatively unknown enterprise of separating magnetically
and putting into commercial form low-grade iron ore, as carried on at
Edison, New Jersey, proved to be the most colossal experiment that he has
ever made.
</p>
<p>
If a person qualified to judge were asked to answer categorically as to
whether or not that enterprise was a failure, he could truthfully answer
both yes and no. Yes, in that circumstances over which Mr. Edison had no
control compelled the shutting down of the plant at the very moment of
success; and no, in that the mechanically successful and commercially
practical results obtained, after the exercise of stupendous efforts and
the expenditure of a fortune, are so conclusive that they must inevitably
be the reliance of many future iron-masters. In other words, Mr. Edison
was at least a quarter of a century ahead of the times in the work now to
be considered.
</p>
<p>
Before proceeding to a specific description of this remarkable enterprise,
however, let us glance at an early experiment in separating magnetic iron
sands on the Atlantic sea-shore: "Some years ago I heard one day that down
at Quogue, Long Island, there were immense deposits of black magnetic
sand. This would be very valuable if the iron could be separated from the
sand. So I went down to Quogue with one of my assistants and saw there for
miles large beds of black sand on the beach in layers from one to six
inches thick—hundreds of thousands of tons. My first thought was
that it would be a very easy matter to concentrate this, and I found I
could sell the stuff at a good price. I put up a small plant, but just as
I got it started a tremendous storm came up, and every bit of that black
sand went out to sea. During the twenty-eight years that have intervened
it has never come back." This incident was really the prelude to the
development set forth in this chapter.
</p>
<p>
In the early eighties Edison became familiar with the fact that the
Eastern steel trade was suffering a disastrous change, and that business
was slowly drifting westward, chiefly by reason of the discovery and
opening up of enormous deposits of high-grade iron ore in the upper
peninsula of Michigan. This ore could be excavated very cheaply by means
of improved mining facilities, and transported at low cost to lake ports.
Hence the iron and steel mills east of the Alleghanies—compelled to
rely on limited local deposits of Bessemer ore, and upon foreign ores
which were constantly rising in value—began to sustain a serious
competition with Western mills, even in Eastern markets.
</p>
<p>
Long before this situation arose, it had been recognized by Eastern
iron-masters that sooner or later the deposits of high-grade ore would be
exhausted, and, in consequence, there would ensue a compelling necessity
to fall back on the low-grade magnetic ores. For many years it had been a
much-discussed question how to make these ores available for
transportation to distant furnaces. To pay railroad charges on ores
carrying perhaps 80 to 90 per cent. of useless material would be
prohibitive. Hence the elimination of the worthless "gangue" by
concentration of the iron particles associated with it, seemed to be the
only solution of the problem.
</p>
<p>
Many attempts had been made in by-gone days to concentrate the iron in
such ores by water processes, but with only a partial degree of success.
The impossibility of obtaining a uniform concentrate was a most serious
objection, had there not indeed been other difficulties which rendered
this method commercially impracticable. It is quite natural, therefore,
that the idea of magnetic separation should have occurred to many
inventors. Thus we find numerous instances throughout the last century of
experiments along this line; and particularly in the last forty or fifty
years, during which various attempts have been made by others than Edison
to perfect magnetic separation and bring it up to something like
commercial practice. At the time he took up the matter, however, no one
seems to have realized the full meaning of the tremendous problems
involved.
</p>
<p>
From 1880 to 1885, while still very busy in the development of his
electric-light system, Edison found opportunity to plan crushing and
separating machinery. His first patent on the subject was applied for and
issued early in 1880. He decided, after mature deliberation, that the
magnetic separation of low-grade ores on a colossal scale at a low cost
was the only practical way of supplying the furnace-man with a high
quality of iron ore. It was his opinion that it was cheaper to quarry and
concentrate lean ore in a big way than to attempt to mine, under adverse
circumstances, limited bodies of high-grade ore. He appreciated fully the
serious nature of the gigantic questions involved; and his plans were laid
with a view to exercising the utmost economy in the design and operation
of the plant in which he contemplated the automatic handling of many
thousands of tons of material daily. It may be stated as broadly true that
Edison engineered to handle immense masses of stuff automatically, while
his predecessors aimed chiefly at close separation.
</p>
<p>
Reduced to its barest, crudest terms, the proposition of magnetic
separation is simplicity itself. A piece of the ore (magnetite) may be
reduced to powder and the ore particles separated therefrom by the help of
a simple hand magnet. To elucidate the basic principle of Edison's method,
let the crushed ore fall in a thin stream past such a magnet. The magnetic
particles are attracted out of the straight line of the falling stream,
and being heavy, gravitate inwardly and fall to one side of a partition
placed below. The non-magnetic gangue descends in a straight line to the
other side of the partition. Thus a complete separation is effected.
</p>
<p>
Simple though the principle appears, it was in its application to vast
masses of material and in the solving of great engineering problems
connected therewith that Edison's originality made itself manifest in the
concentrating works that he established in New Jersey, early in the
nineties. Not only did he develop thoroughly the refining of the crushed
ore, so that after it had passed the four hundred and eighty magnets in
the mill, the concentrates came out finally containing 91 to 93 per cent.
of iron oxide, but he also devised collateral machinery, methods and
processes all fundamental in their nature. These are too numerous to
specify in detail, as they extended throughout the various ramifications
of the plant, but the principal ones are worthy of mention, such as:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
The giant rolls (for crushing).
Intermediate rolls.
Three-high rolls.
Giant cranes (215 feet long span).
Vertical dryer.
Belt conveyors.
Air separation.
Mechanical separation of phosphorus.
Briquetting.
</pre>
<p>
That Mr. Edison's work was appreciated at the time is made evident by the
following extract from an article describing the Edison plant, published
in The Iron Age of October 28, 1897; in which, after mentioning his
struggle with adverse conditions, it says: "There is very little that is
showy, from the popular point of view, in the gigantic work which Mr.
Edison has done during these years, but to those who are capable of
grasping the difficulties encountered, Mr. Edison appears in the new light
of a brilliant constructing engineer grappling with technical and
commercial problems of the highest order. His genius as an inventor is
revealed in many details of the great concentrating plant.... But to our
mind, originality of the highest type as a constructor and designer
appears in the bold way in which he sweeps aside accepted practice in this
particular field and attains results not hitherto approached. He pursues
methods in ore-dressing at which those who are trained in the usual
practice may well stand aghast. But considering the special features of
the problems to be solved, his methods will be accepted as those
economically wise and expedient."
</p>
<p>
A cursory glance at these problems will reveal their import. Mountains
must be reduced to dust; all this dust must be handled in detail, so to
speak, and from it must be separated the fine particles of iron
constituting only one-fourth or one-fifth of its mass; and then this
iron-ore dust must be put into such shape that it could be commercially
shipped and used. One of the most interesting and striking investigations
made by Edison in this connection is worthy of note, and may be related in
his own words: "I felt certain that there must be large bodies of
magnetite in the East, which if crushed and concentrated would satisfy the
wants of the Eastern furnaces for steel-making. Having determined to
investigate the mountain regions of New Jersey, I constructed a very
sensitive magnetic needle, which would dip toward the earth if brought
over any considerable body of magnetic iron ore. One of my laboratory
assistants went out with me and we visited many of the mines of New
Jersey, but did not find deposits of any magnitude. One day, however, as
we drove over a mountain range, not known as iron-bearing land, I was
astonished to find that the needle was strongly attracted and remained so;
thus indicating that the whole mountain was underlaid with vast bodies of
magnetic ore.
</p>
<p>
"I knew it was a commercial problem to produce high-grade Bessemer ore
from these deposits, and took steps to acquire a large amount of the
property. I also planned a great magnetic survey of the East, and I
believe it remains the most comprehensive of its kind yet performed. I had
a number of men survey a strip reaching from Lower Canada to North
Carolina. The only instrument we used was the special magnetic needle. We
started in Lower Canada and travelled across the line of march twenty-five
miles; then advanced south one thousand feet; then back across the line of
march again twenty-five miles; then south another thousand feet, across
again, and so on. Thus we advanced all the way to North Carolina, varying
our cross-country march from two to twenty-five miles, according to
geological formation. Our magnetic needle indicated the presence and
richness of the invisible deposits of magnetic ore. We kept minute records
of these indications, and when the survey was finished we had exact
information of the deposits in every part of each State we had passed
through. We also knew the width, length, and approximate depth of every
one of these deposits, which were enormous.
</p>
<p>
"The amount of ore disclosed by this survey was simply fabulous. How much
so may be judged from the fact that in the three thousand acres
immediately surrounding the mills that I afterward established at Edison
there were over 200,000,000 tons of low-grade ore. I also secured sixteen
thousand acres in which the deposit was proportionately as large. These
few acres alone contained sufficient ore to supply the whole United States
iron trade, including exports, for seventy years."
</p>
<p>
Given a mountain of rock containing only one-fifth to one-fourth magnetic
iron, the broad problem confronting Edison resolved itself into three
distinct parts—first, to tear down the mountain bodily and grind it
to powder; second, to extract from this powder the particles of iron
mingled in its mass; and, third, to accomplish these results at a cost
sufficiently low to give the product a commercial value.
</p>
<p>
Edison realized from the start that the true solution of this problem lay
in the continuous treatment of the material, with the maximum employment
of natural forces and the minimum of manual labor and generated power.
Hence, all his conceptions followed this general principle so faithfully
and completely that we find in the plant embodying his ideas the forces of
momentum and gravity steadily in harness and keeping the traces taut;
while there was no touch of the human hand upon the material from the
beginning of the treatment to its finish—the staff being employed
mainly to keep watch on the correct working of the various processes.
</p>
<p>
It is hardly necessary to devote space to the beginnings of the
enterprise, although they are full of interest. They served, however, to
convince Edison that if he ever expected to carry out his scheme on the
extensive scale planned, he could not depend upon the market to supply
suitable machinery for important operations, but would be obliged to
devise and build it himself. Thus, outside the steam-shovel and such
staple items as engines, boilers, dynamos, and motors, all of the diverse
and complex machinery of the entire concentrating plant, as subsequently
completed, was devised by him especially for the purpose. The necessity
for this was due to the many radical variations made from accepted
methods.
</p>
<p>
No such departure was as radical as that of the method of crushing the
ore. Existing machinery for this purpose had been designed on the basis of
mining methods then in vogue, by which the rock was thoroughly shattered
by means of high explosives and reduced to pieces of one hundred pounds or
less. These pieces were then crushed by power directly applied. If a
concentrating mill, planned to treat five or six thousand tons per day,
were to be operated on this basis the investment in crushers and the
supply of power would be enormous, to say nothing of the risk of frequent
breakdowns by reason of multiplicity of machinery and parts. From a
consideration of these facts, and with his usual tendency to upset
traditional observances, Edison conceived the bold idea of constructing
gigantic rolls which, by the force of momentum, would be capable of
crushing individual rocks of vastly greater size than ever before
attempted. He reasoned that the advantages thus obtained would be
fourfold: a minimum of machinery and parts; greater compactness; a saving
of power; and greater economy in mining. As this last-named operation
precedes the crushing, let us first consider it as it was projected and
carried on by him.
</p>
<p>
Perhaps quarrying would be a better term than mining in this case, as
Edison's plan was to approach the rock and tear it down bodily. The faith
that "moves mountains" had a new opportunity. In work of this nature it
had been customary, as above stated, to depend upon a high explosive, such
as dynamite, to shatter and break the ore to lumps of one hundred pounds
or less. This, however, he deemed to be a most uneconomical process, for
energy stored as heat units in dynamite at $260 per ton was much more
expensive than that of calories in a ton of coal at $3 per ton. Hence, he
believed that only the minimum of work should be done with the costly
explosive; and, therefore, planned to use dynamite merely to dislodge
great masses of rock, and depended upon the steam-shovel, operated by coal
under the boiler, to displace, handle, and remove the rock in detail. This
was the plan that was subsequently put into practice in the great works at
Edison, New Jersey. A series of three-inch holes twenty feet deep were
drilled eight feet apart, about twelve feet back of the ore-bank, and into
these were inserted dynamite cartridges. The blast would dislodge thirty
to thirty-five thousand tons of rock, which was scooped up by great
steam-shovels and loaded on to skips carried by a line of cars on a
narrow-gauge railroad running to and from the crushing mill. Here the
material was automatically delivered to the giant rolls. The problem
included handling and crushing the "run of the mine," without selection.
The steam-shovel did not discriminate, but picked up handily single pieces
weighing five or six tons and loaded them on the skips with quantities of
smaller lumps. When the skips arrived at the giant rolls, their contents
were dumped automatically into a superimposed hopper. The rolls were well
named, for with ear-splitting noise they broke up in a few seconds the
great pieces of rock tossed in from the skips.
</p>
<p>
It is not easy to appreciate to the full the daring exemplified in these
great crushing rolls, or rather "rock-crackers," without having watched
them in operation delivering their "solar-plexus" blows. It was only as
one might stand in their vicinity and hear the thunderous roar
accompanying the smashing and rending of the massive rocks as they
disappeared from view that the mind was overwhelmed with a sense of the
magnificent proportions of this operation. The enormous force exerted
during this process may be illustrated from the fact that during its
development, in running one of the early forms of rolls, pieces of rock
weighing more than half a ton would be shot up in the air to a height of
twenty or twenty-five feet.
</p>
<p>
The giant rolls were two solid cylinders, six feet in diameter and five
feet long, made of cast iron. To the faces of these rolls were bolted a
series of heavy, chilled-iron plates containing a number of projecting
knobs two inches high. Each roll had also two rows of four-inch knobs,
intended to strike a series of hammer-like blows. The rolls were set face
to face fourteen inches apart, in a heavy frame, and the total weight was
one hundred and thirty tons, of which seventy tons were in moving parts.
The space between these two rolls allowed pieces of rock measuring less
than fourteen inches to descend to other smaller rolls placed below. The
giant rolls were belt-driven, in opposite directions, through friction
clutches, although the belt was not depended upon for the actual crushing.
Previous to the dumping of a skip, the rolls were speeded up to a
circumferential velocity of nearly a mile a minute, thus imparting to them
the terrific momentum that would break up easily in a few seconds boulders
weighing five or six tons each. It was as though a rock of this size had
got in the way of two express trains travelling in opposite directions at
nearly sixty miles an hour. In other words, it was the kinetic energy of
the rolls that crumbled up the rocks with pile-driver effect. This sudden
strain might have tended to stop the engine driving the rolls; but by an
ingenious clutch arrangement the belt was released at the moment of
resistance in the rolls by reason of the rocks falling between them. The
act of breaking and crushing would naturally decrease the tremendous
momentum, but after the rock was reduced and the pieces had passed
through, the belt would again come into play, and once more speed up the
rolls for a repetition of their regular prize-fighter duty.
</p>
<p>
On leaving the giant rolls the rocks, having been reduced to pieces not
larger than fourteen inches, passed into the series of "Intermediate
Rolls" of similar construction and operation, by which they were still
further reduced, and again passed on to three other sets of rolls of
smaller dimensions. These latter rolls were also face-lined with
chilled-iron plates; but, unlike the larger ones, were positively driven,
reducing the rock to pieces of about one-half-inch size, or smaller. The
whole crushing operation of reduction from massive boulders to small
pebbly pieces having been done in less time than the telling has occupied,
the product was conveyed to the "Dryer," a tower nine feet square and
fifty feet high, heated from below by great open furnace fires. All down
the inside walls of this tower were placed cast-iron plates, nine feet
long and seven inches wide, arranged alternately in "fish-ladder" fashion.
The crushed rock, being delivered at the top, would fall down from plate
to plate, constantly exposing different surfaces to the heat, until it
landed completely dried in the lower portion of the tower, where it fell
into conveyors which took it up to the stock-house.
</p>
<p>
This method of drying was original with Edison. At the time this adjunct
to the plant was required, the best dryer on the market was of a rotary
type, which had a capacity of only twenty tons per hour, with the
expenditure of considerable power. As Edison had determined upon treating
two hundred and fifty tons or more per hour, he decided to devise an
entirely new type of great capacity, requiring a minimum of power (for
elevating the material), and depending upon the force of gravity for
handling it during the drying process. A long series of experiments
resulted in the invention of the tower dryer with a capacity of three
hundred tons per hour.
</p>
<p>
The rock, broken up into pieces about the size of marbles, having been
dried and conveyed to the stock-house, the surplusage was automatically
carried out from the other end of the stock-house by conveyors, to pass
through the next process, by which it was reduced to a powder. The
machinery for accomplishing this result represents another interesting and
radical departure of Edison from accepted usage. He had investigated all
the crushing-machines on the market, and tried all he could get. He found
them all greatly lacking in economy of operation; indeed, the highest
results obtainable from the best were 18 per cent. of actual work,
involving a loss of 82 per cent. by friction. His nature revolted at such
an immense loss of power, especially as he proposed the crushing of vast
quantities of ore. Thus, he was obliged to begin again at the foundation,
and he devised a crushing-machine which was subsequently named the
"Three-High Rolls," and which practically reversed the above figures, as
it developed 84 per cent. of work done with only 16 per cent. loss in
friction.
</p>
<p>
A brief description of this remarkable machine will probably interest the
reader. In the two end pieces of a heavy iron frame were set three rolls,
or cylinders—one in the centre, another below, and the other above—all
three being in a vertical line. These rolls were of cast iron three feet
in diameter, having chilled-iron smooth face-plates of considerable
thickness. The lowest roll was set in a fixed bearing at the bottom of the
frame, and, therefore, could only turn around on its axis. The middle and
top rolls were free to move up or down from and toward the lower roll, and
the shafts of the middle and upper rolls were set in a loose bearing which
could slip up and down in the iron frame. It will be apparent, therefore,
that any material which passed in between the top and the middle rolls,
and the middle and bottom rolls, could be ground as fine as might be
desired, depending entirely upon the amount of pressure applied to the
loose rolls. In operation the material passed first through the upper and
middle rolls, and then between the middle and lowest rolls.
</p>
<p>
This pressure was applied in a most ingenious manner. On the ends of the
shafts of the bottom and top rolls there were cylindrical sleeves, or
bearings, having seven sheaves, in which was run a half-inch endless wire
rope. This rope was wound seven times over the sheaves as above, and led
upward and over a single-groove sheave which was operated by the piston of
an air cylinder, and in this manner the pressure was applied to the rolls.
It will be seen, therefore, that the system consisted in a single rope
passed over sheaves and so arranged that it could be varied in length,
thus providing for elasticity in exerting pressure and regulating it as
desired. The efficiency of this system was incomparably greater than that
of any other known crusher or grinder, for while a pressure of one hundred
and twenty-five thousand pounds could be exerted by these rolls, friction
was almost entirely eliminated because the upper and lower roll bearings
turned with the rolls and revolved in the wire rope, which constituted the
bearing proper.
</p>
<p>
The same cautious foresight exercised by Edison in providing a safety
device—the fuse—to prevent fires in his electric-light system,
was again displayed in this concentrating plant, where, to save possible
injury to its expensive operating parts, he devised an analogous factor,
providing all the crushing machinery with closely calculated "safety
pins," which, on being overloaded, would shear off and thus stop the
machine at once.
</p>
<p>
The rocks having thus been reduced to fine powder, the mass was ready for
screening on its way to the magnetic separators. Here again Edison
reversed prior practice by discarding rotary screens and devising a form
of tower screen, which, besides having a very large working capacity by
gravity, eliminated all power except that required to elevate the
material. The screening process allowed the finest part of the crushed
rock to pass on, by conveyor belts, to the magnetic separators, while the
coarser particles were in like manner automatically returned to the rolls
for further reduction.
</p>
<p>
In a narrative not intended to be strictly technical, it would probably
tire the reader to follow this material in detail through the numerous
steps attending the magnetic separation. These may be seen in a diagram
reproduced from the above-named article in the Iron Age, and supplemented
by the following extract from the Electrical Engineer, New York, October
28, 1897: "At the start the weakest magnet at the top frees the purest
particles, and the second takes care of others; but the third catches
those to which rock adheres, and will extract particles of which only
one-eighth is iron. This batch of material goes back for another crushing,
so that everything is subjected to an equality of refining. We are now in
sight of the real 'concentrates,' which are conveyed to dryer No. 2 for
drying again, and are then delivered to the fifty-mesh screens. Whatever
is fine enough goes through to the eight-inch magnets, and the remainder
goes back for recrushing. Below the eight-inch magnets the dust is blown
out of the particles mechanically, and they then go to the four-inch
magnets for final cleansing and separation.... Obviously, at each step the
percentage of felspar and phosphorus is less and less until in the final
concentrates the percentage of iron oxide is 91 to 93 per cent. As
intimated at the outset, the tailings will be 75 per cent. of the rock
taken from the veins of ore, so that every four tons of crude, raw,
low-grade ore will have yielded roughly one ton of high-grade concentrate
and three tons of sand, the latter also having its value in various ways."
</p>
<p>
This sand was transported automatically by belt conveyors to the rear of
the works to be stored and sold. Being sharp, crystalline, and even in
quality, it was a valuable by-product, finding a ready sale for building
purposes, railway sand-boxes, and various industrial uses. The
concentrate, in fine powdery form, was delivered in similar manner to a
stock-house.
</p>
<p>
As to the next step in the process, we may now quote again from the
article in the Iron Age: "While Mr. Edison and his associates were working
on the problem of cheap concentration of iron ore, an added difficulty
faced them in the preparation of the concentrates for the market.
Furnacemen object to more than a very small proportion of fine ore in
their mixtures, particularly when the ore is magnetic, not easily reduced.
The problem to be solved was to market an agglomerated material so as to
avoid the drawbacks of fine ore. The agglomerated product must be porous
so as to afford access of the furnace-reducing gases to the ore. It must
be hard enough to bear transportation, and to carry the furnace burden
without crumbling to pieces. It must be waterproof, to a certain extent,
because considerations connected with securing low rates of freight make
it necessary to be able to ship the concentrates to market in open coal
cars, exposed to snow and rain. In many respects the attainment of these
somewhat conflicting ends was the most perplexing of the problems which
confronted Mr. Edison. The agglomeration of the concentrates having been
decided upon, two other considerations, not mentioned above, were of
primary importance—first, to find a suitable cheap binding material;
and, second, its nature must be such that very little would be necessary
per ton of concentrates. These severe requirements were staggering, but
Mr. Edison's courage did not falter. Although it seemed a well-nigh
hopeless task, he entered upon the investigation with his usual optimism
and vim. After many months of unremitting toil and research, and the trial
of thousands of experiments, the goal was reached in the completion of a
successful formula for agglomerating the fine ore and pressing it into
briquettes by special machinery."
</p>
<p>
This was the final process requisite for the making of a completed
commercial product. Its practice, of course, necessitated the addition of
an entirely new department of the works, which was carried into effect by
the construction and installation of the novel mixing and briquetting
machinery, together with extensions of the conveyors, with which the plant
had already been liberally provided.
</p>
<p>
Briefly described, the process consisted in mixing the concentrates with
the special binding material in machines of an entirely new type, and in
passing the resultant pasty mass into the briquetting machines, where it
was pressed into cylindrical cakes three inches in diameter and one and a
half inches thick, under successive pressures of 7800, 14,000, and 60,000
pounds. Each machine made these briquettes at the rate of sixty per
minute, and dropped them into bucket conveyors by which they were carried
into drying furnaces, through which they made five loops, and were then
delivered to cross-conveyors which carried them into the stock-house. At
the end of this process the briquettes were so hard that they would not
break or crumble in loading on the cars or in transportation by rail,
while they were so porous as to be capable of absorbing 26 per cent. of
their own volume in alcohol, but repelling water absolutely—perfect
"old soaks."
</p>
<p>
Thus, with never-failing persistence and patience, coupled with intense
thought and hard work, Edison met and conquered, one by one, the complex
difficulties that confronted him. He succeeded in what he had set out to
do, and it is now to be noted that the product he had striven so
sedulously to obtain was a highly commercial one, for not only did the
briquettes of concentrated ore fulfil the purpose of their creation, but
in use actually tended to increase the working capacity of the furnace, as
the following test, quoted from the Iron Age, October 28, 1897, will
attest: "The only trial of any magnitude of the briquettes in the
blast-furnace was carried through early this year at the Crane Iron Works,
Catasauqua, Pennsylvania, by Leonard Peckitt.
</p>
<p>
"The furnace at which the test was made produces from one hundred to one
hundred and ten tons per day when running on the ordinary mixture. The
charging of briquettes was begun with a percentage of 25 per cent., and
was carried up to 100 per cent. The following is the record of the
results:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
RESULTS OF WORKING BRIQUETTES AT THE CRANE FURNACE
</pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
Quantity of Phos- ManDate
Briquette Tons Silica phorus Sulphur ganese
Working
Per Cent.
January 5th 25 104 2.770 0.830 0.018 0.500
January 6th 37 1/2 4 1/2 2.620 0 740 0.018 0.350
January 7th 50 138 1/2 2.572 0.580 0.015 0.200
January 8th 75 119 1.844 0.264 0.022 0.200
January 9th 100 138 1/2 1.712 0.147 0.038 0.185
</pre>
<p>
"On the 9th, at 5 P.M., the briquettes having been nearly exhausted, the
percentage was dropped to 25 per cent., and on the 10th the output dropped
to 120 tons, and on the 11th the furnace had resumed the usual work on the
regular standard ores.
</p>
<p>
"These figures prove that the yield of the furnace is considerably
increased. The Crane trial was too short to settle the question to what
extent the increase in product may be carried. This increase in output, of
course, means a reduction in the cost of labor and of general expenses.
</p>
<p>
"The richness of the ore and its purity of course affect the limestone
consumption. In the case of the Crane trial there was a reduction from 30
per cent. to 12 per cent. of the ore charge.
</p>
<p>
"Finally, the fuel consumption is reduced, which in the case of the
Eastern plants, with their relatively costly coke, is a very important
consideration. It is regarded as possible that Eastern furnaces will be
able to use a smaller proportion of the costlier coke and correspondingly
increase in anthracite coal, which is a cheaper fuel in that section. So
far as foundry iron is concerned, the experience at Catasauqua,
Pennsylvania, brief as it has been, shows that a stronger and tougher
metal is made."
</p>
<p>
Edison himself tells an interesting little story in this connection, when
he enjoyed the active help of that noble character, John Fritz, the
distinguished inventor and pioneer of the modern steel industry in
America. He says: "When I was struggling along with the iron-ore
concentration, I went to see several blast-furnace men to sell the ore at
the market price. They saw I was very anxious to sell it, and they would
take advantage of my necessity. But I happened to go to Mr. John Fritz, of
the Bethlehem Steel Company, and told him what I was doing. 'Well,' he
said to me, 'Edison, you are doing a good thing for the Eastern furnaces.
They ought to help you, for it will help us out. I am willing to help you.
I mix a little sentiment with business, and I will give you an order for
one hundred thousand tons.' And he sat right down and gave me the order."
</p>
<p>
The Edison concentrating plant has been sketched in the briefest outline
with a view of affording merely a bare idea of the great work of its
projector. To tell the whole story in detail and show its logical
sequence, step by step, would take little less than a volume in itself,
for Edison's methods, always iconoclastic when progress is in sight, were
particularly so at the period in question. It has been said that "Edison's
scrap-heap contains the elements of a liberal education," and this was
essentially true of the "discard" during the ore-milling experience.
Interesting as it might be to follow at length the numerous phases of
ingenious and resourceful development that took place during those busy
years, the limit of present space forbids their relation. It would,
however, be denying the justice that is Edison's due to omit all mention
of two hitherto unnamed items in particular that have added to the world's
store of useful devices. We refer first to the great travelling
hoisting-crane having a span of two hundred and fifteen feet, and used for
hoisting loads equal to ten tons, this being the largest of the kind made
up to that time, and afterward used as a model by many others. The second
item was the ingenious and varied forms of conveyor belt, devised and used
by Edison at the concentrating works, and subsequently developed into a
separate and extensive business by an engineer to whom he gave permission
to use his plans and patterns.
</p>
<p>
Edison's native shrewdness and knowledge of human nature was put to
practical use in the busy days of plant construction. It was found
impossible to keep mechanics on account of indifferent residential
accommodations afforded by the tiny village, remote from civilization,
among the central mountains of New Jersey. This puzzling question was much
discussed between him and his associate, Mr. W. S. Mallory, until finally
he said to the latter: "If we want to keep the men here we must make it
attractive for the women—so let us build some houses that will have
running water and electric lights, and rent at a low rate." He set to
work, and in a day finished a design for a type of house. Fifty were
quickly built and fully described in advertising for mechanics. Three
days' advertisements brought in over six hundred and fifty applications,
and afterward Edison had no trouble in obtaining all the first-class men
he required, as settlers in the artificial Yosemite he was creating.
</p>
<p>
We owe to Mr. Mallory a characteristic story of this period as to an
incidental unbending from toil, which in itself illustrates the
ever-present determination to conquer what is undertaken: "Along in the
latter part of the nineties, when the work on the problem of concentrating
iron ore was in progress, it became necessary when leaving the plant at
Edison to wait over at Lake Hopatcong one hour for a connecting train.
During some of these waits Mr. Edison had seen me play billiards. At the
particular time this incident happened, Mrs. Edison and her family were
away for the summer, and I was staying at the Glenmont home on the Orange
Mountains.
</p>
<p>
"One hot Saturday night, after Mr. Edison had looked over the evening
papers, he said to me: 'Do you want to play a game of billiards?'
Naturally this astonished me very much, as he is a man who cares little or
nothing for the ordinary games, with the single exception of parcheesi, of
which he is very fond. I said I would like to play, so we went up into the
billiard-room of the house. I took off the cloth, got out the balls,
picked out a cue for Mr. Edison, and when we banked for the first shot I
won and started the game. After making two or three shots I missed, and a
long carom shot was left for Mr. Edison, the cue ball and object ball
being within about twelve inches of each other, and the other ball a
distance of nearly the length of the table. Mr. Edison attempted to make
the shot, but missed it and said 'Put the balls back.' So I put them back
in the same position and he missed it the second time. I continued at his
request to put the balls back in the same position for the next fifteen
minutes, until he could make the shot every time—then he said: 'I
don't want to play any more.'"
</p>
<p>
Having taken a somewhat superficial survey of the great enterprise under
consideration; having had a cursory glance at the technical development of
the plant up to the point of its successful culmination in the making of a
marketable, commercial product as exemplified in the test at the Crane
Furnace, let us revert to that demonstration and note the events that
followed. The facts of this actual test are far more eloquent than volumes
of argument would be as a justification of Edison's assiduous labors for
over eight years, and of the expenditure of a fortune in bringing his
broad conception to a concrete possibility. In the patient solving of
tremendous problems he had toiled up the mountain-side of success—scaling
its topmost peak and obtaining a view of the boundless prospect. But,
alas! "The best laid plans o' mice and men gang aft agley." The discovery
of great deposits of rich Bessemer ore in the Mesaba range of mountains in
Minnesota a year or two previous to the completion of his work had been
followed by the opening up of those deposits and the marketing of the ore.
It was of such rich character that, being cheaply mined by greatly
improved and inexpensive methods, the market price of crude ore of like
iron units fell from about $6.50 to $3.50 per ton at the time when Edison
was ready to supply his concentrated product. At the former price he could
have supplied the market and earned a liberal profit on his investment,
but at $3.50 per ton he was left without a reasonable chance of
competition. Thus was swept away the possibility of reaping the reward so
richly earned by years of incessant thought, labor, and care. This great
and notable plant, representing a very large outlay of money, brought to
completion, ready for business, and embracing some of the most brilliant
and remarkable of Edison's inventions and methods, must be abandoned by
force of circumstances over which he had no control, and with it must die
the high hopes that his progressive, conquering march to success had
legitimately engendered.
</p>
<p>
The financial aspect of these enterprises is often overlooked and
forgotten. In this instance it was of more than usual import and
seriousness, as Edison was virtually his own "backer," putting into the
company almost the whole of all the fortune his inventions had brought
him. There is a tendency to deny to the capital that thus takes desperate
chances its full reward if things go right, and to insist that it shall
have barely the legal rate of interest and far less than the return of
over-the-counter retail trade. It is an absolute fact that the great
electrical inventors and the men who stood behind them have had little
return for their foresight and courage. In this instance, when the
inventor was largely his own financier, the difficulties and perils were
redoubled. Let Mr. Mallory give an instance: "During the latter part of
the panic of 1893 there came a period when we were very hard up for ready
cash, due largely to the panicky conditions; and a large pay-roll had been
raised with considerable difficulty. A short time before pay-day our
treasurer called me up by telephone, and said: 'I have just received the
paid checks from the bank, and I am fearful that my assistant, who has
forged my name to some of the checks, has absconded with about $3000.' I
went immediately to Mr. Edison and told him of the forgery and the amount
of money taken, and in what an embarrassing position we were for the next
pay-roll. When I had finished he said: 'It is too bad the money is gone,
but I will tell you what to do. Go and see the president of the bank which
paid the forged checks. Get him to admit the bank's liability, and then
say to him that Mr. Edison does not think the bank should suffer because
he happened to have a dishonest clerk in his employ. Also say to him that
I shall not ask them to make the amount good.' This was done; the bank
admitting its liability and being much pleased with this action. When I
reported to Mr. Edison he said: 'That's all right. We have made a friend
of the bank, and we may need friends later on.' And so it happened that
some time afterward, when we greatly needed help in the way of loans, the
bank willingly gave us the accommodations we required to tide us over a
critical period."
</p>
<p>
This iron-ore concentrating project had lain close to Edison's heart and
ambition—indeed, it had permeated his whole being to the exclusion
of almost all other investigations or inventions for a while. For five
years he had lived and worked steadily at Edison, leaving there only on
Saturday night to spend Sunday at his home in Orange, and returning to the
plant by an early train on Monday morning. Life at Edison was of the
simple kind—work, meals, and a few hours' sleep—day by day.
The little village, called into existence by the concentrating works, was
of the most primitive nature and offered nothing in the way of frivolity
or amusement. Even the scenery is austere. Hence Edison was enabled to
follow his natural bent in being surrounded day and night by his
responsible chosen associates, with whom he worked uninterrupted by
outsiders from early morning away into the late hours of the evening.
Those who were laboring with him, inspired by his unflagging enthusiasm,
followed his example and devoted all their long waking hours to the
furtherance of his plans with a zeal that ultimately bore fruit in the
practical success here recorded.
</p>
<p>
In view of its present status, this colossal enterprise at Edison may well
be likened to the prologue of a play that is to be subsequently enacted
for the benefit of future generations, but before ringing down the curtain
it is desirable to preserve the unities by quoting the words of one of the
principal actors, Mr. Mallory, who says: "The Concentrating Works had been
in operation, and we had produced a considerable quantity of the
briquettes, and had been able to sell only a portion of them, the iron
market being in such condition that blast-furnaces were not making any new
purchases of iron ore, and were having difficulty to receive and consume
the ores which had been previously contracted for, so what sales we were
able to make were at extremely low prices, my recollection being that they
were between $3.50 and $3.80 per ton, whereas when the works had started
we had hoped to obtain $6.00 to $6.50 per ton for the briquettes. We had
also thoroughly investigated the wonderful deposit at Mesaba, and it was
with the greatest possible reluctance that Mr. Edison was able to come
finally to the conclusion that, under existing conditions, the
concentrating plant could not then be made a commercial success. This
decision was reached only after the most careful investigations and
calculations, as Mr. Edison was just as full of fight and ambition to make
it a success as when he first started.
</p>
<p>
"When this decision was reached Mr. Edison and I took the Jersey Central
train from Edison, bound for Orange, and I did not look forward to the
immediate future with any degree of confidence, as the concentrating plant
was heavily in debt, without any early prospect of being able to pay off
its indebtedness. On the train the matter of the future was discussed, and
Mr. Edison said that, inasmuch as we had the knowledge gained from our
experience in the concentrating problem, we must, if possible, apply it to
some practical use, and at the same time we must work out some other plans
by which we could make enough money to pay off the Concentrating Company's
indebtedness, Mr. Edison stating most positively that no company with
which he had personally been actively connected had ever failed to pay its
debts, and he did not propose to have the Concentrating Company any
exception.
</p>
<p>
"In the discussion that followed he suggested several kinds of work which
he had in his mind, and which might prove profitable. We figured carefully
over the probabilities of financial returns from the Phonograph Works and
other enterprises, and after discussing many plans, it was finally decided
that we would apply the knowledge we had gained in the concentrating plant
by building a plant for manufacturing Portland cement, and that Mr. Edison
would devote his attention to the developing of a storage battery which
did not use lead and sulphuric acid. So these two lines of work were taken
up by Mr. Edison with just as much enthusiasm and energy as is usual with
him, the commercial failure of the concentrating plant seeming not to
affect his spirits in any way. In fact, I have often been impressed
strongly with the fact that, during the dark days of the concentrating
problem, Mr. Edison's desire was very strong that the creditors of the
Concentrating Works should be paid in full; and only once did I hear him
make any reference to the financial loss which he himself made, and he
then said: 'As far as I am concerned, I can any time get a job at $75 per
month as a telegrapher, and that will amply take care of all my personal
requirements.' As already stated, however, he started in with the maximum
amount of enthusiasm and ambition, and in the course of about three years
we succeeded in paying off all the indebtedness of the Concentrating
Works, which amounted to several hundred thousand dollars.
</p>
<p>
"As to the state of Mr. Edison's mind when the final decision was reached
to close down, if he was specially disappointed, there was nothing in his
manner to indicate it, his every thought being for the future, and as to
what could be done to pull us out of the financial situation in which we
found ourselves, and to take advantage of the knowledge which we had
acquired at so great a cost."
</p>
<p>
It will have been gathered that the funds for this great experiment were
furnished largely by Edison. In fact, over two million dollars were spent
in the attempt. Edison's philosophic view of affairs is given in the
following anecdote from Mr. Mallory: "During the boom times of 1902, when
the old General Electric stock sold at its high-water mark of about $330,
Mr. Edison and I were on our way from the cement plant at New Village, New
Jersey, to his home at Orange. When we arrived at Dover, New Jersey, we
got a New York newspaper, and I called his attention to the quotation of
that day on General Electric. Mr. Edison then asked: 'If I hadn't sold any
of mine, what would it be worth to-day?' and after some figuring I
replied: 'Over four million dollars.' When Mr. Edison is thinking
seriously over a problem he is in the habit of pulling his right eyebrow,
which he did now for fifteen or twenty seconds. Then his face lighted up,
and he said: 'Well, it's all gone, but we had a hell of a good time
spending it.'" With which revelation of an attitude worthy of Mark Tapley
himself, this chapter may well conclude.
</p>
<p>
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<h2>
CHAPTER XX
</h2>
<h3>
EDISON PORTLAND CEMENT
</h3>
<p>
NEW developments in recent years have been more striking than the general
adoption of cement for structural purposes of all kinds in the United
States; or than the increase in its manufacture here. As a material for
the construction of office buildings, factories, and dwellings, it has
lately enjoyed an extraordinary vogue; yet every indication is
confirmatory of the belief that such use has barely begun. Various reasons
may be cited, such as the growing scarcity of wood, once the favorite
building material in many parts of the country, and the increasing
dearness of brick and stone. The fact remains, indisputable, and
demonstrated flatly by the statistics of production. In 1902 the American
output of cement was placed at about 21,000,000 barrels, valued at over
$17,000,000. In 1907 the production is given as nearly 49,000,000 barrels.
Here then is an industry that doubled in five years. The average rate of
industrial growth in the United States is 10 per cent. a year, or doubling
every ten years. It is a singular fact that electricity also so far
exceeds the normal rate as to double in value and quantity of output and
investment every five years. There is perhaps more than ordinary
coincidence in the association of Edison with two such active departments
of progress.
</p>
<p>
As a purely manufacturing business the general cement industry is one of
even remote antiquity, and if Edison had entered into it merely as a
commercial enterprise by following paths already so well trodden, the fact
would hardly have been worthy of even passing notice. It is not in his
nature, however, to follow a beaten track except in regard to the
recognition of basic principles; so that while the manufacture of Edison
Portland cement embraces the main essentials and familiar processes of
cement-making, such as crushing, drying, mixing, roasting, and grinding,
his versatility and originality, as exemplified in the conception and
introduction of some bold and revolutionary methods and devices, have
resulted in raising his plant from the position of an outsider to the rank
of the fifth largest producer in the United States, in the short space of
five years after starting to manufacture.
</p>
<p>
Long before his advent in cement production, Edison had held very
pronounced views on the value of that material as the one which would
obtain largely for future building purposes on account of its stability.
More than twenty-five years ago one of the writers of this narrative heard
him remark during a discussion on ancient buildings: "Wood will rot, stone
will chip and crumble, bricks disintegrate, but a cement and iron
structure is apparently indestructible. Look at some of the old Roman
baths. They are as solid as when they were built." With such convictions,
and the vast fund of practical knowledge and experience he had gained at
Edison in the crushing and manipulation of large masses of magnetic iron
ore during the preceding nine years, it is not surprising that on that
homeward railway journey, mentioned at the close of the preceding chapter,
he should have decided to go into the manufacture of cement, especially in
view of the enormous growth of its use for structural purposes during
recent times.
</p>
<p>
The field being a new one to him, Edison followed his usual course of
reading up every page of authoritative literature on the subject, and
seeking information from all quarters. In the mean time, while he was busy
also with his new storage battery, Mr. Mallory, who had been hard at work
on the cement plan, announced that he had completed arrangements for
organizing a company with sufficient financial backing to carry on the
business; concluding with the remark that it was now time to engage
engineers to lay out the plant. Edison replied that he intended to do that
himself, and invited Mr. Mallory to go with him to one of the
draughting-rooms on an upper floor of the laboratory.
</p>
<p>
Here he placed a large sheet of paper on a draughting-table, and
immediately began to draw out a plan of the proposed works, continuing all
day and away into the evening, when he finished; thus completing within
the twenty-four hours the full lay-out of the entire plant as it was
subsequently installed, and as it has substantially remained in practical
use to this time. It will be granted that this was a remarkable
engineering feat, especially in view of the fact that Edison was then a
new-comer in the cement business, and also that if the plant were to be
rebuilt to-day, no vital change would be desirable or necessary. In that
one day's planning every part was considered and provided for, from the
crusher to the packing-house. From one end to the other, the distance over
which the plant stretches in length is about half a mile, and through the
various buildings spread over this space there passes, automatically, in
course of treatment, a vast quantity of material resulting in the
production of upward of two and a quarter million pounds of finished
cement every twenty-four hours, seven days in the week.
</p>
<p>
In that one day's designing provision was made not only for all important
parts, but minor details, such, for instance, as the carrying of all
steam, water, and air pipes, and electrical conductors in a large subway
running from one end of the plant to the other; and, an oiling system for
the entire works. This latter deserves special mention, not only because
of its arrangement for thorough lubrication, but also on account of the
resultant economy affecting the cost of manufacture.
</p>
<p>
Edison has strong convictions on the liberal use of lubricants, but argued
that in the ordinary oiling of machinery there is great waste, while much
dirt is conveyed into the bearings. He therefore planned a system by which
the ten thousand bearings in the plant are oiled automatically; requiring
the services of only two men for the entire work. This is accomplished by
a central pumping and filtering plant and the return of the oil from all
parts of the works by gravity. Every bearing is made dust-proof, and is
provided with two interior pipes. One is above and the other below the
bearing. The oil flows in through the upper pipe, and, after lubricating
the shaft, flows out through the lower pipe back to the pumping station,
where any dirt is filtered out and the oil returned to circulation. While
this system of oiling is not unique, it was the first instance of its
adaptation on so large and complete a scale, and illustrates the
far-sightedness of his plans.
</p>
<p>
In connection with the adoption of this lubricating system there occurred
another instance of his knowledge of materials and intuitive insight into
the nature of things. He thought that too frequent circulation of a
comparatively small quantity of oil would, to some extent, impair its
lubricating qualities, and requested his assistants to verify this opinion
by consultation with competent authorities. On making inquiry of the
engineers of the Standard Oil Company, his theory was fully sustained.
Hence, provision was made for carrying a large stock of oil, and for
giving a certain period of rest to that already used.
</p>
<p>
A keen appreciation of ultimate success in the production of a fine
quality of cement led Edison to provide very carefully in his original
scheme for those details that he foresaw would become requisite—such,
for instance, as ample stock capacity for raw materials and their
automatic delivery in the various stages of manufacture, as well as
mixing, weighing, and frequent sampling and analyzing during the progress
through the mills. This provision even included the details of the
packing-house, and his perspicacity in this case is well sustained from
the fact that nine years afterward, in anticipation of building an
additional packing-house, the company sent a representative to different
parts of the country to examine the systems used by manufacturers in the
packing of large quantities of various staple commodities involving
somewhat similar problems, and found that there was none better than that
devised before the cement plant was started. Hence, the order was given to
build the new packing-house on lines similar to those of the old one.
</p>
<p>
Among the many innovations appearing in this plant are two that stand out
in bold relief as indicating the large scale by which Edison measures his
ideas. One of these consists of the crushing and grinding machinery, and
the other of the long kilns. In the preceding chapter there has been given
a description of the giant rolls, by means of which great masses of rock,
of which individual pieces may weigh eight or more tons, are broken and
reduced to about a fourteen-inch size. The economy of this is apparent
when it is considered that in other cement plants the limit of crushing
ability is "one-man size"—that is, pieces not too large for one man
to lift.
</p>
<p>
The story of the kiln, as told by Mr. Mallory, is illustrative of Edison's
tendency to upset tradition and make a radical departure from generally
accepted ideas. "When Mr. Edison first decided to go into the cement
business, it was on the basis of his crushing-rolls and air separation,
and he had every expectation of installing duplicates of the kilns which
were then in common use for burning cement. These kilns were usually made
of boiler iron, riveted, and were about sixty feet long and six feet in
diameter, and had a capacity of about two hundred barrels of cement
clinker in twenty-four hours.
</p>
<p>
"When the detail plans for our plant were being drawn, Mr. Edison and I
figured over the coal capacity and coal economy of the sixty-foot kiln,
and each time thought that both could he materially bettered. After having
gone over this matter several times, he said: 'I believe I can make a kiln
which will give an output of one thousand barrels in twenty-four hours.'
Although I had then been closely associated with him for ten years and was
accustomed to see him accomplish great things, I could not help feeling
the improbability of his being able to jump into an old-established
industry—as a novice—and start by improving the 'heart' of the
production so as to increase its capacity 400 per cent. When I pressed him
for an explanation, he was unable to give any definite reasons, except
that he felt positive it could be done. In this connection let me say that
very many times I have heard Mr. Edison make predictions as to what a
certain mechanical device ought to do in the way of output and costs, when
his statements did not seem to be even among the possibilities.
Subsequently, after more or less experience, these predictions have been
verified, and I cannot help coming to the conclusion that he has a
faculty, not possessed by the average mortal, of intuitively and correctly
sizing up mechanical and commercial possibilities.
</p>
<p>
"But, returning to the kiln, Mr. Edison went to work immediately and very
soon completed the design of a new type which was to be one hundred and
fifty feet long and nine feet in diameter, made up in ten-foot sections of
cast iron bolted together and arranged to be revolved on fifteen bearings.
He had a wooden model made and studied it very carefully, through a series
of experiments. These resulted so satisfactorily that this form was
finally decided upon, and ultimately installed as part of the plant.
</p>
<p>
"Well, for a year or so the kiln problem was a nightmare to me. When we
started up the plant experimentally, and the long kiln was first put in
operation, an output of about four hundred barrels in twenty-four hours
was obtained. Mr. Edison was more than disappointed at this result. His
terse comment on my report was: 'Rotten. Try it again.' When we became a
little more familiar with the operation of the kiln we were able to get
the output up to about five hundred and fifty barrels, and a little later
to six hundred and fifty barrels per day. I would go down to Orange and
report with a great deal of satisfaction the increase in output, but Mr.
Edison would apparently be very much disappointed, and often said to me
that the trouble was not with the kiln, but with our method of operating
it; and he would reiterate his first statement that it would make one
thousand barrels in twenty-four hours.
</p>
<p>
"Each time I would return to the plant with the determination to increase
the output if possible, and we did increase it to seven hundred and fifty,
then to eight hundred and fifty barrels. Every time I reported these
increases Mr. Edison would still be disappointed. I said to him several
times that if he was so sure the kiln could turn out one thousand barrels
in twenty-four hours we would be very glad to have him tell us how to do
it, and that we would run it in any way he directed. He replied that he
did not know what it was that kept the output down, but he was just as
confident as ever that the kiln would make one thousand barrels per day,
and that if he had time to work with and watch the kiln it would not take
him long to find out the reasons why. He had made a number of suggestions
throughout these various trials, however, and, as we continued to operate,
we learned additional points in handling, and were able to get the output
up to nine hundred barrels, then one thousand, and finally to over eleven
hundred barrels per day, thus more than realizing the prediction made by
Mr. Edison before even the plans were drawn. It is only fair to say,
however, that prolonged experience has led us to the conclusion that the
maximum economy in continuous operation of these kilns is obtained by
working them at a little less than their maximum capacity.
</p>
<p>
"It is interesting to note, in connection with the Edison type of kiln,
that when the older cement manufacturers first learned of it, they
ridiculed the idea universally, and were not slow to predict our early
'finish' as cement manufacturers. The ultimate success of the kiln,
however, proved their criticisms to be unwarranted. Once aware of its
possibility, some of the cement manufacturers proceeded to avail
themselves of the innovation (at first without Mr. Edison's consent), and
to-day more than one-half of the Portland cement produced in this country
is made in kilns of the Edison type. Old plants are lengthening their
kilns wherever practicable, and no wide-awake manufacturer building a
modern plant could afford to install other than these long kilns. This
invention of Mr. Edison has been recognized by the larger cement
manufacturers, and there is every prospect now that the entire trade will
take licenses under his kiln patents."
</p>
<p>
When he decided to go into the cement business, Edison was thoroughly
awake to the fact that he was proposing to "butt into" an old-established
industry, in which the principal manufacturers were concerns of long
standing. He appreciated fully its inherent difficulties, not only in
manufacture, but also in the marketing of the product. These
considerations, together with his long-settled principle of striving
always to make the best, induced him at the outset to study methods of
producing the highest quality of product. Thus he was led to originate
innovations in processes, some of which have been preserved as trade
secrets; but of the others there are two deserving special notice—namely,
the accuracy of mixing and the fineness of grinding.
</p>
<p>
In cement-making, generally speaking, cement rock and limestone in the
rough are mixed together in such relative quantities as may be determined
upon in advance by chemical analysis. In many plants this mixture is made
by barrow or load units, and may be more or less accurate. Rule-of-thumb
methods are never acceptable to Edison, and he devised therefore a system
of weighing each part of the mixture, so that it would be correct to a
pound, and, even at that, made the device "fool-proof," for as he observed
to one of his associates: "The man at the scales might get to thinking of
the other fellow's best girl, so fifty or a hundred pounds of rock, more
or less, wouldn't make much difference to him." The Edison checking plan
embraces two hoppers suspended above two platform scales whose beams are
electrically connected with a hopper-closing device by means of needles
dipping into mercury cups. The scales are set according to the chemist's
weighing orders, and the material is fed into the scales from the hoppers.
The instant the beam tips, the connection is broken and the feed stops
instantly, thus rendering it impossible to introduce any more material
until the charge has been unloaded.
</p>
<p>
The fine grinding of cement clinker is distinctively Edisonian in both
origin and application. As has been already intimated, its author followed
a thorough course of reading on the subject long before reaching the
actual projection or installation of a plant, and he had found all
authorities to agree on one important point—namely, that the value
of cement depends upon the fineness to which it is ground. [16] He also
ascertained that in the trade the standard of fineness was that 75 per
cent. of the whole mass would pass through a 200-mesh screen. Having made
some improvements in his grinding and screening apparatus, and believing
that in the future engineers, builders, and contractors would eventually
require a higher degree of fineness, he determined, in advance of
manufacturing, to raise the standard ten points, so that at least 85 per
cent. of his product should pass through a 200-mesh screen. This was a
bold step to be taken by a new-comer, but his judgment, backed by a full
confidence in ability to live up to this standard, has been fully
justified in its continued maintenance, despite the early incredulity of
older manufacturers as to the possibility of attaining such a high degree
of fineness.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 16: For a proper understanding and full
appreciation of the importance of fine grinding, it may be
explained that Portland cement (as manufactured in the
Lehigh Valley) is made from what is commonly spoken of as
"cement rock," with the addition of sufficient limestone to
give the necessary amount of lime. The rock is broken down
and then ground to a fineness of 80 to 90 per cent. through
a 200-mesh screen. This ground material passes through kilns
and comes out in "clinker." This is ground and that part of
this finely ground clinker that will pass a 200-mesh screen
is cement; the residue is still clinker. These coarse
particles, or clinkers, absorb water very slowly, are
practically inert, and have very feeble cementing
properties. The residue on a 200-mesh screen is useless.]
</pre>
<p>
If Edison measured his happiness, as men often do, by merely commercial or
pecuniary rewards of success, it would seem almost redundant to state that
he has continued to manifest an intense interest in the cement plant.
Ordinarily, his interest as an inventor wanes in proportion to the
approach to mere commercialism—in other words, the keenness of his
pleasure is in overcoming difficulties rather than the mere piling up of a
bank account. He is entirely sensible of the advantages arising from a
good balance at the banker's, but that has not been the goal of his
ambition. Hence, although his cement enterprise reached the commercial
stage a long time ago, he has been firmly convinced of his own ability to
devise still further improvements and economical processes of greater or
less fundamental importance, and has, therefore, made a constant study of
the problem as a whole and in all its parts. By means of frequent reports,
aided by his remarkable memory, he keeps in as close touch with the plant
as if he were there in person every day, and is thus enabled to suggest
improvement in any particular detail. The engineering force has a great
respect for the accuracy of his knowledge of every part of the plant, for
he remembers the dimensions and details of each item of machinery,
sometimes to the discomfiture of those who are around it every day.
</p>
<p>
A noteworthy instance of Edison's memory occurred in connection with this
cement plant. Some years ago, as its installation was nearing completion,
he went up to look it over and satisfy himself as to what needed to be
done. On the arrival of the train at 10.40 in the morning, he went to the
mill, and, with Mr. Mason, the general superintendent, started at the
crusher at one end, and examined every detail all the way through to the
packing-house at the other end. He made neither notes nor memoranda, but
the examination required all the day, which happened to be a Saturday. He
took a train for home at 5.30 in the afternoon, and on arriving at his
residence at Orange, got out some note-books and began to write entirely
from memory each item consecutively. He continued at this task all through
Saturday night, and worked steadily on until Sunday afternoon, when he
completed a list of nearly six hundred items. The nature of this feat is
more appreciable from the fact that a large number of changes included all
the figures of new dimensions he had decided upon for some of the
machinery throughout the plant.
</p>
<p>
As the reader may have a natural curiosity to learn whether or not the
list so made was practical, it may be stated that it was copied and sent
up to the general superintendent with instructions to make the
modifications suggested, and report by numbers as they were attended to.
This was faithfully done, all the changes being made before the plant was
put into operation. Subsequent experience has amply proven the value of
Edison's prescience at this time.
</p>
<p>
Although Edison's achievements in the way of improved processes and
machinery have already made a deep impression in the cement industry, it
is probable that this impression will become still more profoundly stamped
upon it in the near future with the exploitation of his "Poured Cement
House." The broad problem which he set himself was to provide handsome and
practically indestructible detached houses, which could be taken by
wage-earners at very moderate monthly rentals. He turned this question
over in his mind for several years, and arrived at the conclusion that a
house cast in one piece would be the answer. To produce such a house
involved the overcoming of many engineering and other technical
difficulties. These he attacked vigorously and disposed of patiently one
by one.
</p>
<p>
In this connection a short anecdote may be quoted from Edison as
indicative of one of the influences turning his thoughts in this
direction. In the story of the ore-milling work, it has been noted that
the plant was shut down owing to the competition of the cheap ore from the
Mesaba Range. Edison says: "When I shut down, the insurance companies
cancelled my insurance. I asked the reason why. 'Oh,' they said, 'this
thing is a failure. The moral risk is too great.' 'All right; I am glad to
hear it. I will now construct buildings that won't have any moral risk.' I
determined to go into the Portland cement business. I organized a company
and started cement-works which have now been running successfully for
several years. I had so perfected the machinery in trying to get my ore
costs down that the making of cheap cement was an easy matter to me. I
built these works entirely of concrete and steel, so that there is not a
wagon-load of lumber in them; and so that the insurance companies would
not have any possibility of having any 'moral risk.' Since that time I
have put up numerous factory buildings all of steel and concrete, without
any combustible whatever about them—to avoid this 'moral risk.' I am
carrying further the application of this idea in building private houses
for poor people, in which there will be no 'moral risk' at all—nothing
whatever to burn, not even by lightning."
</p>
<p>
As a casting necessitates a mold, together with a mixture sufficiently
fluid in its nature to fill all the interstices completely, Edison devoted
much attention to an extensive series of experiments for producing a
free-flowing combination of necessary materials. His proposition was
against all precedent. All expert testimony pointed to the fact that a
mixture of concrete (cement, sand, crushed stone, and water) could not be
made to flow freely to the smallest parts of an intricate set of molds;
that the heavy parts of the mixture could not be held in suspension, but
would separate out by gravity and make an unevenly balanced structure;
that the surface would be full of imperfections, etc.
</p>
<p>
Undeterred by the unanimity of adverse opinions, however, he pursued his
investigations with the thorough minuteness that characterizes all his
laboratory work, and in due time produced a mixture which on elaborate
test overcame all objections and answered the complex requirements
perfectly, including the making of a surface smooth, even, and entirely
waterproof. All the other engineering problems have received study in like
manner, and have been overcome, until at the present writing the whole
question is practically solved and has been reduced to actual practice.
The Edison poured or cast cement house may be reckoned as a reality.
</p>
<p>
The general scheme, briefly outlined, is to prepare a model and plans of
the house to be cast, and then to design a set of molds in sections of
convenient size. When all is ready, these molds, which are of cast iron
with smooth interior surfaces, are taken to the place where the house is
to be erected. Here there has been provided a solid concrete cellar floor,
technically called "footing." The molds are then locked together so that
they rest on this footing. Hundreds of pieces are necessary for the
complete set. When they have been completely assembled, there will be a
hollow space in the interior, representing the shape of the house.
Reinforcing rods are also placed in the molds, to be left behind in the
finished house.
</p>
<p>
Next comes the pouring of the concrete mixture into this form. Large
mechanical mixers are used, and, as it is made, the mixture is dumped into
tanks, from which it is conveyed to a distributing tank on the top, or
roof, of the form. From this tank a large number of open troughs or pipes
lead the mixture to various openings in the roof, whence it flows down and
fills all parts of the mold from the footing in the basement until it
overflows at the tip of the roof.
</p>
<p>
The pouring of the entire house is accomplished in about six hours, and
then the molds are left undisturbed for six days, in order that the
concrete may set and harden. After that time the work of taking away the
molds is begun. This requires three or four days. When the molds are taken
away an entire house is disclosed, cast in one piece, from cellar to tip
of roof, complete with floors, interior walls, stairways, bath and laundry
tubs, electric-wire conduits, gas, water, and heating pipes. No plaster is
used anywhere; but the exterior and interior walls are smooth and may be
painted or tinted, if desired. All that is now necessary is to put in the
windows, doors, heater, and lighting fixtures, and to connect up the
plumbing and heating arrangements, thus making the house ready for
occupancy.
</p>
<p>
As these iron molds are not ephemeral like the wooden framing now used in
cement construction, but of practically illimitable life, it is obvious
that they can be used a great number of times. A complete set of molds
will cost approximately $25,000, while the necessary plant will cost about
$15,000 more. It is proposed to work as a unit plant for successful
operation at least six sets of molds, to keep the men busy and the
machinery going. Any one, with a sheet of paper, can ascertain the yearly
interest on the investment as a fixed charge to be assessed against each
house, on the basis that one hundred and forty-four houses can be built in
a year with the battery of six sets of molds. Putting the sum at $175,000,
and the interest at 6 per cent. on the cost of the molds and 4 per cent.
for breakage, together with 6 per cent. interest and 15 per cent.
depreciation on machinery, the plant charge is approximately $140 per
house. It does not require a particularly acute prophetic vision to see
"Flower Towns" of "Poured Houses" going up in whole suburbs outside all
our chief centres of population.
</p>
<p>
Edison's conception of the workingman's ideal house has been a broad one
from the very start. He was not content merely to provide a roomy,
moderately priced house that should be fireproof, waterproof, and
vermin-proof, and practically indestructible, but has been solicitous to
get away from the idea of a plain "packing-box" type. He has also provided
for ornamentation of a high class in designing the details of the
structure. As he expressed it: "We will give the workingman and his family
ornamentation in their house. They deserve it, and besides, it costs no
more after the pattern is made to give decorative effects than it would to
make everything plain." The plans have provided for a type of house that
would cost not far from $30,000 if built of cut stone. He gave to Messrs.
Mann & McNaillie, architects, New York, his idea of the type of house
he wanted. On receiving these plans he changed them considerably, and
built a model. After making many more changes in this while in the pattern
shop, he produced a house satisfactory to himself.
</p>
<p>
This one-family house has a floor plan twenty-five by thirty feet, and is
three stories high. The first floor is divided off into two large rooms—parlor
and living-room—and the upper floors contain four large bedrooms, a
roomy bath-room, and wide halls. The front porch extends eight feet, and
the back porch three feet. A cellar seven and a half feet high extends
under the whole house, and will contain the boiler, wash-tubs, and
coal-bunker. It is intended that the house shall be built on lots forty by
sixty feet, giving a lawn and a small garden.
</p>
<p>
It is contemplated that these houses shall be built in industrial
communities, where they can be put up in groups of several hundred. If
erected in this manner, and by an operator buying his materials in large
quantities, Edison believes that these houses can be erected complete,
including heating apparatus and plumbing, for $1200 each. This figure
would also rest on the basis of using in the mixture the gravel excavated
on the site. Comment has been made by persons of artistic taste on the
monotony of a cluster of houses exactly alike in appearance, but this
criticism has been anticipated, and the molds are so made as to be capable
of permutations of arrangement. Thus it will be possible to introduce
almost endless changes in the style of house by variation of the same set
of molds.
</p>
<p>
For more than forty years Edison was avowedly an inventor for purely
commercial purposes; but within the last two years he decided to retire
from that field so far as new inventions were concerned, and to devote
himself to scientific research and experiment in the leisure hours that
might remain after continuing to improve his existing devices. But
although the poured cement house was planned during the commercial period,
the spirit in which it was conceived arose out of an earnest desire to
place within the reach of the wage-earner an opportunity to better his
physical, pecuniary, and mental conditions in so far as that could be done
through the medium of hygienic and beautiful homes at moderate rentals.
From the first Edison has declared that it was not his intention to
benefit pecuniarily through the exploitation of this project. Having
actually demonstrated the practicability and feasibility of his plans, he
will allow responsible concerns to carry them into practice under such
limitations as may be necessary to sustain the basic object, but without
any payment to him except for the actual expense incurred. The
hypercritical may cavil and say that, as a manufacturer of cement, Edison
will be benefited. True, but as ANY good Portland cement can be used, and
no restrictions as to source of supply are enforced, he, or rather his
company, will be merely one of many possible purveyors.
</p>
<p>
This invention is practically a gift to the workingmen of the world and
their families. The net result will be that those who care to avail
themselves of the privilege may, sooner or later, forsake the crowded
apartment or tenement and be comfortably housed in sanitary, substantial,
and roomy homes fitted with modern conveniences, and beautified by
artistic decorations, with no outlay for insurance or repairs; no dread of
fire, and all at a rental which Edison believes will be not more, but
probably less than, $10 per month in any city of the United States. While
his achievement in its present status will bring about substantial and
immediate benefits to wage-earners, his thoughts have already travelled
some years ahead in the formulation of a still further beneficial project
looking toward the individual ownership of these houses on a basis
startling in its practical possibilities.
</p>
<p>
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<h2>
CHAPTER XXI
</h2>
<h3>
MOTION PICTURES
</h3>
<p>
THE preceding chapters have treated of Edison in various aspects as an
inventor, some of which are familiar to the public, others of which are
believed to be in the nature of a novel revelation, simply because no one
had taken the trouble before to put the facts together. To those who have
perhaps grown weary of seeing Edison's name in articles of a sensational
character, it may sound strange to say that, after all, justice has not
been done to his versatile and many-sided nature; and that the mere
prosaic facts of his actual achievement outrun the wildest flights of
irrelevant journalistic imagination. Edison hates nothing more than to be
dubbed a genius or played up as a "wizard"; but this fate has dogged him
until he has come at last to resign himself to it with a resentful
indignation only to be appreciated when watching him read the latest
full-page Sunday "spread" that develops a casual conversation into
oracular verbosity, and gives to his shrewd surmise the cast of inspired
prophecy.
</p>
<p>
In other words, Edison's real work has seldom been seriously discussed.
Rather has it been taken as a point of departure into a realm of fancy and
romance, where as a relief from drudgery he is sometimes quite willing to
play the pipe if some one will dance to it. Indeed, the stories woven
around his casual suggestions are tame and vapid alongside his own essays
in fiction, probably never to be published, but which show what a real
inventor can do when he cuts loose to create a new heaven and a new earth,
unrestrained by any formal respect for existing conditions of servitude to
three dimensions and the standard elements.
</p>
<p>
The present chapter, essentially technical in its subject-matter, is
perhaps as significant as any in this biography, because it presents
Edison as the Master Impresario of his age, and maybe of many following
ages also. His phonographs and his motion pictures have more audiences in
a week than all the theatres in America in a year. The "Nickelodeon" is
the central fact in modern amusement, and Edison founded it. All that
millions know of music and drama he furnishes; and the whole study of the
theatrical managers thus reaching the masses is not to ascertain the
limitations of the new art, but to discover its boundless possibilities.
None of the exuberant versions of things Edison has not done could endure
for a moment with the simple narrative of what he has really done as the
world's new Purveyor of Pleasure. And yet it all depends on the toilful
conquest of a subtle and intricate art. The story of the invention of the
phonograph has been told. That of the evolution of motion pictures
follows. It is all one piece of sober, careful analysis, and stubborn,
successful attack on the problem.
</p>
<p>
The possibility of making a record of animate movement, and subsequently
reproducing it, was predicted long before the actual accomplishment. This,
as we have seen, was also the case with the phonograph, the telephone, and
the electric light. As to the phonograph, the prediction went only so far
as the RESULT; the apparent intricacy of the problem being so great that
the MEANS for accomplishing the desired end were seemingly beyond the
grasp of the imagination or the mastery of invention.
</p>
<p>
With the electric light and the telephone the prediction included not only
the result to be accomplished, but, in a rough and general way, the
mechanism itself; that is to say, long before a single sound was
intelligibly transmitted it was recognized that such a thing might be done
by causing a diaphragm, vibrated by original sounds, to communicate its
movements to a distant diaphragm by a suitably controlled electric
current. In the case of the electric light, the heating of a conductor to
incandescence in a highly rarefied atmosphere was suggested as a scheme of
illumination long before its actual accomplishment, and in fact before the
production of a suitable generator for delivering electric current in a
satisfactory and economical manner.
</p>
<p>
It is a curious fact that while the modern art of motion pictures depends
essentially on the development of instantaneous photography, the
suggestion of the possibility of securing a reproduction of animate
motion, as well as, in a general way, of the mechanism for accomplishing
the result, was made many years before the instantaneous photograph became
possible. While the first motion picture was not actually produced until
the summer of 1889, its real birth was almost a century earlier, when
Plateau, in France, constructed an optical toy, to which the impressive
name of "Phenakistoscope" was applied, for producing an illusion of
motion. This toy in turn was the forerunner of the Zoetrope, or so-called
"Wheel of Life," which was introduced into this country about the year
1845. These devices were essentially toys, depending for their successful
operation (as is the case with motion pictures) upon a physiological
phenomenon known as persistence of vision. If, for instance, a bright
light is moved rapidly in front of the eye in a dark room, it appears not
as an illuminated spark, but as a line of fire; a so-called shooting star,
or a flash of lightning produces the same effect. This result is purely
physiological, and is due to the fact that the retina of the eye may be
considered as practically a sensitized plate of relatively slow speed, and
an image impressed upon it remains, before being effaced, for a period of
from one-tenth to one-seventh of a second, varying according to the
idiosyncrasies of the individual and the intensity of the light. When,
therefore, it is said that we should only believe things we actually see,
we ought to remember that in almost every instance we never see things as
they are.
</p>
<p>
Bearing in mind the fact that when an image is impressed on the human
retina it persists for an appreciable period, varying as stated, with the
individual, and depending also upon the intensity of the illumination, it
will be seen that, if a number of pictures or photographs are successively
presented to the eye, they will appear as a single, continuous photograph,
provided the periods between them are short enough to prevent one of the
photographs from being effaced before its successor is presented. If, for
instance, a series of identical portraits were rapidly presented to the
eye, a single picture would apparently be viewed, or if we presented to
the eye the series of photographs of a moving object, each one
representing a minute successive phase of the movement, the movements
themselves would apparently again take place.
</p>
<p>
With the Zoetrope and similar toys rough drawings were used for depicting
a few broadly outlined successive phases of movement, because in their day
instantaneous photography was unknown, and in addition there were certain
crudities of construction that seriously interfered with the illumination
of the pictures, rendering it necessary to make them practically as
silhouettes on a very conspicuous background. Hence it will be obvious
that these toys produced merely an ILLUSION of THEORETICAL motion.
</p>
<p>
But with the knowledge of even an illusion of motion, and with the
philosophy of persistence of vision fully understood, it would seem that,
upon the development of instantaneous photography, the reproduction of
ACTUAL motion by means of pictures would have followed, almost as a
necessary consequence. Yet such was not the case, and success was
ultimately accomplished by Edison only after persistent experimenting
along lines that could not have been predicted, including the construction
of apparatus for the purpose, which, if it had not been made, would
undoubtedly be considered impossible. In fact, if it were not for Edison's
peculiar mentality, that refuses to recognize anything as impossible until
indubitably demonstrated to be so, the production of motion pictures would
certainly have been delayed for years, if not for all time.
</p>
<p>
One of the earliest suggestions of the possibility of utilizing
photography for exhibiting the illusion of actual movement was made by
Ducos, who, as early as 1864, obtained a patent in France, in which he
said: "My invention consists in substituting rapidly and without confusion
to the eye not only of an individual, but when so desired of a whole
assemblage, the enlarged images of a great number of pictures when taken
instantaneously and successively at very short intervals.... The observer
will believe that he sees only one image, which changes gradually by
reason of the successive changes of form and position of the objects which
occur from one picture to the other. Even supposing that there be a slight
interval of time during which the same object was not shown, the
persistence of the luminous impression upon the eye will fill this gap.
There will be as it were a living representation of nature and . . . the
same scene will be reproduced upon the screen with the same degree of
animation.... By means of my apparatus I am enabled especially to
reproduce the passing of a procession, a review of military manoeuvres,
the movements of a battle, a public fete, a theatrical scene, the
evolution or the dances of one or of several persons, the changing
expression of countenance, or, if one desires, the grimaces of a human
face; a marine view, the motion of waves, the passage of clouds in a
stormy sky, particularly in a mountainous country, the eruption of a
volcano," etc.
</p>
<p>
Other dreamers, contemporaries of Ducos, made similar suggestions; they
recognized the scientific possibility of the problem, but they were
irretrievably handicapped by the shortcomings of photography. Even when
substantially instantaneous photographs were evolved at a somewhat later
date they were limited to the use of wet plates, which have to be prepared
by the photographer and used immediately, and were therefore quite out of
the question for any practical commercial scheme. Besides this, the use of
plates would have been impracticable, because the limitations of their
weight and size would have prevented the taking of a large number of
pictures at a high rate of speed, even if the sensitized surface had been
sufficiently rapid.
</p>
<p>
Nothing ever came of Ducos' suggestions and those of the early dreamers in
this essentially practical and commercial art, and their ideas have made
no greater impress upon the final result than Jules Verne's Nautilus of
our boyhood days has developed the modern submarine. From time to time
further suggestions were made, some in patents, and others in photographic
and scientific publications, all dealing with the fascinating thought of
preserving and representing actual scenes and events. The first serious
attempt to secure an illusion of motion by photography was made in 1878 by
Edward Muybridge as a result of a wager with the late Senator Leland
Stanford, the California pioneer and horse-lover, who had asserted,
contrary to the usual belief, that a trotting-horse at one point in its
gait left the ground entirely. At this time wet plates of very great
rapidity were known, and by arranging a series of cameras along the line
of a track and causing the horse in trotting past them, by striking wires
or strings attached to the shutters, to actuate the cameras at the right
instant, a series of very clear instantaneous photographs was obtained.
From these negatives, when developed, positive prints were made, which
were later mounted on a modified form of Zoetrope and projected upon a
screen.
</p>
<p>
One of these early exhibitions is described in the Scientific American of
June 5, 1880: "While the separate photographs had shown the successive
positions of a trotting or running horse in making a single stride, the
Zoogyroscope threw upon the screen apparently the living animal. Nothing
was wanting but the clatter of hoofs upon the turf, and an occasional
breath of steam from the nostrils, to make the spectator believe that he
had before him genuine flesh-and-blood steeds. In the views of
hurdle-leaping, the simulation was still more admirable, even to the
motion of the tail as the animal gathered for the jump, the raising of his
head, all were there. Views of an ox trotting, a wild bull on the charge,
greyhounds and deer running and birds flying in mid-air were shown, also
athletes in various positions." It must not be assumed from this statement
that even as late as the work of Muybridge anything like a true illusion
of movement had been obtained, because such was not the case. Muybridge
secured only one cycle of movement, because a separate camera had to be
used for each photograph and consequently each cycle was reproduced over
and over again. To have made photographs of a trotting-horse for one
minute at the moderate rate of twelve per second would have required,
under the Muybridge scheme, seven hundred and twenty separate cameras,
whereas with the modern art only a single camera is used. A further defect
with the Muybridge pictures was that since each photograph was secured
when the moving object was in the centre of the plate, the reproduction
showed the object always centrally on the screen with its arms or legs in
violent movement, but not making any progress, and with the scenery
rushing wildly across the field of view!
</p>
<p>
In the early 80's the dry plate was first introduced into general use, and
from that time onward its rapidity and quality were gradually improved; so
much so that after 1882 Prof. E. J. Marey, of the French Academy, who in
1874 had published a well-known treatise on "Animal Movement," was able by
the use of dry plates to carry forward the experiments of Muybridge on a
greatly refined scale. Marey was, however, handicapped by reason of the
fact that glass plates were still used, although he was able with a single
camera to obtain twelve photographs on successive plates in the space of
one second. Marey, like Muybridge, photographed only one cycle of the
movements of a single object, which was subsequently reproduced over and
over again, and the camera was in the form of a gun, which could follow
the object so that the successive pictures would be always located in the
centre of the plates.
</p>
<p>
The review above given, as briefly as possible, comprises substantially
the sum of the world's knowledge at the time the problem of recording and
reproducing animate movement was first undertaken by Edison. The most that
could be said of the condition of the art when Edison entered the field
was that it had been recognized that if a series of instantaneous
photographs of a moving object could be secured at an enormously high rate
many times per second—they might be passed before the eye either
directly or by projection upon a screen, and thereby result in a
reproduction of the movements. Two very serious difficulties lay in the
way of actual accomplishment, however—first, the production of a
sensitive surface in such form and weight as to be capable of being
successively brought into position and exposed, at the necessarily high
rate; and, second, the production of a camera capable of so taking the
pictures. There were numerous other workers in the field, but they added
nothing to what had already been proposed. Edison himself knew nothing of
Ducos, or that the suggestions had advanced beyond the single centrally
located photographs of Muybridge and Marey. As a matter of public policy,
the law presumes that an inventor must be familiar with all that has gone
before in the field within which he is working, and if a suggestion is
limited to a patent granted in New South Wales, or is described in a
single publication in Brazil, an inventor in America, engaged in the same
field of thought, is by legal fiction presumed to have knowledge not only
of the existence of that patent or publication, but of its contents. We
say this not in the way of an apology for the extent of Edison's
contribution to the motion-picture art, because there can be no question
that he was as much the creator of that art as he was of the phonographic
art; but to show that in a practical sense the suggestion of the art
itself was original with him. He himself says: "In the year 1887 the idea
occurred to me that it was possible to devise an instrument which should
do for the eye what the phonograph does for the ear, and that by a
combination of the two, all motion and sound could be recorded and
reproduced simultaneously. This idea, the germ of which came from the
little toy called the Zoetrope and the work of Muybridge, Marey, and
others, has now been accomplished, so that every change of facial
expression can be recorded and reproduced life-size. The kinetoscope is
only a small model illustrating the present stage of the progress, but
with each succeeding month new possibilities are brought into view. I
believe that in coming years, by my own work and that of Dickson,
Muybridge, Marey, and others who will doubtless enter the field, grand
opera can be given at the Metropolitan Opera House at New York without any
material change from the original, and with artists and musicians long
since dead."
</p>
<p>
In the earliest experiments attempts were made to secure the photographs,
reduced microscopically, arranged spirally on a cylinder about the size of
a phonograph record, and coated with a highly sensitized surface, the
cylinder being given an intermittent movement, so as to be at rest during
each exposure. Reproductions were obtained in the same way, positive
prints being observed through a magnifying glass. Various forms of
apparatus following this general type were made, but they were all open to
the serious objection that the very rapid emulsions employed were
relatively coarse-grained and prevented the securing of sharp pictures of
microscopic size. On the other hand, the enlarging of the apparatus to
permit larger pictures to be obtained would present too much weight to be
stopped and started with the requisite rapidity. In these early
experiments, however, it was recognized that, to secure proper results, a
single camera should be used, so that the objects might move across its
field just as they move across the field of the human eye; and the
important fact was also observed that the rate at which persistence of
vision took place represented the minimum speed at which the pictures
should be obtained. If, for instance, five pictures per second were taken
(half of the time being occupied in exposure and the other half in moving
the exposed portion of the film out of the field of the lens and bringing
a new portion into its place), and the same ratio is observed in
exhibiting the pictures, the interval of time between successive pictures
would be one-tenth of a second; and for a normal eye such an exhibition
would present a substantially continuous photograph. If the angular
movement of the object across the field is very slow, as, for instance, a
distant vessel, the successive positions of the object are so nearly
coincident that when reproduced before the eye an impression of smooth,
continuous movement is secured. If, however, the object is moving rapidly
across the field of view, one picture will be separated from its successor
to a marked extent, and the resulting impression will be jerky and
unnatural. Recognizing this fact, Edison always sought for a very high
speed, so as to give smooth and natural reproductions, and even with his
experimental apparatus obtained upward of forty-eight pictures per second,
whereas, in practice, at the present time, the accepted rate varies
between twenty and thirty per second. In the efforts of the present day to
economize space by using a minimum length of film, pictures are frequently
taken at too slow a rate, and the reproductions are therefore often
objectionable, by reason of more or less jerkiness.
</p>
<p>
During the experimental period and up to the early part of 1889, the kodak
film was being slowly developed by the Eastman Kodak Company. Edison
perceived in this product the solution of the problem on which he had been
working, because the film presented a very light body of tough material on
which relatively large photographs could be taken at rapid intervals. The
surface, however, was not at first sufficiently sensitive to admit of
sharply defined pictures being secured at the necessarily high rates. It
seemed apparent, therefore, that in order to obtain the desired speed
there would have to be sacrificed that fineness of emulsion necessary for
the securing of sharp pictures. But as was subsequently seen, this
sacrifice was in time rendered unnecessary. Much credit is due the Eastman
experts—stimulated and encouraged by Edison, but independently of
him—for the production at last of a highly sensitized, fine-grained
emulsion presenting the highly sensitized surface that Edison sought.
</p>
<p>
Having at last obtained apparently the proper material upon which to
secure the photographs, the problem then remained to devise an apparatus
by means of which from twenty to forty pictures per second could be taken;
the film being stationary during the exposure and, upon the closing of the
shutter, being moved to present a fresh surface. In connection with this
problem it is interesting to note that this question of high speed was
apparently regarded by all Edison's predecessors as the crucial point.
Ducos, for example, expended a great deal of useless ingenuity in devising
a camera by means of which a tape-line film could receive the photographs
while being in continuous movement, necessitating the use of a series of
moving lenses. Another experimenter, Dumont, made use of a single large
plate and a great number of lenses which were successively exposed.
Muybridge, as we have seen, used a series of cameras, one for each plate.
Marey was limited to a very few photographs, because the entire surface
had to be stopped and started in connection with each exposure.
</p>
<p>
After the accomplishment of the fact, it would seem to be the obvious
thing to use a single lens and move the sensitized film with respect to
it, intermittently bringing the surface to rest, then exposing it, then
cutting off the light and moving the surface to a fresh position; but who,
other than Edison, would assume that such a device could be made to repeat
these movements over and over again at the rate of twenty to forty per
second? Users of kodaks and other forms of film cameras will appreciate
perhaps better than others the difficulties of the problem, because in
their work, after an exposure, they have to advance the film forward
painfully to the extent of the next picture before another exposure can
take place, these operations permitting of speeds of but a few pictures
per minute at best. Edison's solution of the problem involved the
production of a kodak in which from twenty to forty pictures should be
taken IN EACH SECOND, and with such fineness of adjustment that each
should exactly coincide with its predecessors even when subjected to the
test of enlargement by projection. This, however, was finally
accomplished, and in the summer of 1889 the first modern motion-picture
camera was made. More than this, the mechanism for operating the film was
so constructed that the movement of the film took place in one-tenth of
the time required for the exposure, giving the film an opportunity to come
to rest prior to the opening of the shutter. From that day to this the
Edison camera has been the accepted standard for securing pictures of
objects in motion, and such changes as have been made in it have been
purely in the nature of detail mechanical refinements.
</p>
<p>
The earliest form of exhibiting apparatus, known as the Kinetoscope, was a
machine in which a positive print from the negative obtained in the camera
was exhibited directly to the eye through a peep-hole; but in 1895 the
films were applied to modified forms of magic lanterns, by which the
images are projected upon a screen. Since that date the industry has
developed very rapidly, and at the present time (1910) all of the
principal American manufacturers of motion pictures are paying a royalty
to Edison under his basic patents.
</p>
<p>
From the early days of pictures representing simple movements, such as a
man sneezing, or a skirt-dance, there has been a gradual evolution, until
now the pictures represent not only actual events in all their palpitating
instantaneity, but highly developed dramas and scenarios enacted in large,
well-equipped glass studios, and the result of infinite pains and expense
of production. These pictures are exhibited in upward of eight thousand
places of amusement in the United States, and are witnessed by millions of
people each year. They constitute a cheap, clean form of amusement for
many persons who cannot spare the money to go to the ordinary theatres, or
they may be exhibited in towns that are too small to support a theatre.
More than this, they offer to the poor man an effective substitute for the
saloon. Probably no invention ever made has afforded more pleasure and
entertainment than the motion picture.
</p>
<p>
Aside from the development of the motion picture as a spectacle, there has
gone on an evolution in its use for educational purposes of wide range,
which must not be overlooked. In fact, this form of utilization has been
carried further in Europe than in this country as a means of demonstration
in the arts and sciences. One may study animal life, watch a surgical
operation, follow the movement of machinery, take lessons in facial
expression or in calisthenics. It seems a pity that in motion pictures
should at last have been found the only competition that the ancient
marionettes cannot withstand. But aside from the disappearance of those
entertaining puppets, all else is gain in the creation of this new art.
</p>
<p>
The work at the Edison laboratory in the development of the motion picture
was as usual intense and concentrated, and, as might be expected, many of
the early experiments were quite primitive in their character until
command had been secured of relatively perfect apparatus. The subjects
registered jerkily by the films were crude and amusing, such as of Fred
Ott's sneeze, Carmencita dancing, Italians and their performing bears,
fencing, trapeze stunts, horsemanship, blacksmithing—just simple
movements without any attempt to portray the silent drama. One curious
incident of this early study occurred when "Jim" Corbett was asked to box
a few rounds in front of the camera, with a "dark un" to be selected
locally. This was agreed to, and a celebrated bruiser was brought over
from Newark. When this "sparring partner" came to face Corbett in the
imitation ring he was so paralyzed with terror he could hardly move. It
was just after Corbett had won one of his big battles as a prize-fighter,
and the dismay of his opponent was excusable. The "boys" at the laboratory
still laugh consumedly when they tell about it.
</p>
<p>
The first motion-picture studio was dubbed by the staff the "Black Maria."
It was an unpretentious oblong wooden structure erected in the laboratory
yard, and had a movable roof in the central part. This roof could be
raised or lowered at will. The building was covered with black roofing
paper, and was also painted black inside. There was no scenery to render
gay this lugubrious environment, but the black interior served as the
common background for the performers, throwing all their actions into high
relief. The whole structure was set on a pivot so that it could be swung
around with the sun; and the movable roof was opened so that the
accentuating sunlight could stream in upon the actor whose gesticulations
were being caught by the camera. These beginnings and crudities are very
remote from the elaborate and expensive paraphernalia and machinery with
which the art is furnished to-day.
</p>
<p>
At the present time the studios in which motion pictures are taken are
expensive and pretentious affairs. An immense building of glass, with all
the properties and stage-settings of a regular theatre, is required. The
Bronx Park studio of the Edison company cost at least one hundred thousand
dollars, while the well-known house of Pathe Freres in France—one of
Edison's licensees—makes use of no fewer than seven of these glass
theatres. All of the larger producers of pictures in this country and
abroad employ regular stock companies of actors, men and women selected
especially for their skill in pantomime, although, as most observers have
perhaps suspected, in the actual taking of the pictures the performers are
required to carry on an animated and prepared dialogue with the same
spirit and animation as on the regular stage. Before setting out on the
preparation of a picture, the book is first written—known in the
business as a scenario—giving a complete statement as to the
scenery, drops and background, and the sequence of events, divided into
scenes as in an ordinary play. These are placed in the hands of a
"producer," corresponding to a stage-director, generally an actor or
theatrical man of experience, with a highly developed dramatic instinct.
The various actors are selected, parts are assigned, and the
scene-painters are set to work on the production of the desired scenery.
Before the photographing of a scene, a long series of rehearsals takes
place, the incidents being gone over and over again until the actors are
"letter perfect." So persistent are the producers in the matter of
rehearsals and the refining and elaboration of details, that frequently a
picture that may be actually photographed and reproduced in fifteen
minutes, may require two or three weeks for its production. After the
rehearsal of a scene has advanced sufficiently to suit the critical
requirements of the producer, the camera man is in requisition, and he is
consulted as to lighting so as to produce the required photographic
effect. Preferably, of course, sunlight is used whenever possible, hence
the glass studios; but on dark days, and when night-work is necessary,
artificial light of enormous candle-power is used, either mercury arcs or
ordinary arc lights of great size and number.
</p>
<p>
Under all conditions the light is properly screened and diffused to suit
the critical eye of the camera man. All being in readiness, the actual
picture is taken, the actors going through their rehearsed parts, the
producer standing out of the range of the camera, and with a megaphone to
his lips yelling out his instructions, imprecations, and approval, and the
camera man grinding at the crank of the camera and securing the pictures
at the rate of twenty or more per second, making a faithful and permanent
record of every movement and every change of facial expression. At the end
of the scene the negative is developed in the ordinary way, and is then
ready for use in the printing of the positives for sale. When a further
scene in the play takes place in the same setting, and without regard to
its position in the plot, it is taken up, rehearsed, and photographed in
the same way, and afterward all the scenes are cemented together in the
proper sequence, and form the complete negative. Frequently, therefore, in
the production of a motion-picture play, the first and the last scene may
be taken successively, the only thing necessary being, of course, that
after all is done the various scenes should be arranged in their proper
order. The frames, having served their purpose, now go back to the
scene-painter for further use. All pictures are not taken in studios,
because when light and weather permit and proper surroundings can be
secured outside, scenes can best be obtained with natural scenery—city
streets, woods, and fields. The great drawback to the taking of pictures
out-of-doors, however, is the inevitable crowd, attracted by the novelty
of the proceedings, which makes the camera man's life a torment by getting
into the field of his instrument. The crowds are patient, however, and in
one Edison picture involving the blowing up of a bridge by the villain of
the piece and the substitution of a pontoon bridge by a company of
engineers just in time to allow the heroine to pass over in her
automobile, more than a thousand people stood around for almost an entire
day waiting for the tedious rehearsals to end and the actual performance
to begin. Frequently large bodies of men are used in pictures, such as
troops of soldiers, and it is an open secret that for weeks during the
Boer War regularly equipped British and Boer armies confronted each other
on the peaceful hills of Orange, New Jersey, ready to enact before the
camera the stirring events told by the cable from the seat of hostilities.
These conflicts were essentially harmless, except in one case during the
battle of Spion Kopje, when "General Cronje," in his efforts to fire a
wooden cannon, inadvertently dropped his fuse into a large glass bottle
containing gunpowder. The effect was certainly most dramatic, and created
great enthusiasm among the many audiences which viewed the completed
production; but the unfortunate general, who is still an employee, was
taken to the hospital, and even now, twelve years afterward, he says with
a grin that whenever he has a moment of leisure he takes the time to pick
a few pieces of glass from his person!
</p>
<p>
Edison's great contribution to the regular stage was the incandescent
electric lamp, which enabled the production of scenic effects never before
even dreamed of, but which we accept now with so much complacency. Yet
with the motion picture, effects are secured that could not be reproduced
to the slightest extent on the real stage. The villain, overcome by a
remorseful conscience, sees on the wall of the room the very crime which
he committed, with HIMSELF as the principal actor; one of the easy effects
of double exposure. The substantial and ofttimes corpulent ghost or spirit
of the real stage has been succeeded by an intangible wraith, as
transparent and unsubstantial as may be demanded in the best book of fairy
tales—more double exposure. A man emerges from the water with a
splash, ascends feet foremost ten yards or more, makes a graceful curve
and lands on a spring-board, runs down it to the bank, and his clothes fly
gently up from the ground and enclose his person—all unthinkable in
real life, but readily possible by running the motion-picture film
backward! The fairy prince commands the princess to appear, consigns the
bad brothers to instant annihilation, turns the witch into a cat, confers
life on inanimate things; and many more startling and apparently
incomprehensible effects are carried out with actual reality, by stop-work
photography. In one case, when the command for the heroine to come forth
is given, the camera is stopped, the young woman walks to the desired
spot, and the camera is again started; the effect to the eye—not
knowing of this little by-play—is as if she had instantly appeared
from space. The other effects are perhaps obvious, and the field and
opportunities are absolutely unlimited. Other curious effects are secured
by taking the pictures at a different speed from that at which they are
exhibited. If, for example, a scene occupying thirty seconds is reproduced
in ten seconds, the movements will be three times as fast, and vice versa.
Many scenes familiar to the reader, showing automobiles tearing along the
road and rounding corners at an apparently reckless speed, are really
pictures of slow and dignified movements reproduced at a high speed.
</p>
<p>
Brief reference has been made to motion pictures of educational subjects,
and in this field there are very great opportunities for development. The
study of geography, scenes and incidents in foreign countries, showing the
lives and customs and surroundings of other peoples, is obviously more
entertaining to the child when actively depicted on the screen than when
merely described in words. The lives of great men, the enacting of
important historical events, the reproduction of great works of
literature, if visually presented to the child must necessarily impress
his mind with greater force than if shown by mere words. We predict that
the time is not far distant when, in many of our public schools, two or
three hours a week will be devoted to this rational and effective form of
education.
</p>
<p>
By applying microphotography to motion pictures an additional field is
opened up, one phase of which may be the study of germ life and bacteria,
so that our future medical students may become as familiar with the habits
and customs of the Anthrax bacillus, for example, as of the domestic cat.
</p>
<p>
From whatever point of view the subject is approached, the fact remains
that in the motion picture, perhaps more than with any other invention,
Edison has created an art that must always make a special appeal to the
mind and emotions of men, and although so far it has not advanced much
beyond the field of amusement, it contains enormous possibilities for
serious development in the future. Let us not think too lightly of the
humble five-cent theatre with its gaping crowd following with breathless
interest the vicissitudes of the beautiful heroine. Before us lies an
undeveloped land of opportunity which is destined to play an important
part in the growth and welfare of the human race.
</p>
<p>
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<h2>
CHAPTER XXII
</h2>
<h3>
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE EDISON STORAGE BATTERY
</h3>
<p>
IT is more than a hundred years since the elementary principle of the
storage battery or "accumulator" was detected by a Frenchman named
Gautherot; it is just fifty years since another Frenchman, named Plante,
discovered that on taking two thin plates of sheet lead, immersing them in
dilute sulphuric acid, and passing an electric current through the cell,
the combination exhibited the ability to give back part of the original
charging current, owing to the chemical changes and reactions set up.
Plante coiled up his sheets into a very handy cell like a little roll of
carpet or pastry; but the trouble was that the battery took a long time to
"form." One sheet becoming coated with lead peroxide and the other with
finely divided or spongy metallic lead, they would receive current, and
then, even after a long period of inaction, furnish or return an
electromotive force of from 1.85 to 2.2 volts. This ability to store up
electrical energy produced by dynamos in hours otherwise idle, whether
driven by steam, wind, or water, was a distinct advance in the art; but
the sensational step was taken about 1880, when Faure in France and Brush
in America broke away from the slow and weary process of "forming" the
plates, and hit on clever methods of furnishing them "ready made," so to
speak, by dabbing red lead onto lead-grid plates, just as butter is spread
on a slice of home-made bread. This brought the storage battery at once
into use as a practical, manufactured piece of apparatus; and the world
was captivated with the idea. The great English scientist, Sir William
Thomson, went wild with enthusiasm when a Faure "box of electricity" was
brought over from Paris to him in 1881 containing a million foot-pounds of
stored energy. His biographer, Dr. Sylvanus P. Thompson, describes him as
lying ill in bed with a wounded leg, and watching results with an
incandescent lamp fastened to his bed curtain by a safety-pin, and lit up
by current from the little Faure cell. Said Sir William: "It is going to
be a most valuable, practical affair—as valuable as water-cisterns
to people whether they had or had not systems of water-pipes and
water-supply." Indeed, in one outburst of panegyric the shrewd physicist
remarked that he saw in it "a realization of the most ardently and
increasingly felt scientific aspiration of his life—an aspiration
which he hardly dared to expect or to see realized." A little later,
however, Sir William, always cautious and canny, began to discover the
inherent defects of the primitive battery, as to disintegration,
inefficiency, costliness, etc., and though offered tempting inducements,
declined to lend his name to its financial introduction. Nevertheless, he
accepted the principle as valuable, and put the battery to actual use.
</p>
<p>
For many years after this episode, the modern lead-lead type of battery
thus brought forward with so great a flourish of trumpets had a hard time
of it. Edison's attitude toward it, even as a useful supplement to his
lighting system, was always one of scepticism, and he remarked
contemptuously that the best storage battery he knew was a ton of coal.
The financial fortunes of the battery, on both sides of the Atlantic, were
as varied and as disastrous as its industrial; but it did at last emerge,
and "made good." By 1905, the production of lead-lead storage batteries in
the United States alone had reached a value for the year of nearly
$3,000,000, and it has increased greatly since that time. The storage
battery is now regarded as an important and indispensable adjunct in
nearly all modern electric-lighting and electric-railway systems of any
magnitude; and in 1909, in spite of its weight, it had found adoption in
over ten thousand automobiles of the truck, delivery wagon, pleasure
carriage, and runabout types in America.
</p>
<p>
Edison watched closely all this earlier development for about fifteen
years, not changing his mind as to what he regarded as the incurable
defects of the lead-lead type, but coming gradually to the conclusion that
if a storage battery of some other and better type could be brought
forward, it would fulfil all the early hopes, however extravagant, of such
men as Kelvin (Sir William Thomson), and would become as necessary and as
universal as the incandescent lamp or the electric motor. The beginning of
the present century found him at his point of new departure.
</p>
<p>
Generally speaking, non-technical and uninitiated persons have a tendency
to regard an invention as being more or less the ultimate result of some
happy inspiration. And, indeed, there is no doubt that such may be the
fact in some instances; but in most cases the inventor has intentionally
set out to accomplish a definite and desired result—mostly through
the application of the known laws of the art in which he happens to be
working. It is rarely, however, that a man will start out deliberately, as
Edison did, to evolve a radically new type of such an intricate device as
the storage battery, with only a meagre clew and a vague starting-point.
</p>
<p>
In view of the successful outcome of the problem which, in 1900, he
undertook to solve, it will be interesting to review his mental attitude
at that period. It has already been noted at the end of a previous chapter
that on closing the magnetic iron-ore concentrating plant at Edison, New
Jersey, he resolved to work on a new type of storage battery. It was about
this time that, in the course of a conversation with Mr. R. H. Beach, then
of the street-railway department of the General Electric Company, he said:
"Beach, I don't think Nature would be so unkind as to withhold the secret
of a GOOD storage battery if a real earnest hunt for it is made. I'm going
to hunt."
</p>
<p>
Frequently Edison has been asked what he considers the secret of
achievement. To this query he has invariably replied: "Hard work, based on
hard thinking." The laboratory records bear the fullest witness that he
has consistently followed out this prescription to the utmost. The
perfection of all his great inventions has been signalized by patient,
persistent, and incessant effort which, recognizing nothing short of
success, has resulted in the ultimate accomplishment of his ideas.
Optimistic and hopeful to a high degree, Edison has the happy faculty of
beginning the day as open-minded as a child—yesterday's
disappointments and failures discarded and discounted by the alluring
possibilities of to-morrow.
</p>
<p>
Of all his inventions, it is doubtful whether any one of them has called
forth more original thought, work, perseverance, ingenuity, and monumental
patience than the one we are now dealing with. One of his associates who
has been through the many years of the storage-battery drudgery with him
said: "If Edison's experiments, investigations, and work on this storage
battery were all that he had ever done, I should say that he was not only
a notable inventor, but also a great man. It is almost impossible to
appreciate the enormous difficulties that have been overcome."
</p>
<p>
From a beginning which was made practically in the dark, it was not until
he had completed more than ten thousand experiments that he obtained any
positive preliminary results whatever. Through all this vast amount of
research there had been no previous signs of the electrical action he was
looking for. These experiments had extended over many months of constant
work by day and night, but there was no breakdown of Edison's faith in
ultimate success—no diminution of his sanguine and confident
expectations. The failure of an experiment simply meant to him that he had
found something else that would not work, thus bringing the possible goal
a little nearer by a process of painstaking elimination.
</p>
<p>
Now, however, after these many months of arduous toil, in which he had
examined and tested practically all the known elements in numerous
chemical combinations, the electric action he sought for had been
obtained, thus affording him the first inkling of the secret that he had
industriously tried to wrest from Nature. It should be borne in mind that
from the very outset Edison had disdained any intention of following in
the only tracks then known by employing lead and sulphuric acid as the
components of a successful storage battery. Impressed with what he
considered the serious inherent defects of batteries made of these
materials, and the tremendously complex nature of the chemical reactions
taking place in all types of such cells, he determined boldly at the start
that he would devise a battery without lead, and one in which an alkaline
solution could be used—a form which would, he firmly believed, be
inherently less subject to decay and dissolution than the standard type,
which after many setbacks had finally won its way to an annual production
of many thousands of cells, worth millions of dollars.
</p>
<p>
Two or three thousand of the first experiments followed the line of his
well-known primary battery in the attempted employment of copper oxide as
an element in a new type of storage cell; but its use offered no
advantages, and the hunt was continued in other directions and pursued
until Edison satisfied himself by a vast number of experiments that nickel
and iron possessed the desirable qualifications he was in search of.
</p>
<p>
This immense amount of investigation which had consumed so many months of
time, and which had culminated in the discovery of a series of reactions
between nickel and iron that bore great promise, brought Edison merely
within sight of a strange and hitherto unexplored country. Slowly but
surely the results of the last few thousands of his preliminary
experiments had pointed inevitably to a new and fruitful region ahead. He
had discovered the hidden passage and held the clew which he had so
industriously sought. And now, having outlined a definite path, Edison was
all afire to push ahead vigorously in order that he might enter in and
possess the land.
</p>
<p>
It is a trite saying that "history repeats itself," and certainly no axiom
carries more truth than this when applied to the history of each of
Edison's important inventions. The development of the storage battery has
been no exception; indeed, far from otherwise, for in the ten years that
have elapsed since the time he set himself and his mechanics, chemists,
machinists, and experimenters at work to develop a practical commercial
cell, the old story of incessant and persistent efforts so manifest in the
working out of other inventions was fully repeated.
</p>
<p>
Very soon after he had decided upon the use of nickel and iron as the
elemental metals for his storage battery, Edison established a chemical
plant at Silver Lake, New Jersey, a few miles from the Orange laboratory,
on land purchased some time previously. This place was the scene of the
further experiments to develop the various chemical forms of nickel and
iron, and to determine by tests what would be best adapted for use in
cells manufactured on a commercial scale. With a little handful of
selected experimenters gathered about him, Edison settled down to one of
his characteristic struggles for supremacy. To some extent it was a
revival of the old Menlo Park days (or, rather, nights). Some of these who
had worked on the preliminary experiments, with the addition of a few
new-comers, toiled together regardless of passing time and often under
most discouraging circumstances, but with that remarkable esprit de corps
that has ever marked Edison's relations with his co-workers, and that has
contributed so largely to the successful carrying out of his ideas.
</p>
<p>
The group that took part in these early years of Edison's arduous labors
included his old-time assistant, Fred Ott, together with his chemist, J.
W. Aylsworth, as well as E. J. Ross, Jr., W. E. Holland, and Ralph
Arbogast, and a little later W. G. Bee, all of whom have grown up with the
battery and still devote their energies to its commercial development. One
of these workers, relating the strenuous experiences of these few years,
says: "It was hard work and long hours, but still there were some things
that made life pleasant. One of them was the supper-hour we enjoyed when
we worked nights. Mr. Edison would have supper sent in about midnight, and
we all sat down together, including himself. Work was forgotten for the
time, and all hands were ready for fun. I have very pleasant recollections
of Mr. Edison at these times. He would always relax and help to make a
good time, and on some occasions I have seen him fairly overflow with
animal spirits, just like a boy let out from school. After the supper-hour
was over, however, he again became the serious, energetic inventor, deeply
immersed in the work at hand.
</p>
<p>
"He was very fond of telling and hearing stories, and always appreciated a
joke. I remember one that he liked to get off on us once in a while. Our
lighting plant was in duplicate, and about 12.30 or 1 o'clock in the
morning, at the close of the supper-hour, a change would be made from one
plant to the other, involving the gradual extinction of the electric
lights and their slowly coming up to candle-power again, the whole change
requiring probably about thirty seconds. Sometimes, as this was taking
place, Edison would fold his hands, compose himself as if he were in sound
sleep, and when the lights were full again would apparently wake up, with
the remark, 'Well, boys, we've had a fine rest; now let's pitch into work
again.'"
</p>
<p>
Another interesting and amusing reminiscence of this period of activity
has been gathered from another of the family of experimenters: "Sometimes,
when Mr. Edison had been working long hours, he would want to have a short
sleep. It was one of the funniest things I ever witnessed to see him crawl
into an ordinary roll-top desk and curl up and take a nap. If there was a
sight that was still more funny, it was to see him turn over on his other
side, all the time remaining in the desk. He would use several volumes of
Watts's Dictionary of Chemistry for a pillow, and we fellows used to say
that he absorbed the contents during his sleep, judging from the flow of
new ideas he had on waking."
</p>
<p>
Such incidents as these serve merely to illustrate the lighter moments
that stand out in relief against the more sombre background of the
strenuous years, for, of all the absorbingly busy periods of Edison's
inventive life, the first five years of the storage-battery era was one of
the very busiest of them all. It was not that there remained any basic
principle to be discovered or simplified, for that had already been done;
but it was in the effort to carry these principles into practice that
there arose the numerous difficulties that at times seemed insurmountable.
But, according to another co-worker, "Edison seemed pleased when he used
to run up against a serious difficulty. It would seem to stiffen his
backbone and make him more prolific of new ideas. For a time I thought I
was foolish to imagine such a thing, but I could never get away from the
impression that he really appeared happy when he ran up against a serious
snag. That was in my green days, and I soon learned that the failure of an
experiment never discourages him unless it is by reason of the
carelessness of the man making it. Then Edison gets disgusted. If it fails
on its merits, he doesn't worry or fret about it, but, on the contrary,
regards it as a useful fact learned; remains cheerful and tries something
else. I have known him to reverse an unsuccessful experiment and come out
all right."
</p>
<p>
To follow Edison's trail in detail through the innumerable twists and
turns of his experimentation and research on the storage battery, during
the past ten years, would not be in keeping with the scope of this
narrative, nor would it serve any useful purpose. Besides, such details
would fill a big volume. The narrative, however, would not be complete
without some mention of the general outline of his work, and reference may
be made briefly to a few of the chief items. And lest the reader think
that the word "innumerable" may have been carelessly or hastily used
above, we would quote the reply of one of the laboratory assistants when
asked how many experiments had been made on the Edison storage battery
since the year 1900: "Goodness only knows! We used to number our
experiments consecutively from 1 to 10,000, and when we got up to 10,000
we turned back to 1 and ran up to 10,000 again, and so on. We ran through
several series—I don't know how many, and have lost track of them
now, but it was not far from fifty thousand."
</p>
<p>
From the very first, Edison's broad idea of his storage battery was to
make perforated metallic containers having the active materials packed
therein; nickel hydrate for the positive and iron oxide for the negative
plate. This plan has been adhered to throughout, and has found its
consummation in the present form of the completed commercial cell, but in
the middle ground which stands between the early crude beginnings and the
perfected type of to-day there lies a world of original thought, patient
plodding, and achievement.
</p>
<p>
The first necessity was naturally to obtain the best and purest compounds
for active materials. Edison found that comparatively little was known by
manufacturing chemists about nickel and iron oxides of the high grade and
purity he required. Hence it became necessary for him to establish his own
chemical works and put them in charge of men specially trained by himself,
with whom he worked. This was the plant at Silver Lake, above referred to.
Here, for several years, there was ceaseless activity in the preparation
of these chemical compounds by every imaginable process and subsequent
testing. Edison's chief chemist says: "We left no stone unturned to find a
way of making those chemicals so that they would give the highest results.
We carried on the experiments with the two chemicals together. Sometimes
the nickel would be ahead in the tests, and then again it would fall
behind. To stimulate us to greater improvement, Edison hung up a card
which showed the results of tests in milliampere-hours given by the
experimental elements as we tried them with the various grades of nickel
and iron we had made. This stirred up a great deal of ambition among the
boys to push the figures up. Some of our earliest tests showed around 300,
but as we improved the material, they gradually crept up to over 500. Just
about that time Edison made a trip to Canada, and when he came back we had
made such good progress that the figures had crept up to about 1000. I
well remember how greatly he was pleased."
</p>
<p>
In speaking of the development of the negative element of the battery, Mr.
Aylsworth said: "In like manner the iron element had to be developed and
improved; and finally the iron, which had generally enjoyed superiority in
capacity over its companion, the nickel element, had to go in training in
order to retain its lead, which was imperative, in order to produce a
uniform and constant voltage curve. In talking with me one day about the
difficulties under which we were working and contrasting them with the
phonograph experimentation, Edison said: 'In phonographic work we can use
our ears and our eyes, aided with powerful microscopes; but in the battery
our difficulties cannot be seen or heard, but must be observed by our
mind's eye!' And by reason of the employment of such vision in the past,
Edison is now able to see quite clearly through the forest of difficulties
after eliminating them one by one."
</p>
<p>
The size and shape of the containing pockets in the battery plates or
elements and the degree of their perforation were matters that received
many years of close study and experiment; indeed, there is still to-day
constant work expended on their perfection, although their present general
form was decided upon several years ago. The mechanical construction of
the battery, as a whole, in its present form, compels instant admiration
on account of its beauty and completeness. Mr. Edison has spared neither
thought, ingenuity, labor, nor money in the effort to make it the most
complete and efficient storage cell obtainable, and the results show that
his skill, judgment, and foresight have lost nothing of the power that
laid the foundation of, and built up, other great arts at each earlier
stage of his career.
</p>
<p>
Among the complex and numerous problems that presented themselves in the
evolution of the battery was the one concerning the internal conductivity
of the positive unit. The nickel hydrate was a poor electrical conductor,
and although a metallic nickel pocket might be filled with it, there would
not be the desired electrical action unless a conducting substance were
mixed with it, and so incorporated and packed that there would be good
electrical contact throughout. This proved to be a most knotty and
intricate puzzle—tricky and evasive—always leading on and
promising something, and at the last slipping away leaving the work
undone. Edison's remarkable patience and persistence in dealing with this
trying problem and in finally solving it successfully won for him more
than ordinary admiration from his associates. One of them, in speaking of
the seemingly interminable experiments to overcome this trouble, said: "I
guess that question of conductivity of the positive pocket brought lots of
gray hairs to his head. I never dreamed a man could have such patience and
perseverance. Any other man than Edison would have given the whole thing
up a thousand times, but not he! Things looked awfully blue to the whole
bunch of us many a time, but he was always hopeful. I remember one time
things looked so dark to me that I had just about made up my mind to throw
up my job, but some good turn came just then and I didn't. Now I'm glad I
held on, for we've got a great future."
</p>
<p>
The difficulty of obtaining good electrical contact in the positive
element was indeed Edison's chief trouble for many years. After a great
amount of work and experimentation he decided upon a certain form of
graphite, which seemed to be suitable for the purpose, and then proceeded
to the commercial manufacture of the battery at a special factory in Glen
Ridge, New Jersey, installed for the purpose. There was no lack of buyers,
but, on the contrary, the factory was unable to turn out batteries enough.
The newspapers had previously published articles showing the unusual
capacity and performance of the battery, and public interest had thus been
greatly awakened.
</p>
<p>
Notwithstanding the establishment of a regular routine of manufacture and
sale, Edison did not cease to experiment for improvement. Although the
graphite apparently did the work desired of it, he was not altogether
satisfied with its performance and made extended trials of other
substances, but at that time found nothing that on the whole served the
purpose better. Continuous tests of the commercial cells were carried on
at the laboratory, as well as more practical and heavy tests in
automobiles, which were constantly kept running around the adjoining
country over all kinds of roads. All these tests were very closely watched
by Edison, who demanded rigorously that the various trials of the battery
should be carried on with all strenuousness so as to get the utmost
results and develop any possible weakness. So insistent was he on this,
that if any automobile should run several days without bursting a tire or
breaking some part of the machine, he would accuse the chauffeur of
picking out easy roads.
</p>
<p>
After these tests had been going on for some time, and some thousands of
cells had been sold and were giving satisfactory results to the
purchasers, the test sheets and experience gathered from various sources
pointed to the fact that occasionally a cell here and there would show up
as being short in capacity. Inasmuch as the factory processes were very
exact and carefully guarded, and every cell was made as uniform as human
skill and care could provide, there thus arose a serious problem. Edison
concentrated his powers on the investigation of this trouble, and found
that the chief cause lay in the graphite. Some other minor matters also
attracted his attention. What to do, was the important question that
confronted him. To shut down the factory meant great loss and apparent
failure. He realized this fully, but he also knew that to go on would
simply be to increase the number of defective batteries in circulation,
which would ultimately result in a permanent closure and real failure.
Hence he took the course which one would expect of Edison's common sense
and directness of action. He was not satisfied that the battery was a
complete success, so he shut down and went to experimenting once more.
</p>
<p>
"And then," says one of the laboratory men, "we started on another series
of record-breaking experiments that lasted over five years. I might almost
say heart-breaking, too, for of all the elusive, disappointing things one
ever hunted for that was the worst. But secrets have to be long-winded and
roost high if they want to get away when the 'Old Man' goes hunting for
them. He doesn't get mad when he misses them, but just keeps on smiling
and firing, and usually brings them into camp. That's what he did on the
battery, for after a whole lot of work he perfected the nickel-flake idea
and process, besides making the great improvement of using tubes instead
of flat pockets for the positive. He also added a minor improvement here
and there, and now we have a finer battery than we ever expected."
</p>
<p>
In the interim, while the experimentation of these last five years was in
progress, many customers who had purchased batteries of the original type
came knocking at the door with orders in their hands for additional
outfits wherewith to equip more wagons and trucks. Edison expressed his
regrets, but said he was not satisfied with the old cells and was engaged
in improving them. To which the customers replied that THEY were entirely
satisfied and ready and willing to pay for more batteries of the same
kind; but Edison could not be moved from his determination, although
considerable pressure was at times brought to bear to sway his decision.
</p>
<p>
Experiment was continued beyond the point of peradventure, and after some
new machinery had been built, the manufacture of the new type of cell was
begun in the early summer of 1909, and at the present writing is being
extended as fast as the necessary additional machinery can be made. The
product is shipped out as soon as it is completed.
</p>
<p>
The nickel flake, which is Edison's ingenious solution of the conductivity
problem, is of itself a most interesting product, intensely practical in
its application and fascinating in its manufacture. The flake of nickel is
obtained by electroplating upon a metallic cylinder alternate layers of
copper and nickel, one hundred of each, after which the combined sheet is
stripped from the cylinder. So thin are the layers that this sheet is only
about the thickness of a visiting-card, and yet it is composed of two
hundred layers of metal. The sheet is cut into tiny squares, each about
one-sixteenth of an inch, and these squares are put into a bath where the
copper is dissolved out. This releases the layers of nickel, so that each
of these small squares becomes one hundred tiny sheets, or flakes, of pure
metallic nickel, so thin that when they are dried they will float in the
air, like thistle-down.
</p>
<p>
In their application to the manufacture of batteries, the flakes are used
through the medium of a special machine, so arranged that small charges of
nickel hydrate and nickel flake are alternately fed into the pockets
intended for positives, and tamped down with a pressure equal to about
four tons per square inch. This insures complete and perfect contact and
consequent electrical conductivity throughout the entire unit.
</p>
<p>
The development of the nickel flake contains in itself a history of
patient investigation, labor, and achievement, but we have not space for
it, nor for tracing the great work that has been done in developing and
perfecting the numerous other parts and adjuncts of this remarkable
battery. Suffice it to say that when Edison went boldly out into new
territory, after something entirely unknown, he was quite prepared for
hard work and exploration. He encountered both in unstinted measure, but
kept on going forward until, after long travel, he had found all that he
expected and accomplished something more beside. Nature DID respond to his
whole-hearted appeal, and, by the time the hunt was ended, revealed a good
storage battery of entirely new type. Edison not only recognized and took
advantage of the principles he had discovered, but in adapting them for
commercial use developed most ingenious processes and mechanical
appliances for carrying his discoveries into practical effect. Indeed, it
may be said that the invention of an enormous variety of new machines and
mechanical appliances rendered necessary by each change during the various
stages of development of the battery, from first to last, stands as a
lasting tribute to the range and versatility of his powers.
</p>
<p>
It is not within the scope of this narrative to enter into any description
of the relative merits of the Edison storage battery, that being the
province of a commercial catalogue. It does, however, seem entirely
allowable to say that while at the present writing the tests that have
been made extend over a few years only, their results and the intrinsic
value of this characteristic Edison invention are of such a substantial
nature as to point to the inevitable growth of another great industry
arising from its manufacture, and to its wide-spread application to many
uses.
</p>
<p>
The principal use that Edison has had in mind for his battery is
transportation of freight and passengers by truck, automobile, and
street-car. The greatly increased capacity in proportion to weight of the
Edison cell makes it particularly adaptable for this class of work on
account of the much greater radius of travel that is possible by its use.
The latter point of advantage is the one that appeals most to the
automobilist, as he is thus enabled to travel, it is asserted, more than
three times farther than ever before on a single charge of the battery.
</p>
<p>
Edison believes that there are important advantages possible in the
employment of his storage battery for street-car propulsion. Under the
present system of operation, a plant furnishing the electric power for
street railways must be large enough to supply current for the maximum
load during "rush hours," although much of the machinery may be lying idle
and unproductive in the hours of minimum load. By the use of
storage-battery cars, this immense and uneconomical maximum investment in
plant can be cut down to proportions of true commercial economy, as the
charging of the batteries can be conducted at a uniform rate with a
reasonable expenditure for generating machinery. Not only this, but each
car becomes an independently moving unit, not subject to delay by reason
of a general breakdown of the power plant or of the line. In addition to
these advantages, the streets would be freed from their burden of trolley
wires or conduits. To put his ideas into practice, Edison built a short
railway line at the Orange works in the winter of 1909-10, and, in
co-operation with Mr. R. H. Beach, constructed a special type of
street-car, and equipped it with motor, storage battery, and other
necessary operating devices. This car was subsequently put upon the
street-car lines in New York City, and demonstrated its efficiency so
completely that it was purchased by one of the street-car companies, which
has since ordered additional cars for its lines. The demonstration of this
initial car has been watched with interest by many railroad officials, and
its performance has been of so successful a nature that at the present
writing (the summer of 1910) it has been necessary to organize and equip a
preliminary factory in which to construct many other cars of a similar
type that have been ordered by other street-railway companies. This
enterprise will be conducted by a corporation which has been specially
organized for the purpose. Thus, there has been initiated the development
of a new and important industry whose possible ultimate proportions are
beyond the range of present calculation. Extensive as this industry may
become, however, Edison is firmly convinced that the greatest field for
his storage battery lies in its adaptation to commercial trucking and
hauling, and to pleasure vehicles, in comparison with which the street-car
business even with its great possibilities—will not amount to more
than 1 per cent.
</p>
<p>
Edison has pithily summed up his work and his views in an article on "The
To-Morrows of Electricity and Invention" in Popular Electricity for June,
1910, in which he says: "For years past I have been trying to perfect a
storage battery, and have now rendered it entirely suitable to automobile
and other work. There is absolutely no reason why horses should be allowed
within city limits; for between the gasoline and the electric car, no room
is left for them. They are not needed. The cow and the pig have gone, and
the horse is still more undesirable. A higher public ideal of health and
cleanliness is working toward such banishment very swiftly; and then we
shall have decent streets, instead of stables made out of strips of
cobblestones bordered by sidewalks. The worst use of money is to make a
fine thoroughfare, and then turn it over to horses. Besides that, the
change will put the humane societies out of business. Many people now
charge their own batteries because of lack of facilities; but I believe
central stations will find in this work very soon the largest part of
their load. The New York Edison Company, or the Chicago Edison Company,
should have as much current going out for storage batteries as for power
motors; and it will be so some near day."
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2HCH0023" id="link2HCH0023">
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<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CHAPTER XXIII
</h2>
<h3>
MISCELLANEOUS INVENTIONS
</h3>
<p>
IT has been the endeavor in this narrative to group Edison's inventions
and patents so that his work in the different fields can be studied
independently and separately. The history of his career has therefore
fallen naturally into a series of chapters, each aiming to describe some
particular development or art; and, in a way, the plan has been helpful to
the writers while probably useful to the readers. It happens, however,
that the process has left a vast mass of discovery and invention wholly
untouched, and relegates to a concluding brief chapter some of the most
interesting episodes of a fruitful life. Any one who will turn to the list
of Edison patents at the end of the book will find a large number of
things of which not even casual mention has been made, but which at the
time occupied no small amount of the inventor's time and attention, and
many of which are now part and parcel of modern civilization. Edison has,
indeed, touched nothing that he did not in some way improve. As Thoreau
said: "The laws of the Universe are not indifferent, but are forever on
the side of the most sensitive," and there never was any one more
sensitive to the defects of every art and appliance, nor any one more
active in applying the law of evolution. It is perhaps this many-sidedness
of Edison that has impressed the multitude, and that in the "popular vote"
taken a couple of years ago by the New York Herald placed his name at the
head of the list of ten greatest living Americans. It is curious and
pertinent to note that a similar plebiscite taken by a technical journal
among its expert readers had exactly the same result. Evidently the public
does not agree with the opinion expressed by the eccentric artist Blake in
his "Marriage of Heaven and Hell," when he said: "Improvement makes
strange roads; but the crooked roads without improvements are roads of
Genius."
</p>
<p>
The product of Edison's brain may be divided into three classes. The first
embraces such arts and industries, or such apparatus, as have already been
treated. The second includes devices like the tasimeter, phonomotor,
odoroscope, etc., and others now to be noted. The third embraces a number
of projected inventions, partially completed investigations, inventions in
use but not patented, and a great many caveats filed in the Patent Office
at various times during the last forty years for the purpose of protecting
his ideas pending their contemplated realization in practice. These
caveats served their purpose thoroughly in many instances, but there have
remained a great variety of projects upon which no definite action was
ever taken. One ought to add the contents of an unfinished piece of
extraordinary fiction based wholly on new inventions and devices utterly
unknown to mankind. Some day the novel may be finished, but Edison has no
inclination to go back to it, and says he cannot understand how any man is
able to make a speech or write a book, for he simply can't do it.
</p>
<p>
After what has been said in previous chapters, it will not seem so strange
that Edison should have hundreds of dormant inventions on his hands. There
are human limitations even for such a tireless worker as he is. While the
preparation of data for this chapter was going on, one of the writers in
discussing with him the vast array of unexploited things said: "Don't you
feel a sense of regret in being obliged to leave so many things
uncompleted?" To which he replied: "What's the use? One lifetime is too
short, and I am busy every day improving essential parts of my established
industries." It must suffice to speak briefly of a few leading inventions
that have been worked out, and to dismiss with scant mention all the rest,
taking just a few items, as typical and suggestive, especially when Edison
can himself be quoted as to them. Incidentally it may be noted that
things, not words, are referred to; for Edison, in addition to inventing
the apparatus, has often had to coin the word to describe it. A large
number of the words and phrases in modern electrical parlance owe their
origin to him. Even the "call-word" of the telephone, "Hello!" sent
tingling over the wire a few million times daily was taken from Menlo Park
by men installing telephones in different parts of the world, men who had
just learned it at the laboratory, and thus made it a universal sesame for
telephonic conversation.
</p>
<p>
It is hard to determine where to begin with Edison's miscellaneous
inventions, but perhaps telegraphy has the "right of line," and Edison's
work in that field puts him abreast of the latest wireless developments
that fill the world with wonder. "I perfected a system of train telegraphy
between stations and trains in motion whereby messages could be sent from
the moving train to the central office; and this was the forerunner of
wireless telegraphy. This system was used for a number of years on the
Lehigh Valley Railroad on their construction trains. The electric wave
passed from a piece of metal on top of the car across the air to the
telegraph wires; and then proceeded to the despatcher's office. In my
first experiments with this system I tried it on the Staten Island
Railroad, and employed an operator named King to do the experimenting. He
reported results every day, and received instructions by mail; but for
some reason he could send messages all right when the train went in one
direction, but could not make it go in the contrary direction. I made
suggestions of every kind to get around this phenomenon. Finally I
telegraphed King to find out if he had any suggestions himself; and I
received a reply that the only way he could propose to get around the
difficulty was to put the island on a pivot so it could be turned around!
I found the trouble finally, and the practical introduction on the Lehigh
Valley road was the result. The system was sold to a very wealthy man, and
he would never sell any rights or answer letters. He became a spiritualist
subsequently, which probably explains it." It is interesting to note that
Edison became greatly interested in the later developments by Marconi, and
is an admiring friend and adviser of that well-known inventor.
</p>
<p>
The earlier experiments with wireless telegraphy at Menlo Park were made
at a time when Edison was greatly occupied with his electric-light
interests, and it was not until the beginning of 1886 that he was able to
spare the time to make a public demonstration of the system as applied to
moving trains. Ezra T. Gilliland, of Boston, had become associated with
him in his experiments, and they took out several joint patents
subsequently. The first practical use of the system took place on a
thirteen-mile stretch of the Staten Island Railroad with the results
mentioned by Edison above.
</p>
<p>
A little later, Edison and Gilliland joined forces with Lucius J. Phelps,
another investigator, who had been experimenting along the same lines and
had taken out several patents. The various interests were combined in a
corporation under whose auspices the system was installed on the Lehigh
Valley Railroad, where it was used for several years. The official
demonstration trip on this road took place on October 6, 1887, on a
six-car train running to Easton, Pennsylvania, a distance of fifty-four
miles. A great many telegrams were sent and received while the train was
at full speed, including a despatch to the "cable king," John Pender.
London, England, and a reply from him. [17]
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 17: Broadly described in outline, the system
consisted of an induction circuit obtained by laying strips
of tin along the top or roof of a railway car, and the
installation of a special telegraph line running parallel
with the track and strung on poles of only medium height.
The train and also each signalling station were equipped
with regulation telegraphic apparatus, such as battery, key,
relay, and sounder, together with induction-coil and
condenser. In addition, there was a transmitting device in
the shape of a musical reed, or buzzer. In practice, this
buzzer was continuously operated at high speed by a battery.
Its vibrations were broken by means of a key into long and
short periods, representing Morse characters, which were
transmitted inductively from the train circuit to the pole
line, or vice versa, and received by the operator at the
other end through a high-resistance telephone receiver
inserted in the secondary circuit of the induction-coil.]
</pre>
<p>
Although the space between the cars and the pole line was probably not
more than about fifty feet, it is interesting to note that in Edison's
early experiments at Menlo Park he succeeded in transmitting messages
through the air at a distance of 580 feet. Speaking of this and of his
other experiments with induction telegraphy by means of kites,
communicating from one to the other and thus from the kites to instruments
on the earth, Edison said recently: "We only transmitted about two and
one-half miles through the kites. What has always puzzled me since is that
I did not think of using the results of my experiments on 'etheric force'
that I made in 1875. I have never been able to understand how I came to
overlook them. If I had made use of my own work I should have had
long-distance wireless telegraphy."
</p>
<p>
In one of the appendices to this book is given a brief technical account
of Edison's investigations of the phenomena which lie at the root of
modern wireless or "space" telegraphy, and the attention of the reader is
directed particularly to the description and quotations there from the
famous note-books of Edison's experiments in regard to what he called
"etheric force." It will be seen that as early as 1875 Edison detected and
studied certain phenomena—i.e., the production of electrical effects
in non-closed circuits, which for a time made him think he was on the
trail of a new force, as there was no plausible explanation for them by
the then known laws of electricity and magnetism. Later came the
magnificent work of Hertz identifying the phenomena as "electromagnetic
waves" in the ether, and developing a new world of theory and science
based upon them and their production by disruptive discharges.
</p>
<p>
Edison's assertions were treated with scepticism by the scientific world,
which was not then ready for the discovery and not sufficiently furnished
with corroborative data. It is singular, to say the least, to note how
Edison's experiments paralleled and proved in advance those that came
later; and even his apparatus such as the "dark box" for making the tiny
sparks visible (as the waves impinged on the receiver) bears close analogy
with similar apparatus employed by Hertz. Indeed, as Edison sent the
dark-box apparatus to the Paris Exposition in 1881, and let Batchelor
repeat there the puzzling experiments, it seems by no means unlikely that,
either directly or on the report of some friend, Hertz may thus have
received from Edison a most valuable suggestion, the inventor aiding the
physicist in opening up a wonderful new realm. In this connection, indeed,
it is very interesting to quote two great authorities. In May, 1889, at a
meeting of the Institution of Electrical Engineers in London, Dr. (now
Sir) Oliver Lodge remarked in a discussion on a paper of his own on
lightning conductors, embracing the Hertzian waves in its treatment: "Many
of the effects I have shown—sparks in unsuspected places and other
things—have been observed before. Henry observed things of the kind
and Edison noticed some curious phenomena, and said it was not electricity
but 'etheric force' that caused these sparks; and the matter was rather
pooh-poohed. It was a small part of THIS VERY THING; only the time was not
ripe; theoretical knowledge was not ready for it." Again in his
"Signalling without Wires," in giving the history of the coherer
principle, Lodge remarks: "Sparks identical in all respects with those
discovered by Hertz had been seen in recent times both by Edison and by
Sylvanus Thompson, being styled 'etheric force' by the former; but their
theoretic significance had not been perceived, and they were somewhat
sceptically regarded." During the same discussion in London, in 1889, Sir
William Thomson (Lord Kelvin), after citing some experiments by Faraday
with his insulated cage at the Royal Institution, said: "His (Faraday's)
attention was not directed to look for Hertz sparks, or probably he might
have found them in the interior. Edison seems to have noticed something of
the kind in what he called 'etheric force.' His name 'etheric' may
thirteen years ago have seemed to many people absurd. But now we are all
beginning to call these inductive phenomena 'etheric.'" With which
testimony from the great Kelvin as to his priority in determining the
vital fact, and with the evidence that as early as 1875 he built apparatus
that demonstrated the fact, Edison is probably quite content.
</p>
<p>
It should perhaps be noted at this point that a curious effect observed at
the laboratory was shown in connection with Edison lamps at the
Philadelphia Exhibition of 1884. It became known in scientific parlance as
the "Edison effect," showing a curious current condition or discharge in
the vacuum of the bulb. It has since been employed by Fleming in England
and De Forest in this country, and others, as the basis for
wireless-telegraph apparatus. It is in reality a minute rectifier of
alternating current, and analogous to those which have since been made on
a large scale.
</p>
<p>
When Roentgen came forward with his discovery of the new "X"-ray in 1895,
Edison was ready for it, and took up experimentation with it on a large
scale; some of his work being recorded in an article in the Century
Magazine of May, 1896, where a great deal of data may be found. Edison
says with regard to this work: "When the X-ray came up, I made the first
fluoroscope, using tungstate of calcium. I also found that this tungstate
could be put into a vacuum chamber of glass and fused to the inner walls
of the chamber; and if the X-ray electrodes were let into the glass
chamber and a proper vacuum was attained, you could get a fluorescent lamp
of several candle-power. I started in to make a number of these lamps, but
I soon found that the X-ray had affected poisonously my assistant, Mr.
Dally, so that his hair came out and his flesh commenced to ulcerate. I
then concluded it would not do, and that it would not be a very popular
kind of light; so I dropped it.
</p>
<p>
"At the time I selected tungstate of calcium because it was so
fluorescent, I set four men to making all kinds of chemical combinations,
and thus collected upward of 8000 different crystals of various chemical
combinations, discovering several hundred different substances which would
fluoresce to the X-ray. So far little had come of X-ray work, but it added
another letter to the scientific alphabet. I don't know any thing about
radium, and I have lots of company." The Electrical Engineer of June 3,
1896, contains a photograph of Mr. Edison taken by the light of one of his
fluorescent lamps. The same journal in its issue of April 1, 1896, shows
an Edison fluoroscope in use by an observer, in the now familiar and
universal form somewhat like a stereoscope. This apparatus as invented by
Edison consists of a flaring box, curved at one end to fit closely over
the forehead and eyes, while the other end of the box is closed by a
paste-board cover. On the inside of this is spread a layer of tungstate of
calcium. By placing the object to be observed, such as the hand, between
the vacuum-tube and the fluorescent screen, the "shadow" is formed on the
screen and can be observed at leisure. The apparatus has proved invaluable
in surgery and has become an accepted part of the equipment of modern
surgery. In 1896, at the Electrical Exhibition in the Grand Central
Palace, New York City, given under the auspices of the National Electric
Light Association, thousands and thousands of persons with the use of this
apparatus in Edison's personal exhibit were enabled to see their own
bones; and the resultant public sensation was great. Mr. Mallory tells a
characteristic story of Edison's own share in the memorable exhibit: "The
exhibit was announced for opening on Monday. On the preceding Friday all
the apparatus, which included a large induction-coil, was shipped from
Orange to New York, and on Saturday afternoon Edison, accompanied by Fred
Ott, one of his assistants, and myself, went over to install it so as to
have it ready for Monday morning. Had everything been normal, a few hours
would have sufficed for completion of the work, but on coming to test the
big coil, it was found to be absolutely out of commission, having been so
seriously injured as to necessitate its entire rewinding. It being
summer-time, all the machine shops were closed until Monday morning, and
there were several miles of wire to be wound on the coil. Edison would not
consider a postponement of the exhibition, so there was nothing to do but
go to work and wind it by hand. We managed to find a lathe, but there was
no power; so each of us, including Edison, took turns revolving the lathe
by pulling on the belt, while the other two attended to the winding of the
wire. We worked continuously all through that Saturday night and all day
Sunday until evening, when we finished the job. I don't remember ever
being conscious of more muscles in my life. I guess Edison was tired also,
but he took it very philosophically." This was apparently the first public
demonstration of the X-ray to the American public.
</p>
<p>
Edison's ore-separation work has been already fully described, but the
story would hardly be complete without a reference to similar work in gold
extraction, dating back to the Menlo Park days: "I got up a method," says
Edison, "of separating placer gold by a dry process, in which I could work
economically ore as lean as five cents of gold to the cubic yard. I had
several car-loads of different placer sands sent to me and proved I could
do it. Some parties hearing I had succeeded in doing such a thing went to
work and got hold of what was known as the Ortiz mine grant, twelve miles
from Santa Fe, New Mexico. This mine, according to the reports of several
mining engineers made in the last forty years, was considered one of the
richest placer deposits in the United States, and various schemes had been
put forward to bring water from the mountains forty miles away to work
those immense beds. The reports stated that the Mexicans had been panning
gold for a hundred years out of these deposits.
</p>
<p>
"These parties now made arrangements with the stockholders or owners of
the grant, and with me, to work the deposits by my process. As I had had
some previous experience with the statements of mining men, I concluded I
would just send down a small plant and prospect the field before putting
up a large one. This I did, and I sent two of my assistants, whom I could
trust, down to this place to erect the plant; and started to sink shafts
fifty feet deep all over the area. We soon learned that the rich gravel,
instead of being spread over an area of three by seven miles, and rich
from the grass roots down, was spread over a space of about twenty-five
acres, and that even this did not average more than ten cents to the cubic
yard. The whole placer would not give more than one and one-quarter cents
per cubic yard. As my business arrangements had not been very perfectly
made, I lost the usual amount."
</p>
<p>
Going to another extreme, we find Edison grappling with one of the biggest
problems known to the authorities of New York—the disposal of its
heavy snows. It is needless to say that witnessing the ordinary slow and
costly procedure would put Edison on his mettle. "One time when they had a
snow blockade in New York I started to build a machine with Batchelor—a
big truck with a steam-engine and compressor on it. We would run along the
street, gather all the snow up in front of us, pass it into the
compressor, and deliver little blocks of ice behind us in the gutter,
taking one-tenth the room of the snow, and not inconveniencing anybody. We
could thus take care of a snow-storm by diminishing the bulk of material
to be handled. The preliminary experiment we made was dropped because we
went into other things. The machine would go as fast as a horse could
walk."
</p>
<p>
Edison has always taken a keen interest in aerial flight, and has also
experimented with aeroplanes, his preference inclining to the helicopter
type, as noted in the newspapers and periodicals from time to time. The
following statement from him refers to a type of aeroplane of great
novelty and ingenuity: "James Gordon Bennett came to me and asked that I
try some primary experiments to see if aerial navigation was feasible with
'heavier-than-air' machines. I got up a motor and put it on the scales and
tried a large number of different things and contrivances connected to the
motor, to see how it would lighten itself on the scales. I got some data
and made up my mind that what was needed was a very powerful engine for
its weight, in small compass. So I conceived of an engine employing
guncotton. I took a lot of ticker paper tape, turned it into guncotton and
got up an engine with an arrangement whereby I could feed this gun-cotton
strip into the cylinder and explode it inside electrically. The feed took
place between two copper rolls. The copper kept the temperature down, so
that it could only explode up to the point where it was in contact with
the feed rolls. It worked pretty well; but once the feed roll didn't save
it, and the flame went through and exploded the whole roll and kicked up
such a bad explosion I abandoned it. But the idea might be made to work."
</p>
<p>
Turning from the air to the earth, it is interesting to note that the
introduction of the underground Edison system in New York made an appeal
to inventive ingenuity and that one of the difficulties was met as
follows: "When we first put the Pearl Street station in operation, in New
York, we had cast-iron junction-boxes at the intersections of all the
streets. One night, or about two o'clock in the morning, a policeman came
in and said that something had exploded at the corner of William and
Nassau streets. I happened to be in the station, and went out to see what
it was. I found that the cover of the manhole, weighing about 200 pounds,
had entirely disappeared, but everything inside was intact. It had even
stripped some of the threads of the bolts, and we could never find that
cover. I concluded it was either leakage of gas into the manhole, or else
the acid used in pickling the casting had given off hydrogen, and air had
leaked in, making an explosive mixture. As this was a pretty serious
problem, and as we had a good many of the manholes, it worried me very
much for fear that it would be repeated and the company might have to pay
a lot of damages, especially in districts like that around William and
Nassau, where there are a good many people about. If an explosion took
place in the daytime it might lift a few of them up. However, I got around
the difficulty by putting a little bottle of chloroform in each box,
corked up, with a slight hole in the cork. The chloroform being volatile
and very heavy, settled in the box and displaced all the air. I have never
heard of an explosion in a manhole where this chloroform had been used.
Carbon tetrachloride, now made electrically at Niagara Falls, is very
cheap and would be ideal for the purpose."
</p>
<p>
Edison has never paid much attention to warfare, and has in general
disdained to develop inventions for the destruction of life and property.
Some years ago, however, he became the joint inventor of the Edison-Sims
torpedo, with Mr. W. Scott Sims, who sought his co-operation. This is a
dirigible submarine torpedo operated by electricity. In the torpedo
proper, which is suspended from a long float so as to be submerged a few
feet under water, are placed the small electric motor for propulsion and
steering, and the explosive charge. The torpedo is controlled from the
shore or ship through an electric cable which it pays out as it goes
along, and all operations of varying the speed, reversing, and steering
are performed at the will of the distant operator by means of currents
sent through the cable. During the Spanish-American War of 1898 Edison
suggested to the Navy Department the adoption of a compound of calcium
carbide and calcium phosphite, which when placed in a shell and fired from
a gun would explode as soon as it struck water and ignite, producing a
blaze that would continue several minutes and make the ships of the enemy
visible for four or five miles at sea. Moreover, the blaze could not be
extinguished.
</p>
<p>
Edison has always been deeply interested in "conservation," and much of
his work has been directed toward the economy of fuel in obtaining
electrical energy directly from the consumption of coal. Indeed, it will
be noted that the example of his handwriting shown in these volumes deals
with the importance of obtaining available energy direct from the
combustible without the enormous loss in the intervening stages that makes
our best modern methods of steam generation and utilization so barbarously
extravagant and wasteful. Several years ago, experimenting in this field,
Edison devised and operated some ingenious pyromagnetic motors and
generators, based, as the name implies, on the direct application of heat
to the machines. The motor is founded upon the principle discovered by the
famous Dr. William Gilbert—court physician to Queen Elizabeth, and
the Father of modern electricity—that the magnetic properties of
iron diminish with heat. At a light-red heat, iron becomes non-magnetic,
so that a strong magnet exerts no influence over it. Edison employed this
peculiar property by constructing a small machine in which a pivoted bar
is alternately heated and cooled. It is thus attracted toward an adjacent
electromagnet when cold and is uninfluenced when hot, and as the result
motion is produced.
</p>
<p>
The pyromagnetic generator is based on the same phenomenon; its aim being
of course to generate electrical energy directly from the heat of the
combustible. The armature, or moving part of the machine, consists in
reality of eight separate armatures all constructed of corrugated sheet
iron covered with asbestos and wound with wire. These armatures are held
in place by two circular iron plates, through the centre of which runs a
shaft, carrying at its lower extremity a semicircular shield of fire-clay,
which covers the ends of four of the armatures. The heat, of whatever
origin, is applied from below, and the shaft being revolved, four of the
armatures lose their magnetism constantly, while the other four gain it,
so to speak. As the moving part revolves, therefore, currents of
electricity are set up in the wires of the armatures and are collected by
a commutator, as in an ordinary dynamo, placed on the upper end of the
central shaft.
</p>
<p>
A great variety of electrical instruments are included in Edison's
inventions, many of these in fundamental or earlier forms being devised
for his systems of light and power, as noted already. There are numerous
others, and it might be said with truth that Edison is hardly ever without
some new device of this kind in hand, as he is by no means satisfied with
the present status of electrical measurements. He holds in general that
the meters of to-day, whether for heavy or for feeble currents, are too
expensive, and that cheaper instruments are a necessity of the times.
These remarks apply more particularly to what may be termed, in general,
circuit meters. In other classes Edison has devised an excellent form of
magnetic bridge, being an ingenious application of the principles of the
familiar Wheatstone bridge, used so extensively for measuring the
electrical resistance of wires; the testing of iron for magnetic qualities
being determined by it in the same way. Another special instrument is a
"dead beat" galvanometer which differs from the ordinary form of
galvanometer in having no coils or magnetic needle. It depends for its
action upon the heating effect of the current, which causes a fine
platinum-iridium wire enclosed in a glass tube to expand; thus allowing a
coiled spring to act on a pivoted shaft carrying a tiny mirror. The mirror
as it moves throws a beam of light upon a scale and the indications are
read by the spot of light. Most novel of all the apparatus of this
measuring kind is the odoroscope, which is like the tasimeter described in
an earlier chapter, except that a strip of gelatine takes the place of
hard rubber, as the sensitive member. Besides being affected by heat, this
device is exceedingly sensitive to moisture. A few drops of water or
perfume thrown on the floor of a room are sufficient to give a very
decided indication on the galvanometer in circuit with the instrument.
Barometers, hygrometers, and similar instruments of great delicacy can be
constructed on the principle of the odoroscope; and it may also be used in
determining the character or pressure of gases and vapors in which it has
been placed.
</p>
<p>
In the list of Edison's patents at the end of this work may be noted many
other of his miscellaneous inventions, covering items such as preserving
fruit in vacuo, making plate-glass, drawing wire, and metallurgical
processes for treatment of nickel, gold, and copper ores; but to mention
these inventions separately would trespass too much on our limited space
here. Hence, we shall leave the interested reader to examine that list for
himself.
</p>
<p>
From first to last Edison has filed in the United States Patent Office—in
addition to more than 1400 applications for patents—some 120 caveats
embracing not less than 1500 inventions. A "caveat" is essentially a
notice filed by an inventor, entitling him to receive warning from the
Office of any application for a patent for an invention that would
"interfere" with his own, during the year, while he is supposed to be
perfecting his device. The old caveat system has now been abolished, but
it served to elicit from Edison a most astounding record of ideas and
possible inventions upon which he was working, and many of which he of
course reduced to practice. As an example of Edison's fertility and the
endless variety of subjects engaging his thoughts, the following list of
matters covered by ONE caveat is given. It is needless to say that all the
caveats are not quite so full of "plums," but this is certainly a wonder.
</p>
<p>
Forty-one distinct inventions relating to the phonograph, covering various
forms of recorders, arrangement of parts, making of records, shaving tool,
adjustments, etc.
</p>
<p>
Eight forms of electric lamps using infusible earthy oxides and brought to
high incandescence in vacuo by high potential current of several thousand
volts; same character as impingement of X-rays on object in bulb.
</p>
<p>
A loud-speaking telephone with quartz cylinder and beam of ultra-violet
light.
</p>
<p>
Four forms of arc light with special carbons.
</p>
<p>
A thermostatic motor.
</p>
<p>
A device for sealing together the inside part and bulb of an incandescent
lamp mechanically.
</p>
<p>
Regulators for dynamos and motors.
</p>
<p>
Three devices for utilizing vibrations beyond the ultra violet.
</p>
<p>
A great variety of methods for coating incandescent lamp filaments with
silicon, titanium, chromium, osmium, boron, etc.
</p>
<p>
Several methods of making porous filaments.
</p>
<p>
Several methods of making squirted filaments of a variety of materials, of
which about thirty are specified.
</p>
<p>
Seventeen different methods and devices for separating magnetic ores.
</p>
<p>
A continuously operative primary battery.
</p>
<p>
A musical instrument operating one of Helmholtz's artificial larynxes.
</p>
<p>
A siren worked by explosion of small quantities of oxygen and hydrogen
mixed.
</p>
<p>
Three other sirens made to give vocal sounds or articulate speech.
</p>
<p>
A device for projecting sound-waves to a distance without spreading and in
a straight line, on the principle of smoke rings.
</p>
<p>
A device for continuously indicating on a galvanometer the depths of the
ocean.
</p>
<p>
A method of preventing in a great measure friction of water against the
hull of a ship and incidentally preventing fouling by barnacles.
</p>
<p>
A telephone receiver whereby the vibrations of the diaphragm are
considerably amplified.
</p>
<p>
Two methods of "space" telegraphy at sea.
</p>
<p>
An improved and extended string telephone.
</p>
<p>
Devices and method of talking through water for considerable distances.
</p>
<p>
An audiphone for deaf people.
</p>
<p>
Sound-bridge for measuring resistance of tubes and other materials for
conveying sound.
</p>
<p>
A method of testing a magnet to ascertain the existence of flaws in the
iron or steel composing the same.
</p>
<p>
Method of distilling liquids by incandescent conductor immersed in the
liquid.
</p>
<p>
Method of obtaining electricity direct from coal.
</p>
<p>
An engine operated by steam produced by the hydration and dehydration of
metallic salts.
</p>
<p>
Device and method for telegraphing photographically.
</p>
<p>
Carbon crucible kept brilliantly incandescent by current in vacuo, for
obtaining reaction with refractory metals.
</p>
<p>
Device for examining combinations of odors and their changes by rotation
at different speeds.
</p>
<p>
From one of the preceding items it will be noted that even in the eighties
Edison perceived much advantage to be gained in the line of economy by the
use of lamp filaments employing refractory metals in their construction.
From another caveat, filed in 1889, we extract the following, which shows
that he realized the value of tungsten also for this purpose. "Filaments
of carbon placed in a combustion tube with a little chloride ammonium.
Chloride tungsten or titanium passed through hot tube, depositing a film
of metal on the carbon; or filaments of zirconia oxide, or alumina or
magnesia, thoria or other infusible oxides mixed or separate, and obtained
by moistening and squirting through a die, are thus coated with above
metals and used for incandescent lamps. Osmium from a volatile compound of
same thus deposited makes a filament as good as carbon when in vacuo."
</p>
<p>
In 1888, long before there arose the actual necessity of duplicating
phonograph records so as to produce replicas in great numbers, Edison
described in one of his caveats a method and process much similar to the
one which was put into practice by him in later years. In the same caveat
he describes an invention whereby the power to indent on a phonograph
cylinder, instead of coming directly from the voice, is caused by power
derived from the rotation or movement of the phonogram surface itself. He
did not, however, follow up this invention and put it into practice. Some
twenty years later it was independently invented and patented by another
inventor. A further instance of this kind is a method of telegraphy at sea
by means of a diaphragm in a closed port-hole flush with the side of the
vessel, and actuated by a steam-whistle which is controlled by a lever,
similarly to a Morse key. A receiving diaphragm is placed in another and
near-by chamber, which is provided with very sensitive stethoscopic
ear-pieces, by which the Morse characters sent from another vessel may be
received. This was also invented later by another inventor, and is in use
to-day, but will naturally be rivalled by wireless telegraphy. Still
another instance is seen in one of Edison's caveats, where he describes a
method of distilling liquids by means of internally applied heat through
electric conductors. Although Edison did not follow up the idea and take
out a patent, this system of distillation was later hit upon by others and
is in use at the present time.
</p>
<p>
In the foregoing pages of this chapter the authors have endeavored to
present very briefly a sketchy notion of the astounding range of Edison's
practical ideas, but they feel a sense of impotence in being unable to
deal adequately with the subject in the space that can be devoted to it.
To those who, like the authors, have had the privilege of examining the
voluminous records which show the flights of his imagination, there comes
a feeling of utter inadequacy to convey to others the full extent of the
story they reveal.
</p>
<p>
The few specific instances above related, although not representing a
tithe of Edison's work, will probably be sufficient to enable the reader
to appreciate to some extent his great wealth of ideas and fertility of
imagination, and also to realize that this imagination is not only
intensely practical, but that it works prophetically along lines of
natural progress.
</p>
<p>
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<h2>
CHAPTER XXIV
</h2>
<h3>
EDISON'S METHOD IN INVENTING
</h3>
<p>
WHILE the world's progress depends largely upon their ingenuity, inventors
are not usually persons who have adopted invention as a distinct
profession, but, generally speaking, are otherwise engaged in various
walks of life. By reason of more or less inherent native genius they
either make improvements along lines of present occupation, or else evolve
new methods and means of accomplishing results in fields for which they
may have personal predilections.
</p>
<p>
Now and then, however, there arises a man so greatly endowed with natural
powers and originality that the creative faculty within him is too strong
to endure the humdrum routine of affairs, and manifests itself in a life
devoted entirely to the evolution of methods and devices calculated to
further the world's welfare. In other words, he becomes an inventor by
profession. Such a man is Edison. Notwithstanding the fact that nearly
forty years ago (not a great while after he had emerged from the ranks of
peripatetic telegraph operators) he was the owner of a large and
profitable business as a manufacturer of the telegraphic apparatus
invented by him, the call of his nature was too strong to allow of profits
being laid away in the bank to accumulate. As he himself has said, he has
"too sanguine a temperament to allow money to stay in solitary
confinement." Hence, all superfluous cash was devoted to experimentation.
In the course of years he grew more and more impatient of the shackles
that bound him to business routine, and, realizing the powers within him,
he drew away gradually from purely manufacturing occupations, determining
deliberately to devote his life to inventive work, and to depend upon its
results as a means of subsistence.
</p>
<p>
All persons who make inventions will necessarily be more or less original
in character, but to the man who chooses to become an inventor by
profession must be conceded a mind more than ordinarily replete with
virility and originality. That these qualities in Edison are superabundant
is well known to all who have worked with him, and, indeed, are apparent
to every one from his multiplied achievements within the period of one
generation.
</p>
<p>
If one were allowed only two words with which to describe Edison, it is
doubtful whether a close examination of the entire dictionary would
disclose any others more suitable than "experimenter—inventor."
These would express the overruling characteristics of his eventful career.
It is as an "inventor" that he sets himself down in the membership list of
the American Institute of Electrical Engineers. To attempt the strict
placing of these words in relation to each other (except alphabetically)
would be equal to an endeavor to solve the old problem as to which came
first, the egg or the chicken; for although all his inventions have been
evolved through experiment, many of his notable experiments have called
forth the exercise of highly inventive faculties in their very inception.
Investigation and experiment have been a consuming passion, an impelling
force from within, as it were, from his petticoat days when he collected
goose-eggs and tried to hatch them out by sitting over them himself. One
might be inclined to dismiss this trivial incident smilingly, as a mere
childish, thoughtless prank, had not subsequent development as a child,
boy, and man revealed a born investigator with original reasoning powers
that, disdaining crooks and bends, always aimed at the centre, and, like
the flight of the bee, were accurate and direct.
</p>
<p>
It is not surprising, therefore, that a man of this kind should exhibit a
ceaseless, absorbing desire for knowledge, and an apparently
uncontrollable tendency to experiment on every possible occasion, even
though his last cent were spent in thus satisfying the insatiate cravings
of an inquiring mind.
</p>
<p>
During Edison's immature years, when he was flitting about from place to
place as a telegraph operator, his experimentation was of a desultory,
hand-to-mouth character, although it was always notable for originality,
as expressed in a number of minor useful devices produced during this
period. Small wonder, then, that at the end of these wanderings, when he
had found a place to "rest the sole of his foot," he established a
laboratory in which to carry on his researches in a more methodical and
practical manner. In this was the beginning of the work which has since
made such a profound impression on contemporary life.
</p>
<p>
There is nothing of the helter-skelter, slap-dash style in Edison's
experiments. Although all the laboratory experimenters agree in the
opinion that he "tries everything," it is not merely the mixing of a
little of this, some of that, and a few drops of the other, in the HOPE
that SOMETHING will come of it. Nor is the spirit of the laboratory work
represented in the following dialogue overheard between two alleged
carpenters picked up at random to help on a hurry job.
</p>
<p>
"How near does she fit, Mike?"
</p>
<p>
"About an inch."
</p>
<p>
"Nail her!"
</p>
<p>
A most casual examination of any of the laboratory records will reveal
evidence of the minutest exactitude insisted on in the conduct of
experiments, irrespective of the length of time they occupied. Edison's
instructions, always clear cut and direct, followed by his keen oversight,
admit of nothing less than implicit observance in all details, no matter
where they may lead, and impel to the utmost minuteness and accuracy.
</p>
<p>
To some extent there has been a popular notion that many of Edison's
successes have been due to mere dumb fool luck—to blind, fortuitous
"happenings." Nothing could be further from the truth, for, on the
contrary, it is owing almost entirely to the comprehensive scope of his
knowledge, the breadth of his conception, the daring originality of his
methods, and minuteness and extent of experiment, combined with unwavering
pertinacity, that new arts have been created and additions made to others
already in existence. Indeed, without this tireless minutiae, and
methodical, searching spirit, it would have been practically impossible to
have produced many of the most important of these inventions.
</p>
<p>
Needless to say, mastery of its literature is regarded by him as a most
important preliminary in taking up any line of investigation. What others
may have done, bearing directly or collaterally on the subject, in print,
is carefully considered and sifted to the point of exhaustion. Not that he
takes it for granted that the conclusions are correct, for he frequently
obtains vastly different results by repeating in his own way experiments
made by others as detailed in books.
</p>
<p>
"Edison can travel along a well-used road and still find virgin soil,"
remarked recently one of his most practical experimenters, who had been
working along a certain line without attaining the desired result. "He
wanted to get a particular compound having definite qualities, and I had
tried in all sorts of ways to produce it but with only partial success. He
was confident that it could be done, and said he would try it himself. In
doing so he followed the same path in which I had travelled, but, by
making an undreamed-of change in one of the operations, succeeded in
producing a compound that virtually came up to his specifications. It is
not the only time I have known this sort of thing to happen."
</p>
<p>
In speaking of Edison's method of experimenting, another of his laboratory
staff says: "He is never hindered by theory, but resorts to actual
experiment for proof. For instance, when he conceived the idea of pouring
a complete concrete house it was universally held that it would be
impossible because the pieces of stone in the mixture would not rise to
the level of the pouring-point, but would gravitate to a lower plane in
the soft cement. This, however, did not hinder him from making a series of
experiments which resulted in an invention that proved conclusively the
contrary."
</p>
<p>
Having conceived some new idea and read everything obtainable relating to
the subject in general, Edison's fertility of resource and originality
come into play. Taking one of the laboratory note-books, he will write in
it a memorandum of the experiments to be tried, illustrated, if necessary,
by sketches. This book is then passed on to that member of the
experimental staff whose special training and experience are best adapted
to the work. Here strenuousness is expected; and an immediate commencement
of investigation and prompt report are required. Sometimes the subject may
be such as to call for a long line of frequent tests which necessitate
patient and accurate attention to minute details. Results must be reported
often—daily, or possibly with still greater frequency. Edison does
not forget what is going on; but in his daily tours through the laboratory
keeps in touch with all the work that is under the hands of his various
assistants, showing by an instant grasp of the present conditions of any
experiment that he has a full consciousness of its meaning and its
reference to his original conception.
</p>
<p>
The year 1869 saw the beginning of Edison's career as an acknowledged
inventor of commercial devices. From the outset, an innate recognition of
system dictated the desirability and wisdom of preserving records of his
experiments and inventions. The primitive records, covering the earliest
years, were mainly jotted down on loose sheets of paper covered with
sketches, notes, and data, pasted into large scrap-books, or preserved in
packages; but with the passing of years and enlargement of his interests,
it became the practice to make all original laboratory notes in large,
uniform books. This course was pursued until the Menlo Park period, when
he instituted a new regime that has been continued down to the present
day. A standard form of note-book, about eight and a half by six inches,
containing about two hundred pages, was adopted. A number of these books
were (and are now) always to be found scattered around in the different
sections of the laboratory, and in them have been noted by Edison all his
ideas, sketches, and memoranda. Details of the various experiments
concerning them have been set down by his assistants from time to time.
</p>
<p>
These later laboratory note-books, of which there are now over one
thousand in the series, are eloquent in the history they reveal of the
strenuous labors of Edison and his assistants and the vast fields of
research he has covered during the last thirty years. They are
overwhelmingly rich in biographic material, but analysis would be a
prohibitive task for one person, and perhaps interesting only to technical
readers. Their pages cover practically every department of science. The
countless thousands of separate experiments recorded exhibit the
operations of a master mind seeking to surprise Nature into a betrayal of
her secrets by asking her the same question in a hundred different ways.
For instance, when Edison was investigating a certain problem of
importance many years ago, the note-books show that on this point alone
about fifteen thousand experiments and tests were made by one of his
assistants.
</p>
<p>
A most casual glance over these note-books will illustrate the following
remark, which was made to one of the writers not long ago by a member of
the laboratory staff who has been experimenting there for twenty years:
"Edison can think of more ways of doing a thing than any man I ever saw or
heard of. He tries everything and never lets up, even though failure is
apparently staring him in the face. He only stops when he simply can't go
any further on that particular line. When he decides on any mode of
procedure he gives his notes to the experimenter and lets him alone, only
stepping in from time to time to look at the operations and receive
reports of progress."
</p>
<p>
The history of the development of the telephone transmitter, phonograph,
incandescent lamp, dynamo, electrical distributing systems from central
stations, electric railway, ore-milling, cement, motion pictures, and a
host of minor inventions may be found embedded in the laboratory
note-books. A passing glance at a few pages of these written records will
serve to illustrate, though only to a limited extent, the thoroughness of
Edison's method. It is to be observed that these references can be but of
the most meagre kind, and must be regarded as merely throwing a side-light
on the subject itself. For instance, the complex problem of a practical
telephone transmitter gave rise to a series of most exhaustive
experiments. Combinations in almost infinite variety, including gums,
chemical compounds, oils, minerals, and metals were suggested by Edison;
and his assistants were given long lists of materials to try with
reference to predetermined standards of articulation, degrees of loudness,
and perfection of hissing sounds. The note-books contain hundreds of pages
showing that a great many thousands of experiments were tried and passed
upon. Such remarks as "N. G."; "Pretty good"; "Whistling good, but no
articulation"; "Rattly"; "Articulation, whispering, and whistling good";
"Best to-night so far"; and others are noted opposite the various
combinations as they were tried. Thus, one may follow the investigation
through a maze of experiments which led up to the successful invention of
the carbon button transmitter, the vital device to give the telephone its
needed articulation and perfection.
</p>
<p>
The two hundred and odd note-books, covering the strenuous period during
which Edison was carrying on his electric-light experiments, tell on their
forty thousand pages or more a fascinating story of the evolution of a new
art in its entirety. From the crude beginnings, through all the varied
phases of this evolution, the operations of a master mind are apparent
from the contents of these pages, in which are recorded the innumerable
experiments, calculations, and tests that ultimately brought light out of
darkness.
</p>
<p>
The early work on a metallic conductor for lamps gave rise to some very
thorough research on melting and alloying metals, the preparation of
metallic oxides, the coating of fine wires by immersing them in a great
variety of chemical solutions. Following his usual custom, Edison would
indicate the lines of experiment to be followed, which were carried out
and recorded in the note-books. He himself, in January, 1879, made
personally a most minute and searching investigation into the properties
and behavior of plating-iridium, boron, rutile, zircon, chromium,
molybdenum, and nickel, under varying degrees of current strength, on
which there may be found in the notes about forty pages of detailed
experiments and deductions in his own handwriting, concluding with the
remark (about nickel): "This is a great discovery for electric light in
the way of economy."
</p>
<p>
This period of research on nickel, etc., was evidently a trying one, for
after nearly a month's close application he writes, on January 27, 1879:
"Owing to the enormous power of the light my eyes commenced to pain after
seven hours' work, and I had to quit." On the next day appears the
following entry: "Suffered the pains of hell with my eyes last night from
10 P.M. till 4 A.M., when got to sleep with a big dose of morphine. Eyes
getting better, and do not pain much at 4 P.M.; but I lose to-day."
</p>
<p>
The "try everything" spirit of Edison's method is well illustrated in this
early period by a series of about sixteen hundred resistance tests of
various ores, minerals, earths, etc., occupying over fifty pages of one of
the note-books relating to the metallic filament for his lamps.
</p>
<p>
But, as the reader has already learned, the metallic filament was soon
laid aside in favor of carbon, and we find in the laboratory notes an
amazing record of research and experiment conducted in the minute and
searching manner peculiar to Edison's method. His inquiries were directed
along all the various roads leading to the desired goal, for long before
he had completed the invention of a practical lamp he realized broadly the
fundamental requirements of a successful system of electrical
distribution, and had given instructions for the making of a great variety
of calculations which, although far in advance of the time, were clearly
foreseen by him to be vitally important in the ultimate solution of the
complicated problem. Thus we find many hundreds of pages of the note-books
covered with computations and calculations by Mr. Upton, not only on the
numerous ramifications of the projected system and comparisons with gas,
but also on proposed forms of dynamos and the proposed station in New
York. A mere recital by titles of the vast number of experiments and tests
on carbons, lamps, dynamos, armatures, commutators, windings, systems,
regulators, sockets, vacuum-pumps, and the thousand and one details
relating to the subject in general, originated by Edison, and methodically
and systematically carried on under his general direction, would fill a
great many pages here, and even then would serve only to convey a confused
impression of ceaseless probing.
</p>
<p>
It is possible only to a broad, comprehensive mind well stored with
knowledge, and backed with resistless, boundless energy, that such a
diversified series of experiments and investigations could be carried on
simultaneously and assimilated, even though they should relate to a class
of phenomena already understood and well defined. But if we pause to
consider that the commercial subdivision of the electric current (which
was virtually an invention made to order) involved the solution of
problems so unprecedented that even they themselves had to be created, we
cannot but conclude that the afflatus of innate genius played an important
part in the unique methods of investigation instituted by Edison at that
and other times.
</p>
<p>
The idea of attributing great successes to "genius" has always been
repudiated by Edison, as evidenced by his historic remark that "Genius is
1 per cent. inspiration and 99 per cent. perspiration." Again, in a
conversation many years ago at the laboratory between Edison, Batchelor,
and E. H. Johnson, the latter made allusion to Edison's genius as
evidenced by some of his achievements, when Edison replied:
</p>
<p>
"Stuff! I tell you genius is hard work, stick-to-it-iveness, and common
sense."
</p>
<p>
"Yes," said Johnson, "I admit there is all that to it, but there's still
more. Batch and I have those qualifications, but although we knew quite a
lot about telephones, and worked hard, we couldn't invent a brand-new
non-infringing telephone receiver as you did when Gouraud cabled for one.
Then, how about the subdivision of the electric light?"
</p>
<p>
"Electric current," corrected Edison.
</p>
<p>
"True," continued Johnson; "you were the one to make that very
distinction. The scientific world had been working hard on subdivision for
years, using what appeared to be common sense. Results worse than nil.
Then you come along, and about the first thing you do, after looking the
ground over, is to start off in the opposite direction, which subsequently
proves to be the only possible way to reach the goal. It seems to me that
this is pretty close to the dictionary definition of genius."
</p>
<p>
It is said that Edison replied rather incoherently and changed the topic
of conversation.
</p>
<p>
This innate modesty, however, does not prevent Edison from recognizing and
classifying his own methods of investigation. In a conversation with two
old associates recently (April, 1909), he remarked: "It has been said of
me that my methods are empirical. That is true only so far as chemistry is
concerned. Did you ever realize that practically all industrial chemistry
is colloidal in its nature? Hard rubber, celluloid, glass, soap, paper,
and lots of others, all have to deal with amorphous substances, as to
which comparatively little has been really settled. My methods are similar
to those followed by Luther Burbank. He plants an acre, and when this is
in bloom he inspects it. He has a sharp eye, and can pick out of thousands
a single plant that has promise of what he wants. From this he gets the
seed, and uses his skill and knowledge in producing from it a number of
new plants which, on development, furnish the means of propagating an
improved variety in large quantity. So, when I am after a chemical result
that I have in mind, I may make hundreds or thousands of experiments out
of which there may be one that promises results in the right direction.
This I follow up to its legitimate conclusion, discarding the others, and
usually get what I am after. There is no doubt about this being empirical;
but when it comes to problems of a mechanical nature, I want to tell you
that all I've ever tackled and solved have been done by hard, logical
thinking." The intense earnestness and emphasis with which this was said
were very impressive to the auditors. This empirical method may perhaps be
better illustrated by a specific example. During the latter part of the
storage battery investigations, after the form of positive element had
been determined upon, it became necessary to ascertain what definite
proportions and what quality of nickel hydrate and nickel flake would give
the best results. A series of positive tubes were filled with the two
materials in different proportions—say, nine parts hydrate to one of
flake; eight parts hydrate to two of flake; seven parts hydrate to three
of flake, and so on through varying proportions. Three sets of each of
these positives were made, and all put into separate test tubes with a
uniform type of negative element. These were carried through a long series
of charges and discharges under strict test conditions. From the tabulated
results of hundreds of tests there were selected three that showed the
best results. These, however, showed only the superiority of certain
PROPORTIONS of the materials. The next step would be to find out the best
QUALITY. Now, as there are several hundred variations in the quality of
nickel flake, and perhaps a thousand ways to make the hydrate, it will be
realized that Edison's methods led to stupendous detail, for these tests
embraced a trial of all the qualities of both materials in the three
proportions found to be most suitable. Among these many thousands of
experiments any that showed extraordinary results were again elaborated by
still further series of tests, until Edison was satisfied that he had
obtained the best result in that particular line.
</p>
<p>
The laboratory note-books do not always tell the whole story or meaning of
an experiment that may be briefly outlined on one of their pages. For
example, the early filament made of a mixture of lampblack and tar is
merely a suggestion in the notes, but its making afforded an example of
Edison's pertinacity. These materials, when mixed, became a friable mass,
which he had found could be brought into such a cohesive, putty-like state
by manipulation, as to be capable of being rolled out into filaments as
fine as seven-thousandths of an inch in cross-section. One of the
laboratory assistants was told to make some of this mixture, knead it, and
roll some filaments. After a time he brought the mass to Edison, and said:
</p>
<p>
"There's something wrong about this, for it crumbles even after
manipulating it with my fingers."
</p>
<p>
"How long did you knead it?" said Edison.
</p>
<p>
"Oh! more than an hour," replied the assistant.
</p>
<p>
"Well, just keep on for a few hours more and it will come out all right,"
was the rejoinder. And this proved to be correct, for, after a prolonged
kneading and rolling, the mass changed into a cohesive, stringy,
homogeneous putty. It was from a mixture of this kind that spiral
filaments were made and used in some of the earliest forms of successful
incandescent lamps; indeed, they are described and illustrated in Edison's
fundamental lamp patent (No. 223,898).
</p>
<p>
The present narrative would assume the proportions of a history of the
incandescent lamp, should the authors attempt to follow Edison's
investigations through the thousands of pages of note-books away back in
the eighties and early nineties. Improvement of the lamp was constantly in
his mind all those years, and besides the vast amount of detail
experimental work he laid out for his assistants, he carried on a great
deal of research personally. Sometimes whole books are filled in his own
handwriting with records of experiments showing every conceivable
variation of some particular line of inquiry; each trial bearing some
terse comment expressive of results. In one book appear the details of one
of these experiments on September 3, 1891, at 4.30 A.M., with the comment:
"Brought up lamp higher than a 16-c.p. 240 was ever brought before—Hurrah!"
Notwithstanding the late hour, he turns over to the next page and goes on
to write his deductions from this result as compared with those previously
obtained. Proceeding day by day, as appears by this same book, he follows
up another line of investigation on lamps, apparently full of difficulty,
for after one hundred and thirty-two other recorded experiments we find
this note: "Saturday 3.30 went home disgusted with incandescent lamps."
This feeling was evidently evanescent, for on the succeeding Monday the
work was continued and carried on by him as keenly as before, as shown by
the next batch of notes.
</p>
<p>
This is the only instance showing any indication of impatience that the
authors have found in looking through the enormous mass of laboratory
notes. All his assistants agree that Edison is the most patient, tireless
experimenter that could be conceived of. Failures do not distress him;
indeed, he regards them as always useful, as may be gathered from the
following, related by Dr. E. G. Acheson, formerly one of his staff: "I
once made an experiment in Edison's laboratory at Menlo Park during the
latter part of 1880, and the results were not as looked for. I considered
the experiment a perfect failure, and while bemoaning the results of this
apparent failure Mr. Edison entered, and, after learning the facts of the
case, cheerfully remarked that I should not look upon it as a failure, for
he considered every experiment a success, as in all cases it cleared up
the atmosphere, and even though it failed to accomplish the results sought
for, it should prove a valuable lesson for guidance in future work. I
believe that Mr. Edison's success as an experimenter was, to a large
extent, due to this happy view of all experiments."
</p>
<p>
Edison has frequently remarked that out of a hundred experiments he does
not expect more than one to be successful, and as to that one he is always
suspicious until frequent repetition has verified the original results.
</p>
<p>
This patient, optimistic view of the outcome of experiments has remained
part of his character down to this day, just as his painstaking, minute,
incisive methods are still unchanged. But to the careless, stupid, or lazy
person he is a terror for the short time they remain around him. Honest
mistakes may be tolerated, but not carelessness, incompetence, or lack of
attention to business. In such cases Edison is apt to express himself
freely and forcibly, as when he was asked why he had parted with a certain
man, he said: "Oh, he was so slow that it would take him half an hour to
get out of the field of a microscope." Another instance will be
illustrative. Soon after the Brockton (Massachusetts) central station was
started in operation many years ago, he wrote a note to Mr. W. S. Andrews,
containing suggestions as to future stations, part of which related to the
various employees and their duties. After outlining the duties of the
meter man, Edison says: "I should not take too young a man for this, say,
a man from twenty-three to thirty years old, bright and businesslike.
Don't want any one who yearns to enter a laboratory and experiment. We
have a bad case of that at Brockton; he neglects business to potter. What
we want is a good lamp average and no unprofitable customer. You should
have these men on probation and subject to passing an examination by me.
This will wake them up."
</p>
<p>
Edison's examinations are no joke, according to Mr. J. H. Vail, formerly
one of the Menlo Park staff. "I wanted a job," he said, "and was ambitious
to take charge of the dynamo-room. Mr. Edison led me to a heap of junk in
a corner and said: 'Put that together and let me know when it's running.'
I didn't know what it was, but received a liberal education in finding
out. It proved to be a dynamo, which I finally succeeded in assembling and
running. I got the job." Another man who succeeded in winning a place as
assistant was Mr. John F. Ott, who has remained in his employ for over
forty years. In 1869, when Edison was occupying his first manufacturing
shop (the third floor of a small building in Newark), he wanted a
first-class mechanician, and Mr. Ott was sent to him. "He was then an
ordinary-looking young fellow," says Mr. Ott, "dirty as any of the other
workmen, unkempt, and not much better dressed than a tramp, but I
immediately felt that there was a great deal in him." This is the
conversation that ensued, led by Mr. Edison's question:
</p>
<p>
"What do you want?"
</p>
<p>
"Work."
</p>
<p>
"Can you make this machine work?" (exhibiting it and explaining its
details).
</p>
<p>
"Yes."
</p>
<p>
"Are you sure?"
</p>
<p>
"Well, you needn't pay me if I don't."
</p>
<p>
And thus Mr. Ott went to work and succeeded in accomplishing the results
desired. Two weeks afterward Mr. Edison put him in charge of the shop.
</p>
<p>
Edison's life fairly teems with instances of unruffled patience in the
pursuit of experiments. When he feels thoroughly impressed with the
possibility of accomplishing a certain thing, he will settle down
composedly to investigate it to the end.
</p>
<p>
This is well illustrated in a story relating to his invention of the type
of storage battery bearing his name. Mr. W. S. Mallory, one of his closest
associates for many years, is the authority for the following: "When Mr.
Edison decided to shut down the ore-milling plant at Edison, New Jersey,
in which I had been associated with him, it became a problem as to what he
could profitably take up next, and we had several discussions about it. He
finally thought that a good storage battery was a great requisite, and
decided to try and devise a new type, for he declared emphatically he
would make no battery requiring sulphuric acid. After a little thought he
conceived the nickel-iron idea, and started to work at once with
characteristic energy. About 7 or 7.30 A.M. he would go down to the
laboratory and experiment, only stopping for a short time at noon to eat a
lunch sent down from the house. About 6 o'clock the carriage would call to
take him to dinner, from which he would return by 7.30 or 8 o'clock to
resume work. The carriage came again at midnight to take him home, but
frequently had to wait until 2 or 3 o'clock, and sometimes return without
him, as he had decided to continue all night.
</p>
<p>
"This had been going on more than five months, seven days a week, when I
was called down to the laboratory to see him. I found him at a bench about
three feet wide and twelve to fifteen feet long, on which there were
hundreds of little test cells that had been made up by his corps of
chemists and experimenters. He was seated at this bench testing, figuring,
and planning. I then learned that he had thus made over nine thousand
experiments in trying to devise this new type of storage battery, but had
not produced a single thing that promised to solve the question. In view
of this immense amount of thought and labor, my sympathy got the better of
my judgment, and I said: 'Isn't it a shame that with the tremendous amount
of work you have done you haven't been able to get any results?' Edison
turned on me like a flash, and with a smile replied: 'Results! Why, man, I
have gotten a lot of results! I know several thousand things that won't
work.'
</p>
<p>
"At that time he sent me out West on a special mission. On my return, a
few weeks later, his experiments had run up to over ten thousand, but he
had discovered the missing link in the combination sought for. Of course,
we all remember how the battery was completed and put on the market. Then,
because he was dissatisfied with it, he stopped the sales and commenced a
new line of investigation, which has recently culminated successfully. I
shouldn't wonder if his experiments on the battery ran up pretty near to
fifty thousand, for they fill more than one hundred and fifty of the
note-books, to say nothing of some thousands of tests in curve sheets."
</p>
<p>
Although Edison has an absolute disregard for the total outlay of money in
investigation, he is particular to keep down the cost of individual
experiments to a minimum, for, as he observed to one of his assistants: "A
good many inventors try to develop things life-size, and thus spend all
their money, instead of first experimenting more freely on a small scale."
To Edison life is not only a grand opportunity to find out things by
experiment, but, when found, to improve them by further experiment. One
night, after receiving a satisfactory report of progress from Mr. Mason,
superintendent of the cement plant, he said: "The only way to keep ahead
of the procession is to experiment. If you don't, the other fellow will.
When there's no experimenting there's no progress. Stop experimenting and
you go backward. If anything goes wrong, experiment until you get to the
very bottom of the trouble."
</p>
<p>
It is easy to realize, therefore, that a character so thoroughly permeated
with these ideas is not apt to stop and figure out expense when in hot
pursuit of some desired object. When that object has been attained,
however, and it passes from the experimental to the commercial stage,
Edison's monetary views again come into strong play, but they take a
diametrically opposite position, for he then begins immediately to plan
the extreme of economy in the production of the article. A thousand and
one instances could be quoted in illustration; but as they would tend to
change the form of this narrative into a history of economy in
manufacture, it will suffice to mention but one, and that a recent
occurrence, which serves to illustrate how closely he keeps in touch with
everything, and also how the inventive faculty and instinct of commercial
economy run close together. It was during Edison's winter stay in Florida,
in March, 1909. He had reports sent to him daily from various places, and
studied them carefully, for he would write frequently with comments,
instructions, and suggestions; and in one case, commenting on the oiling
system at the cement plant, he wrote: "Your oil losses are now getting
lower, I see." Then, after suggesting some changes to reduce them still
further, he went on to say: "Here is a chance to save a mill per barrel
based on your regular daily output."
</p>
<p>
This thorough consideration of the smallest detail is essentially
characteristic of Edison, not only in economy of manufacture, but in all
his work, no matter of what kind, whether it be experimenting,
investigating, testing, or engineering. To follow him through the
labyrinthine paths of investigation contained in the great array of
laboratory note-books is to become involved in a mass of minutely detailed
searches which seek to penetrate the inmost recesses of nature by an
ultimate analysis of an infinite variety of parts. As the reader will
obtain a fuller comprehension of this idea, and of Edison's methods, by
concrete illustration rather than by generalization, the authors have
thought it well to select at random two typical instances of specific
investigations out of the thousands that are scattered through the
notebooks. These will be found in the following extracts from one of the
note-books, and consist of Edison's instructions to be carried out in
detail by his experimenters:
</p>
<p>
"Take, say, 25 lbs. hard Cuban asphalt and separate all the different
hydrocarbons, etc., as far as possible by means of solvents. It will be
necessary first to dissolve everything out by, say, hot turpentine, then
successively treat the residue with bisulphide carbon, benzol, ether,
chloroform, naphtha, toluol, alcohol, and other probable solvents. After
you can go no further, distil off all the solvents so the asphalt material
has a tar-like consistency. Be sure all the ash is out of the turpentine
portion; now, after distilling the turpentine off, act on the residue with
all the solvents that were used on the residue, using for the first the
solvent which is least likely to dissolve a great part of it. By thus
manipulating the various solvents you will be enabled probably to separate
the crude asphalt into several distinct hydrocarbons. Put each in a bottle
after it has been dried, and label the bottle with the process, etc., so
we may be able to duplicate it; also give bottle a number and describe
everything fully in note-book."
</p>
<p>
"Destructively distil the following substances down to a point just short
of carbonization, so that the residuum can be taken out of the retort,
powdered, and acted on by all the solvents just as the asphalt in previous
page. The distillation should be carried to, say, 600 degrees or 700
degrees Fahr., but not continued long enough to wholly reduce mass to
charcoal, but always run to blackness. Separate the residuum in as many
definite parts as possible, bottle and label, and keep accurate records as
to process, weights, etc., so a reproduction of the experiment can at any
time be made: Gelatine, 4 lbs.; asphalt, hard Cuban, 10 lbs.; coal-tar or
pitch, 10 lbs.; wood-pitch, 10 lbs.; Syrian asphalt, 10 lbs.; bituminous
coal, 10 lbs.; cane-sugar, 10 lbs.; glucose, 10 lbs.; dextrine, 10 lbs.;
glycerine, 10 lbs.; tartaric acid, 5 lbs.; gum guiac, 5 lbs.; gum amber, 3
lbs.; gum tragacanth, 3 Lbs.; aniline red, 1 lb.; aniline oil, 1 lb.;
crude anthracene, 5 lbs.; petroleum pitch, 10 lbs.; albumen from eggs, 2
lbs.; tar from passing chlorine through aniline oil, 2 lbs.; citric acid,
5 lbs.; sawdust of boxwood, 3 lbs.; starch, 5 lbs.; shellac, 3 lbs.; gum
Arabic, 5 lbs.; castor oil, 5 lbs."
</p>
<p>
The empirical nature of his method will be apparent from an examination of
the above items; but in pursuing it he leaves all uncertainty behind and,
trusting nothing to theory, he acquires absolute knowledge. Whatever may
be the mental processes by which he arrives at the starting-point of any
specific line of research, the final results almost invariably prove that
he does not plunge in at random; indeed, as an old associate remarked:
"When Edison takes up any proposition in natural science, his perceptions
seem to be elementally broad and analytical, that is to say, in addition
to the knowledge he has acquired from books and observation, he appears to
have an intuitive apprehension of the general order of things, as they
might be supposed to exist in natural relation to each other. It has
always seemed to me that he goes to the core of things at once."
</p>
<p>
Although nothing less than results from actual experiments are acceptable
to him as established facts, this view of Edison may also account for his
peculiar and somewhat weird ability to "guess" correctly, a faculty which
has frequently enabled him to take short cuts to lines of investigation
whose outcome has verified in a most remarkable degree statements
apparently made offhand and without calculation. Mr. Upton says: "One of
the main impressions left upon me, after knowing Mr. Edison for many
years, is the marvellous accuracy of his guesses. He will see the general
nature of a result long before it can be reached by mathematical
calculation." This was supplemented by one of his engineering staff, who
remarked: "Mr. Edison can guess better than a good many men can figure,
and so far as my experience goes, I have found that he is almost
invariably correct. His guess is more than a mere starting-point, and
often turns out to be the final solution of a problem. I can only account
for it by his remarkable insight and wonderful natural sense of the
proportion of things, in addition to which he seems to carry in his head
determining factors of all kinds, and has the ability to apply them
instantly in considering any mechanical problem."
</p>
<p>
While this mysterious intuitive power has been of the greatest advantage
in connection with the vast number of technical problems that have entered
into his life-work, there have been many remarkable instances in which it
has seemed little less than prophecy, and it is deemed worth while to
digress to the extent of relating two of them. One day in the summer of
1881, when the incandescent lamp-industry was still in swaddling clothes,
Edison was seated in the room of Major Eaton, vice-president of the Edison
Electric Light Company, talking over business matters, when Mr. Upton came
in from the lamp factory at Menlo Park, and said: "Well, Mr. Edison, we
completed a thousand lamps to-day." Edison looked up and said "Good," then
relapsed into a thoughtful mood. In about two minutes he raised his head,
and said: "Upton, in fifteen years you will be making forty thousand lamps
a day." None of those present ventured to make any remark on this
assertion, although all felt that it was merely a random guess, based on
the sanguine dream of an inventor. The business had not then really made a
start, and being entirely new was without precedent upon which to base any
such statement, but, as a matter of fact, the records of the lamp factory
show that in 1896 its daily output of lamps was actually about forty
thousand.
</p>
<p>
The other instance referred to occurred shortly after the Edison Machine
Works was moved up to Schenectady, in 1886. One day, when he was at the
works, Edison sat down and wrote on a sheet of paper fifteen separate
predictions of the growth and future of the electrical business.
Notwithstanding the fact that the industry was then in an immature state,
and that the great boom did not set in until a few years afterward, twelve
of these predictions have been fully verified by the enormous growth and
development in all branches of the art.
</p>
<p>
What the explanation of this gift, power, or intuition may be, is perhaps
better left to the psychologist to speculate upon. If one were to ask
Edison, he would probably say, "Hard work, not too much sleep, and free
use of the imagination." Whether or not it would be possible for the
average mortal to arrive at such perfection of "guessing" by faithfully
following this formula, even reinforced by the Edison recipe for
stimulating a slow imagination with pastry, is open for demonstration.
</p>
<p>
Somewhat allied to this curious faculty is another no less remarkable, and
that is, the ability to point out instantly an error in a mass of reported
experimental results. While many instances could be definitely named, a
typical one, related by Mr. J. D. Flack, formerly master mechanic at the
lamp factory, may be quoted: "During the many years of lamp
experimentation, batches of lamps were sent to the photometer department
for test, and Edison would examine the tabulated test sheets. He ran over
every item of the tabulations rapidly, and, apparently without any
calculation whatever, would check off errors as fast as he came to them,
saying: 'You have made a mistake; try this one over.' In every case the
second test proved that he was right. This wonderful aptitude for
infallibly locating an error without an instant's hesitation for mental
calculation, has always appealed to me very forcibly."
</p>
<p>
The ability to detect errors quickly in a series of experiments is one of
the things that has enabled Edison to accomplish such a vast amount of
work as the records show. Examples of the minuteness of detail into which
his researches extend have already been mentioned, and as there are always
a number of such investigations in progress at the laboratory, this
ability stands Edison in good stead, for he is thus enabled to follow,
and, if necessary, correct each one step by step. In this he is aided by
the great powers of a mind that is able to free itself from absorbed
concentration on the details of one problem, and instantly to shift over
and become deeply and intelligently concentrated in another and entirely
different one. For instance, he may have been busy for hours on chemical
experiments, and be called upon suddenly to determine some mechanical
questions. The complete and easy transition is the constant wonder of his
associates, for there is no confusion of ideas resulting from these quick
changes, no hesitation or apparent effort, but a plunge into the midst of
the new subject, and an instant acquaintance with all its details, as if
he had been studying it for hours.
</p>
<p>
A good stiff difficulty—one which may, perhaps, appear to be an
unsurmountable obstacle—only serves to make Edison cheerful, and
brings out variations of his methods in experimenting. Such an occurrence
will start him thinking, which soon gives rise to a line of suggestions
for approaching the trouble from various sides; or he will sit down and
write out a series of eliminations, additions, or changes to be worked out
and reported upon, with such variations as may suggest themselves during
their progress. It is at such times as these that his unfailing patience
and tremendous resourcefulness are in evidence. Ideas and expedients are
poured forth in a torrent, and although some of them have temporarily
appeared to the staff to be ridiculous or irrelevant, they have frequently
turned out to be the ones leading to a correct solution of the trouble.
</p>
<p>
Edison's inexhaustible resourcefulness and fertility of ideas have
contributed largely to his great success, and have ever been a cause of
amazement to those around him. Frequently, when it would seem to others
that the extreme end of an apparently blind alley had been reached, and
that it was impossible to proceed further, he has shown that there were
several ways out of it. Examples without number could be quoted, but one
must suffice by way of illustration. During the progress of the
ore-milling work at Edison, it became desirable to carry on a certain
operation by some special machinery. He requested the proper person on his
engineering staff to think this matter up and submit a few sketches of
what he would propose to do. He brought three drawings to Edison, who
examined them and said none of them would answer. The engineer remarked
that it was too bad, for there was no other way to do it. Mr. Edison
turned to him quickly, and said: "Do you mean to say that these drawings
represent the only way to do this work?" To which he received the reply:
"I certainly do." Edison said nothing. This happened on a Saturday. He
followed his usual custom of spending Sunday at home in Orange. When he
returned to the works on Monday morning, he took with him sketches he had
made, showing FORTY-EIGHT other ways of accomplishing the desired
operation, and laid them on the engineer's desk without a word.
Subsequently one of these ideas, with modifications suggested by some of
the others, was put into successful practice.
</p>
<p>
Difficulties seem to have a peculiar charm for Edison, whether they relate
to large or small things; and although the larger matters have contributed
most to the history of the arts, the same carefulness of thought has often
been the means of leading to improvements of permanent advantage even in
minor details. For instance, in the very earliest days of electric
lighting, the safe insulation of two bare wires fastened together was a
serious problem that was solved by him. An iron pot over a fire, some
insulating material melted therein, and narrow strips of linen drawn
through it by means of a wooden clamp, furnished a readily applied and
adhesive insulation, which was just as perfect for the purpose as the
regular and now well-known insulating tape, of which it was the
forerunner.
</p>
<p>
Dubious results are not tolerated for a moment in Edison's experimental
work. Rather than pass upon an uncertainty, the experiment will be
dissected and checked minutely in order to obtain absolute knowledge, pro
and con. This searching method is followed not only in chemical or other
investigations, into which complexities might naturally enter, but also in
more mechanical questions, where simplicity of construction might
naturally seem to preclude possibilities of uncertainty. For instance, at
the time when he was making strenuous endeavors to obtain copper wire of
high conductivity, strict laboratory tests were made of samples sent by
manufacturers. One of these samples tested out poorer than a previous lot
furnished from the same factory. A report of this to Edison brought the
following note: "Perhaps the —— wire had a bad spot in it.
Please cut it up into lengths and test each one and send results to me
immediately." Possibly the electrical fraternity does not realize that
this earnest work of Edison, twenty-eight years ago, resulted in the
establishment of the high quality of copper wire that has been the
recognized standard since that time. Says Edison on this point: "I
furnished the expert and apparatus to the Ansonia Brass and Copper Company
in 1883, and he is there yet. It was this expert and this company who
pioneered high-conductivity copper for the electrical trade."
</p>
<p>
Nor is it generally appreciated in the industry that the adoption of what
is now regarded as a most obvious proposition—the high-economy
incandescent lamp—was the result of that characteristic foresight
which there has been occasion to mention frequently in the course of this
narrative, together with the courage and "horse-sense" which have always
been displayed by the inventor in his persistent pushing out with
far-reaching ideas, in the face of pessimistic opinions. As is well known,
the lamps of the first ten or twelve years of incandescent lighting were
of low economy, but had long life. Edison's study of the subject had led
him to the conviction that the greatest growth of the electric-lighting
industry would be favored by a lamp taking less current, but having
shorter, though commercially economical life; and after gradually making
improvements along this line he developed, finally, a type of high-economy
lamp which would introduce a most radical change in existing conditions,
and lead ultimately to highly advantageous results. His start on this
lamp, and an expressed desire to have it manufactured for regular use,
filled even some of his business associates with dismay, for they could
see nothing but disaster ahead in forcing such a lamp on the market. His
persistence and profound conviction of the ultimate results were so strong
and his arguments so sound, however, that the campaign was entered upon.
Although it took two or three years to convince the public of the
correctness of his views, the idea gradually took strong root, and has now
become an integral principle of the business.
</p>
<p>
In this connection it may be noted that with remarkable prescience Edison
saw the coming of the modern lamps of to-day, which, by reason of their
small consumption of energy to produce a given candle-power, have dismayed
central-station managers. A few years ago a consumption of 3.1 watts per
candle-power might safely be assumed as an excellent average, and many
stations fixed their rates and business on such a basis. The results on
income when the consumption, as in the new metallic-filament lamps, drops
to 1.25 watts per candle can readily be imagined. Edison has insisted that
central stations are selling light and not current; and he points to the
predicament now confronting them as truth of his assertion that when
selling light they share in all the benefits of improvement, but that when
they sell current the consumer gets all those benefits without division.
The dilemma is encountered by central stations in a bewildered way, as a
novel and unexpected experience; but Edison foresaw the situation and
warned against it long ago. It is one of the greatest gifts of
statesmanship to see new social problems years before they arise and solve
them in advance. It is one of the greatest attributes of invention to
foresee and meet its own problems in exactly the same way.
</p>
<p>
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<h2>
CHAPTER XXV
</h2>
<h3>
THE LABORATORY AT ORANGE AND THE STAFF
</h3>
<p>
A LIVING interrogation-point and a born investigator from childhood,
Edison has never been without a laboratory of some kind for upward of half
a century.
</p>
<p>
In youthful years, as already described in this book, he became ardently
interested in chemistry, and even at the early age of twelve felt the
necessity for a special nook of his own, where he could satisfy his
unconvinced mind of the correctness or inaccuracy of statements and
experiments contained in the few technical books then at his command.
</p>
<p>
Ordinarily he was like other normal lads of his age—full of boyish,
hearty enjoyments—but withal possessed of an unquenchable spirit of
inquiry and an insatiable desire for knowledge. Being blessed with a wise
and discerning mother, his aspirations were encouraged; and he was allowed
a corner in her cellar. It is fair to offer tribute here to her bravery as
well as to her wisdom, for at times she was in mortal terror lest the
precocious experimenter below should, in his inexperience, make some awful
combination that would explode and bring down the house in ruins on
himself and the rest of the family.
</p>
<p>
Fortunately no such catastrophe happened, but young Edison worked away in
his embryonic laboratory, satisfying his soul and incidentally depleting
his limited pocket-money to the vanishing-point. It was, indeed, owing to
this latter circumstance that in a year or two his aspirations
necessitated an increase of revenue; and a consequent determination to
earn some money for himself led to his first real commercial enterprise as
"candy butcher" on the Grand Trunk Railroad, already mentioned in a
previous chapter. It has also been related how his precious laboratory was
transferred to the train; how he and it were subsequently expelled; and
how it was re-established in his home, where he continued studies and
experiments until the beginning of his career as a telegraph operator.
</p>
<p>
The nomadic life of the next few years did not lessen his devotion to
study; but it stood seriously in the way of satisfying the ever-present
craving for a laboratory. The lack of such a place never prevented
experimentation, however, as long as he had a dollar in his pocket and
some available "hole in the wall." With the turning of the tide of fortune
that suddenly carried him, in New York in 1869, from poverty to the
opulence of $300 a month, he drew nearer to a realization of his cherished
ambition in having money, place, and some time (stolen from sleep) for
more serious experimenting. Thus matters continued until, at about the age
of twenty-two, Edison's inventions had brought him a relatively large sum
of money, and he became a very busy manufacturer, and lessee of a large
shop in Newark, New Jersey.
</p>
<p>
Now, for the first time since leaving that boyish laboratory in the old
home at Port Huron, Edison had a place of his own to work in, to think in;
but no one in any way acquainted with Newark as a swarming centre of
miscellaneous and multitudinous industries would recommend it as a
cloistered retreat for brooding reverie and introspection, favorable to
creative effort. Some people revel in surroundings of hustle and bustle,
and find therein no hindrance to great accomplishment. The electrical
genius of Newark is Edward Weston, who has thriven amid its turmoil and
there has developed his beautiful instruments of precision; just as Brush
worked out his arc-lighting system in Cleveland; or even as Faraday,
surrounded by the din and roar of London, laid the intellectual
foundations of the whole modern science of dynamic electricity. But
Edison, though deaf, could not make too hurried a retreat from Newark to
Menlo Park, where, as if to justify his change of base, vital inventions
soon came thick and fast, year after year. The story of Menlo has been
told in another chapter, but the point was not emphasized that Edison
then, as later, tried hard to drop manufacturing. He would infinitely
rather be philosopher than producer; but somehow the necessity of
manufacturing is constantly thrust back upon him by a profound—perhaps
finical—sense of dissatisfaction with what other people make for
him. The world never saw a man more deeply and desperately convinced that
nothing in it approaches perfection. Edison is the doctrine of evolution
incarnate, applied to mechanics. As to the removal from Newark, he may be
allowed to tell his own story: "I had a shop at Newark in which I
manufactured stock tickers and such things. When I moved to Menlo Park I
took out only the machinery that would be necessary for experimental
purposes and left the manufacturing machinery in the place. It consisted
of many milling machines and other tools for duplicating. I rented this to
a man who had formerly been my bookkeeper, and who thought he could make
money out of manufacturing. There was about $10,000 worth of machinery. He
was to pay me $2000 a year for the rent of the machinery and keep it in
good order. After I moved to Menlo Park, I was very busy with the
telephone and phonograph, and I paid no attention to this little
arrangement. About three years afterward, it occurred to me that I had not
heard at all from the man who had rented this machinery, so I thought I
would go over to Newark and see how things were going. When I got there, I
found that instead of being a machine shop it was a hotel! I have since
been utterly unable to find out what became of the man or the machinery."
Such incidents tend to justify Edison in his rather cynical remark that he
has always been able to improve machinery much quicker than men. All the
way up he has had discouraging experiences. "One day while I was carrying
on my work in Newark, a Wall Street broker came from the city and said he
was tired of the 'Street,' and wanted to go into something real. He said
he had plenty of money. He wanted some kind of a job to keep his mind off
Wall Street. So we gave him a job as a 'mucker' in chemical experiments.
The second night he was there he could not stand the long hours and fell
asleep on a sofa. One of the boys took a bottle of bromine and opened it
under the sofa. It floated up and produced a violent effect on the mucous
membrane. The broker was taken with such a fit of coughing he burst a
blood-vessel, and the man who let the bromine out got away and never came
back. I suppose he thought there was going to be a death. But the broker
lived, and left the next day; and I have never seen him since, either."
Edison tells also of another foolhardy laboratory trick of the same kind:
"Some of my assistants in those days were very green in the business, as I
did not care whether they had had any experience or not. I generally tried
to turn them loose. One day I got a new man, and told him to conduct a
certain experiment. He got a quart of ether and started to boil it over a
naked flame. Of course it caught fire. The flame was about four feet in
diameter and eleven feet high. We had to call out the fire department; and
they came down and put a stream through the window. That let all the fumes
and chemicals out and overcame the firemen; and there was the devil to
pay. Another time we experimented with a tub full of soapy water, and put
hydrogen into it to make large bubbles. One of the boys, who was washing
bottles in the place, had read in some book that hydrogen was explosive,
so he proceeded to blow the tub up. There was about four inches of soap in
the bottom of the tub, fourteen inches high; and he filled it with soap
bubbles up to the brim. Then he took a bamboo fish-pole, put a piece of
paper at the end, and touched it off. It blew every window out of the
place."
</p>
<p>
Always a shrewd, observant, and kindly critic of character, Edison tells
many anecdotes of the men who gathered around him in various capacities at
that quiet corner of New Jersey—Menlo Park—and later at
Orange, in the Llewellyn Park laboratory; and these serve to supplement
the main narrative by throwing vivid side-lights on the whole scene. Here,
for example, is a picture drawn by Edison of a laboratory interlude—just
a bit Rabelaisian: "When experimenting at Menlo Park we had all the way
from forty to fifty men. They worked all the time. Each man was allowed
from four to six hours' sleep. We had a man who kept tally, and when the
time came for one to sleep, he was notified. At midnight we had lunch
brought in and served at a long table at which the experimenters sat down.
I also had an organ which I procured from Hilbourne Roosevelt—uncle
of the ex-President—and we had a man play this organ while we ate
our lunch. During the summertime, after we had made something which was
successful, I used to engage a brick-sloop at Perth Amboy and take the
whole crowd down to the fishing-banks on the Atlantic for two days. On one
occasion we got outside Sandy Hook on the banks and anchored. A breeze
came up, the sea became rough, and a large number of the men were sick.
There was straw in the bottom of the boat, which we all slept on. Most of
the men adjourned to this straw very sick. Those who were not got a piece
of rancid salt pork from the skipper, and cut a large, thick slice out of
it. This was put on the end of a fish-hook and drawn across the men's
faces. The smell was terrific, and the effect added to the hilarity of the
excursion.
</p>
<p>
"I went down once with my father and two assistants for a little fishing
inside Sandy Hook. For some reason or other the fishing was very poor. We
anchored, and I started in to fish. After fishing for several hours there
was not a single bite. The others wanted to pull up anchor, but I fished
two days and two nights without a bite, until they pulled up anchor and
went away. I would not give up. I was going to catch that fish if it took
a week."
</p>
<p>
This is general. Let us quote one or two piquant personal observations of
a more specific nature as to the odd characters Edison drew around him in
his experimenting. "Down at Menlo Park a man came in one day and wanted a
job. He was a sailor. I hadn't any particular work to give him, but I had
a number of small induction coils, and to give him something to do I told
him to fix them up and sell them among his sailor friends. They were fixed
up, and he went over to New York and sold them all. He was an
extraordinary fellow. His name was Adams. One day I asked him how long it
was since he had been to sea, and he replied two or three years. I asked
him how he had made a living in the mean time, before he came to Menlo
Park. He said he made a pretty good living by going around to different
clinics and getting $10 at each clinic, because of having the worst case
of heart-disease on record. I told him if that was the case he would have
to be very careful around the laboratory. I had him there to help in
experimenting, and the heart-disease did not seem to bother him at all.
</p>
<p>
"It appeared that he had once been a slaver; and altogether he was a tough
character. Having no other man I could spare at that time, I sent him over
with my carbon transmitter telephone to exhibit it in England. It was
exhibited before the Post-Office authorities. Professor Hughes spent an
afternoon in examining the apparatus, and in about a month came out with
his microphone, which was absolutely nothing more nor less than my exact
invention. But no mention was made of the fact that, just previously, he
had seen the whole of my apparatus. Adams stayed over in Europe connected
with the telephone for several years, and finally died of too much whiskey—but
not of heart-disease. This shows how whiskey is the more dangerous of the
two.
</p>
<p>
"Adams said that at one time he was aboard a coffee-ship in the harbor of
Santos, Brazil. He fell down a hatchway and broke his arm. They took him
up to the hospital—a Portuguese one—where he could not speak
the language, and they did not understand English. They treated him for
two weeks for yellow fever! He was certainly the most profane man we ever
had around the laboratory. He stood high in his class."
</p>
<p>
And there were others of a different stripe. "We had a man with us at
Menlo called Segredor. He was a queer kind of fellow. The men got in the
habit of plaguing him; and, finally, one day he said to the assembled
experimenters in the top room of the laboratory: 'The next man that does
it, I will kill him.' They paid no attention to this, and next day one of
them made some sarcastic remark to him. Segredor made a start for his
boarding-house, and when they saw him coming back up the hill with a gun,
they knew there would be trouble, so they all made for the woods. One of
the men went back and mollified him. He returned to his work; but he was
not teased any more. At last, when I sent men out hunting for bamboo, I
dispatched Segredor to Cuba. He arrived in Havana on Tuesday, and on the
Friday following he was buried, having died of the black vomit. On the
receipt of the news of his death, half a dozen of the men wanted his job,
but my searcher in the Astor Library reported that the chances of finding
the right kind of bamboo for lamps in Cuba were very small; so I did not
send a substitute."
</p>
<p>
Another thumb-nail sketch made of one of his associates is this: "When
experimenting with vacuum-pumps to exhaust the incandescent lamps, I
required some very delicate and close manipulation of glass, and hired a
German glass-blower who was said to be the most expert man of his kind in
the United States. He was the only one who could make clinical
thermometers. He was the most extraordinarily conceited man I have ever
come across. His conceit was so enormous, life was made a burden to him by
all the boys around the laboratory. He once said that he was educated in a
university where all the students belonged to families of the aristocracy;
and the highest class in the university all wore little red caps. He said
HE wore one."
</p>
<p>
Of somewhat different caliber was "honest" John Kruesi, who first made his
mark at Menlo Park, and of whom Edison says: "One of the workmen I had at
Menlo Park was John Kruesi, who afterward became, from his experience,
engineer of the lighting station, and subsequently engineer of the Edison
General Electric Works at Schenectady. Kruesi was very exact in his
expressions. At the time we were promoting and putting up electric-light
stations in Pennsylvania, New York, and New England, there would be
delegations of different people who proposed to pay for these stations.
They would come to our office in New York, at '65,' to talk over the
specifications, the cost, and other things. At first, Mr. Kruesi was
brought in, but whenever a statement was made which he could not
understand or did not believe could be substantiated, he would blurt right
out among these prospects that he didn't believe it. Finally it disturbed
these committees so much, and raised so many doubts in their minds, that
one of my chief associates said: 'Here, Kruesi, we don't want you to come
to these meetings any longer. You are too painfully honest.' I said to
him: 'We always tell the truth. It may be deferred truth, but it is the
truth.' He could not understand that."
</p>
<p>
Various reasons conspired to cause the departure from Menlo Park midway in
the eighties. For Edison, in spite of the achievement with which its name
will forever be connected, it had lost all its attractions and all its
possibilities. It had been outgrown in many ways, and strange as the
remark may seem, it was not until he had left it behind and had settled in
Orange, New Jersey, that he can be said to have given definite shape to
his life. He was only forty in 1887, and all that he had done up to that
time, tremendous as much of it was, had worn a haphazard, Bohemian air,
with all the inconsequential freedom and crudeness somehow attaching to
pioneer life. The development of the new laboratory in West Orange, just
at the foot of Llewellyn Park, on the Orange Mountains, not only marked
the happy beginning of a period of perfect domestic and family life, but
saw in the planning and equipment of a model laboratory plant the
consummation of youthful dreams, and of the keen desire to enjoy resources
adequate at any moment to whatever strain the fierce fervor of research
might put upon them. Curiously enough, while hitherto Edison had sought to
dissociate his experimenting from his manufacturing, here he determined to
develop a large industry to which a thoroughly practical laboratory would
be a central feature, and ever a source of suggestion and inspiration.
Edison's standpoint to-day is that an evil to be dreaded in manufacture is
that of over-standardization, and that as soon as an article is perfect
that is the time to begin improving it. But he who would improve must
experiment.
</p>
<p>
The Orange laboratory, as originally planned, consisted of a main building
two hundred and fifty feet long and three stories in height, together with
four other structures, each one hundred by twenty-five feet, and only one
story in height. All these were substantially built of brick. The main
building was divided into five chief divisions—the library, office,
machine shops, experimental and chemical rooms, and stock-room. The use of
the smaller buildings will be presently indicated.
</p>
<p>
Surrounding the whole was erected a high picket fence with a gate placed
on Valley Road. At this point a gate-house was provided and put in charge
of a keeper, for then, as at the present time, Edison was greatly sought
after; and, in order to accomplish any work at all, he was obliged to deny
himself to all but the most important callers. The keeper of the gate was
usually chosen with reference to his capacity for stony-hearted
implacability and adherence to instructions; and this choice was admirably
made in one instance when a new gateman, not yet thoroughly initiated,
refused admittance to Edison himself. It was of no use to try and explain.
To the gateman EVERY ONE was persona non grata without proper credentials,
and Edison had to wait outside until he could get some one to identify
him.
</p>
<p>
On entering the main building the first doorway from the ample passage
leads the visitor into a handsome library finished throughout in yellow
pine, occupying the entire width of the building, and almost as broad as
long. The centre of this spacious room is an open rectangular space about
forty by twenty-five feet, rising clear about forty feet from the main
floor to a panelled ceiling. Around the sides of the room, bounding this
open space, run two tiers of gallery, divided, as is the main floor
beneath them; into alcoves of liberal dimensions. These alcoves are formed
by racks extending from floor to ceiling, fitted with shelves, except on
two sides of both galleries, where they are formed by a series of
glass-fronted cabinets containing extensive collections of curious and
beautiful mineralogical and geological specimens, among which is the
notable Tiffany-Kunz collection of minerals acquired by Edison some years
ago. Here and there in these cabinets may also be found a few models which
he has used at times in his studies of anatomy and physiology.
</p>
<p>
The shelves on the remainder of the upper gallery and part of those on the
first gallery are filled with countless thousands of specimens of ores and
minerals of every conceivable kind gathered from all parts of the world,
and all tagged and numbered. The remaining shelves of the first gallery
are filled with current numbers (and some back numbers) of the numerous
periodicals to which Edison subscribes. Here may be found the popular
magazines, together with those of a technical nature relating to
electricity, chemistry, engineering, mechanics, building, cement, building
materials, drugs, water and gas, power, automobiles, railroads,
aeronautics, philosophy, hygiene, physics, telegraphy, mining, metallurgy,
metals, music, and others; also theatrical weeklies, as well as the
proceedings and transactions of various learned and technical societies.
</p>
<p>
The first impression received as one enters on the main floor of the
library and looks around is that of noble proportions and symmetry as a
whole. The open central space of liberal dimensions and height, flanked by
the galleries and relieved by four handsome electric-lighting fixtures
suspended from the ceiling by long chains, conveys an idea of lofty
spaciousness; while the huge open fireplace, surmounted by a great clock
built into the wall, at one end of the room, the large rugs, the
arm-chairs scattered around, the tables and chairs in the alcoves, give a
general air of comfort combined with utility. In one of the larger
alcoves, at the sunny end of the main hall, is Edison's own desk, where he
may usually be seen for a while in the early morning hours looking over
his mail or otherwise busily working on matters requiring his attention.
</p>
<p>
At the opposite end of the room, not far from the open fireplace, is a
long table surrounded by swivel desk-chairs. It is here that directors'
meetings are sometimes held, and also where weighty matters are often
discussed by Edison at conference with his closer associates. It has been
the privilege of the writers to be present at some of these conferences,
not only as participants, but in some cases as lookers-on while awaiting
their turn. On such occasions an interesting opportunity is offered to
study Edison in his intense and constructive moods. Apparently oblivious
to everything else, he will listen with concentrated mind and close
attention, and then pour forth a perfect torrent of ideas and plans, and,
if the occasion calls for it, will turn around to the table, seize a
writing-pad and make sketch after sketch with lightning-like rapidity,
tearing off each sheet as filled and tossing it aside to the floor. It is
an ordinary indication that there has been an interesting meeting when the
caretaker about fills a waste-basket with these discarded sketches.
</p>
<p>
Directly opposite the main door is a beautiful marble statue purchased by
Edison at the Paris Exposition in 1889, on the occasion of his visit
there. The statue, mounted on a base three feet high, is an allegorical
representation of the supremacy of electric light over all other forms of
illumination, carried out by the life-size figure of a youth with
half-spread wings seated upon the ruins of a street gas-lamp, holding
triumphantly high above his head an electric incandescent lamp. Grouped
about his feet are a gear-wheel, voltaic pile, telegraph key, and
telephone. This work of art was executed by A. Bordiga, of Rome, held a
prominent place in the department devoted to Italian art at the Paris
Exposition, and naturally appealed to Edison as soon as he saw it.
</p>
<p>
In the middle distance, between the entrance door and this statue, has
long stood a magnificent palm, but at the present writing it has been set
aside to give place to a fine model of the first type of the Edison poured
cement house, which stands in a miniature artificial lawn upon a special
table prepared for it; while on the floor at the foot of the table are
specimens of the full-size molds in which the house will be cast.
</p>
<p>
The balustrades of the galleries and all other available places are filled
with portraits of great scientists and men of achievement, as well as with
pictures of historic and scientific interest. Over the fireplace hangs a
large photograph showing the Edison cement plant in its entire length,
flanked on one end of the mantel by a bust of Humboldt, and on the other
by a statuette of Sandow, the latter having been presented to Edison by
the celebrated athlete after the visit he made to Orange to pose for the
motion pictures in the earliest days of their development. On looking up
under the second gallery at this end is seen a great roll resting in
sockets placed on each side of the room. This is a huge screen or curtain
which may be drawn down to the floor to provide a means of projection for
lantern slides or motion pictures, for the entertainment or instruction of
Edison and his guests. In one of the larger alcoves is a large terrestrial
globe pivoted in its special stand, together with a relief map of the
United States; and here and there are handsomely mounted specimens of
underground conductors and electric welds that were made at the Edison
Machine Works at Schenectady before it was merged into the General
Electric Company. On two pedestals stand, respectively, two other
mementoes of the works, one a fifteen-light dynamo of the Edison type, and
the other an elaborate electric fan—both of them gifts from
associates or employees.
</p>
<p>
In noting these various objects of interest one must not lose sight of the
fact that this part of the building is primarily a library, if indeed that
fact did not at once impress itself by a glance at the well-filled
unglazed book-shelves in the alcoves of the main floor. Here Edison's
catholic taste in reading becomes apparent as one scans the titles of
thousands of volumes ranged upon the shelves, for they include astronomy,
botany, chemistry, dynamics, electricity, engineering, forestry, geology,
geography, mechanics, mining, medicine, metallurgy, magnetism, philosophy,
psychology, physics, steam, steam-engines, telegraphy, telephony, and many
others. Besides these there are the journals and proceedings of numerous
technical societies; encyclopaedias of various kinds; bound series of
important technical magazines; a collection of United States and foreign
patents, embracing some hundreds of volumes, together with an extensive
assortment of miscellaneous books of special and general interest. There
is another big library up in the house on the hill—in fact, there
are books upon books all over the home. And wherever they are, those books
are read.
</p>
<p>
As one is about to pass out of the library attention is arrested by an
incongruity in the form of a cot, which stands in an alcove near the door.
Here Edison, throwing himself down, sometimes seeks a short rest during
specially long working tours. Sleep is practically instantaneous and
profound, and he awakes in immediate and full possession of his faculties,
arising from the cot and going directly "back to the job" without a
moment's hesitation, just as a person wide awake would arise from a chair
and proceed to attend to something previously determined upon.
</p>
<p>
Immediately outside the library is the famous stock-room, about which much
has been written and invented. Its fame arose from the fact that Edison
planned it to be a repository of some quantity, great or small, of every
known and possibly useful substance not readily perishable, together with
the most complete assortment of chemicals and drugs that experience and
knowledge could suggest. Always strenuous in his experimentation, and the
living embodiment of the spirit of the song, I Want What I Want When I
Want It, Edison had known for years what it was to be obliged to wait, and
sometimes lack, for some substance or chemical that he thought necessary
to the success of an experiment. Naturally impatient at any delay which
interposed in his insistent and searching methods, and realizing the
necessity of maintaining the inspiration attending his work at any time,
he determined to have within his immediate reach the natural resources of
the world.
</p>
<p>
Hence it is not surprising to find the stock-room not only a museum, but a
sample-room of nature, as well as a supply department. To a casual visitor
the first view of this heterogeneous collection is quite bewildering, but
on more mature examination it resolves itself into a natural
classification—as, for instance, objects pertaining to various
animals, birds, and fishes, such as skins, hides, hair, fur, feathers,
wool, quills, down, bristles, teeth, bones, hoofs, horns, tusks, shells;
natural products, such as woods, barks, roots, leaves, nuts, seeds, herbs,
gums, grains, flours, meals, bran; also minerals in great assortment;
mineral and vegetable oils, clay, mica, ozokerite, etc. In the line of
textiles, cotton and silk threads in great variety, with woven goods of
all kinds from cheese-cloth to silk plush. As for paper, there is
everything in white and colored, from thinnest tissue up to the heaviest
asbestos, even a few newspapers being always on hand. Twines of all sizes,
inks, waxes, cork, tar, resin, pitch, turpentine, asphalt, plumbago, glass
in sheets and tubes; and a host of miscellaneous articles revealed on
looking around the shelves, as well as an interminable collection of
chemicals, including acids, alkalies, salts, reagents, every conceivable
essential oil and all the thinkable extracts. It may be remarked that this
collection includes the eighteen hundred or more fluorescent salts made by
Edison during his experimental search for the best material for a
fluoroscope in the initial X-ray period. All known metals in form of
sheet, rod and tube, and of great variety in thickness, are here found
also, together with a most complete assortment of tools and accessories
for machine shop and laboratory work.
</p>
<p>
The list is confined to the merest general mention of the scope of this
remarkable and interesting collection, as specific details would stretch
out into a catalogue of no small proportions. When it is stated, however,
that a stock clerk is kept exceedingly busy all day answering the numerous
and various demands upon him, the reader will appreciate that this
comprehensive assortment is not merely a fad of Edison's, but stands
rather as a substantial tribute to his wide-angled view of possible
requirements as his various investigations take him far afield. It has no
counterpart in the world!
</p>
<p>
Beyond the stock-room, and occupying about half the building on the same
floor, lie a machine shop, engine-room, and boiler-room. This machine shop
is well equipped, and in it is constantly employed a large force of
mechanics whose time is occupied in constructing the heavier class of
models and mechanical devices called for by the varied experiments and
inventions always going on.
</p>
<p>
Immediately above, on the second floor, is found another machine shop in
which is maintained a corps of expert mechanics who are called upon to do
work of greater precision and fineness, in the construction of tools and
experimental models. This is the realm presided over lovingly by John F.
Ott, who has been Edison's designer of mechanical devices for over forty
years. He still continues to ply his craft with unabated skill and
oversees the work of the mechanics as his productions are wrought into
concrete shape.
</p>
<p>
In one of the many experimental-rooms lining the sides of the second floor
may usually be seen his younger brother, Fred Ott, whose skill as a
dexterous manipulator and ingenious mechanic has found ample scope for
exercise during the thirty-two years of his service with Edison, not only
at the regular laboratories, but also at that connected with the
inventor's winter home in Florida. Still another of the Ott family, the
son of John F., for some years past has been on the experimental staff of
the Orange laboratory. Although possessing in no small degree the
mechanical and manipulative skill of the family, he has chosen chemistry
as his special domain, and may be found with the other chemists in one of
the chemical-rooms.
</p>
<p>
On this same floor is the vacuum-pump room with a glass-blowers' room
adjoining, both of them historic by reason of the strenuous work done on
incandescent lamps and X-ray tubes within their walls. The tools and
appliances are kept intact, for Edison calls occasionally for their use in
some of his later experiments, and there is a suspicion among the
laboratory staff that some day he may resume work on incandescent lamps.
Adjacent to these rooms are several others devoted to physical and
mechanical experiments, together with a draughting-room.
</p>
<p>
Last to be mentioned, but the first in order as one leaves the head of the
stairs leading up to this floor, is No. 12, Edison's favorite room, where
he will frequently be found. Plain of aspect, being merely a space boarded
off with tongued-and-grooved planks—as all the other rooms are—without
ornament or floor covering, and containing only a few articles of cheap
furniture, this room seems to exercise a nameless charm for him. The door
is always open, and often he can be seen seated at a plain table in the
centre of the room, deeply intent on some of the numerous problems in
which he is interested. The table is usually pretty well filled with
specimens or data of experimental results which have been put there for
his examination. At the time of this writing these specimens consist
largely of sections of positive elements of the storage battery, together
with many samples of nickel hydrate, to which Edison devotes deep study.
Close at hand is a microscope which is in frequent use by him in these
investigations. Around the room, on shelves, are hundreds of bottles each
containing a small quantity of nickel hydrate made in as many different
ways, each labelled correspondingly. Always at hand will be found one or
two of the laboratory note-books, with frequent entries or comments in the
handwriting which once seen is never forgotten.
</p>
<p>
No. 12 is at times a chemical, a physical, or a mechanical room—occasionally
a combination of all, while sometimes it might be called a
consultation-room or clinic—for often Edison may be seen there in
animated conference with a group of his assistants; but its chief
distinction lies in its being one of his favorite haunts, and in the fact
that within its walls have been settled many of the perplexing problems
and momentous questions that have brought about great changes in
electrical and engineering arts during the twenty-odd years that have
elapsed since the Orange laboratory was built.
</p>
<p>
Passing now to the top floor the visitor finds himself at the head of a
broad hall running almost the entire length of the building, and lined
mostly with glass-fronted cabinets containing a multitude of experimental
incandescent lamps and an immense variety of models of phonographs,
motors, telegraph and telephone apparatus, meters, and a host of other
inventions upon which Edison's energies have at one time and another been
bent. Here also are other cabinets containing old papers and records,
while further along the wall are piled up boxes of historical models and
instruments. In fact, this hallway, with its conglomerate contents, may
well be considered a scientific attic. It is to be hoped that at no
distant day these Edisoniana will be assembled and arranged in a fireproof
museum for the benefit of posterity.
</p>
<p>
In the front end of the building, and extending over the library, is a
large room intended originally and used for a time as the phonograph
music-hall for record-making, but now used only as an experimental-room
for phonograph work, as the growth of the industry has necessitated a very
much larger and more central place where records can be made on a
commercial scale. Even the experimental work imposes no slight burden on
it. On each side of the hallway above mentioned, rooms are partitioned off
and used for experimental work of various kinds, mostly phonographic,
although on this floor are also located the storage-battery testing-room,
a chemical and physical room and Edison's private office, where all his
personal correspondence and business affairs are conducted by his personal
secretary, Mr. H. F. Miller. A visitor to this upper floor of the
laboratory building cannot but be impressed with a consciousness of the
incessant efforts that are being made to improve the reproducing qualities
of the phonograph, as he hears from all sides the sounds of vocal and
instrumental music constantly varying in volume and timbre, due to changes
in the experimental devices under trial.
</p>
<p>
The traditions of the laboratory include cots placed in many of the rooms
of these upper floors, but that was in the earlier years when the
strenuous scenes of Menlo Park were repeated in the new quarters. Edison
and his closest associates were accustomed to carry their labors far into
the wee sma' hours, and when physical nature demanded a respite from work,
a short rest would be obtained by going to bed on a cot. One would
naturally think that the wear and tear of this intense application, day
after day and night after night, would have tended to induce a heaviness
and gravity of demeanor in these busy men; but on the contrary, the old
spirit of good-humor and prankishness was ever present, as its frequent
outbursts manifested from time to time. One instance will serve as an
illustration. One morning, about 2.30, the late Charles Batchelor
announced that he was tired and would go to bed. Leaving Edison and the
others busily working, he went out and returned quietly in slippered feet,
with his nightgown on, the handle of a feather duster stuck down his back
with the feathers waving over his head, and his face marked. With
unearthly howls and shrieks, a l'Indien, he pranced about the room,
incidentally giving Edison a scare that made him jump up from his work. He
saw the joke quickly, however, and joined in the general merriment caused
by this prank.
</p>
<p>
Leaving the main building with its corps of busy experimenters, and coming
out into the spacious yard, one notes the four long single-story brick
structures mentioned above. The one nearest the Valley Road is called the
galvanometer-room, and was originally intended by Edison to be used for
the most delicate and minute electrical measurements. In order to provide
rigid resting-places for the numerous and elaborate instruments he had
purchased for this purpose, the building was equipped along three-quarters
of its length with solid pillars, or tables, of brick set deep in the
earth. These were built up to a height of about two and a half feet, and
each was surmounted with a single heavy slab of black marble. A cement
floor was laid, and every precaution was taken to render the building free
from all magnetic influences, so that it would be suitable for electrical
work of the utmost accuracy and precision. Hence, iron and steel were
entirely eliminated in its construction, copper being used for fixtures
for steam and water piping, and, indeed, for all other purposes where
metal was employed.
</p>
<p>
This room was for many years the headquarters of Edison's able assistant,
Dr. A. E. Kennelly, now professor of electrical engineering in Harvard
University to whose energetic and capable management were intrusted many
scientific investigations during his long sojourn at the laboratory.
Unfortunately, however, for the continued success of Edison's elaborate
plans, he had not been many years established in the laboratory before a
trolley road through West Orange was projected and built, the line passing
in front of the plant and within seventy-five feet of the
galvanometer-room, thus making it practically impossible to use it for the
delicate purposes for which it was originally intended.
</p>
<p>
For some time past it has been used for photography and some special
experiments on motion pictures as well as for demonstrations connected
with physical research; but some reminders of its old-time glory still
remain in evidence. In lofty and capacious glass-enclosed cabinets, in
company with numerous models of Edison's inventions, repose many of the
costly and elaborate instruments rendered useless by the ubiquitous
trolley. Instruments are all about, on walls, tables, and shelves, the
photometer is covered up; induction coils of various capacities, with
other electrical paraphernalia, lie around, almost as if the experimenter
were absent for a few days but would soon return and resume his work.
</p>
<p>
In numbering the group of buildings, the galvanometer-room is No. 1, while
the other single-story structures are numbered respectively 2, 3, and 4.
On passing out of No. 1 and proceeding to the succeeding building is
noticed, between the two, a garage of ample dimensions and a smaller
structure, at the door of which stands a concrete-mixer. In this small
building Edison has made some of his most important experiments in the
process of working out his plans for the poured house. It is in this
little place that there was developed the remarkable mixture which is to
play so vital a part in the successful construction of these everlasting
homes for living millions.
</p>
<p>
Drawing near to building No. 2, olfactory evidence presents itself of the
immediate vicinity of a chemical laboratory. This is confirmed as one
enters the door and finds that the entire building is devoted to
chemistry. Long rows of shelves and cabinets filled with chemicals line
the room; a profusion of retorts, alembics, filters, and other chemical
apparatus on numerous tables and stands, greet the eye, while a corps of
experimenters may be seen busy in the preparation of various combinations,
some of which are boiling or otherwise cooking under their dexterous
manipulation.
</p>
<p>
It would not require many visits to discover that in this room, also,
Edison has a favorite nook. Down at the far end in a corner are a plain
little table and chair, and here he is often to be found deeply immersed
in a study of the many experiments that are being conducted. Not
infrequently he is actively engaged in the manipulation of some compound
of special intricacy, whose results might be illuminative of obscure facts
not patent to others than himself. Here, too, is a select little library
of chemical literature.
</p>
<p>
The next building, No. 3, has a double mission—the farther half
being partitioned off for a pattern-making shop, while the other half is
used as a store-room for chemicals in quantity and for chemical apparatus
and utensils. A grimly humorous incident, as related by one of the
laboratory staff, attaches to No. 3. It seems that some time ago one of
the helpers in the chemical department, an excitable foreigner, became
dissatisfied with his wages, and after making an unsuccessful application
for an increase, rushed in desperation to Edison, and said "Eef I not get
more money I go to take ze cyanide potassia." Edison gave him one quick,
searching glance and, detecting a bluff, replied in an offhand manner:
"There's a five-pound bottle in No. 3," and turned to his work again. The
foreigner did not go to get the cyanide, but gave up his job.
</p>
<p>
The last of these original buildings, No. 4, was used for many years in
Edison's ore-concentrating experiments, and also for rough-and-ready
operations of other kinds, such as furnace work and the like. At the
present writing it is used as a general stock-room.
</p>
<p>
In the foregoing details, the reader has been afforded but a passing
glance at the great practical working equipment which constitutes the
theatre of Edison's activities, for, in taking a general view of such a
unique and comprehensive laboratory plant, its salient features only can
be touched upon to advantage. It would be but repetition to enumerate here
the practical results of the laboratory work during the past two decades,
as they appear on other pages of this work. Nor can one assume for a
moment that the history of Edison's laboratory is a closed book. On the
contrary, its territorial boundaries have been increasing step by step
with the enlargement of its labors, until now it has been obliged to go
outside its own proper domains to occupy some space in and about the great
Edison industrial buildings and space immediately adjacent. It must be
borne in mind that the laboratory is only the core of a group of buildings
devoted to production on a huge scale by hundreds of artisans.
</p>
<p>
Incidental mention has already been made of the laboratory at Edison's
winter residence in Florida, where he goes annually to spend a month or
six weeks. This is a miniature copy of the Orange laboratory, with its
machine shop, chemical-room, and general experimental department. While it
is only in use during his sojourn there, and carries no extensive corps of
assistants, the work done in it is not of a perfunctory nature, but is a
continuation of his regular activities, and serves to keep him in touch
with the progress of experiments at Orange, and enables him to give
instructions for their variation and continuance as their scope is
expanded by his own investigations made while enjoying what he calls
"vacation." What Edison in Florida speaks of as "loafing" would be for
most of us extreme and healthy activity in the cooler Far North.
</p>
<p>
A word or two may be devoted to the visitors received at the laboratory,
and to the correspondence. It might be injudicious to gauge the greatness
of a man by the number of his callers or his letters; but they are at
least an indication of the degree to which he interests the world. In both
respects, for these forty years, Edison has been a striking example of the
manner in which the sentiment of hero-worship can manifest itself, and of
the deep desire of curiosity to get satisfaction by personal observation
or contact. Edison's mail, like that of most well-known men, is extremely
large, but composed in no small degree of letters—thousands of them
yearly—that concern only the writers, and might well go to the
waste-paper basket without prolonged consideration. The serious and
important part of the mail, some personal and some business, occupies the
attention of several men; all such letters finding their way promptly into
the proper channels, often with a pithy endorsement by Edison scribbled on
the margin. What to do with a host of others it is often difficult to
decide, even when written by "cranks," who imagine themselves subject to
strange electrical ailments from which Edison alone can relieve them. Many
people write asking his opinion as to a certain invention, or offering him
an interest in it if he will work it out. Other people abroad ask help in
locating lost relatives; and many want advice as to what they shall do
with their sons, frequently budding geniuses whose ability to wire a bell
has demonstrated unusual qualities. A great many persons want autographs,
and some would like photographs. The amazing thing about it all is that
this flood of miscellaneous letters flows on in one steady, uninterrupted
stream, year in and year out; always a curious psychological study in its
variety and volume; and ever a proof of the fact that once a man has
become established as a personality in the public eye and mind, nothing
can stop the tide of correspondence that will deluge him.
</p>
<p>
It is generally, in the nature of things, easier to write a letter than to
make a call; and the semi-retirement of Edison at a distance of an hour by
train from New York stands as a means of protection to him against those
who would certainly present their respects in person, if he could be got
at without trouble. But it may be seriously questioned whether in the
aggregate Edison's visitors are less numerous or less time-consuming than
his epistolary besiegers. It is the common experience of any visitor to
the laboratory that there are usually several persons ahead of him, no
matter what the hour of the day, and some whose business has been
sufficiently vital to get them inside the porter's gate, or even into the
big library and lounging-room. Celebrities of all kinds and distinguished
foreigners are numerous—princes, noblemen, ambassadors, artists,
litterateurs, scientists, financiers, women. A very large part of the
visiting is done by scientific bodies and societies; and then the whole
place will be turned over to hundreds of eager, well-dressed men and
women, anxious to see everything and to be photographed in the big
courtyard around the central hero. Nor are these groups and delegations
limited to this country, for even large parties of English, Dutch,
Italian, or Japanese visitors come from time to time, and are greeted with
the same ready hospitality, although Edison, it is easy to see, is torn
between the conflicting emotions of a desire to be courteous, and an
anxiety to guard the precious hours of work, or watch the critical stage
of a new experiment.
</p>
<p>
One distinct group of visitors has always been constituted by the
"newspaper men." Hardly a day goes by that the journals do not contain
some reference to Edison's work or remarks; and the items are generally
based on an interview. The reporters are never away from the laboratory
very long; for if they have no actual mission of inquiry, there is always
the chance of a good story being secured offhand; and the easy, inveterate
good-nature of Edison toward reporters is proverbial in the craft. Indeed,
it must be stated here that once in a while this confidence has been
abused; that stories have been published utterly without foundation; that
interviews have been printed which never took place; that articles with
Edison's name as author have been widely circulated, although he never saw
them; and that in such ways he has suffered directly. But such occasional
incidents tend in no wise to lessen Edison's warm admiration of the press
or his readiness to avail himself of it whenever a representative goes
over to Orange to get the truth or the real facts in regard to any matter
of public importance. As for the newspaper clippings containing such
articles, or others in which Edison's name appears—they are
literally like sands of the sea-shore for number; and the archives of the
laboratory that preserve only a very minute percentage of them are a
further demonstration of what publicity means, where a figure like Edison
is concerned.
</p>
<p>
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</div>
<h2>
CHAPTER XXVI
</h2>
<h3>
EDISON IN COMMERCE AND MANUFACTURE
</h3>
<p>
AN applicant for membership in the Engineers' Club of Philadelphia is
required to give a brief statement of the professional work he has done.
Some years ago a certain application was made, and contained the following
terse and modest sentence:
</p>
<p>
"I have designed a concentrating plant and built a machine shop, etc.,
etc. THOMAS A. EDISON."
</p>
<p>
Although in the foregoing pages the reader has been made acquainted with
the tremendous import of the actualities lying behind those "etc., etc.,"
the narrative up to this point has revealed Edison chiefly in the light of
inventor, experimenter, and investigator. There have been some side
glimpses of the industries he has set on foot, and of their financial
aspects, and a later chapter will endeavor to sum up the intrinsic value
of Edison's work to the world. But there are some other interesting points
that may be touched on now in regard to a few of Edison's financial and
commercial ventures not generally known or appreciated.
</p>
<p>
It is a popular idea founded on experience that an inventor is not usually
a business man. One of the exceptions proving the rule may perhaps be met
in Edison, though all depends on the point of view. All his life he has
had a great deal to do with finance and commerce, and as one looks at the
magnitude of the vast industries he has helped to create, it would not be
at all unreasonable to expect him to be among the multi-millionaires. That
he is not is due to the absence of certain qualities, the lack of which
Edison is himself the first to admit. Those qualities may not be amiable,
but great wealth is hardly ever accumulated without them. If he had not
been so intent on inventing he would have made more of his great
opportunities for getting rich. If this utter detachment from any love of
money for its own sake has not already been illustrated in some of the
incidents narrated, one or two stories are available to emphasize the
point. They do not involve any want of the higher business acumen that
goes to the proper conduct of affairs. It was said of Gladstone that he
was the greatest Chancellor of the Exchequer England ever saw, but that as
a retail merchant he would soon have ruined himself by his bookkeeping.
</p>
<p>
Edison confesses that he has never made a cent out of his patents in
electric light and power—in fact, that they have been an expense to
him, and thus a free gift to the world. [18] This was true of the European
patents as well as the American. "I endeavored to sell my lighting patents
in different countries of Europe, and made a contract with a couple of
men. On account of their poor business capacity and lack of practicality,
they conveyed under the patents all rights to different corporations but
in such a way and with such confused wording of the contracts that I never
got a cent. One of the companies started was the German Edison, now the
great Allgemeine Elektricitaets Gesellschaft. The English company I never
got anything for, because a lawyer had originally advised Drexel, Morgan
& Co. as to the signing of a certain document, and said it was all
right for me to sign. I signed, and I never got a cent because there was a
clause in it which prevented me from ever getting anything." A certain
easy-going belief in human nature, and even a certain carelessness of
attitude toward business affairs, are here revealed. We have already
pointed out two instances where in his dealings with the Western Union
Company he stipulated that payments of $6000 per year for seventeen years
were to be made instead of $100,000 in cash, evidently forgetful of the
fact that the annual sum so received was nothing more than legal interest,
which could have been earned indefinitely if the capital had been only
insisted upon. In later life Edison has been more circumspect, but
throughout his early career he was constantly getting into some kind of
scrape. Of one experience he says:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 18: Edison received some stock from the parent
lighting company, but as the capital stock of that company
was increased from time to time, his proportion grew
smaller, and he ultimately used it to obtain ready money
with which to create and finance the various "shops" in
which were manufactured the various items of electric-
lighting apparatus necessary to exploit his system. Besides,
he was obliged to raise additional large sums of money from
other sources for this purpose. He thus became a
manufacturer with capital raised by himself, and the stock
that he received later, on the formation of the General
Electric Company, was not for his electric-light patents,
but was in payment for his manufacturing establishments,
which had then grown to be of great commercial importance.]
</pre>
<p>
"In the early days I was experimenting with metallic filaments for the
incandescent light, and sent a certain man out to California in search of
platinum. He found a considerable quantity in the sluice-boxes of the
Cherokee Valley Mining Company; but just then he found also that
fruit-gardening was the thing, and dropped the subject. He then came to me
and said that if he could raise $4000 he could go into some kind of
orchard arrangement out there, and would give me half the profits. I was
unwilling to do it, not having very much money just then, but his
persistence was such that I raised the money and gave it to him. He went
back to California, and got into mining claims and into fruit-growing, and
became one of the politicians of the Coast, and, I believe, was on the
staff of the Governor of the State. A couple of years ago he wounded his
daughter and shot himself because he had become ruined financially. I
never heard from him after he got the money."
</p>
<p>
Edison tells of another similar episode. "I had two men working for me—one
a German, the other a Jew. They wanted me to put up a little money and
start them in a shop in New York to make repairs, etc. I put up $800, and
was to get half of the profits, and each of them one-quarter. I never got
anything for it. A few years afterward I went to see them, and asked what
they were doing, and said I would like to sell my interest. They said:
'Sell out what?' 'Why,' I said, 'my interest in the machinery.' They said:
'You don't own this machinery. This is our machinery. You have no papers
to show anything. You had better get out.' I am inclined to think that the
percentage of crooked people was smaller when I was young. It has been
steadily rising, and has got up to a very respectable figure now. I hope
it will never reach par." To which lugubrious episode so provocative of
cynicism, Edison adds: "When I was a young fellow the first thing I did
when I went to a town was to put something into the savings-bank and start
an account. When I came to New York I put $30 into a savings-bank under
the New York Sun office. After the money had been in about two weeks the
bank busted. That was in 1870. In 1909 I got back $6.40, with a charge for
$1.75 for law expenses. That shows the beauty of New York receiverships."
</p>
<p>
It is hardly to be wondered at that Edison is rather frank and unsparing
in some of his criticisms of shady modern business methods, and the
mention of the following incident always provokes him to a fine scorn. "I
had an interview with one of the wealthiest men in New York. He wanted me
to sell out my associates in the electric lighting business, and offered
me all I was going to get and $100,000 besides. Of course I would not do
it. I found out that the reason for this offer was that he had had trouble
with Mr. Morgan, and wanted to get even with him." Wall Street is, in
fact, a frequent object of rather sarcastic reference, applying even to
its regular and probably correct methods of banking. "When I was running
my ore-mine," he says, "and got up to the point of making shipments to
John Fritz, I didn't have capital enough to carry the ore, so I went to J.
P. Morgan & Co. and said I wanted them to give me a letter to the City
Bank. I wanted to raise some money. I got a letter to Mr. Stillman; and
went over and told him I wanted to open an account and get some loans and
discounts. He turned me down, and would not do it. 'Well,' I said, 'isn't
it banking to help a man in this way?' He said: 'What you want is a
partner.' I felt very much crestfallen. I went over to a bank in Newark—the
Merchants'—and told them what I wanted. They said: 'Certainly, you
can have the money.' I made my deposit, and they pulled me through all
right. My idea of Wall Street banking has been very poor since that time.
Merchant banking seems to be different."
</p>
<p>
As a general thing, Edison has had no trouble in raising money when he
needed it, the reason being that people have faith in him as soon as they
come to know him. A little incident bears on this point. "In operating the
Schenectady works Mr. Insull and I had a terrible burden. We had enormous
orders and little money, and had great difficulty to meet our payrolls and
buy supplies. At one time we had so many orders on hand we wanted $200,000
worth of copper, and didn't have a cent to buy it. We went down to the
Ansonia Brass and Copper Company, and told Mr. Cowles just how we stood.
He said: 'I will see what I can do. Will you let my bookkeeper look at
your books?' We said: 'Come right up and look them over.' He sent his man
up and found we had the orders and were all right, although we didn't have
the money. He said: 'I will let you have the copper.' And for years he
trusted us for all the copper we wanted, even if we didn't have the money
to pay for it."
</p>
<p>
It is not generally known that Edison, in addition to being a newsboy and
a contributor to the technical press, has also been a backer and an
"angel" for various publications. This is perhaps the right place at which
to refer to the matter, as it belongs in the list of his financial or
commercial enterprises. Edison sums up this chapter of his life very
pithily. "I was interested, as a telegrapher, in journalism, and started
the Telegraph Journal, and got out about a dozen numbers when it was taken
over by W. J. Johnston, who afterward founded the Electrical World on it
as an offshoot from the Operator. I also started Science, and ran it for a
year and a half. It cost me too much money to maintain, and I sold it to
Gardiner Hubbard, the father-in-law of Alexander Graham Bell. He carried
it along for years." Both these papers are still in prosperous existence,
particularly the Electrical World, as the recognized exponent of
electrical development in America, where now the public spends as much
annually for electricity as it does for daily bread.
</p>
<p>
From all that has been said above it will be understood that Edison's real
and remarkable capacity for business does not lie in ability to "take care
of himself," nor in the direction of routine office practice, nor even in
ordinary administrative affairs. In short, he would and does regard it as
a foolish waste of his time to give attention to the mere occupancy of a
desk.
</p>
<p>
His commercial strength manifests itself rather in the outlining of
matters relating to organization and broad policy with a sagacity arising
from a shrewd perception and appreciation of general business requirements
and conditions, to which should be added his intensely comprehensive grasp
of manufacturing possibilities and details, and an unceasing vigilance in
devising means of improving the quality of products and increasing the
economy of their manufacture.
</p>
<p>
Like other successful commanders, Edison also possesses the happy faculty
of choosing suitable lieutenants to carry out his policies and to manage
the industries he has created, such, for instance, as those with which
this chapter has to deal—namely, the phonograph, motion picture,
primary battery, and storage battery enterprises.
</p>
<p>
The Portland cement business has already been dealt with separately, and
although the above remarks are appropriate to it also, Edison being its
head and informing spirit, the following pages are intended to be devoted
to those industries that are grouped around the laboratory at Orange, and
that may be taken as typical of Edison's methods on the manufacturing
side.
</p>
<p>
Within a few months after establishing himself at the present laboratory,
in 1887, Edison entered upon one of those intensely active periods of work
that have been so characteristic of his methods in commercializing his
other inventions. In this case his labors were directed toward improving
the phonograph so as to put it into thoroughly practicable form, capable
of ordinary use by the public at large. The net result of this work was
the general type of machine of which the well-known phonograph of today is
a refinement evolved through many years of sustained experiment and
improvement.
</p>
<p>
After a considerable period of strenuous activity in the eighties, the
phonograph and its wax records were developed to a sufficient degree of
perfection to warrant him in making arrangements for their manufacture and
commercial introduction. At this time the surroundings of the Orange
laboratory were distinctly rural in character. Immediately adjacent to the
main building and the four smaller structures, constituting the laboratory
plant, were grass meadows that stretched away for some considerable
distance in all directions, and at its back door, so to speak, ducks
paddled around and quacked in a pond undisturbed. Being now ready for
manufacturing, but requiring more facilities, Edison increased his
real-estate holdings by purchasing a large tract of land lying contiguous
to what he already owned. At one end of the newly acquired land two
unpretentious brick structures were erected, equipped with first-class
machinery, and put into commission as shops for manufacturing phonographs
and their record blanks; while the capacious hall forming the third story
of the laboratory, over the library, was fitted up and used as a
music-room where records were made.
</p>
<p>
Thus the modern Edison phonograph made its modest debut in 1888, in what
was then called the "Improved" form to distinguish it from the original
style of machine he invented in 1877, in which the record was made on a
sheet of tin-foil held in place upon a metallic cylinder. The "Improved"
form is the general type so well known for many years and sold at the
present day—viz., the spring or electric motor-driven machine with
the cylindrical wax record—in fact, the regulation Edison
phonograph.
</p>
<p>
It did not take a long time to find a market for the products of the newly
established factory, for a world-wide public interest in the machine had
been created by the appearance of newspaper articles from time to time,
announcing the approaching completion by Edison of his improved
phonograph. The original (tin-foil) machine had been sufficient to
illustrate the fact that the human voice and other sounds could be
recorded and reproduced, but such a type of machine had sharp limitations
in general use; hence the coming into being of a type that any ordinary
person could handle was sufficient of itself to insure a market. Thus the
demand for the new machines and wax records grew apace as the corporations
organized to handle the business extended their lines. An examination of
the newspaper files of the years 1888, 1889, and 1890 will reveal the
great excitement caused by the bringing out of the new phonograph, and how
frequently and successfully it was employed in public entertainments,
either for the whole or part of an evening. In this and other ways it
became popularized to a still further extent. This led to the demand for a
nickel-in-the-slot machine, which, when established, became immensely
popular over the whole country. In its earlier forms the "Improved"
phonograph was not capable of such general non-expert handling as is the
machine of the present day, and consequently there was a constant endeavor
on Edison's part to simplify the construction of the machine and its
manner of operation. Experimentation was incessantly going on with this in
view, and in the processes of evolution changes were made here and there
that resulted in a still greater measure of perfection.
</p>
<p>
In various ways there was a continual slow and steady growth of the
industry thus created, necessitating the erection of many additional
buildings as the years passed by. During part of the last decade there was
a lull, caused mostly from the failure of corporate interests to carry out
their contract relations with Edison, and he was thereby compelled to
resort to legal proceedings, at the end of which he bought in the
outstanding contracts and assumed command of the business personally.
</p>
<p>
Being thus freed from many irksome restrictions that had hung heavily upon
him, Edison now proceeded to push the phonograph business under a broader
policy than that which obtained under his previous contractual relations.
With the ever-increasing simplification and efficiency of the machine and
a broadening of its application, the results of this policy were
manifested in a still more rapid growth of the business that necessitated
further additions to the manufacturing plant. And thus matters went on
until the early part of the present decade, when the factory facilities
were becoming so rapidly outgrown as to render radical changes necessary.
It was in these circumstances that Edison's sagacity and breadth of
business capacity came to the front. With characteristic boldness and
foresight he planned the erection of the series of magnificent concrete
buildings that now stand adjacent to and around the laboratory, and in
which the manufacturing plant is at present housed.
</p>
<p>
There was no narrowness in his views in designing these buildings, but, on
the contrary, great faith in the future, for his plans included not only
the phonograph industry, but provided also for the coming development of
motion pictures and of the primary and storage battery enterprises.
</p>
<p>
In the aggregate there are twelve structures (including the administration
building), of which six are of imposing dimensions, running from 200 feet
long by 50 feet wide to 440 feet in length by 115 feet in width, all these
larger buildings, except one, being five stories in height. They are
constructed entirely of reinforced concrete with Edison cement, including
walls, floors, and stairways, thus eliminating fire hazard to the utmost
extent, and insuring a high degree of protection, cleanliness, and
sanitation. As fully three-fourths of the area of their exterior framework
consists of windows, an abundance of daylight is secured. These many
advantages, combined with lofty ceilings on every floor, provide ideal
conditions for the thousands of working people engaged in this immense
plant.
</p>
<p>
In addition to these twelve concrete structures there are a few smaller
brick and wooden buildings on the grounds, in which some special
operations are conducted. These, however, are few in number, and at some
future time will be concentrated in one or more additional concrete
buildings. It will afford a clearer idea of the extent of the industries
clustered immediately around the laboratory when it is stated that the
combined floor space which is occupied by them in all these buildings is
equivalent in the aggregate to over fourteen acres.
</p>
<p>
It would be instructive, but scarcely within the scope of the narrative,
to conduct the reader through this extensive plant and see its many
interesting operations in detail. It must suffice, however, to note its
complete and ample equipment with modern machinery of every kind
applicable to the work; its numerous (and some of them wonderfully
ingenious) methods, processes, machines, and tools specially designed or
invented for the manufacture of special parts and supplemental appliances
for the phonograph or other Edison products; and also to note the
interesting variety of trades represented in the different departments, in
which are included chemists, electricians, electrical mechanicians,
machinists, mechanics, pattern-makers, carpenters, cabinet-makers,
varnishers, japanners, tool-makers, lapidaries, wax experts, photographic
developers and printers, opticians, electroplaters, furnacemen, and
others, together with factory experimenters and a host of general
employees, who by careful training have become specialists and experts in
numerous branches of these industries.
</p>
<p>
Edison's plans for this manufacturing plant were sufficiently well
outlined to provide ample capacity for the natural growth of the business;
and although that capacity (so far as phonographs is concerned) has
actually reached an output of over 6000 complete phonographs PER WEEK, and
upward of 130,000 molded records PER DAY—with a pay-roll embracing
over 3500 employees, including office force—and amounting to about
$45,000 per week—the limits of production have not yet been reached.
</p>
<p>
The constant outpouring of products in such large quantities bespeaks the
unremitting activities of an extensive and busy selling organization to
provide for their marketing and distribution. This important department
(the National Phonograph Company), in all its branches, from president to
office-boy, includes about two hundred employees on its office pay-roll,
and makes its headquarters in the administration building, which is one of
the large concrete structures above referred to. The policy of the company
is to dispose of its wares through regular trade channels rather than to
deal direct with the public, trusting to local activity as stimulated by a
liberal policy of national advertising. Thus, there has been gradually
built up a very extensive business until at the present time an enormous
output of phonographs and records is distributed to retail customers in
the United States and Canada through the medium of about one hundred and
fifty jobbers and over thirteen thousand dealers. The Edison phonograph
industry thus organized is helped by frequent conventions of this large
commercial force.
</p>
<p>
Besides this, the National Phonograph Company maintains a special staff
for carrying on the business with foreign countries. While the aggregate
transactions of this department are not as extensive as those for the
United States and Canada, they are of considerable volume, as the foreign
office distributes in bulk a very large number of phonographs and records
to selling companies and agencies in Europe, Asia, Australia, Japan, and,
indeed, to all the countries of the civilized world. [19] Like England's
drumbeat, the voice of the Edison phonograph is heard around the world in
undying strains throughout the twenty-four hours.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 19: It may be of interest to the reader to note
some parts of the globe to which shipments of phonographs
and records are made:
Samoan Islands Falkland Islands Siam Corea Crete Island
Paraguay Chile Canary Islands Egypt British East Africa Cape
Colony Portuguese East Africa Liberia Java Straits
Settlements Madagascar Fanning Islands New Zealand French
Indo-China Morocco Ecuador Brazil Madeira South Africa
Azores Manchuria Ceylon Sierra Leone]
</pre>
<p>
In addition to the main manufacturing plant at Orange, another important
adjunct must not be forgotten, and that is, the Recording Department in
New York City, where the master records are made under the superintendence
of experts who have studied the intricacies of the art with Edison
himself. This department occupies an upper story in a lofty building, and
in its various rooms may be seen and heard many prominent musicians,
vocalists, speakers, and vaudeville artists studiously and busily engaged
in making the original records, which are afterward sent to Orange, and
which, if approved by the expert committee, are passed on to the proper
department for reproduction in large quantities.
</p>
<p>
When we consider the subject of motion pictures we find a similarity in
general business methods, for while the projecting machines and copies of
picture films are made in quantity at the Orange works (just as
phonographs and duplicate records are so made), the original picture, or
film, like the master record, is made elsewhere. There is this difference,
however: that, from the particular nature of the work, practically ALL
master records are made at one convenient place, while the essential
interest in SOME motion pictures lies in the fact that they are taken in
various parts of the world, often under exceptional circumstances. The
"silent drama," however, calls also for many representations which employ
conventional acting, staging, and the varied appliances of stagecraft.
Hence, Edison saw early the necessity of providing a place especially
devised and arranged for the production of dramatic performances in
pantomime.
</p>
<p>
It is a far cry from the crude structure of early days—the "Black
Maria" of 1891, swung around on its pivot in the Orange laboratory yard—to
the well-appointed Edison theatres, or pantomime studios, in New York
City. The largest of these is located in the suburban Borough of the
Bronx, and consists of a three-story-and-basement building of reinforced
concrete, in which are the offices, dressing-rooms, wardrobe and
property-rooms, library and developing department. Contiguous to this
building, and connected with it, is the theatre proper, a large and lofty
structure whose sides and roof are of glass, and whose floor space is
sufficiently ample for six different sets of scenery at one time, with
plenty of room left for a profusion of accessories, such as tables,
chairs, pianos, bunch-lights, search-lights, cameras, and a host of varied
paraphernalia pertaining to stage effects.
</p>
<p>
The second Edison theatre, or studio, is located not far from the shopping
district in New York City. In all essential features, except size and
capacity, it is a duplicate of the one in the Bronx, of which it is a
supplement.
</p>
<p>
To a visitor coming on the floor of such a theatre for the first time
there is a sense of confusion in beholding the heterogeneous "sets" of
scenery and the motley assemblage of characters represented in the various
plays in the process of "taking," or rehearsal. While each set constitutes
virtually a separate stage, they are all on the same floor, without wings
or proscenium-arches, and separated only by a few feet. Thus, for
instance, a Japanese house interior may be seen cheek by jowl with an
ordinary prison cell, flanked by a mining-camp, which in turn stands next
to a drawing-room set, and in each a set of appropriate characters in
pantomimic motion. The action is incessant, for in any dramatic
representation intended for the motion-picture film every second counts.
</p>
<p>
The production of several completed plays per week necessitates the
employment of a considerable staff of people of miscellaneous trades and
abilities. At each of these two studios there is employed a number of
stage-directors, scene-painters, carpenters, property-men, photographers,
costumers, electricians, clerks, and general assistants, besides a capable
stock company of actors and actresses, whose generous numbers are
frequently augmented by the addition of a special star, or by a number of
extra performers, such as Rough Riders or other specialists. It may be,
occasionally, that the exigencies of the occasion require the work of a
performing horse, dog, or other animal. No matter what the object required
may be, whether animate or inanimate, if it is necessary for the play it
is found and pressed into service.
</p>
<p>
These two studios, while separated from the main plant, are under the same
general management, and their original negative films are forwarded as
made to the Orange works, where the large copying department is located in
one of the concrete buildings. Here, after the film has been passed upon
by a committee, a considerable number of positive copies are made by
ingenious processes, and after each one is separately tested, or "run
off," in one or other of the three motion-picture theatres in the
building, they are shipped out to film exchanges in every part of the
country. How extensive this business has become may be appreciated when it
is stated that at the Orange plant there are produced at this time over
eight million feet of motion-picture film per year. And Edison's company
is only one of many producers.
</p>
<p>
Another of the industries at the Orange works is the manufacture of
projecting kinetoscopes, by means of which the motion pictures are shown.
While this of itself is also a business of considerable magnitude in its
aggregate yearly transactions, it calls for no special comment in regard
to commercial production, except to note that a corps of experimenters is
constantly employed refining and perfecting details of the machine. Its
basic features of operation as conceived by Edison remain unchanged.
</p>
<p>
On coming to consider the Edison battery enterprises, we must perforce
extend the territorial view to include a special chemical-manufacturing
plant, which is in reality a branch of the laboratory and the Orange
works, although actually situated about three miles away.
</p>
<p>
Both the primary and the storage battery employ certain chemical products
as essential parts of their elements, and indeed owe their very existence
to the peculiar preparation and quality of such products, as exemplified
by Edison's years of experimentation and research. Hence the establishment
of his own chemical works at Silver Lake, where, under his personal
supervision, the manufacture of these products is carried on in charge of
specially trained experts. At the present writing the plant covers about
seven acres of ground; but there is ample room for expansion, as Edison,
with wise forethought, secured over forty acres of land, so as to be
prepared for developments.
</p>
<p>
Not only is the Silver Lake works used for the manufacture of the chemical
substances employed in the batteries, but it is the plant at which the
Edison primary battery is wholly assembled and made up for distribution to
customers. This in itself is a business of no small magnitude, having
grown steadily on its merits year by year until it has now arrived at a
point where its sales run into the hundreds of thousands of cells per
annum, furnished largely to the steam railroads of the country for their
signal service.
</p>
<p>
As to the storage battery, the plant at Silver Lake is responsible only
for the production of the chemical compounds, nickel-hydrate and iron
oxide, which enter into its construction. All the mechanical parts, the
nickel plating, the manufacture of nickel flake, the assembling and
testing, are carried on at the Orange works in two of the large concrete
buildings above referred to. A visit to this part of the plant reveals an
amazing fertility of resourcefulness and ingenuity in the devising of the
special machines and appliances employed in constructing the mechanical
parts of these cells, for it is practically impossible to fashion them by
means of machinery and tools to be found in the open market,
notwithstanding the immense variety that may be there obtained.
</p>
<p>
Since Edison completed his final series of investigations on his storage
battery and brought it to its present state of perfection, the commercial
values have increased by leaps and bounds. The battery, as it was
originally put out some years ago, made for itself an enviable reputation;
but with its improved form there has come a vast increase of business.
Although the largest of the concrete buildings where its manufacture is
carried on is over four hundred feet long and four stories in height, it
has already become necessary to plan extensions and enlargements of the
plant in order to provide for the production of batteries to fill the
present demands. It was not until the summer of 1909 that Edison was
willing to pronounce the final verdict of satisfaction with regard to this
improved form of storage battery; but subsequent commercial results have
justified his judgment, and it is not too much to predict that in all
probability the business will assume gigantic proportions within a very
few years. At the present time (1910) the Edison storage-battery
enterprise is in its early stages of growth, and its status may be
compared with that of the electric-light system about the year 1881.
</p>
<p>
There is one more industry, though of comparatively small extent, that is
included in the activities of the Orange works, namely, the manufacture
and sale of the Bates numbering machine. This is a well-known article of
commerce, used in mercantile establishments for the stamping of
consecutive, duplicate, and manifold numbers on checks and other
documents. It is not an invention of Edison, but the organization owning
it, together with the patent rights, were acquired by him some years ago,
and he has since continued and enlarged the business both in scope and
volume, besides, of course, improving and perfecting the apparatus itself.
These machines are known everywhere throughout the country, and while the
annual sales are of comparatively moderate amount in comparison with the
totals of the other Edison industries at Orange, they represent in the
aggregate a comfortable and encouraging business.
</p>
<p>
In this brief outline review of the flourishing and extensive commercial
enterprises centred around the Orange laboratory, the facts, it is
believed, contain a complete refutation of the idea that an inventor
cannot be a business man. They also bear abundant evidence of the
compatibility of these two widely divergent gifts existing, even to a high
degree, in the same person. A striking example of the correctness of this
proposition is afforded in the present case, when it is borne in mind that
these various industries above described (whose annual sales run into many
millions of dollars) owe not only their very creation (except the Bates
machine) and existence to Edison's inventive originality and commercial
initiative, but also their continued growth and prosperity to his
incessant activities in dealing with their multifarious business problems.
In publishing a portrait of Edison this year, one of the popular magazines
placed under it this caption: "Were the Age called upon to pay Thomas A.
Edison all it owes to him, the Age would have to make an assignment." The
present chapter will have thrown some light on the idiosyncrasies of
Edison as financier and as manufacturer, and will have shown that while
the claim thus suggested may be quite good, it will certainly never be
pressed or collected.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2HCH0027" id="link2HCH0027">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CHAPTER XXVII
</h2>
<h3>
THE VALUE OF EDISON'S INVENTIONS TO THE WORLD
</h3>
<p>
IF the world were to take an account of stock, so to speak, and proceed in
orderly fashion to marshal its tangible assets in relation to dollars and
cents, the natural resources of our globe, from centre to circumference,
would head the list. Next would come inventors, whose value to the world
as an asset could be readily estimated from an increase of its wealth
resulting from the actual transformations of these resources into items of
convenience and comfort through the exercise of their inventive ingenuity.
</p>
<p>
Inventors of practical devices may be broadly divided into two classes—first,
those who may be said to have made two blades of grass grow where only one
grew before; and, second, great inventors, who have made grass grow
plentifully on hitherto unproductive ground. The vast majority of
practical inventors belong to and remain in the first of these divisions,
but there have been, and probably always will be, a less number who, by
reason of their greater achievements, are entitled to be included in both
classes. Of these latter, Thomas Alva Edison is one, but in the pages of
history he stands conspicuously pre-eminent—a commanding towering
figure, even among giants.
</p>
<p>
The activities of Edison have been of such great range, and his conquests
in the domains of practical arts so extensive and varied, that it is
somewhat difficult to estimate with any satisfactory degree of accuracy
the money value of his inventions to the world of to-day, even after
making due allowance for the work of other great inventors and the
propulsive effect of large amounts of capital thrown into the enterprises
which took root, wholly or in part, through the productions of his genius
and energies. This difficulty will be apparent, for instance, when we
consider his telegraph and telephone inventions. These were absorbed in
enterprises already existing, and were the means of assisting their rapid
growth and expansion, particularly the telephone industry. Again, in
considering the fact that Edison was one of the first in the field to
design and perfect a practical and operative electric railway, the main
features of which are used in all electric roads of to-day, we are
confronted with the problem as to what proportion of their colossal
investment and earnings should be ascribed to him.
</p>
<p>
Difficulties are multiplied when we pause for a moment to think of
Edison's influence on collateral branches of business. In the public mind
he is credited with the invention of the incandescent electric light, the
phonograph, and other widely known devices; but how few realize his actual
influence on other trades that are not generally thought of in connection
with these things. For instance, let us note what a prominent engine
builder, the late Gardiner C. Sims, has said: "Watt, Corliss, and Porter
brought forward steam-engines to a high state of proficiency, yet it
remained for Mr. Edison to force better proportions, workmanship, designs,
use of metals, regulation, the solving of the complex problems of high
speed and endurance, and the successful development of the shaft governor.
Mr. Edison is preeminent in the realm of engineering."
</p>
<p>
The phenomenal growth of the copper industry was due to a rapid and
ever-increasing demand, owing to the exploitation of the telephone,
electric light, electric motor, and electric railway industries. Without
these there might never have been the romance of "Coppers" and the rise
and fall of countless fortunes. And although one cannot estimate in
definite figures the extent of Edison's influence in the enormous increase
of copper production, it is to be remembered that his basic inventions
constitute a most important factor in the demand for the metal. Besides,
one must also give him the credit, as already noted, for having recognized
the necessity for a pure quality of copper for electric conductors, and
for his persistence in having compelled the manufacturers of that period
to introduce new and additional methods of refinement so as to bring about
that result, which is now a sine qua non.
</p>
<p>
Still considering his influence on other staples and collateral trades,
let us enumerate briefly and in a general manner some of the more
important and additional ones that have been not merely stimulated, but in
many cases the business and sales have been directly increased and new
arts established through the inventions of this one man—namely,
iron, steel, brass, zinc, nickel, platinum ($5 per ounce in 1878, now $26
an ounce), rubber, oils, wax, bitumen, various chemical compounds,
belting, boilers, injectors, structural steel, iron tubing, glass, silk,
cotton, porcelain, fine woods, slate, marble, electrical measuring
instruments, miscellaneous machinery, coal, wire, paper, building
materials, sapphires, and many others.
</p>
<p>
The question before us is, To what extent has Edison added to the wealth
of the world by his inventions and his energy and perseverance? It will be
noted from the foregoing that no categorical answer can be offered to such
a question, but sufficient material can be gathered from a statistical
review of the commercial arts directly influenced to afford an approximate
idea of the increase in national wealth that has been affected by or has
come into being through the practical application of his ideas.
</p>
<p>
First of all, as to inventions capable of fairly definite estimate, let us
mention the incandescent electric light and systems of distribution of
electric light, heat, and power, which may justly be considered as the
crowning inventions of Edison's life. Until October 21, 1879, there was
nothing in existence resembling our modern incandescent lamp. On that
date, as we have seen in a previous chapter, Edison's labors culminated in
his invention of a practical incandescent electric lamp embodying
absolutely all the essentials of the lamp of to-day, thus opening to the
world the doors of a new art and industry. To-day there are in the United
States more than 41,000,000 of these lamps, connected to existing
central-station circuits in active operation.
</p>
<p>
Such circuits necessarily imply the existence of central stations with
their equipment. Until the beginning of 1882 there were only a few
arc-lighting stations in existence for the limited distribution of
current. At the present time there are over 6000 central stations in this
country for the distribution of electric current for light, heat, and
power, with capital obligations amounting to not less than $1,000,000,000.
Besides the above-named 41,000,000 incandescent lamps connected to their
mains, there are about 500,000 arc lamps and 150,000 motors, using 750,000
horse-power, besides countless fan motors and electric heating and cooking
appliances.
</p>
<p>
When it is stated that the gross earnings of these central stations
approximate the sum of $225,000,000 yearly, the significant import of
these statistics of an art that came so largely from Edison's laboratory
about thirty years ago will undoubtedly be apparent.
</p>
<p>
But the above are not by any means all the facts relating to incandescent
electric lighting in the United States, for in addition to central
stations there are upward of 100,000 isolated or private plants in mills,
factories, steamships, hotels, theatres, etc., owned by the persons or
concerns who operate them. These plants represent an approximate
investment of $500,000,000, and the connection of not less than 25,000,000
incandescent lamps or their equivalent.
</p>
<p>
Then there are the factories where these incandescent lamps are made,
about forty in number, representing a total investment that may be
approximated at $25,000,000. It is true that many of these factories are
operated by other than the interests which came into control of the Edison
patents (General Electric Company), but the 150,000,000 incandescent
electric lamps now annually made are broadly covered in principle by
Edison's fundamental ideas and patents.
</p>
<p>
It will be noted that these figures are all in round numbers, but they are
believed to be well within the mark, being primarily founded upon the
special reports of the Census Bureau issued in 1902 and 1907, with the
natural increase from that time computed by experts who are in position to
obtain the facts. It would be manifestly impossible to give exact figures
of such a gigantic and swiftly moving industry, whose totals increase from
week to week.
</p>
<p>
The reader will naturally be disposed to ask whether it is intended to
claim that Edison has brought about all this magnificent growth of the
electric-lighting art. The answer to this is decidedly in the negative,
for the fact is that he laid some of the foundation and erected a building
thereon, and in the natural progressive order of things other inventors of
more or less fame have laid substructures or added a wing here and a story
there until the resultant great structure has attained such proportions as
to evoke the admiration of the beholder; but the old foundation and the
fundamental building still remain to support other parts. In other words,
Edison created the incandescent electric lamp, and invented certain broad
and fundamental systems of distribution of current, with all the essential
devices of detail necessary for successful operation. These formed a
foundation. He also spent great sums of money and devoted several years of
patient labor in the early practical exploitation of the dynamo and
central station and isolated plants, often under, adverse and depressing
circumstances, with a dogged determination that outlived an opposition
steadily threatening defeat. These efforts resulted in the firm commercial
establishment of modern electric lighting. It is true that many important
inventions of others have a distinguished place in the art as it is
exploited today, but the fact remains that the broad essentials, such as
the incandescent lamp, systems of distribution, and some important
details, are not only universally used, but are as necessary to-day for
successful commercial practice as they were when Edison invented them many
years ago.
</p>
<p>
The electric railway next claims our consideration, but we are immediately
confronted by a difficulty which seems insurmountable when we attempt to
formulate any definite estimate of the value and influence of Edison's
pioneer work and inventions. There is one incontrovertible fact—namely,
that he was the first man to devise, construct, and operate from a central
station a practicable, life-size electric railroad, which was capable of
transporting and did transport passengers and freight at variable speeds
over varying grades, and under complete control of the operator. These are
the essential elements in all electric railroading of the present day; but
while Edison's original broad ideas are embodied in present practice, the
perfection of the modern electric railway is greatly due to the labors and
inventions of a large number of other well-known inventors. There was no
reason why Edison could not have continued the commercial development of
the electric railway after he had helped to show its practicability in
1880, 1881, and 1882, just as he had completed his lighting system, had it
not been that his financial allies of the period lacked faith in the
possibilities of electric railroads, and therefore declined to furnish the
money necessary for the purpose of carrying on the work.
</p>
<p>
With these facts in mind, we shall ask the reader to assign to Edison a
due proportion of credit for his pioneer and basic work in relation to the
prodigious development of electric railroading that has since taken place.
The statistics of 1908 for American street and elevated railways show that
within twenty-five years the electric-railway industry has grown to
embrace 38,812 miles of track on streets and for elevated railways,
operated under the ownership of 1238 separate companies, whose total
capitalization amounted to the enormous sum of $4,123,834,598. In the
equipments owned by such companies there are included 68,636 electric cars
and 17,568 trailers and others, making a total of 86,204 of such vehicles.
These cars and equipments earned over $425,000,000 in 1907, in giving the
public transportation, at a cost, including transfers, of a little over
three cents per passenger, for whom a fifteen-mile ride would be possible.
It is the cheapest transportation in the world.
</p>
<p>
Some mention should also be made of the great electrical works of the
country, in which the dynamos, motors, and other varied paraphernalia are
made for electric lighting, electric railway, and other purposes. The
largest of these works is undoubtedly that of the General Electric Company
at Schenectady, New York, a continuation and enormous enlargement of the
shops which Edison established there in 1886. This plant at the present
time embraces over 275 acres, of which sixty acres are covered by fifty
large and over one hundred small buildings; besides which the company also
owns other large plants elsewhere, representing a total investment
approximating the sum of $34,850,000 up to 1908. The productions of the
General Electric Company alone average annual sales of nearly $75,000,000,
but they do not comprise the total of the country's manufactures in these
lines.
</p>
<p>
Turning our attention now to the telephone, we again meet a condition that
calls for thoughtful consideration before we can properly appreciate how
much the growth of this industry owes to Edison's inventive genius. In
another place there has already been told the story of the telephone, from
which we have seen that to Alexander Graham Bell is due the broad idea of
transmission of speech by means of an electrical circuit; also that he
invented appropriate instruments and devices through which he accomplished
this result, although not to that extent which gave promise of any great
commercial practicability for the telephone as it then existed. While the
art was in this inefficient condition, Edison went to work on the subject,
and in due time, as we have already learned, invented and brought out the
carbon transmitter, which is universally acknowledged to have been the
needed device that gave to the telephone the element of commercial
practicability, and has since led to its phenomenally rapid adoption and
world-wide use. It matters not that others were working in the same
direction, Edison was legally adjudicated to have been the first to
succeed in point of time, and his inventions were put into actual use, and
may be found in principle in every one of the 7,000,000 telephones which
are estimated to be employed in the country at the present day. Basing the
statements upon facts shown by the Census reports of 1902 and 1907, and
adding thereto the growth of the industry since that time, we find on a
conservative estimate that at this writing the investment has been not
less than $800,000,000 in now existing telephone systems, while no fewer
than 10,500,000,000 talks went over the lines during the year 1908. These
figures relate only to telephone systems, and do not include any details
regarding the great manufacturing establishments engaged in the
construction of telephone apparatus, of which there is a production
amounting to at least $15,000,000 per annum.
</p>
<p>
Leaving the telephone, let us now turn our attention to the telegraph, and
endeavor to show as best we can some idea of the measure to which it has
been affected by Edison's inventions. Although, as we have seen in a
previous part of this book, his earliest fame arose from his great
practical work in telegraphic inventions and improvements, there is no way
in which any definite computation can be made of the value of his
contributions in the art except, perhaps, in the case of his quadruplex,
through which alone it is estimated that there has been saved from
$15,000,000 to $20,000,000 in the cost of line construction in this
country. If this were the only thing that he had ever accomplished, it
would entitle him to consideration as an inventor of note. The quadruplex,
however, has other material advantages, but how far they and the natural
growth of the business have contributed to the investment and earnings of
the telegraph companies, is beyond practicable computation.
</p>
<p>
It would, perhaps, be interesting to speculate upon what might have been
the growth of the telegraph and the resultant benefit to the community had
Edison's automatic telegraph inventions been allowed to take their
legitimate place in the art, but we shall not allow ourselves to indulge
in flights of fancy, as the value of this chapter rests not upon
conjecture, but only upon actual fact. Nor shall we attempt to offer any
statistics regarding Edison's numerous inventions relating to telegraphs
and kindred devices, such as stock tickers, relays, magnets, rheotomes,
repeaters, printing telegraphs, messenger calls, etc., on which he was so
busily occupied as an inventor and manufacturer during the ten years that
began with January, 1869. The principles of many of these devices are
still used in the arts, but have become so incorporated in other devices
as to be inseparable, and cannot now be dealt with separately. To show
what they mean, however, it might be noted that New York City alone has
3000 stock "tickers," consuming 50,000 miles of record tape every year.
</p>
<p>
Turning now to other important arts and industries which have been created
by Edison's inventions, and in which he is at this time taking an active
personal interest, let us visit Orange, New Jersey. When his present
laboratory was nearing completion in 1887, he wrote to Mr. J. Hood Wright,
a partner in the firm of Drexel, Morgan & Co.: "My ambition is to
build up a great industrial works in the Orange Valley, starting in a
small way and gradually working up."
</p>
<p>
In this plant, which represents an investment approximating the sum of
$4,000,000, are grouped a number of industrial enterprises of which Edison
is either the sole or controlling owner and the guiding spirit. These
enterprises are the National Phonograph Company, the Edison Business
Phonograph Company, the Edison Phonograph Works, the Edison Manufacturing
Company, the Edison Storage Battery Company, and the Bates Manufacturing
Company. The importance of these industries will be apparent when it is
stated that at this plant the maximum pay-roll shows the employment of
over 4200 persons, with annual earnings in salaries and wages of more than
$2,750,000.
</p>
<p>
In considering the phonograph in its commercial aspect, and endeavoring to
arrive at some idea of the world's estimate of the value of this
invention, we feel the ground more firm under our feet, for Edison has in
later years controlled its manufacture and sale. It will be remembered
that the phonograph lay dormant, commercially speaking, for about ten
years after it came into being, and then later invention reduced it to a
device capable of more popular utility. A few years of rather
unsatisfactory commercial experience brought about a reorganization,
through which Edison resumed possession of the business. It has since been
continued under his general direction and ownership, and he has made a
great many additional inventions tending to improve the machine in all its
parts.
</p>
<p>
The uses made of the phonograph up to this time have been of four kinds,
generally speaking—first, and principally, for amusement; second,
for instruction in languages; third, for business, in the dictation of
correspondence; and fourth, for sentimental reasons in preserving the
voices of friends. No separate figures are available to show the extent of
its employment in the second and fourth classes, as they are probably
included in machines coming under the first subdivision. Under this head
we find that there have been upward of 1,310,000 phonographs sold during
the last twenty years, with and for which there have been made and sold no
fewer than 97,845,000 records of a musical or other character.
Phonographic records are now being manufactured at Orange at the rate of
75,000 a day, the annual sale of phonographs and records being
approximately $7,000,000, including business phonographs. This does not
include blank records, of which large numbers have also been supplied to
the public.
</p>
<p>
The adoption of the business phonograph has not been characterized by the
unanimity that obtained in the case of the one used merely for amusement,
as its use involves some changes in methods that business men are slow to
adopt until they realize the resulting convenience and economy. Although
it is only a few years since the business phonograph has begun to make
some headway, it is not difficult to appreciate that Edison's prediction
in 1878 as to the value of such an appliance is being realized, when we
find that up to this time the sales run up to 12,695 in number. At the
present time the annual sales of the business phonographs and supplies,
cylinders, etc., are not less than $350,000.
</p>
<p>
We must not forget that the basic patent of Edison on the phonograph has
long since expired, thus throwing open to the world the wonderful art of
reproducing human speech and other sounds. The world was not slow to take
advantage of the fact, hence there are in the field numerous other
concerns in the same business. It is conservatively estimated by those who
know the trade and are in position to form an opinion, that the figures
above given represent only about one-half of the entire business of the
country in phonographs, records, cylinders, and supplies.
</p>
<p>
Taking next his inventions that pertain to a more recently established but
rapidly expanding branch of business that provides for the amusement of
the public, popularly known as "motion pictures," we also find a general
recognition of value created. Referring the reader to a previous chapter
for a discussion of Edison's standing as a pioneer inventor in this art,
let us glance at the commercial proportions of this young but lusty
business, whose ramifications extend to all but the most remote and
primitive hamlets of our country.
</p>
<p>
The manufacture of the projecting machines and accessories, together with
the reproduction of films, is carried on at the Orange Valley plant, and
from the inception of the motion-picture business to the present time
there have been made upward of 16,000 projecting machines and many million
feet of films carrying small photographs of moving objects. Although the
motion-picture business, as a commercial enterprise, is still in its
youth, it is of sufficient moment to call for the annual production of
thousands of machines and many million feet of films in Edison's shops,
having a sale value of not less than $750,000. To produce the originals
from which these Edison films are made, there have been established two
"studios," the largest of which is in the Bronx, New York City.
</p>
<p>
In this, as well as in the phonograph business, there are many other
manufacturers in the field. Indeed, the annual product of the Edison
Manufacturing Company in this line is only a fractional part of the total
that is absorbed by the 8000 or more motion-picture theatres and
exhibitions that are in operation in the United States at the present
time, and which represent an investment of some $45,000,000. Licensees
under Edison patents in this country alone produce upward of 60,000,000
feet of films annually, containing more than a billion and a half separate
photographs. To what extent the motion-picture business may grow in the
not remote future it is impossible to conjecture, for it has taken a place
in the front rank of rapidly increasing enterprises.
</p>
<p>
The manufacture and sale of the Edison-Lalande primary battery, conducted
by the Edison Manufacturing Company at the Orange Valley plant, is a
business of no mean importance. Beginning about twenty years ago with a
battery that, without polarizing, would furnish large currents specially
adapted for gas-engine ignition and other important purposes, the business
has steadily grown in magnitude until the present output amounts to about
125,000 cells annually; the total number of cells put into the hands of
the public up to date being approximately 1,500,000. It will be readily
conceded that to most men this alone would be an enterprise of a lifetime,
and sufficient in itself to satisfy a moderate ambition. But, although it
has yielded a considerable profit to Edison and gives employment to many
people, it is only one of the many smaller enterprises that owe an
existence to his inventive ability and commercial activity.
</p>
<p>
So it also is in regard to the mimeograph, whose forerunner, the electric
pen, was born of Edison's brain in 1877. He had been long impressed by the
desirability of the rapid production of copies of written documents, and,
as we have seen by a previous chapter, he invented the electric pen for
this purpose, only to improve upon it later with a more desirable device
which he called the mimeograph, that is in use, in various forms, at this
time. Although the electric pen had a large sale and use in its time, the
statistics relating to it are not available. The mimeograph, however, is,
and has been for many years, a standard office appliance, and is entitled
to consideration, as the total number put into use up to this time is
approximately 180,000, valued at $3,500,000, while the annual output is in
the neighborhood of 9000 machines, sold for about $150,000, besides the
vast quantity of special paper and supplies which its use entails in the
production of the many millions of facsimile letters and documents. The
extent of production and sale of supplies for the mimeograph may be
appreciated when it is stated that they bring annually an equivalent of
three times the amount realized from sales of machines. The manufacture
and sale of the mimeograph does not come within the enterprises conducted
under Edison's personal direction, as he sold out the whole thing some
years ago to Mr. A. B. Dick, of Chicago.
</p>
<p>
In making a somewhat radical change of subject, from duplicating machines
to cement, we find ourselves in a field in which Edison has made a most
decided impression. The reader has already learned that his entry into
this field was, in a manner, accidental, although logically in line with
pronounced convictions of many years' standing, and following up the fund
of knowledge gained in the magnetic ore-milling business. From being a
new-comer in the cement business, his corporation in five years has grown
to be the fifth largest producer in the United States, with a still
increasing capacity. From the inception of this business there has been a
steady and rapid development, resulting in the production of a grand total
of over 7,300,000 barrels of cement up to the present date, having a value
of about $6,000,000, exclusive of package. At the time of this writing,
the rate of production is over 8000 barrels of cement per day, or, say,
2,500,000 barrels per year, having an approximate selling value of a
little less than $2,000,000, with prospects of increasing in the near
future to a daily output of 10,000 barrels. This enterprise is carried on
by a corporation called the Edison Portland Cement Company, in which he is
very largely interested, and of which he is the active head and guiding
spirit.
</p>
<p>
Had not Edison suspended the manufacture and sale of his storage battery a
few years ago because he was not satisfied with it, there might have been
given here some noteworthy figures of an extensive business, for the
company's books show an astonishing number of orders that were received
during the time of the shut-down. He was implored for batteries, but in
spite of the fact that good results had been obtained from the 18,000 or
20,000 cells sold some years ago, he adhered firmly to his determination
to perfect them to a still higher standard before resuming and continuing
their manufacture as a regular commodity. As we have noted in a previous
chapter, however, deliveries of the perfected type were begun in the
summer of 1909, and since that time the business has continued to grow in
the measure indicated by the earlier experience.
</p>
<p>
Thus far we have concerned ourselves chiefly with those figures which
exhibit the extent of investment and production, but there is another and
humanly important side that presents itself for consideration namely, the
employment of a vast industrial army of men and women, who earn a living
through their connection with some of the arts and industries to which our
narrative has direct reference. To this the reader's attention will now be
drawn.
</p>
<p>
The following figures are based upon the Special Reports of the Census
Bureau, 1902 and 1907, with additions computed upon the increase that has
subsequently taken place. In the totals following is included the
compensation paid to salaried officials and clerks. Details relating to
telegraph systems are omitted.
</p>
<p>
Taking the electric light into consideration first, we find that in the
central stations of the United States there are not less than an average
of 50,000 persons employed, requiring an aggregate yearly payroll of over
$40,000,000. This does not include the 100,000 or more isolated
electric-light plants scattered throughout the land. Many of these are
quite large, and at least one-third of them require one additional helper,
thus adding, say, 33,000 employees to the number already mentioned. If we
assume as low a wage as $10 per week for each of these helpers, we must
add to the foregoing an additional sum of over $17,000,000 paid annually
for wages, almost entirely in the isolated incandescent electric lighting
field.
</p>
<p>
Central stations and isolated plants consume over 100,000,000 incandescent
electric lamps annually, and in the production of these there are engaged
about forty factories, on whose pay-rolls appear an average of 14,000
employees, earning an aggregate yearly sum of $8,000,000.
</p>
<p>
Following the incandescent lamp we must not forget an industry exclusively
arising from it and absolutely dependent upon it—namely, that of
making fixtures for such lamps, the manufacture of which gives employment
to upward of 6000 persons, who annually receive at least $3,750,000 in
compensation.
</p>
<p>
The detail devices of the incandescent electric lighting system also
contribute a large quota to the country's wealth in the millions of
dollars paid out in salaries and wages to many thousands of persons who
are engaged in their manufacture.
</p>
<p>
The electric railways of our country show even larger figures than the
lighting stations and plants, as they employ on the average over 250,000
persons, whose annual compensation amounts to not less than $155,000,000.
</p>
<p>
In the manufacture of about $50,000,000 worth of dynamos and motors
annually, for central-station equipment, isolated plants, electric
railways, and other purposes, the manufacturers of the country employ an
average of not less than 30,000 people, whose yearly pay-roll amounts to
no less a sum than $20,000,000.
</p>
<p>
The growth of the telephone systems of the United States also furnishes us
with statistics of an analogous nature, for we find that the average
number of employees engaged in this industry is at least 140,000, whose
annual earnings aggregate a minimum of $75,000,000; besides which the
manufacturers of telephone apparatus employ over 12,000 persons, to whom
is paid annually about $5,500,000.
</p>
<p>
No attempt is made to include figures of collateral industries, such, for
instance, as copper, which is very closely allied with the electrical
arts, and the great bulk of which is refined electrically.
</p>
<p>
The 8000 or so motion-picture theatres of the country employ no fewer than
40,000 people, whose aggregate annual income amounts to not less than
$37,000,000.
</p>
<p>
Coming now to the Orange Valley plant, we take a drop from these figures
to the comparatively modest ones which give us an average of 3600
employees and calling for an annual pay-roll of about $2,250,000. It must
be remembered, however, that the sums mentioned above represent industries
operated by great aggregations of capital, while the Orange Valley plant,
as well as the Edison Portland Cement Company, with an average daily
number of 530 employees and over $400,000 annual pay-roll, represent in a
large measure industries that are more in the nature of closely held
enterprises and practically under the direction of one mind.
</p>
<p>
The table herewith given summarizes the figures that have just been
presented, and affords an idea of the totals affected by the genius of
this one man. It is well known that many other men and many other
inventions have been needed for the perfection of these arts; but it is
equally true that, as already noted, some of these industries are directly
the creation of Edison, while in every one of the rest his impress has
been deep and significant. Before he began inventing, only two of them
were known at all as arts—telegraphy and the manufacture of cement.
Moreover, these figures deal only with the United States, and take no
account of the development of many of the Edison inventions in Europe or
of their adoption throughout the world at large. Let it suffice
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
STATISTICAL RESUME (APPROXIMATE) OF SOME OF THE INDUSTRIES
IN THE UNITED STATES DIRECTLY FOUNDED UPON OR
AFFECTED BY INVENTIONS OF THOMAS A. EDISON
</pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
Annual
Gross Rev- Number Annual
Class of Industry Investment enue or of Em- Pay-Rolls
sales
Central station lighting
and power $1,000,000,000 $125,000,000 50,000 $40,000,000
Isolated incandescent
lighting 500,000,000 — 33,000 17,000 000
Incandescent lamps 25,000,000 20,000,000 14,000 8,000 000
Electric fixtures 8,000,000 5,000,000 6,000 3,750,000
Dynamos and motors 60,000,000 50,000,000 30,000 20,000,000
Electric railways 4,000,000,000 430,000,000 250,000 155,000,000
Telephone systems 800,000,000 175,000,000 140,000 75,000,000
Telephone apparatus 30,000,000 15,000,000 12,000 5,500,000
Phonograph and motion
pictures 10,000,000 15,000,000 5,000 6,000,000
Motion picture theatres 40,000,000 80,000,000 40,000 37,000,000
Edison Portland cement 4,000,000 2,000,000 530 400,000
Telegraphy 250,000,000 60,000,000 100,000 30,000,000
--------------------------------------------------------------------------Totals
6,727,000,000 1,077,000,000 680,530 397,650,000
</pre>
<p>
that in America alone the work of Edison has been one of the most potent
factors in bringing into existence new industries now capitalized at
nearly $ 7,000,000,000, earning annually over $1,000,000,000, and giving
employment to an army of more than six hundred thousand people.
</p>
<p>
A single diamond, prismatically flashing from its many facets the beauties
of reflected light, comes well within the limits of comprehension of the
human mind and appeals to appreciation by the finer sensibilities; but in
viewing an exhibition of thousands of these beautiful gems, the eye and
brain are simply bewildered with the richness of a display which tends to
confuse the intellect until the function of analysis comes into play and
leads to more adequate apprehension.
</p>
<p>
So, in presenting the mass of statistics contained in this chapter, we
fear that the result may have been the bewilderment of the reader to some
extent. Nevertheless, in writing a biography of Edison, the main object is
to present the facts as they are, and leave it to the intelligent reader
to classify, apply, and analyze them in such manner as appeals most
forcibly to his intellectual processes. If in the foregoing pages there
has appeared to be a tendency to attribute to Edison the entire credit for
the growth to which many of the above-named great enterprises have in
these latter days attained, we must especially disclaim any intention of
giving rise to such a deduction. No one who has carefully followed the
course of this narrative can deny, however, that Edison is the father of
some of the arts and industries that have been mentioned, and that as to
some of the others it was the magic of his touch that helped make them
practicable. Not only to his work and ingenuity is due the present
magnitude of these arts and industries, but it is attributable also to the
splendid work and numerous contributions of other great inventors, such as
Brush, Bell, Elihu Thomson, Weston, Sprague, and many others, as well as
to the financiers and investors who in the past thirty years have
furnished the vast sums of money that were necessary to exploit and push
forward these enterprises.
</p>
<p>
The reader may have noticed in a perusal of this chapter the lack of
autobiographical quotations, such as have appeared in other parts of this
narrative. Edison's modesty has allowed us but one remark on the subject.
This was made by him to one of the writers a short time ago, when, after
an interesting indulgence in reminiscences of old times and early
inventions, he leaned back in his chair, and with a broad smile on his
face, said, reflectively: "Say, I HAVE been mixed up in a whole lot of
things, haven't I?"
</p>
<p>
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<h2>
CHAPTER XXVIII
</h2>
<h3>
THE BLACK FLAG
</h3>
<p>
THROUGHOUT the forty-odd years of his creative life, Edison has realized
by costly experience the truth of the cynical proverb that "A patent is
merely a title to a lawsuit." It is not intended, however, by this
statement to lead to any inference on the part of the reader that HE
stands peculiarly alone in any such experience, for it has been and still
is the common lot of every successful inventor, sooner or later.
</p>
<p>
To attribute dishonesty or cupidity as the root of the defence in all
patent litigation would be aiming very wide of the mark, for in no class
of suits that come before the courts are there any that present a greater
variety of complex, finely shaded questions, or that require more delicacy
of interpretation, than those that involve the construction of patents,
particularly those relating to electrical devices. Indeed, a careful study
of legal procedure of this character could not be carried far without
discovery of the fact that in numerous instances the differences of
opinion between litigants were marked by the utmost bona fides.
</p>
<p>
On the other hand, such study would reveal many cases of undoubted
fraudulent intent, as well as many bold attempts to deprive the inventor
of the fruits of his endeavors by those who have sought to evade, through
subtle technicalities of the law, the penalty justly due them for
trickery, evasion, or open contempt of the rights of others.
</p>
<p>
In the history of science and of the arts to which the world has owed its
continued progress from year to year there is disclosed one remarkable
fact, and that is, that whenever any important discovery or invention has
been made and announced by one man, it has almost always been disclosed
later that other men—possibly widely separated and knowing nothing
of the other's work—have been following up the same general lines of
investigation, independently, with the same object in mind. Their
respective methods might be dissimilar while tending to the same end, but
it does not necessarily follow that any one of these other experimenters
might ever have achieved the result aimed at, although, after the
proclamation of success by one, it is easy to believe that each of the
other independent investigators might readily persuade himself that he
would ultimately have reached the goal in just that same way.
</p>
<p>
This peculiar coincidence of simultaneous but separate work not only comes
to light on the bringing out of great and important discoveries or
inventions, but becomes more apparent if a new art is disclosed, for then
the imagination of previous experimenters is stimulated through wide
dissemination of the tidings, sometimes resulting in more or less effort
to enter the newly opened field with devices or methods that resemble
closely the original and fundamental ones in principle and application. In
this and other ways there arises constantly in the United States Patent
Office a large number of contested cases, called "Interferences," where
applications for patents covering the invention of a similar device have
been independently filed by two or even more persons. In such cases only
one patent can be issued, and that to the inventor who on the taking of
testimony shows priority in date of invention. [20]
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 20: A most remarkable instance of contemporaneous
invention and without a parallel in the annals of the United
States Patent Office, occurred when, on the same day,
February 15, 1876, two separate descriptions were filed in
that office, one a complete application and the other a
caveat, but each covering an invention for "transmitting
vocal sounds telegraphically." The application was made by
Alexander Graham Bell, of Salem, Massachusetts, and the
caveat by Elisha Gray, of Chicago, Illinois. On examination
of the two papers it was found that both of them covered
practically the same ground, hence, as only one patent could
be granted, it became necessary to ascertain the precise
hour at which the documents were respectively filed, and put
the parties in interference. This was done, with the result
that the patent was ultimately awarded to Bell.]
</pre>
<p>
In the opening up and development of any new art based upon a fundamental
discovery or invention, there ensues naturally an era of supplemental or
collateral inventive activity—the legitimate outcome of the basic
original ideas. Part of this development may be due to the inventive skill
and knowledge of the original inventor and his associates, who, by reason
of prior investigation, would be in better position to follow up the art
in its earliest details than others, who might be regarded as mere
outsiders. Thus a new enterprise may be presented before the world by its
promoters in the belief that they are strongly fortified by patent rights
which will protect them in a degree commensurate with the risks they have
assumed.
</p>
<p>
Supplemental inventions, however, in any art, new or old, are not limited
to those which emanate from the original workers, for the ingenuity of
man, influenced by the spirit of the times, seizes upon any novel line of
action and seeks to improve or enlarge upon it, or, at any rate, to
produce more or less variation of its phases. Consequently, there is a
constant endeavor on the part of a countless host of men possessing some
degree of technical skill and inventive ability, to win fame and money by
entering into the already opened fields of endeavor with devices and
methods of their own, for which subsidiary patents may be obtainable. Some
of such patents may prove to be valuable, while it is quite certain that
in the natural order of things others will be commercially worthless, but
none may be entirely disregarded in the history and development of the
art.
</p>
<p>
It will be quite obvious, therefore, that the advent of any useful
invention or discovery, great or small, is followed by a clashing of many
interests which become complex in their interpretation by reason of the
many conflicting claims that cluster around the main principle. Nor is the
confusion less confounded through efforts made on the part of dishonest
persons, who, like vultures, follow closely on the trail of successful
inventors and (sometimes through information derived by underhand methods)
obtain patents on alleged inventions, closely approximating the real ones,
solely for the purpose of harassing the original patentee until they are
bought up, or else, with the intent of competing boldly in the new
business, trust in the delays of legal proceedings to obtain a sure
foothold in their questionable enterprise.
</p>
<p>
Then again there are still others who, having no patent rights, but waving
aside all compunction and in downright fraud, simply enter the commercial
field against the whole world, using ruthlessly whatever inventive skill
and knowledge the original patentee may have disclosed, and trusting to
the power of money, rapid movement, and mendacious advertising to build up
a business which shall presently assume such formidable proportions as to
force a compromise, or stave off an injunction until the patent has
expired. In nine cases out of ten such a course can be followed with
relative impunity; and guided by skilful experts who may suggest really
trivial changes here and there over the patented structure, and with the
aid of keen and able counsel, hardly a patent exists that could not be
invaded by such infringers. Such is the condition of our laws and practice
that the patentee in seeking to enforce his rights labors under a terrible
handicap.
</p>
<p>
And, finally, in this recital of perplexing conditions confronting the
inventor, there must not be forgotten the commercial "shark," whose
predatory instincts are ever keenly alert for tender victims. In the wake
of every newly developed art of world-wide importance there is sure to
follow a number of unscrupulous adventurers, who hasten to take advantage
of general public ignorance of the true inwardness of affairs. Basing
their operations on this lack of knowledge, and upon the tendency of human
nature to give credence to widely advertised and high-sounding
descriptions and specious promises of vast profits, these men find little
difficulty in conjuring money out of the pockets of the unsophisticated
and gullible, who rush to become stockholders in concerns that have "airy
nothings" for a foundation, and that collapse quickly when the bubble is
pricked. [21]
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 21: A notable instance of the fleecing of
unsuspecting and credulous persons occurred in the early
eighties, during the furor occasioned by the introduction of
Mr. Edison's electric-light system. A corporation claiming
to have a self-generating dynamo (practically perpetual
motion) advertised its preposterous claims extensively, and
actually succeeded in selling a large amount of stock,
which, of course, proved to be absolutely worthless.]
</pre>
<p>
To one who is unacquainted with the trying circumstances attending the
introduction and marketing of patented devices, it might seem unnecessary
that an inventor and his business associates should be obliged to take
into account the unlawful or ostensible competition of pirates or
schemers, who, in the absence of legal decision, may run a free course for
a long time. Nevertheless, as public patronage is the element vitally
requisite for commercial success, and as the public is not usually in full
possession of all the facts and therefore cannot discriminate between the
genuine and the false, the legitimate inventor must avail himself of every
possible means of proclaiming and asserting his rights if he desires to
derive any benefit from the results of his skill and labor. Not only must
he be prepared to fight in the Patent Office and pursue a regular course
of patent litigation against those who may honestly deem themselves to be
protected by other inventions or patents of similar character, and also
proceed against more palpable infringers who are openly, defiantly, and
illegitimately engaged in competitive business operations, but he must, as
well, endeavor to protect himself against the assaults of impudent fraud
by educating the public mind to a point of intelligent apprehension of the
true status of his invention and the conflicting claims involved.
</p>
<p>
When the nature of a patent right is considered it is difficult to see why
this should be so. The inventor creates a new thing—an invention of
utility—and the people, represented by the Federal Government, say
to him in effect: "Disclose your invention to us in a patent so that we
may know how to practice it, and we will agree to give you a monopoly for
seventeen years, after which we shall be free to use it. If the right thus
granted is invaded, apply to a Federal Court and the infringer will be
enjoined and required to settle in damages." Fair and false promise! Is it
generally realized that no matter how flagrant the infringement nor how
barefaced and impudent the infringer, no Federal Court will grant an
injunction UNTIL THE PATENT SHALL HAVE BEEN FIRST LITIGATED TO FINAL
HEARING AND SUSTAINED? A procedure, it may be stated, requiring years of
time and thousands of dollars, during which other infringers have
generally entered the field, and all have grown fat.
</p>
<p>
Thus Edison and his business associates have been forced into a veritable
maelstrom of litigation during the major part of the last forty years, in
the effort to procure for themselves a small measure of protection for
their interests under the numerous inventions of note that he has made at
various times in that period. The earlier years of his inventive activity,
while productive of many important contributions to electrical industries,
such as stock tickers and printers, duplex, quadruplex, and automatic
telegraphs, were not marked by the turmoil of interminable legal conflicts
that arose after the beginning of the telephone and electric-light epochs.
In fact, his inventions; up to and including his telephone improvements
(which entered into already existing arts), had been mostly purchased by
the Western Union and other companies, and while there was more or less
contesting of his claims (especially in respect of the telephone), the
extent of such litigation was not so conspicuously great as that which
centred subsequently around his patents covering incandescent electric
lighting and power systems.
</p>
<p>
Through these inventions there came into being an entirely new art,
complete in its practicability evolved by Edison after protracted
experiments founded upon most patient, thorough, and original methods of
investigation extending over several years. Long before attaining the
goal, he had realized with characteristic insight the underlying
principles of the great and comprehensive problem he had started out to
solve, and plodded steadily along the path that he had marked out,
ignoring the almost universal scientific disbelief in his ultimate
success. "Dreamer," "fool," "boaster" were among the appellations bestowed
upon him by unbelieving critics. Ridicule was heaped upon him in the
public prints, and mathematics were called into service by learned men to
settle the point forever that he was attempting the utterly impossible.
</p>
<p>
But, presto! no sooner had he accomplished the task and shown concrete
results to the world than he found himself in the anomalous position of
being at once surrounded by the conditions which inevitably confront every
inventor. The path through the trackless forest had been blazed, and now
every one could find the way. At the end of the road was a rich prize
belonging rightfully to the man who had opened a way to it, but the
struggles of others to reach it by more or less honest methods now began
and continued for many years. If, as a former commissioner once said,
"Edison was the man who kept the path to the Patent Office hot with his
footsteps," there were other great inventors abreast or immediately on his
heels, some, to be sure, with legitimate, original methods and vital
improvements representing independent work; while there were also those
who did not trouble to invent, but simply helped themselves to whatever
ideas were available, and coming from any source.
</p>
<p>
Possibly events might have happened differently had Edison been able to
prevent the announcement of his electric-light inventions until he was
entirely prepared to bring out the system as a whole, ready for commercial
exploitation, but the news of his production of a practical and successful
incandescent lamp became known and spread like wild-fire to all corners of
the globe. It took more than a year after the evolution of the lamp for
Edison to get into position to do actual business, and during that time
his laboratory was the natural Mecca of every inquiring person. Small
wonder, then, that when he was prepared to market his invention he should
find others entering that market, at home and abroad, at the same time,
and with substantially similar merchandise.
</p>
<p>
Edison narrates two incidents that may be taken as characteristic of a
good deal that had to be contended with, coming in the shape of nefarious
attack. "In the early days of my electric light," he says, "curiosity and
interest brought a great many people to Menlo Park to see it. Some of them
did not come with the best of intentions. I remember the visit of one
expert, a well-known electrician, a graduate of Johns Hopkins University,
and who then represented a Baltimore gas company. We had the lamps
exhibited in a large room, and so arranged on a table as to illustrate the
regular layout of circuits for houses and streets. Sixty of the men
employed at the laboratory were used as watchers, each to keep an eye on a
certain section of the exhibit, and see there was no monkeying with it.
This man had a length of insulated No. 10 wire passing through his sleeves
and around his back, so that his hands would conceal the ends and no one
would know he had it. His idea, of course, was to put this wire across the
ends of the supplying circuits, and short-circuit the whole thing—put
it all out of business without being detected. Then he could report how
easily the electric light went out, and a false impression would be
conveyed to the public. He did not know that we had already worked out the
safety-fuse, and that every group of lights was thus protected
independently. He put this jumper slyly in contact with the wires—and
just four lamps went out on the section he tampered with. The watchers saw
him do it, however, and got hold of him and just led him out of the place
with language that made the recording angels jump for their typewriters."
</p>
<p>
The other incident is as follows: "Soon after I had got out the
incandescent light I had an interference in the Patent Office with a man
from Wisconsin. He filed an application for a patent and entered into a
conspiracy to 'swear back' of the date of my invention, so as to deprive
me of it. Detectives were put on the case, and we found he was a 'faker,'
and we took means to break the thing up. Eugene Lewis, of Eaton &
Lewis, had this in hand for me. Several years later this same man
attempted to defraud a leading firm of manufacturing chemists in New York,
and was sent to State prison. A short time after that a syndicate took up
a man named Goebel and tried to do the same thing, but again our
detective-work was too much for them. This was along the same line as the
attempt of Drawbaugh to deprive Bell of his telephone. Whenever an
invention of large prospective value comes out, these cases always occur.
The lamp patent was sustained in the New York Federal Court. I thought
that was final and would end the matter, but another Federal judge out in
St. Louis did not sustain it. The result is I have never enjoyed any
benefits from my lamp patents, although I fought for many years." The
Goebel case will be referred to later in this chapter.
</p>
<p>
The original owner of the patents and inventions covering his
electric-lighting system, the Edison Electric Light Company (in which
Edison was largely interested as a stockholder), thus found at the outset
that its commercial position was imperilled by the activity of competitors
who had sprung up like mushrooms. It became necessary to take proper
preliminary legal steps to protect the interests which had been acquired
at the cost of so much money and such incessant toil and experiment.
During the first few years in which the business of the introduction of
the light was carried on with such strenuous and concentrated effort, the
attention of Edison and his original associates was constantly focused
upon the commercial exploitation and the further development of the system
at home and abroad. The difficult and perplexing situation at that time is
thus described by Major S. B. Eaton:
</p>
<p>
"The reason for the delay in beginning and pushing suits for infringements
of the lamp patent has never been generally understood. In my official
position as president of the Edison Electric Light Company I became the
target, along with Mr. Edison, for censure from the stockholders and
others on account of this delay, and I well remember how deep the feeling
was. In view of the facts that a final injunction on the lamp patent was
not obtained until the life of the patent was near its end, and, next,
that no damages in money were ever paid by the guilty infringers, it has
been generally believed that Mr. Edison sacrificed the interest of his
stockholders selfishly when he delayed the prosecution of patent suits and
gave all his time and energies to manufacturing. This belief was the
stronger because the manufacturing enterprises belonged personally to Mr.
Edison and not to his company. But the facts render it easy to dispel this
false belief. The Edison inventions were not only a lamp; they comprised
also an entire system of central stations. Such a thing was new to the
world, and the apparatus, as well as the manufacture thereof, was equally
new. Boilers, engines, dynamos, motors, distribution mains, meters,
house-wiring, safety-devices, lamps, and lamp-fixtures—all were
vital parts of the whole system. Most of them were utterly novel and
unknown to the arts, and all of them required quick, and, I may say,
revolutionary thought and invention. The firm of Babcock & Wilcox gave
aid on the boilers, Armington & Sims undertook the engines, but
everything else was abnormal. No factories in the land would take up the
manufacture. I remember, for instance, our interviews with Messrs.
Mitchell, Vance & Co., the leading manufacturers of house gas-lighting
fixtures, such as brackets and chandeliers. They had no faith in electric
lighting, and rejected all our overtures to induce them to take up the new
business of making electric-light fixtures. As regards other parts of the
Edison system, notably the Edison dynamo, no such machines had ever
existed; there was no factory in the world equipped to make them, and,
most discouraging of all, the very scientific principles of their
construction were still vague and experimental.
</p>
<p>
"What was to be done? Mr. Edison has never been greater than when he met
and solved this crisis. 'If there are no factories,' he said, 'to make my
inventions, I will build the factories myself. Since capital is timid, I
will raise and supply it. The issue is factories or death.' Mr. Edison
invited the cooperation of his leading stockholders. They lacked
confidence or did not care to increase their investments. He was forced to
go on alone. The chain of Edison shops was then created. By far the most
perplexing of these new manufacturing problems was the lamp. Not only was
it a new industry, one without shadow of prototype, but the mechanical
devices for making the lamps, and to some extent the very machines to make
those devices, were to be invented. All of this was done by the courage,
capital, and invincible energy and genius of the great inventor. But Mr.
Edison could not create these great and diverse industries and at the same
time give requisite attention to litigation. He could not start and
develop the new and hard business of electric lighting and yet spare one
hour to pursue infringers. One thing or the other must wait. All agreed
that it must be the litigation. And right there a lasting blow was given
to the prestige of the Edison patents. The delay was translated as meaning
lack of confidence; and the alert infringer grew strong in courage and
capital. Moreover, and what was the heaviest blow of all, he had time,
thus unmolested, to get a good start.
</p>
<p>
"In looking back on those days and scrutinizing them through the years, I
am impressed by the greatness, the solitary greatness I may say, of Mr.
Edison. We all felt then that we were of importance, and that our
contribution of effort and zeal were vital. I can see now, however, that
the best of us was nothing but the fly on the wheel. Suppose anything had
happened to Edison? All would have been chaos and ruin.. To him,
therefore, be the glory, if not the profit."
</p>
<p>
The foregoing remarks of Major Eaton show authoritatively how the
much-discussed delay in litigating the Edison patents was so greatly
misunderstood at the time, and also how imperatively necessary it was for
Edison and his associates to devote their entire time and energies to the
commercial development of the art. As the lighting business increased,
however, and a great number of additional men were initiated into its
mysteries, Edison and his experts were able to spare some time to legal
matters, and an era of active patent litigation against infringers was
opened about the year 1885 by the Edison company, and thereafter continued
for many years.
</p>
<p>
While the history of this vast array of legal proceedings possesses a
fascinating interest for those involved, as well as for professional men,
legal and scientific, it could not be expected that it would excite any
such feeling on the part of a casual reader. Hence, it is not proposed to
encumber this narrative with any detailed record of the numerous suits
that were brought and conducted through their complicated ramifications by
eminent counsel. Suffice it to say that within about sixteen years after
the commencement of active patent litigation, there had been spent by the
owners of the Edison lighting patents upward of two million dollars in
prosecuting more than two hundred lawsuits brought against persons who
were infringing many of the patents of Edison on the incandescent electric
lamp and component parts of his system. Over fifty separate patents were
involved in these suits, including the basic one on the lamp (ordinarily
called the "Filament" patent), other detail lamp patents, as well as those
on sockets, switches, dynamos, motors, and distributing systems.
</p>
<p>
The principal, or "test," suit on the "Filament" patent was that brought
against "The United States Electric Lighting Company," which became a
cause celebre in the annals of American jurisprudence. Edison's claims
were strenuously and stubbornly contested throughout a series of intense
legal conflicts that raged in the courts for a great many years. Both
sides of the controversy were represented by legal talent of the highest
order, under whose examination and cross-examination volumes of testimony
were taken, until the printed record (including exhibits) amounted to more
than six thousand pages. Scientific and technical literature and records
in all parts of the civilized world were subjected to the most minute
scrutiny of opposing experts in the endeavor to prove Edison to be merely
an adapter of methods and devices already projected or suggested by
others. The world was ransacked for anything that might be claimed as an
anticipation of what he had done. Every conceivable phase of ingenuity
that could be devised by technical experts was exercised in the attempt to
show that Edison had accomplished nothing new. Everything that legal
acumen could suggest—every subtle technicality of the law—all
the complicated variations of phraseology that the novel nomenclature of a
young art would allow—all were pressed into service and availed of
by the contestors of the Edison invention in their desperate effort to
defeat his claims. It was all in vain, however, for the decision of the
court was in favor of Edison, and his lamp patent was sustained not only
by the tribunal of the first resort, but also by the Appellate Court some
time afterward.
</p>
<p>
The first trial was had before Judge Wallace in the United States Circuit
Court for the Southern District of New York, and the appeal was heard by
Judges Lacombe and Shipman, of the United States Circuit Court of Appeals.
Before both tribunals the cause had been fully represented by counsel
chosen from among the most eminent representatives of the bar at that
time, those representing the Edison interests being the late Clarence A.
Seward and Grosvenor P. Lowrey, together with Sherburne Blake Eaton,
Albert H. Walker, and Richard N. Dyer. The presentation of the case to the
courts had in both instances been marked by masterly and able arguments,
elucidated by experiments and demonstrations to educate the judges on
technical points. Some appreciation of the magnitude of this case may be
gained from the fact that the argument on its first trial employed a great
many days, and the minutes covered hundreds of pages of closely
typewritten matter, while the argument on appeal required eight days, and
was set forth in eight hundred and fifty pages of typewriting. Eliminating
all purely forensic eloquence and exparte statements, the addresses of
counsel in this celebrated suit are worthy of deep study by an earnest
student, for, taken together, they comprise the most concise, authentic,
and complete history of the prior state of the art and the development of
the incandescent lamp that had been made up to that time. [22]
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 22: The argument on appeal was conducted with the dignity
and decorum that characterize such a proceeding in that
court. There is usually little that savors of humor in the
ordinary conduct of a case of this kind, but in the present
instance a pertinent story was related by Mr. Lowrey, and it
is now reproduced. In the course of his address to the
court, Mr. Lowrey said:
"I have to mention the name of one expert whose testimony
will, I believe, be found as accurate, as sincere, as
straightforward as if it were the preaching of the gospel. I
do it with great pleasure, and I ask you to read the
testimony of Charles L. Clarke along with that of Thomas A.
Edison. He had rather a hard row to hoe. He is a young
gentleman; he is a very well-instructed man in his
profession; he is not what I have called in the argument
below an expert in the art of testifying, like some of the
others, he has not yet become expert; what he may descend to
later cannot be known; he entered upon his first experience,
I think, with my brother Duncan, who is no trifler when he
comes to deal with these questions, and for several months
Mr. Clarke was pursued up and down, over a range of
suggestions of what he would have thought if he had thought
something else had been said at some time when something
else was not said."
Mr. Duncan—"I got three pages a day out of him, too."
Mr. Lowrey—"Well, it was a good result. It always recalled
to me what I venture now, since my friend breaks in upon me
in this rude manner, to tell the court as well illustrative
of what happened there. It is the story of the pickerel and
the roach. My friend, Professor Von Reisenberg, of the
University of Ghent, pursued a series of investigations into
the capacity of various animals to receive ideas. Among the
rest he put a pickerel into a tank containing water, and
separated across its middle by a transparent glass plate,
and on the other side he put a red roach. Now your Honors
both know how a pickerel loves a red roach, and I have no
doubt you will remember that he is a fish of a very low
forehead and an unlimited appetite. When this pickerel saw
the red roach through the glass, he made one of those awful
dashes which is usually the ruin of whatever stands in its
way; but he didn't reach the red roach. He received an
impression, doubtless. It was not sufficient, however, to
discourage him, and he immediately tried again, and he
continued to try for three-quarters of an hour. At the end
of three-quarters of an hour he seemed a little shaken and
discouraged, and stopped, and the red roach was taken out
for that day and the pickerel left. On the succeeding day
the red roach was restored, and the pickerel had forgotten
the impressions of the first day, and he repeated this
again. At the end of the second day the roach was taken out.
This was continued, not through so long a period as the
effort to take my friend Clarke and devour him, but for a
period of about three weeks. At the end of the three weeks,
the time during which the pickerel persisted each day had
been shortened and shortened, until it was at last
discovered that he didn't try at all. The plate glass was
then removed, and the pickerel and the red roach sailed
around together in perfect peace ever afterward. The
pickerel doubtless attributed to the roach all this shaking,
the rebuff which he had received. And that is about the
condition in which my brother Duncan and my friend Clarke
were at the end of this examination."
Mr. Duncan—"I notice on the redirect that Mr. Clarke
changed his color."
Mr. Lowrey—"Well, perhaps he was a different kind of a
roach then; but you didn't succeed in taking him.
"I beg your Honors to read the testimony of Mr. Clarke in
the light of the anecdote of the pickerel and the roach."
</pre>
<p>
Owing to long-protracted delays incident to the taking of testimony and
preparation for trial, the argument before the United States Circuit Court
of Appeals was not had until the late spring of 1892, and its decision in
favor of the Edison Lamp patent was filed on October 4, 1892, MORE THAN
TWELVE YEARS AFTER THE ISSUANCE OF THE PATENT ITSELF.
</p>
<p>
As the term of the patent had been limited under the law, because certain
foreign patents had been issued to Edison before that in this country,
there was now but a short time left for enjoyment of the exclusive rights
contemplated by the statute and granted to Edison and his assigns by the
terms of the patent itself. A vigorous and aggressive legal campaign was
therefore inaugurated by the Edison Electric Light Company against the
numerous infringing companies and individuals that had sprung up while the
main suit was pending. Old suits were revived and new ones instituted.
Injunctions were obtained against many old offenders, and it seemed as
though the Edison interests were about to come into their own for the
brief unexpired term of the fundamental patent, when a new bombshell was
dropped into the Edison camp in the shape of an alleged anticipation of
the invention forty years previously by one Henry Goebel. Thus, in 1893,
the litigation was reopened, and a protracted series of stubbornly
contested conflicts was fought in the courts.
</p>
<p>
Goebel's claims were not unknown to the Edison Company, for as far back as
1882 they had been officially brought to its notice coupled with an offer
of sale for a few thousand dollars. A very brief examination into their
merits, however, sufficed to demonstrate most emphatically that Goebel had
never made a practical incandescent lamp, nor had he ever contributed a
single idea or device bearing, remotely or directly, on the development of
the art. Edison and his company, therefore, rejected the offer
unconditionally and declined to enter into any arrangements whatever with
Goebel. During the prosecution of the suits in 1893 it transpired that the
Goebel claims had also been investigated by the counsel of the defendant
company in the principal litigation already related, but although every
conceivable defence and anticipation had been dragged into the case during
the many years of its progress, the alleged Goebel anticipation was not
even touched upon therein. From this fact it is quite apparent that they
placed no credence on its bona fides.
</p>
<p>
But desperate cases call for desperate remedies. Some of the infringing
lamp-manufacturing concerns, which during the long litigation had grown
strong and lusty, and thus far had not been enjoined by the court, now saw
injunctions staring them in the face, and in desperation set up the Goebel
so-called anticipation as a defence in the suits brought against them.
</p>
<p>
This German watchmaker, Goebel, located in the East Side of New York City,
had undoubtedly been interested, in a desultory kind of way, in simple
physical phenomena, and a few trifling experiments made by him some forty
or forty-five years previously were magnified and distorted into brilliant
and all-comprehensive discoveries and inventions. Avalanches of affidavits
of himself, "his sisters and his cousins and his aunts," practically all
persons in ordinary walks of life, and of old friends, contributed a host
of recollections that seemed little short of miraculous in their detailed
accounts of events of a scientific nature that were said to have occurred
so many years before. According to affidavits of Goebel himself and some
of his family, nothing that would anticipate Edison's claim had been
omitted from his work, for he (Goebel) claimed to have employed the
all-glass globe, into which were sealed platinum wires carrying a tenuous
carbon filament, from which the occluded gases had been liberated during
the process of high exhaustion. He had even determined upon bamboo as the
best material for filaments. On the face of it he was seemingly gifted
with more than human prescience, for in at least one of his exhibit lamps,
said to have been made twenty years previously, he claimed to have
employed processes which Edison and his associates had only developed by
several years of experience in making thousands of lamps!
</p>
<p>
The Goebel story was told by the affidavits in an ingenuous manner, with a
wealth of simple homely detail that carried on its face an appearance of
truth calculated to deceive the elect, had not the elect been somewhat
prepared by their investigation made some eleven years before.
</p>
<p>
The story was met by the Edison interests with counter-affidavits, showing
its utter improbabilities and absurdities from the standpoint of men of
science and others versed in the history and practice of the art; also
affidavits of other acquaintances and neighbors of Goebel flatly denying
the exhibitions he claimed to have made. The issue thus being joined, the
legal battle raged over different sections of the country. A number of
contumeliously defiant infringers in various cities based fond hopes of
immunity upon the success of this Goebel evidence, but were defeated. The
attitude of the courts is well represented in the opinion of Judge Colt,
rendered in a motion for injunction against the Beacon Vacuum Pump and
Electrical Company. The defence alleged the Goebel anticipation, in
support of which it offered in evidence four lamps, Nos. 1, 2, and 3
purporting to have been made before 1854, and No. 4 before 1872. After a
very full review of the facts in the case, and a fair consideration of the
defendants' affidavits, Judge Colt in his opinion goes on to say:
</p>
<p>
"It is extremely improbable that Henry Goebel constructed a practical
incandescent lamp in 1854. This is manifest from the history of the art
for the past fifty years, the electrical laws which since that time have
been discovered as applicable to the incandescent lamp, the imperfect
means which then existed for obtaining a vacuum, the high degree of skill
necessary in the construction of all its parts, and the crude instruments
with which Goebel worked.
</p>
<p>
"Whether Goebel made the fiddle-bow lamps, 1, 2, and 3, is not necessary
to determine. The weight of evidence on this motion is in the direction
that he made these lamp or lamps similar in general appearance, though it
is manifest that few, if any, of the many witnesses who saw the Goebel
lamp could form an accurate judgment of the size of the filament or
burner. But assuming they were made, they do not anticipate the invention
of Edison. At most they were experimental toys used to advertise his
telescope, or to flash a light upon his clock, or to attract customers to
his shop. They were crudely constructed, and their life was brief. They
could not be used for domestic purposes. They were in no proper sense the
practical commercial lamp of Edison. The literature of the art is full of
better lamps, all of which are held not to anticipate the Edison patent.
</p>
<p>
"As for Lamp No. 4, I cannot but view it with suspicion. It presents a new
appearance. The reason given for not introducing it before the hearing is
unsatisfactory. This lamp, to my mind, envelops with a cloud of distrust
the whole Goebel story. It is simply impossible under the circumstances to
believe that a lamp so constructed could have been made by Goebel before
1872. Nothing in the evidence warrants such a supposition, and other
things show it to be untrue. This lamp has a carbon filament, platinum
leading-in wires, a good vacuum, and is well sealed and highly finished.
It is said that this lamp shows no traces of mercury in the bulb because
the mercury was distilled, but Goebel says nothing about distilled mercury
in his first affidavit, and twice he speaks of the particles of mercury
clinging to the inside of the chamber, and for that reason he constructed
a Geissler pump after he moved to 468 Grand Street, which was in 1877.
Again, if this lamp has been in his possession since before 1872, as he
and his son swear, why was it not shown to Mr. Crosby, of the American
Company, when he visited his shop in 1881 and was much interested in his
lamps? Why was it not shown to Mr. Curtis, the leading counsel for the
defendants in the New York cases, when he was asked to produce a lamp and
promised to do so? Why did not his son take this lamp to Mr. Bull's office
in 1892, when he took the old fiddle-bow lamps, 1, 2, and 3? Why did not
his son take this lamp to Mr. Eaton's office in 1882, when he tried to
negotiate the sale of his father's inventions to the Edison Company? A
lamp so constructed and made before 1872 was worth a large sum of money to
those interested in defeating the Edison patent like the American Company,
and Goebel was not a rich man. Both he and one of his sons were employed
in 1881 by the American Company. Why did he not show this lamp to McMahon
when he called in the interest of the American Company and talked over the
electrical matters? When Mr. Dreyer tried to organize a company in 1882,
and procured an option from him of all his inventions relating to electric
lighting for which $925 was paid, and when an old lamp of this kind was of
vital consequence and would have insured a fortune, why was it not
forthcoming? Mr. Dreyer asked Goebel to produce an old lamp, and was
especially anxious to find one pending his negotiations with the Edison
Company for the sale of Goebel's inventions. Why did he not produce this
lamp in his interviews with Bohm, of the American Company, or Moses, of
the Edison Company, when it was for his interest to do so? The value of
such an anticipation of the Edison lamp was made known to him. He was
desirous of realizing upon his inventions. He was proud of his
incandescent lamps, and was pleased to talk about them with anybody who
would listen. Is it conceivable under all these circumstances, that he
should have had this all-important lamp in his possession from 1872 to
1893, and yet no one have heard of it or seen it except his son? It cannot
be said that ignorance of the English language offers an excuse. He knew
English very well although Bohm and Dreyer conversed with him in German.
His children spoke English. Neither his ignorance nor his simplicity
prevented him from taking out three patents: the first in 1865 for a
sewing-machine hemmer, and the last in 1882 for an improvement in
incandescent lamps. If he made Lamp No. 4 previous to 1872, why was it not
also patented?
</p>
<p>
"There are other circumstances which throw doubt on this alleged Goebel
anticipation. The suit against the United States Electric Lighting Company
was brought in the Southern District of New York in 1885. Large interests
were at stake, and the main defence to the Edison patent was based on
prior inventions. This Goebel claim was then investigated by the leading
counsel for the defence, Mr. Curtis. It was further inquired into in 1892,
in the case against the Sawyer-Man Company. It was brought to the
attention and considered by the Edison Company in 1882. It was at that
time known to the American Company, who hoped by this means to defeat the
monopoly under the Edison patent. Dreyer tried to organize a company for
its purchase. Young Goebel tried to sell it. It must have been known to
hundreds of people. And now when the Edison Company after years of
litigation, leaving but a short time for the patent to run, have obtained
a final adjudication establishing its validity, this claim is again
resurrected to defeat the operation of the judgment so obtained. A court
in equity should not look with favor on such a defence. Upon the evidence
here presented, I agree with the first impression of Mr. Curtis and with
the opinion of Mr. Dickerson that whatever Goebel did must be considered
as an abandoned experiment.
</p>
<p>
"It has often been laid down that a meritorious invention is not to be
defeated by something which rests in speculation or experiment, or which
is rudimentary or incomplete.
</p>
<p>
"The law requires not conjecture, but certainty. It is easy after an
important invention has gone into public use for persons to come forward
with claims that they invented the same thing years before, and to
endeavor to establish this by the recollection of witnesses as to events
long past. Such evidence is to be received with great caution, and the
presumption of novelty arising from the grant of the patent is not to be
overcome except upon clear and convincing proof.
</p>
<p>
"When the defendant company entered upon the manufacture of incandescent
lamps in May, 1891, it well knew the consequences which must follow a
favorable decision for the Edison Company in the New York case."
</p>
<p>
The injunction was granted.
</p>
<p>
Other courts took practically the same view of the Goebel story as was
taken by Judge Colt, and the injunctions asked in behalf of the Edison
interests were granted on all applications except one in St. Louis,
Missouri, in proceedings instituted against a strong local concern of that
city.
</p>
<p>
Thus, at the eleventh hour in the life of this important patent, after a
long period of costly litigation, Edison and his associates were compelled
to assume the defensive against a claimant whose utterly baseless
pretensions had already been thoroughly investigated and rejected years
before by every interested party, and ultimately, on examination by the
courts, pronounced legally untenable, if not indeed actually fraudulent.
Irritating as it was to be forced into the position of combating a
proposition so well known to be preposterous and insincere, there was
nothing else to do but to fight this fabrication with all the strenuous
and deadly earnestness that would have been brought to bear on a really
meritorious defence. Not only did this Goebel episode divert for a long
time the energies of the Edison interests from activities in other
directions, but the cost of overcoming the extravagantly absurd claims ran
up into hundreds of thousands of dollars.
</p>
<p>
Another quotation from Major Eaton is of interest in this connection:
</p>
<p>
"Now a word about the Goebel case. I took personal charge of running down
this man and his pretensions in the section of the city where he lived and
among his old neighbors. They were a typical East Side lot—ignorant,
generally stupid, incapable of long memory, but ready to oblige a neighbor
and to turn an easy dollar by putting a cross-mark at the bottom of a
forthcoming friendly affidavit. I can say in all truth and justice that
their testimony was utterly false, and that the lawyers who took it must
have known it.
</p>
<p>
"The Goebel case emphasizes two defects in the court procedure in patent
cases. One is that they may be spun out almost interminably, even,
possibly, to the end of the life of the patent; the other is that the
judge who decides the case does not see the witnesses. That adverse
decision at St. Louis would never have been made if the court could have
seen the men who swore for Goebel. When I met Mr. F. P. Fish on his return
from St. Louis, after he had argued the Edison side, he felt keenly that
disadvantage, to say nothing of the hopeless difficulty of educating the
court."
</p>
<p>
In the earliest days of the art, when it was apparent that incandescent
lighting had come to stay, the Edison Company was a shining mark at which
the shafts of the dishonest were aimed. Many there were who stood ready to
furnish affidavits that they or some one else whom they controlled had
really invented the lamp, but would obligingly withdraw and leave Edison
in possession of the field on payment of money. Investigation of these
cases, however, revealed invariably the purely fraudulent nature of all
such offers, which were uniformly declined.
</p>
<p>
As the incandescent light began to advance rapidly in public favor, the
immense proportions of the future market became sufficiently obvious to
tempt unauthorized persons to enter the field and become manufacturers.
When the lamp became a thoroughly established article it was not a
difficult matter to copy it, especially when there were employees to be
hired away at increased pay, and their knowledge utilized by the more
unscrupulous of these new competitors. This is not conjecture but known to
be a fact, and the practice continued many years, during which new lamp
companies sprang up on every side. Hence, it is not surprising that, on
the whole, the Edison lamp litigation was not less remarkable for quantity
than quality. Between eighty and ninety separate suits upon Edison's
fundamental lamp and detail patents were brought in the courts of the
United States and prosecuted to completion.
</p>
<p>
In passing it may be mentioned that in England France, and Germany also
the Edison fundamental lamp patent was stubbornly fought in the judicial
arena, and his claim to be the first inventor of practical incandescent
lighting was uniformly sustained in all those countries.
</p>
<p>
Infringement was not, however, confined to the lamp alone, but, in
America, extended all along the line of Edison's patents relating to the
production and distribution of electric light, including those on dynamos,
motors, distributing systems, sockets, switches, and other details which
he had from time to time invented. Consequently, in order to protect its
interests at all points, the Edison Company had found it necessary to
pursue a vigorous policy of instituting legal proceedings against the
infringers of these various patents, and, in addition to the large number
of suits on the lamp alone, not less than one hundred and twenty-five
other separate actions, involving some fifty or more of Edison's principal
electric-lighting patents, were brought against concerns which were
wrongfully appropriating his ideas and actively competing with his
companies in the market.
</p>
<p>
The ramifications of this litigation became so extensive and complex as to
render it necessary to institute a special bureau, or department, through
which the immense detail could be systematically sifted, analyzed, and
arranged in collaboration with the numerous experts and counsel
responsible for the conduct of the various cases. This department was
organized in 1889 by Major Eaton, who was at this time and for some years
afterward its general counsel.
</p>
<p>
In the selection of the head of this department a man of methodical and
analytical habit of mind was necessary, capable of clear reasoning, and at
the same time one who had gained a thoroughly practical experience in
electric light and power fields, and the choice fell upon Mr. W. J. Jenks,
the manager of the Edison central station at Brockton, Massachusetts. He
had resigned that position in 1885, and had spent the intervening period
in exploiting the Edison municipal system of lighting, as well as taking
an active part in various other branches of the Edison enterprises.
</p>
<p>
Thus, throughout the life of Edison's patents on electric light, power,
and distribution, the interminable legal strife has continued from day to
day, from year to year. Other inventors, some of them great and notable,
have been coming into the field since the foundation of the art, patents
have multiplied exceedingly, improvement has succeeded improvement, great
companies have grown greater, new concerns have come into existence,
coalitions and mergers have taken place, all tending to produce changes in
methods, but not much in diminution of patent litigation. While Edison has
not for a long time past interested himself particularly in electric light
and power inventions, the bureau which was initiated under the old regime
in 1889 still continues, enlarged in scope, directed by its original
chief, but now conducted under the auspices of several allied companies
whose great volumes of combined patents (including those of Edison) cover
a very wide range of the electrical field.
</p>
<p>
As the general conception and theory of a lawsuit is the recovery of some
material benefit, the lay mind is apt to conceive of great sums of money
being awarded to a complainant by way of damages upon a favorable decision
in an important patent case. It might, therefore, be natural to ask how
far Edison or his companies have benefited pecuniarily by reason of the
many belated victories they have scored in the courts. To this question a
strict regard for truth compels the answer that they have not been
benefited at all, not to the extent of a single dollar, so far as cash
damages are concerned.
</p>
<p>
It is not to be denied, however, that substantial advantages have accrued
to them more or less directly through the numerous favorable decisions
obtained by them as a result of the enormous amount of litigation, in the
prosecution of which so great a sum of money has been spent and so
concentrated an amount of effort and time lavished. Indeed, it would be
strange and unaccountable were the results otherwise. While the benefits
derived were not directly pecuniary in their nature, they were such as
tended to strengthen commercially the position of the rightful owners of
the patents. Many irresponsible and purely piratical concerns were closed
altogether; others were compelled to take out royalty licenses;
consolidations of large interests were brought about; the public was
gradually educated to a more correct view of the true merits of
conflicting claims, and, generally speaking, the business has been greatly
unified and brought within well-defined and controllable lines.
</p>
<p>
Not only in relation to his electric light and power inventions has the
progress of Edison and his associates been attended by legal controversy
all through the years of their exploitation, but also in respect to other
inventions, notably those relating to the phonograph and to motion
pictures.
</p>
<p>
The increasing endeavors of infringers to divert into their own pockets
some of the proceeds arising from the marketing of the devices covered by
Edison's inventions on these latter lines, necessitated the institution by
him, some years ago, of a legal department which, as in the case of the
light inventions, was designed to consolidate all law and expert work and
place it under the management of a general counsel. The department is of
considerable extent, including a number of resident and other associate
counsel, and a general office staff, all of whom are constantly engaged
from day to day in patent litigation and other legal work necessary to
protect the Edison interests. Through their labors the old story is
reiterated in the contesting of approximate but conflicting claims, the
never-ending effort to suppress infringement, and the destruction as far
as possible of the commercial pirates who set sail upon the seas of all
successful enterprises. The details, circumstances, and technical
questions are, of course, different from those relating to other classes
of inventions, and although there has been no cause celebre concerning the
phonograph and motion-picture patents, the contention is as sharp and
strenuous as it was in the cases relating to electric lighting and heavy
current technics.
</p>
<p>
Mr. Edison's storage battery and the poured cement house have not yet
reached the stage of great commercial enterprises, and therefore have not
yet risen to the dignity of patent litigation. If, however, the experience
of past years is any criterion, there will probably come a time in the
future when, despite present widely expressed incredulity and contemptuous
sniffs of unbelief in the practicability of his ideas in these directions,
ultimate success will give rise to a series of hotly contested legal
conflicts such as have signalized the practical outcome of his past
efforts in other lines.
</p>
<p>
When it is considered what Edison has done, what the sum and substance of
his contributions to human comfort and happiness have been, the results,
as measured by legal success, have been pitiable. With the exception of
the favorable decision on the incandescent lamp filament patent, coming so
late, however, that but little practical good was accomplished, the reader
may search the law-books in vain for a single decision squarely and fairly
sustaining a single patent of first order. There never was a monopoly in
incandescent electric lighting, and even from the earliest days
competitors and infringers were in the field reaping the benefits, and
though defeated in the end, paying not a cent of tribute. The market was
practically as free and open as if no patent existed. There never was a
monopoly in the phonograph; practically all of the vital inventions were
deliberately appropriated by others, and the inventor was laughed at for
his pains. Even so beautiful a process as that for the duplication of
phonograph records was solemnly held by a Federal judge as lacking
invention—as being obvious to any one. The mere fact that Edison
spent years of his life in developing that process counted for nothing.
</p>
<p>
The invention of the three-wire system, which, when it was first announced
as saving over 60 per cent. of copper in the circuits, was regarded as an
utter impossibility—this patent was likewise held by a Federal judge
to be lacking in invention. In the motion-picture art, infringements began
with its very birth, and before the inevitable litigation could be
terminated no less than ten competitors were in the field, with whom
compromises had to be made.
</p>
<p>
In a foreign country, Edison would have undoubtedly received signal
honors; in his own country he has won the respect and admiration of
millions; but in his chosen field as an inventor and as a patentee his
reward has been empty. The courts abroad have considered his patents in a
liberal spirit and given him his due; the decisions in this country have
fallen wide of the mark. We make no criticism of our Federal judges; as a
body they are fair, able, and hard-working; but they operate under a
system of procedure that stifles absolutely the development of inventive
genius.
</p>
<p>
Until that system is changed and an opportunity offered for a final,
swift, and economical adjudication of patent rights, American inventors
may well hesitate before openly disclosing their inventions to the public,
and may seriously consider the advisability of retaining them as "trade
secrets."
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2HCH0029" id="link2HCH0029">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
CHAPTER XXIX
</h2>
<h3>
THE SOCIAL SIDE OF EDISON
</h3>
<p>
THE title of this chapter might imply that there is an unsocial side to
Edison. In a sense this is true, for no one is more impatient or
intolerant of interruption when deeply engaged in some line of experiment.
Then the caller, no matter how important or what his mission, is likely to
realize his utter insignificance and be sent away without accomplishing
his object. But, generally speaking, Edison is easy tolerance itself, with
a peculiar weakness toward those who have the least right to make any
demands on his time. Man is a social animal, and that describes Edison;
but it does not describe accurately the inventor asking to be let alone.
</p>
<p>
Edison never sought Society; but "Society" has never ceased to seek him,
and to-day, as ever, the pressure upon him to give up his work and receive
honors, meet distinguished people, or attend public functions, is intense.
Only two or three years ago, a flattering invitation came from one of the
great English universities to receive a degree, but at that moment he was
deep in experiments on his new storage battery, and nothing could budge
him. He would not drop the work, and while highly appreciative of the
proposed honor, let it go by rather than quit for a week or two the stern
drudgery of probing for the fact and the truth. Whether one approves or
not, it is at least admirable stoicism, of which the world has too little.
A similar instance is that of a visit paid to the laboratory by some one
bringing a gold medal from a foreign society. It was a very hot day in
summer, the visitor was in full social regalia of silk hat and frock-coat,
and insisted that he could deliver the medal only into Edison's hands. At
that moment Edison, stripped pretty nearly down to the buff, was at the
very crisis of an important experiment, and refused absolutely to be
interrupted. He had neither sought nor expected the medal; and if the
delegate didn't care to leave it he could take it away. At last Edison was
overpersuaded, and, all dirty and perspiring as he was, received the medal
rather than cause the visitor to come again. On one occasion, receiving a
medal in New York, Edison forgot it on the ferry-boat and left it behind
him. A few years ago, when Edison had received the Albert medal of the
Royal Society of Arts, one of the present authors called at the laboratory
to see it. Nobody knew where it was; hours passed before it could be
found; and when at last the accompanying letter was produced, it had an
office date stamp right over the signature of the royal president. A
visitor to the laboratory with one of these medallic awards asked Edison
if he had any others. "Oh yes," he said, "I have a couple of quarts more
up at the house!" All this sounds like lack of appreciation, but it is
anything else than that. While in Paris, in 1889, he wore the decoration
of the Legion of Honor whenever occasion required, but at all other times
turned the badge under his lapel "because he hated to have
fellow-Americans think he was showing off." And any one who knows Edison
will bear testimony to his utter absence of ostentation. It may be added
that, in addition to the two quarts of medals up at the house, there will
be found at Glenmont many other signal tokens of esteem and good-will—a
beautiful cigar-case from the late Tsar of Russia, bronzes from the
Government of Japan, steel trophies from Krupp, and a host of other
mementos, to one of which he thus refers: "When the experiments with the
light were going on at Menlo Park, Sarah Bernhardt came to America. One
evening, Robert L. Cutting, of New York, brought her out to see the light.
She was a terrific 'rubberneck.' She jumped all over the machinery, and I
had one man especially to guard her dress. She wanted to know everything.
She would speak in French, and Cutting would translate into English. She
stayed there about an hour and a half. Bernhardt gave me two pictures,
painted by herself, which she sent me from Paris."
</p>
<p>
Reference has already been made to the callers upon Edison; and to give
simply the names of persons of distinction would fill many pages of this
record. Some were mere consumers of time; others were gladly welcomed,
like Lord Kelvin, the greatest physicist of the last century, with whom
Edison was always in friendly communication. "The first time I saw Lord
Kelvin, he came to my laboratory at Menlo Park in 1876." (He reported most
favorably on Edison's automatic telegraph system at the Philadelphia
Exposition of 1876.) "I was then experimenting with sending eight messages
simultaneously over a wire by means of synchronizing tuning-forks. I would
take a wire with similar apparatus at both ends, and would throw it over
on one set of instruments, take it away, and get it back so quickly that
you would not miss it, thereby taking advantage of the rapidity of
electricity to perform operations. On my local wire I got it to work very
nicely. When Sir William Thomson (Kelvin) came in the room, he was
introduced to me, and had a number of friends with him. He said: 'What
have you here?' I told him briefly what it was. He then turned around, and
to my great surprise explained the whole thing to his friends. Quite a
different exhibition was given two weeks later by another well-known
Englishman, also an electrician, who came in with his friends, and I was
trying for two hours to explain it to him and failed."
</p>
<p>
After the introduction of the electric light, Edison was more than ever in
demand socially, but he shunned functions like the plague, not only
because of the serious interference with work, but because of his
deafness. Some dinners he had to attend, but a man who ate little and
heard less could derive practically no pleasure from them. "George
Washington Childs was very anxious I should go down to Philadelphia to
dine with him. I seldom went to dinners. He insisted I should go—that
a special car would leave New York. It was for me to meet Mr. Joseph
Chamberlain. We had the private car of Mr. Roberts, President of the
Pennsylvania Railroad. We had one of those celebrated dinners that only
Mr. Childs could give, and I heard speeches from Charles Francis Adams and
different people. When I came back to the depot, Mr. Roberts was there,
and insisted on carrying my satchel for me. I never could understand
that."
</p>
<p>
Among the more distinguished visitors of the electric-lighting period was
President Diaz, with whom Edison became quite intimate. "President Diaz,
of Mexico, visited this country with Mrs. Diaz, a highly educated and
beautiful woman. She spoke very good English. They both took a deep
interest in all they saw. I don't know how it ever came about, as it is
not in my line, but I seemed to be delegated to show them around. I took
them to railroad buildings, electric-light plants, fire departments, and
showed them a great variety of things. It lasted two days." Of another
visit Edison says: "Sitting Bull and fifteen Sioux Indians came to
Washington to see the Great Father, and then to New York, and went to the
Goerck Street works. We could make some very good pyrotechnics there, so
we determined to give the Indians a scare. But it didn't work. We had an
arc there of a most terrifying character, but they never moved a muscle."
Another episode at Goerck Street did not find the visitors quite so
stoical. "In testing dynamos at Goerck Street we had a long flat belt
running parallel with the floor, about four inches above it, and
travelling four thousand feet a minute. One day one of the directors
brought in three or four ladies to the works to see the new electric-light
system. One of the ladies had a little poodle led by a string. The belt
was running so smoothly and evenly, the poodle did not notice the
difference between it and the floor, and got into the belt before we could
do anything. The dog was whirled around forty or fifty times, and a little
flat piece of leather came out—and the ladies fainted."
</p>
<p>
A very interesting period, on the social side, was the visit paid by
Edison and his family to Europe in 1889, when he had made a splendid
exhibit of his inventions and apparatus at the great Paris Centennial
Exposition of that year, to the extreme delight of the French, who
welcomed him with open arms. The political sentiments that the Exposition
celebrated were not such as to find general sympathy in monarchical
Europe, so that the "crowned heads" were conspicuous by their absence. It
was not, of course, by way of theatrical antithesis that Edison appeared
in Paris at such a time. But the contrast was none the less striking and
effective. It was felt that, after all, that which the great exposition
exemplified at its best—the triumph of genius over matter, over
ignorance, over superstition—met with its due recognition when
Edison came to participate, and to felicitate a noble nation that could
show so much in the victories of civilization and the arts, despite its
long trials and its long struggle for liberty. It is no exaggeration to
say that Edison was greeted with the enthusiastic homage of the whole
French people. They could find no praise warm enough for the man who had
"organized the echoes" and "tamed the lightning," and whose career was so
picturesque with eventful and romantic development. In fact, for weeks
together it seemed as though no Parisian paper was considered complete and
up to date without an article on Edison. The exuberant wit and fancy of
the feuilletonists seized upon his various inventions evolving from them
others of the most extraordinary nature with which to bedazzle and
bewilder the reader. At the close of the Exposition Edison was created a
Commander of the Legion of Honor. His own exhibit, made at a personal
expense of over $100,000, covered several thousand square feet in the vast
Machinery Hall, and was centred around a huge Edison lamp built of myriads
of smaller lamps of the ordinary size. The great attraction, however, was
the display of the perfected phonograph. Several instruments were
provided, and every day, all day long, while the Exposition lasted, queues
of eager visitors from every quarter of the globe were waiting to hear the
little machine talk and sing and reproduce their own voices. Never before
was such a collection of the languages of the world made. It was the first
linguistic concourse since Babel times. We must let Edison tell the story
of some of his experiences:
</p>
<p>
"At the Universal Exposition at Paris, in 1889, I made a personal exhibit
covering about an acre. As I had no intention of offering to sell anything
I was showing, and was pushing no companies, the whole exhibition was made
for honor, and without any hope of profit. But the Paris newspapers came
around and wanted pay for notices of it, which we promptly refused;
whereupon there was rather a stormy time for a while, but nothing was
published about it.
</p>
<p>
"While at the Exposition I visited the Opera-House. The President of
France lent me his private box. The Opera-House was one of the first to be
lighted by the incandescent lamp, and the managers took great pleasure in
showing me down through the labyrinth containing the wiring, dynamos, etc.
When I came into the box, the orchestra played the 'Star-Spangled Banner,'
and all the people in the house arose; whereupon I was very much
embarrassed. After I had been an hour at the play, the manager came around
and asked me to go underneath the stage, as they were putting on a ballet
of 300 girls, the finest ballet in Europe. It seems there is a little hole
on the stage with a hood over it, in which the prompter sits when opera is
given. In this instance it was not occupied, and I was given the position
in the prompter's seat, and saw the whole ballet at close range.
</p>
<p>
"The city of Paris gave me a dinner at the new Hotel de Ville, which was
also lighted with the Edison system. They had a very fine installation of
machinery. As I could not understand or speak a word of French, I went to
see our minister, Mr. Whitelaw Reid, and got him to send a deputy to
answer for me, which he did, with my grateful thanks. Then the telephone
company gave me a dinner, and the engineers of France; and I attended the
dinner celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the discovery of
photography. Then they sent to Reid my decoration, and they tried to put a
sash on me, but I could not stand for that. My wife had me wear the little
red button, but when I saw Americans coming I would slip it out of my
lapel, as I thought they would jolly me for wearing it."
</p>
<p>
Nor was this all. Edison naturally met many of the celebrities of France:
"I visited the Eiffel Tower at the invitation of Eiffel. We went to the
top, where there was an extension and a small place in which was Eiffel's
private office. In this was a piano. When my wife and I arrived at the
top, we found that Gounod, the composer, was there. We stayed a couple of
hours, and Gounod sang and played for us. We spent a day at Meudon, an old
palace given by the government to Jansen, the astronomer. He occupied
three rooms, and there were 300. He had the grand dining-room for his
laboratory. He showed me a gyroscope he had got up which made the
incredible number of 4000 revolutions in a second. A modification of this
was afterward used on the French Atlantic lines for making an artificial
horizon to take observations for position at sea. In connection with this
a gentleman came to me a number of years afterward, and I got out a part
of some plans for him. He wanted to make a gigantic gyroscope weighing
several tons, to be run by an electric motor and put on a sailing ship. He
wanted this gyroscope to keep a platform perfectly horizontal, no matter
how rough the sea was. Upon this platform he was going to mount a
telescope to observe an eclipse off the Gold Coast of Africa. But for some
reason it was never completed.
</p>
<p>
"Pasteur invited me to come down to the Institute, and I went and had
quite a chat with him. I saw a large number of persons being inoculated,
and also the whole modus operandi, which was very interesting. I saw one
beautiful boy about ten, the son of an English lord. His father was with
him. He had been bitten in the face, and was taking the treatment. I said
to Pasteur, 'Will he live?' 'No,' said he, 'the boy will be dead in six
days. He was bitten too near the top of the spinal column, and came too
late!'"
</p>
<p>
Edison has no opinion to offer as an expert on art, but has his own
standard of taste: "Of course I visited the Louvre and saw the Old
Masters, which I could not enjoy. And I attended the Luxembourg, with
modern masters, which I enjoyed greatly. To my mind, the Old Masters are
not art, and I suspect that many others are of the same opinion; and that
their value is in their scarcity and in the variety of men with lots of
money." Somewhat akin to this is a shrewd comment on one feature of the
Exposition: "I spent several days in the Exposition at Paris. I remember
going to the exhibit of the Kimberley diamond mines, and they kindly
permitted me to take diamonds from some of the blue earth which they were
washing by machinery to exhibit the mine operations. I found several
beautiful diamonds, but they seemed a little light weight to me when I was
picking them out. They were diamonds for exhibition purposes —probably
glass."
</p>
<p>
This did not altogether complete the European trip of 1889, for Edison
wished to see Helmholtz. "After leaving Paris we went to Berlin. The
French papers then came out and attacked me because I went to Germany; and
said I was now going over to the enemy. I visited all the things of
interest in Berlin; and then on my way home I went with Helmholtz and
Siemens in a private compartment to the meeting of the German Association
of Science at Heidelberg, and spent two days there. When I started from
Berlin on the trip, I began to tell American stories. Siemens was very
fond of these stories and would laugh immensely at them, and could see the
points and the humor, by his imagination; but Helmholtz could not see one
of them. Siemens would quickly, in German, explain the point, but
Helmholtz could not see it, although he understood English, which Siemens
could speak. Still the explanations were made in German. I always wished I
could have understood Siemens's explanations of the points of those
stories. At Heidelberg, my assistant, Mr. Wangemann, an accomplished
German-American, showed the phonograph before the Association."
</p>
<p>
Then came the trip from the Continent to England, of which this will
certainly pass as a graphic picture: "When I crossed over to England I had
heard a good deal about the terrors of the English Channel as regards
seasickness. I had been over the ocean three times and did not know what
seasickness was, so far as I was concerned myself. I was told that while a
man might not get seasick on the ocean, if he met a good storm on the
Channel it would do for him. When we arrived at Calais to cross over,
everybody made for the restaurant. I did not care about eating, and did
not go to the restaurant, but my family did. I walked out and tried to
find the boat. Going along the dock I saw two small smokestacks sticking
up, and looking down saw a little boat. 'Where is the steamer that goes
across the Channel?' 'This is the boat.' There had been a storm in the
North Sea that had carried away some of the boats on the German steamer,
and it certainly looked awful tough outside. I said to the man: 'Will that
boat live in that sea?' 'Oh yes,' he said, 'but we've had a bad storm.' So
I made up my mind that perhaps I would get sick this time. The managing
director of the English railroad owning this line was Forbes, who heard I
was coming over, and placed the private saloon at my disposal. The moment
my family got in the room with the French lady's maid and the rest, they
commenced to get sick, so I felt pretty sure I was in for it. We started
out of the little inlet and got into the Channel, and that boat went in
seventeen directions simultaneously. I waited awhile to see what was going
to occur, and then went into the smoking-compartment. Nobody was there.
By-and-by the fun began. Sounds of all kinds and varieties were heard in
every direction. They were all sick. There must have been 100 people
aboard. I didn't see a single exception except the waiters and myself. I
asked one of the waiters concerning the boat itself, and was taken to see
the engineer, and went down to look at the engines, and saw the captain.
But I kept mostly in the smoking-room. I was smoking a big cigar, and when
a man looked in I would give a big puff, and every time they saw that they
would go away and begin again. The English Channel is a holy terror, all
right, but it didn't affect me. I must be out of balance."
</p>
<p>
While in Paris, Edison had met Sir John Pender, the English "cable king,"
and had received an invitation from him to make a visit to his country
residence: "Sir John Pender, the master of the cable system of the world
at that time, I met in Paris. I think he must have lived among a lot of
people who were very solemn, because I went out riding with him in the
Bois de Boulogne and started in to tell him American stories. Although he
was a Scotchman he laughed immoderately. He had the faculty of
understanding and quickly seeing the point of the stories; and for three
days after I could not get rid of him. Finally I made him a promise that I
would go to his country house at Foot's Cray, near London. So I went
there, and spent two or three days telling him stories.
</p>
<p>
"While at Foot's Cray, I met some of the backers of Ferranti, then putting
up a gigantic alternating-current dynamo near London to send ten or
fifteen thousand volts up into the main district of the city for electric
lighting. I think Pender was interested. At any rate the people invited to
dinner were very much interested, and they questioned me as to what I
thought of the proposition. I said I hadn't any thought about it, and
could not give any opinion until I saw it. So I was taken up to London to
see the dynamo in course of construction and the methods employed; and
they insisted I should give them some expression of my views. While I gave
them my opinion, it was reluctantly; I did not want to do so. I thought
that commercially the thing was too ambitious, that Ferranti's ideas were
too big, just then; that he ought to have started a little smaller until
he was sure. I understand that this installation was not commercially
successful, as there were a great many troubles. But Ferranti had good
ideas, and he was no small man."
</p>
<p>
Incidentally it may be noted here that during the same year (1889) the
various manufacturing Edison lighting interests in America were brought
together, under the leadership of Mr. Henry Villard, and consolidated in
the Edison General Electric Company with a capital of no less than
$12,000,000 on an eight-per-cent.-dividend basis. The numerous Edison
central stations all over the country represented much more than that sum,
and made a splendid outlet for the product of the factories. A few years
later came the consolidation with the Thomson-Houston interests in the
General Electric Company, which under the brilliant and vigorous
management of President C. A. Coffin has become one of the greatest
manufacturing institutions of the country, with an output of apparatus
reaching toward $75,000,000 annually. The net result of both financial
operations was, however, to detach Edison from the special field of
invention to which he had given so many of his most fruitful years; and to
close very definitely that chapter of his life, leaving him free to
develop other ideas and interests as set forth in these volumes.
</p>
<p>
It might appear strange on the surface, but one of the reasons that most
influenced Edison to regrets in connection with the "big trade" of 1889
was that it separated him from his old friend and ally, Bergmann, who, on
selling out, saw a great future for himself in Germany, went there, and
realized it. Edison has always had an amused admiration for Bergmann, and
his "social side" is often made evident by his love of telling stories
about those days of struggle. Some of the stories were told for this
volume. "Bergmann came to work for me as a boy," says Edison. "He started
in on stock-quotation printers. As he was a rapid workman and paid no
attention to the clock, I took a fancy to him, and gave him piece-work. He
contrived so many little tools to cheapen the work that he made lots of
money. I even helped him get up tools until it occurred to me that this
was too rapid a process of getting rid of my money, as I hadn't the heart
to cut the price when it was originally fair. After a year or so, Bergmann
got enough money to start a small shop in Wooster Street, New York, and it
was at this shop that the first phonographs were made for sale. Then came
the carbon telephone transmitter, a large number of which were made by
Bergmann for the Western Union. Finally came the electric light. A dynamo
was installed in Bergmann's shop to permit him to test the various small
devices which he was then making for the system. He rented power from a
Jew who owned the building. Power was supplied from a fifty-horse-power
engine to other tenants on the several floors. Soon after the introduction
of the big dynamo machine, the landlord appeared in the shop and insisted
that Bergmann was using more power than he was paying for, and said that
lately the belt on the engine was slipping and squealing. Bergmann
maintained that he must be mistaken. The landlord kept going among his
tenants and finally discovered the dynamo. 'Oh! Mr. Bergmann, now I know
where my power goes to,' pointing to the dynamo. Bergmann gave him a
withering look of scorn, and said, 'Come here and I will show you.'
Throwing off the belt and disconnecting the wires, he spun the armature
around by hand. 'There,' said Bergmann, 'you see it's not here that you
must look for your loss.' This satisfied the landlord, and he started off
to his other tenants. He did not know that that machine, when the wires
were connected, could stop his engine.
</p>
<p>
"Soon after, the business had grown so large that E. H. Johnson and I went
in as partners, and Bergmann rented an immense factory building at the
corner of Avenue B and East Seventeenth Street, New York, six stories high
and covering a quarter of a block. Here were made all the small things
used on the electric-lighting system, such as sockets, chandeliers,
switches, meters, etc. In addition, stock tickers, telephones, telephone
switchboards, and typewriters were made the Hammond typewriters were
perfected and made there. Over 1500 men were finally employed. This shop
was very successful both scientifically and financially. Bergmann was a
man of great executive ability and carried economy of manufacture to the
limit. Among all the men I have had associated with me, he had the
commercial instinct most highly developed."
</p>
<p>
One need not wonder at Edison's reminiscent remark that, "In any trade any
of my 'boys' made with Bergmann he always got the best of them, no matter
what it was. One time there was to be a convention of the managers of
Edison illuminating companies at Chicago. There were a lot of
representatives from the East, and a private car was hired. At Jersey City
a poker game was started by one of the delegates. Bergmann was induced to
enter the game. This was played right through to Chicago without any
sleep, but the boys didn't mind that. I had gotten them immune to it.
Bergmann had won all the money, and when the porter came in and said
'Chicago,' Bergmann jumped up and said: 'What! Chicago! I thought it was
only Philadelphia!'"
</p>
<p>
But perhaps this further story is a better indication of developed humor
and shrewdness: "A man by the name of Epstein had been in the habit of
buying brass chips and trimmings from the lathes, and in some way Bergmann
found out that he had been cheated. This hurt his pride, and he determined
to get even. One day Epstein appeared and said: 'Good-morning, Mr.
Bergmann, have you any chips to-day?' 'No,' said Bergmann, 'I have none.'
'That's strange, Mr. Bergmann; won't you look?' No, he wouldn't look; he
knew he had none. Finally Epstein was so persistent that Bergmann called
an assistant and told him to go and see if he had any chips. He returned
and said they had the largest and finest lot they ever had. Epstein went
up to several boxes piled full of chips, and so heavy that he could not
lift even one end of a box. 'Now, Mr. Bergmann,' said Epstein, 'how much
for the lot?' 'Epstein,' said Bergmann, 'you have cheated me, and I will
no longer sell by the lot, but will sell only by the pound.' No amount of
argument would apparently change Bergmann's determination to sell by the
pound, but finally Epstein got up to $250 for the lot, and Bergmann,
appearing as if disgusted, accepted and made him count out the money. Then
he said: 'Well, Epstein, good-bye, I've got to go down to Wall Street.'
Epstein and his assistant then attempted to lift the boxes to carry them
out, but couldn't; and then discovered that calculations as to quantity
had been thrown out because the boxes had all been screwed down to the
floor and mostly filled with boards with a veneer of brass chips. He made
such a scene that he had to be removed by the police. I met him several
days afterward and he said he had forgiven Mr. Bergmann, as he was such a
smart business man, and the scheme was so ingenious.
</p>
<p>
"One day as a joke I filled three or four sheets of foolscap paper with a
jumble of figures and told Bergmann they were calculations showing the
great loss of power from blowing the factory whistle. Bergmann thought it
real, and never after that would he permit the whistle to blow."
</p>
<p>
Another glimpse of the "social side" is afforded in the following little
series of pen-pictures of the same place and time: "I had my laboratory at
the top of the Bergmann works, after moving from Menlo Park. The building
was six stories high. My father came there when he was eighty years of
age. The old man had powerful lungs. In fact, when I was examined by the
Mutual Life Insurance Company, in 1873, my lung expansion was taken by the
doctor, and the old gentleman was there at the time. He said to the
doctor: 'I wish you would take my lung expansion, too.' The doctor took
it, and his surprise was very great, as it was one of the largest on
record. I think it was five and one-half inches. There were only three or
four could beat it. Little Bergmann hadn't much lung power. The old man
said to him, one day: 'Let's run up-stairs.' Bergmann agreed and ran up.
When they got there Bergmann was all done up, but my father never showed a
sign of it. There was an elevator there, and each day while it was
travelling up I held the stem of my Waterbury watch up against the column
in the elevator shaft and it finished the winding by the time I got up the
six stories." This original method of reducing the amount of physical
labor involved in watch-winding brings to mind another instance of
shrewdness mentioned by Edison, with regard to his newsboy days. Being
asked whether he did not get imposed upon with bad bank-bills, he replied
that he subscribed to a bank-note detector and consulted it closely
whenever a note of any size fell into his hands. He was then less than
fourteen years old.
</p>
<p>
The conversations with Edison that elicited these stories brought out some
details as to peril that attends experimentation. He has confronted many a
serious physical risk, and counts himself lucky to have come through
without a scratch or scar. Four instances of personal danger may be noted
in his own language: "When I started at Menlo, I had an electric furnace
for welding rare metals that I did not know about very clearly. I was in
the dark-room, where I had a lot of chloride of sulphur, a very corrosive
liquid. I did not know that it would decompose by water. I poured in a
beakerful of water, and the whole thing exploded and threw a lot of it
into my eyes. I ran to the hydrant, leaned over backward, opened my eyes,
and ran the hydrant water right into them. But it was two weeks before I
could see.
</p>
<p>
"The next time we just saved ourselves. I was making some stuff to squirt
into filaments for the incandescent lamp. I made about a pound of it. I
had used ammonia and bromine. I did not know it at the time, but I had
made bromide of nitrogen. I put the large bulk of it in three filters, and
after it had been washed and all the water had come through the filter, I
opened the three filters and laid them on a hot steam plate to dry with
the stuff. While I and Mr. Sadler, one of my assistants, were working near
it, there was a sudden flash of light, and a very smart explosion. I said
to Sadler: 'What is that?' 'I don't know,' he said, and we paid no
attention. In about half a minute there was a sharp concussion, and Sadler
said: 'See, it is that stuff on the steam plate.' I grabbed the whole
thing and threw it in the sink, and poured water on it. I saved a little
of it and found it was a terrific explosive. The reason why those little
preliminary explosions took place was that a little had spattered out on
the edge of the filter paper, and had dried first and exploded. Had the
main body exploded there would have been nothing left of the laboratory I
was working in.
</p>
<p>
"At another time, I had a briquetting machine for briquetting iron ore. I
had a lever held down by a powerful spring, and a rod one inch in diameter
and four feet long. While I was experimenting with it, and standing beside
it, a washer broke, and that spring threw the rod right up to the ceiling
with a blast; and it came down again just within an inch of my nose, and
went clear through a two-inch plank. That was 'within an inch of your
life,' as they say.
</p>
<p>
"In my experimental plant for concentrating iron ore in the northern part
of New Jersey, we had a vertical drier, a column about nine feet square
and eighty feet high. At the bottom there was a space where two men could
go through a hole; and then all the rest of the column was filled with
baffle plates. One day this drier got blocked, and the ore would not run
down. So I and the vice-president of the company, Mr. Mallory, crowded
through the manhole to see why the ore would not come down. After we got
in, the ore did come down and there were fourteen tons of it above us. The
men outside knew we were in there, and they had a great time digging us
out and getting air to us."
</p>
<p>
Such incidents brought out in narration the fact that many of the men
working with him had been less fortunate, particularly those who had
experimented with the Roentgen X-ray, whose ravages, like those of
leprosy, were responsible for the mutilation and death of at least one
expert assistant. In the early days of work on the incandescent lamp,
also, there was considerable trouble with mercury. "I had a series of
vacuum-pumps worked by mercury and used for exhausting experimental
incandescent lamps. The main pipe, which was full of mercury, was about
seven and one-half feet from the floor. Along the length of the pipe were
outlets to which thick rubber tubing was connected, each tube to a pump.
One day, while experimenting with the mercury pump, my assistant, an
awkward country lad from a farm on Staten Island, who had adenoids in his
nose and breathed through his mouth, which was always wide open, was
looking up at this pipe, at a small leak of mercury, when the rubber tube
came off and probably two pounds of mercury went into his mouth and down
his throat, and got through his system somehow. In a short time he became
salivated, and his teeth got loose. He went home, and shortly his mother
appeared at the laboratory with a horsewhip, which she proposed to use on
the proprietor. I was fortunately absent, and she was mollified somehow by
my other assistants. I had given the boy considerable iodide of potassium
to prevent salivation, but it did no good in this case.
</p>
<p>
"When the first lamp-works were started at Menlo Park, one of my
experiments seemed to show that hot mercury gave a better vacuum in the
lamp than cold mercury. I thereupon started to heat it. Soon all the men
got salivated, and things looked serious; but I found that in the mirror
factories, where mercury was used extensively, the French Government made
the giving of iodide of potassium compulsory to prevent salivation. I
carried out this idea, and made every man take a dose every day, but there
was great opposition, and hot mercury was finally abandoned."
</p>
<p>
It will have been gathered that Edison has owed his special immunity from
"occupational diseases" not only to luck but to unusual powers of
endurance, and a strong physique, inherited, no doubt, from his father.
Mr. Mallory mentions a little fact that bears on this exceptional quality
of bodily powers. "I have often been surprised at Edison's wonderful
capacity for the instant visual perception of differences in materials
that were invisible to others until he would patiently point them out.
This had puzzled me for years, but one day I was unexpectedly let into
part of the secret. For some little time past Mr. Edison had noticed that
he was bothered somewhat in reading print, and I asked him to have an
oculist give him reading-glasses. He partially promised, but never took
time to attend to it. One day he and I were in the city, and as Mrs.
Edison had spoken to me about it, and as we happened to have an hour to
spare, I persuaded him to go to an oculist with me. Using no names, I
asked the latter to examine the gentleman's eyes. He did so very
conscientiously, and it was an interesting experience, for he was kept
busy answering Mr. Edison's numerous questions. When the oculist finished,
he turned to me and said: 'I have been many years in the business, but
have never seen an optic nerve like that of this gentleman. An ordinary
optic nerve is about the thickness of a thread, but his is like a cord. He
must be a remarkable man in some walk of life. Who is he?'"
</p>
<p>
It has certainly required great bodily vigor and physical capacity to
sustain such fatigue as Edison has all his life imposed upon himself, to
the extent on one occasion of going five days without sleep. In a
conversation during 1909, he remarked, as though it were nothing out of
the way, that up to seven years previously his average of daily working
hours was nineteen and one-half, but that since then he figured it at
eighteen. He said he stood it easily, because he was interested in
everything, and was reading and studying all the time. For instance, he
had gone to bed the night before exactly at twelve and had arisen at 4.30
A. M. to read some New York law reports. It was suggested that the secret
of it might be that he did not live in the past, but was always looking
forward to a greater future, to which he replied: "Yes, that's it. I don't
live with the past; I am living for to-day and to-morrow. I am interested
in every department of science, arts, and manufacture. I read all the time
on astronomy, chemistry, biology, physics, music, metaphysics, mechanics,
and other branches—political economy, electricity, and, in fact, all
things that are making for progress in the world. I get all the
proceedings of the scientific societies, the principal scientific and
trade journals, and read them. I also read The Clipper, The Police
Gazette, The Billboard, The Dramatic Mirror, and a lot of similar
publications, for I like to know what is going on. In this way I keep up
to date, and live in a great moving world of my own, and, what's more, I
enjoy every minute of it." Referring to some event of the past, he said:
"Spilt milk doesn't interest me. I have spilt lots of it, and while I have
always felt it for a few days, it is quickly forgotten, and I turn again
to the future." During another talk on kindred affairs it was suggested to
Edison that, as he had worked so hard all his life, it was about time for
him to think somewhat of the pleasures of travel and the social side of
life. To which he replied laughingly: "I already have a schedule worked
out. From now until I am seventy-five years of age, I expect to keep more
or less busy with my regular work, not, however, working as many hours or
as hard as I have in the past. At seventy five I expect to wear loud
waistcoats with fancy buttons; also gaiter tops; at eighty I expect to
learn how to play bridge whist and talk foolishly to the ladies. At
eighty-five I expect to wear a full-dress suit every evening at dinner,
and at ninety—well, I never plan more than thirty years ahead."
</p>
<p>
The reference to clothes is interesting, as it is one of the few subjects
in which Edison has no interest. It rather bores him. His dress is always
of the plainest; in fact, so plain that, at the Bergmann shops in New
York, the children attending a parochial Catholic school were wont to
salute him with the finger to the head, every time he went by. Upon
inquiring, he found that they took him for a priest, with his dark garb,
smooth-shaven face, and serious expression. Edison says: "I get a suit
that fits me; then I compel the tailors to use that as a jig or pattern or
blue-print to make others by. For many years a suit was used as a
measurement; once or twice they took fresh measurements, but these didn't
fit and they had to go back. I eat to keep my weight constant, hence I
need never change measurements." In regard to this, Mr. Mallory furnishes
a bit of chat as follows: "In a lawsuit in which I was a witness, I went
out to lunch with the lawyers on both sides, and the lawyer who had been
cross-examining me stated that he had for a client a Fifth Avenue tailor,
who had told him that he had made all of Mr. Edison's clothes for the last
twenty years, and that he had never seen him. He said that some twenty
years ago a suit was sent to him from Orange, and measurements were made
from it, and that every suit since had been made from these measurements.
I may add, from my own personal observation, that in Mr. Edison's clothes
there is no evidence but that every new suit that he has worn in that time
looks as if he had been specially measured for it, which shows how very
little he has changed physically in the last twenty years."
</p>
<p>
Edison has never had any taste for amusements, although he will indulge in
the game of "Parchesi" and has a billiard-table in his house. The coming
of the automobile was a great boon to him, because it gave him a form of
outdoor sport in which he could indulge in a spirit of observation,
without the guilty feeling that he was wasting valuable time. In his
automobile he has made long tours, and with his family has particularly
indulged his taste for botany. That he has had the usual experience in
running machines will be evidenced by the following little story from Mr.
Mallory: "About three years ago I had a motor-car of a make of which Mr.
Edison had already two cars; and when the car was received I made inquiry
as to whether any repair parts were carried by any of the various garages
in Easton, Pennsylvania, near our cement works. I learned that this
particular car was the only one in Easton. Knowing that Mr. Edison had had
an experience lasting two or three years with this particular make of car,
I determined to ask him for information relative to repair parts; so the
next time I was at the laboratory I told him I was unable to get any
repair parts in Easton, and that I wished to order some of the most
necessary, so that, in case of breakdowns, I would not be compelled to
lose the use of the car for several days until the parts came from the
automobile factory. I asked his advice as to what I should order, to which
he replied: 'I don't think it will be necessary to order an extra top.'"
Since that episode, which will probably be appreciated by most
automobilists, Edison has taken up the electric automobile, and is now
using it as well as developing it. One of the cars equipped with his
battery is the Bailey, and Mr. Bee tells the following story in regard to
it: "One day Colonel Bailey, of Amesbury, Massachusetts, who was visiting
the Automobile Show in New York, came out to the laboratory to see Mr.
Edison, as the latter had expressed a desire to talk with him on his next
visit to the metropolis. When he arrived at the laboratory, Mr. Edison,
who had been up all night experimenting, was asleep on the cot in the
library. As a rule we never wake Mr. Edison from sleep, but as he wanted
to see Colonel Bailey, who had to go, I felt that an exception should be
made, so I went and tapped him on the shoulder. He awoke at once, smiling,
jumped up, was instantly himself as usual, and advanced and greeted the
visitor. His very first question was: 'Well, Colonel, how did you come out
on that experiment?'—referring to some suggestions he had made at
their last meeting a year before. For a minute Colonel Bailey did not
recall what was referred to; but a few words from Mr. Edison brought it
back to his remembrance, and he reported that the results had justified
Mr. Edison's expectations."
</p>
<p>
It might be expected that Edison would have extreme and even radical ideas
on the subject of education—and he has, as well as a perfect
readiness to express them, because he considers that time is wasted on
things that are not essential: "What we need," he has said, "are men
capable of doing work. I wouldn't give a penny for the ordinary college
graduate, except those from the institutes of technology. Those coming up
from the ranks are a darned sight better than the others. They aren't
filled up with Latin, philosophy, and the rest of that ninny stuff." A
further remark of his is: "What the country needs now is the practical
skilled engineer, who is capable of doing everything. In three or four
centuries, when the country is settled, and commercialism is diminished,
there will be time for the literary men. At present we want engineers,
industrial men, good business-like managers, and railroad men." It is
hardly to be marvelled at that such views should elicit warm protest,
summed up in the comment: "Mr. Edison and many like him see in reverse the
course of human progress. Invention does not smooth the way for the
practical men and make them possible. There is always too much danger of
neglecting thoughts for things, ideas for machinery. No theory of
education that aggravates this danger is consistent with national
well-being."
</p>
<p>
Edison is slow to discuss the great mysteries of life, but is of
reverential attitude of mind, and ever tolerant of others' beliefs. He is
not a religious man in the sense of turning to forms and creeds, but, as
might be expected, is inclined as an inventor and creator to argue from
the basis of "design" and thence to infer a designer. "After years of
watching the processes of nature," he says, "I can no more doubt the
existence of an Intelligence that is running things than I do of the
existence of myself. Take, for example, the substance water that forms the
crystals known as ice. Now, there are hundreds of combinations that form
crystals, and every one of them, save ice, sinks in water. Ice, I say,
doesn't, and it is rather lucky for us mortals, for if it had done so, we
would all be dead. Why? Simply because if ice sank to the bottoms of
rivers, lakes, and oceans as fast as it froze, those places would be
frozen up and there would be no water left. That is only one example out
of thousands that to me prove beyond the possibility of a doubt that some
vast Intelligence is governing this and other planets."
</p>
<p>
A few words as to the domestic and personal side of Edison's life, to
which many incidental references have already been made in these pages. He
was married in 1873 to Miss Mary Stillwell, who died in 1884, leaving
three children—Thomas Alva, William Leslie, and Marion Estelle.
</p>
<p>
Mr. Edison was married again in 1886 to Miss Mina Miller, daughter of Mr.
Lewis Miller, a distinguished pioneer inventor and manufacturer in the
field of agricultural machinery, and equally entitled to fame as the
father of the "Chautauqua idea," and the founder with Bishop Vincent of
the original Chautauqua, which now has so many replicas all over the
country, and which started in motion one of the great modern educational
and moral forces in America. By this marriage there are three children—Charles,
Madeline, and Theodore.
</p>
<p>
For over a score of years, dating from his marriage to Miss Miller,
Edison's happy and perfect domestic life has been spent at Glenmont, a
beautiful property acquired at that time in Llewellyn Park, on the higher
slopes of Orange Mountain, New Jersey, within easy walking distance of the
laboratory at the foot of the hill in West Orange. As noted already, the
latter part of each winter is spent at Fort Myers, Florida, where Edison
has, on the banks of the Calahoutchie River, a plantation home that is in
many ways a miniature copy of the home and laboratory up North. Glenmont
is a rather elaborate and florid building in Queen Anne English style, of
brick, stone, and wooden beams showing on the exterior, with an abundance
of gables and balconies. It is set in an environment of woods and sweeps
of lawn, flanked by unusually large conservatories, and always bright in
summer with glowing flower beds. It would be difficult to imagine Edison
in a stiffly formal house, and this big, cozy, three-story, rambling
mansion has an easy freedom about it, without and within, quite in keeping
with the genius of the inventor, but revealing at every turn traces of
feminine taste and culture. The ground floor, consisting chiefly of broad
drawing-rooms, parlors, and dining-hall, is chiefly noteworthy for the
"den," or lounging-room, at the end of the main axis, where the family and
friends are likely to be found in the evening hours, unless the party has
withdrawn for more intimate social intercourse to the interesting and
fascinating private library on the floor above. The lounging-room on the
ground floor is more or less of an Edison museum, for it is littered with
souvenirs from great people, and with mementos of travel, all related to
some event or episode. A large cabinet contains awards, decorations, and
medals presented to Edison, accumulating in the course of a long career,
some of which may be seen in the illustration opposite. Near by may be
noticed a bronze replica of the Edison gold medal which was founded in the
American Institute of Electrical Engineers, the first award of which was
made to Elihu Thomson during the present year (1910). There are statues of
serpentine marble, gifts of the late Tsar of Russia, whose admiration is
also represented by a gorgeous inlaid and enamelled cigar-case.
</p>
<p>
There are typical bronze vases from the Society of Engineers of Japan, and
a striking desk-set of writing apparatus from Krupp, all the pieces being
made out of tiny but massive guns and shells of Krupp steel. In addition
to such bric-a-brac and bibelots of all kinds are many pictures and
photographs, including the original sketches of the reception given to
Edison in 1889 by the Paris Figaro, and a letter from Madame Carnot,
placing the Presidential opera-box at the disposal of Mr. and Mrs. Edison.
One of the most conspicuous features of the room is a phonograph equipment
on which the latest and best productions by the greatest singers and
musicians can always be heard, but which Edison himself is everlastingly
experimenting with, under the incurable delusion that this domestic
retreat is but an extension of his laboratory.
</p>
<p>
The big library—semi-boudoir—up-stairs is also very expressive
of the home life of Edison, but again typical of his nature and
disposition, for it is difficult to overlay his many technical books and
scientific periodicals with a sufficiently thick crust of popular
magazines or current literature to prevent their outcropping into
evidence. In like manner the chat and conversation here, however lightly
it may begin, turns invariably to large questions and deep problems,
especially in the fields of discovery and invention; and Edison, in an
easy-chair, will sit through the long evenings till one or two in the
morning, pulling meditatively at his eyebrows, quoting something he has
just read pertinent to the discussion, hearing and telling new stories
with gusto, offering all kinds of ingenious suggestions, and without fail
getting hold of pads and sheets of paper on which to make illustrative
sketches. He is wonderfully handy with the pencil, and will sometimes
amuse himself, while chatting, with making all kinds of fancy bits of
penmanship, twisting his signature into circles and squares, but always
writing straight lines—so straight they could not be ruled truer.
Many a night it is a question of getting Edison to bed, for he would much
rather probe a problem than eat or sleep; but at whatever hour the visitor
retires or gets up, he is sure to find the master of the house on hand,
serene and reposeful, and just as brisk at dawn as when he allowed the
conversation to break up at midnight. The ordinary routine of daily family
life is of course often interrupted by receptions and parties, visits to
the billiard-room, the entertainment of visitors, the departure to and
return from college, at vacation periods, of the young people, and matters
relating to the many social and philanthropic causes in which Mrs. Edison
is actively interested; but, as a matter of fact, Edison's round of toil
and relaxation is singularly uniform and free from agitation, and that is
the way he would rather have it.
</p>
<p>
Edison at sixty-three has a fine physique, and being free from serious
ailments of any kind, should carry on the traditions of his long-lived
ancestors as to a vigorous old age. His hair has whitened, but is still
thick and abundant, and though he uses glasses for certain work, his
gray-blue eyes are as keen and bright and deeply lustrous as ever, with
the direct, searching look in them that they have ever worn. He stands
five feet nine and one-half inches high, weighs one hundred and
seventy-five pounds, and has not varied as to weight in a quarter of a
century, although as a young man he was slim to gauntness. He is very
abstemious, hardly ever touching alcohol, caring little for meat, but fond
of fruit, and never averse to a strong cup of coffee or a good cigar. He
takes extremely little exercise, although his good color and quickness of
step would suggest to those who do not know better that he is in the best
of training, and one who lives in the open air.
</p>
<p>
His simplicity as to clothes has already been described. One would be
startled to see him with a bright tie, a loud checked suit, or a fancy
waistcoat, and yet there is a curious sense of fastidiousness about the
plain things he delights in. Perhaps he is not wholly responsible
personally for this state of affairs. In conversation Edison is direct,
courteous, ready to discuss a topic with anybody worth talking to, and, in
spite of his sore deafness, an excellent listener. No one ever goes away
from Edison in doubt as to what he thinks or means, but he is ever shy and
diffident to a degree if the talk turns on himself rather than on his
work.
</p>
<p>
If the authors were asked, after having written the foregoing pages, to
explain here the reason for Edison's success, based upon their
observations so far made, they would first answer that he combines with a
vigorous and normal physical structure a mind capable of clear and logical
thinking, and an imagination of unusual activity. But this would by no
means offer a complete explanation. There are many men of equal bodily and
mental vigor who have not achieved a tithe of his accomplishment. What
other factors are there to be taken into consideration to explain this
phenomenon? First, a stolid, almost phlegmatic, nervous system which takes
absolutely no notice of ennui—a system like that of a Chinese
ivory-carver who works day after day and month after month on a piece of
material no larger than your hand. No better illustration of this
characteristic can be found than in the development of the nickel pocket
for the storage battery, an element the size of a short lead-pencil, on
which upward of five years were spent in experiments, costing over a
million dollars, day after day, always apparently with the same tubes but
with small variations carefully tabulated in the note-books. To an
ordinary person the mere sight of such a tube would have been as
distasteful, certainly after a week or so, as the smell of a quail to a
man striving to eat one every day for a month, near the end of his
gastronomic ordeal. But to Edison these small perforated steel tubes held
out as much of a fascination at the end of five years as when the search
was first begun, and every morning found him as eager to begin the
investigation anew as if the battery was an absolutely novel problem to
which his thoughts had just been directed.
</p>
<p>
Another and second characteristic of Edison's personality contributing so
strongly to his achievements is an intense, not to say courageous,
optimism in which no thought of failure can enter, an optimism born of
self-confidence, and becoming—after forty or fifty years of
experience more and more a sense of certainty in the accomplishment of
success. In the overcoming of difficulties he has the same intellectual
pleasure as the chess-master when confronted with a problem requiring all
the efforts of his skill and experience to solve. To advance along smooth
and pleasant paths, to encounter no obstacles, to wrestle with no
difficulties and hardships—such has absolutely no fascination to
him. He meets obstruction with the keen delight of a strong man battling
with the waves and opposing them in sheer enjoyment, and the greater and
more apparently overwhelming the forces that may tend to sweep him back,
the more vigorous his own efforts to forge through them. At the conclusion
of the ore-milling experiments, when practically his entire fortune was
sunk in an enterprise that had to be considered an impossibility, when at
the age of fifty he looked back upon five or six years of intense activity
expended apparently for naught, when everything seemed most black and the
financial clouds were quickly gathering on the horizon, not the slightest
idea of repining entered his mind. The main experiment had succeeded—he
had accomplished what he sought for. Nature at another point had
outstripped him, yet he had broadened his own sum of knowledge to a
prodigious extent. It was only during the past summer (1910) that one of
the writers spent a Sunday with him riding over the beautiful New Jersey
roads in an automobile, Edison in the highest spirits and pointing out
with the keenest enjoyment the many beautiful views of valley and wood.
The wanderings led to the old ore-milling plant at Edison, now practically
a mass of deserted buildings all going to decay. It was a depressing
sight, marking such titanic but futile struggles with nature. To Edison,
however, no trace of sentiment or regret occurred, and the whole ruins
were apparently as much a matter of unconcern as if he were viewing the
remains of Pompeii. Sitting on the porch of the White House, where he
lived during that period, in the light of the setting sun, his fine face
in repose, he looked as placidly over the scene as a happy farmer over a
field of ripening corn. All that he said was: "I never felt better in my
life than during the five years I worked here. Hard work, nothing to
divert my thought, clear air and simple food made my life very pleasant.
We learned a great deal. It will be of benefit to some one some time."
Similarly, in connection with the storage battery, after having
experimented continuously for three years, it was found to fall below his
expectations, and its manufacture had to be stopped. Hundreds of thousands
of dollars had been spent on the experiments, and, largely without
Edison's consent, the battery had been very generally exploited in the
press. To stop meant not only to pocket a great loss already incurred,
facing a dark and uncertain future, but to most men animated by ordinary
human feelings, it meant more than anything else, an injury to personal
pride. Pride? Pooh! that had nothing to do with the really serious
practical problem, and the writers can testify that at the moment when his
decision was reached, work stopped and the long vista ahead was peered
into, Edison was as little concerned as if he had concluded that, after
all, perhaps peach-pie might be better for present diet than apple-pie. He
has often said that time meant very little to him, that he had but a small
realization of its passage, and that ten or twenty years were as nothing
when considering the development of a vital invention.
</p>
<p>
These references to personal pride recall another characteristic of Edison
wherein he differs from most men. There are many individuals who derive an
intense and not improper pleasure in regalia or military garments, with
plenty of gold braid and brass buttons, and thus arrayed, in appearing
before their friends and neighbors. Putting at the head of the procession
the man who makes his appeal to public attention solely because of the
brilliancy of his plumage, and passing down the ranks through the
multitudes having a gradually decreasing sense of vanity in their personal
accomplishment, Edison would be placed at the very end. Reference herein
has been made to the fact that one of the two great English universities
wished to confer a degree upon him, but that he was unable to leave his
work for the brief time necessary to accept the honor. At that occasion it
was pointed out to him that he should make every possible sacrifice to go,
that the compliment was great, and that but few Americans had been so
recognized. It was hopeless—an appeal based on sentiment. Before him
was something real—work to be accomplished—a problem to be
solved. Beyond, was a prize as intangible as the button of the Legion of
Honor, which he concealed from his friends that they might not feel he was
"showing off." The fact is that Edison cares little for the approval of
the world, but that he cares everything for the approval of himself.
Difficult as it may be—perhaps impossible—to trace its origin,
Edison possesses what he would probably call a well-developed case of New
England conscience, for whose approval he is incessantly occupied.
</p>
<p>
These, then, may be taken as the characteristics of Edison that have
enabled him to accomplish more than most men—a strong body, a clear
and active mind, a developed imagination, a capacity of great mental and
physical concentration, an iron-clad nervous system that knows no ennui,
intense optimism, and courageous self-confidence. Any one having these
capacities developed to the same extent, with the same opportunities for
use, would probably accomplish as much. And yet there is a peculiarity
about him that so far as is known has never been referred to before in
print. He seems to be conscientiously afraid of appearing indolent, and in
consequence subjects himself regularly to unnecessary hardship. Working
all night is seldom necessary, or until two or three o'clock in the
morning, yet even now he persists in such tests upon his strength.
Recently one of the writers had occasion to present to him a long
typewritten document of upward of thirty pages for his approval. It was
taken home to Glenmont. Edison had a few minor corrections to make,
probably not more than a dozen all told. They could have been embodied by
interlineations and marginal notes in the ordinary way, and certainly
would not have required more than ten or fifteen minutes of his time. Yet
what did he do? HE COPIED OUT PAINSTAKINGLY THE ENTIRE PAPER IN LONG HAND,
embodying the corrections as he went along, and presented the result of
his work the following morning. At the very least such a task must have
occupied several hours. How can such a trait—and scores of similar
experiences could be given—be explained except by the fact that,
evidently, he felt the need of special schooling in industry—that
under no circumstances must he allow a thought of indolence to enter his
mind?
</p>
<p>
Undoubtedly in the days to come Edison will not only be recognized as an
intellectual prodigy, but as a prodigy of industry—of hard work. In
his field as inventor and man of science he stands as clear-cut and secure
as the lighthouse on a rock, and as indifferent to the tumult around. But
as the "old man"—and before he was thirty years old he was
affectionately so called by his laboratory associates—he is a
normal, fun-loving, typical American. His sense of humor is intense, but
not of the hothouse, overdeveloped variety. One of his favorite jokes is
to enter the legal department with an air of great humility and apply for
a job as an inventor! Never is he so preoccupied or fretted with cares as
not to drop all thought of his work for a few moments to listen to a new
story, with a ready smile all the while, and a hearty, boyish laugh at the
end. His laugh, in fact, is sometimes almost aboriginal; slapping his
hands delightedly on his knees, he rocks back and forth and fairly shouts
his pleasure. Recently a daily report of one of his companies that had
just been started contained a large order amounting to several thousand
dollars, and was returned by him with a miniature sketch of a small
individual viewing that particular item through a telescope! His facility
in making hasty but intensely graphic sketches is proverbial. He takes
great delight in imitating the lingo of the New York street gamin. A
dignified person named James may be greeted with: "Hully Gee! Chimmy, when
did youse blow in?" He likes to mimic and imitate types, generally, that
are distasteful to him. The sanctimonious hypocrite, the sleek speculator,
and others whom he has probably encountered in life are done "to the
queen's taste."
</p>
<p>
One very cold winter's day he entered the laboratory library in fine
spirits, "doing" the decayed dandy, with imaginary cane under his arm,
struggling to put on a pair of tattered imaginary gloves, with a
self-satisfied smirk and leer that would have done credit to a real
comedian. This particular bit of acting was heightened by the fact that
even in the coldest weather he wears thin summer clothes, generally
acid-worn and more or less disreputable. For protection he varies the
number of his suits of underclothing, sometimes wearing three or four
sets, according to the thermometer.
</p>
<p>
If one could divorce Edison from the idea of work, and could regard him
separate and apart from his embodiment as an inventor and man of science,
it might truly be asserted that his temperament is essentially mercurial.
Often he is in the highest spirits, with all the spontaneity of youth, and
again he is depressed, moody, and violently angry. Anger with him,
however, is a good deal like the story attributed to Napoleon:
</p>
<p>
"Sire, how is it that your judgment is not affected by your great rage?"
asked one of his courtiers.
</p>
<p>
"Because," said the Emperor, "I never allow it to rise above this line,"
drawing his hand across his throat. Edison has been seen sometimes almost
beside himself with anger at a stupid mistake or inexcusable oversight on
the part of an assistant, his voice raised to a high pitch, sneeringly
expressing his feelings of contempt for the offender; and yet when the
culprit, like a bad school-boy, has left the room, Edison has immediately
returned to his normal poise, and the incident is a thing of the past. At
other times the unsettled condition persists, and his spleen is vented not
only on the original instigator but upon others who may have occasion to
see him, sometimes hours afterward. When such a fit is on him the word is
quickly passed around, and but few of his associates find it necessary to
consult with him at the time. The genuine anger can generally be
distinguished from the imitation article by those who know him intimately
by the fact that when really enraged his forehead between the eyes
partakes of a curious rotary movement that cannot be adequately described
in words. It is as if the storm-clouds within are moving like a whirling
cyclone. As a general rule, Edison does not get genuinely angry at
mistakes and other human weaknesses of his subordinates; at best he merely
simulates anger. But woe betide the one who has committed an act of bad
faith, treachery, dishonesty, or ingratitude; THEN Edison can show what it
is for a strong man to get downright mad. But in this respect he is
singularly free, and his spells of anger are really few. In fact, those
who know him best are continually surprised at his moderation and
patience, often when there has been great provocation. People who come in
contact with him and who may have occasion to oppose his views, may leave
with the impression that he is hot-tempered; nothing could be further from
the truth. He argues his point with great vehemence, pounds on the table
to emphasize his views, and illustrates his theme with a wealth of apt
similes; but, on account of his deafness, it is difficult to make the
argument really two-sided. Before the visitor can fully explain his side
of the matter some point is brought up that starts Edison off again, and
new arguments from his viewpoint are poured forth. This constant
interruption is taken by many to mean that Edison has a small opinion of
any arguments that oppose him; but he is only intensely in earnest in
presenting his own side. If the visitor persists until Edison has seen
both sides of the controversy, he is always willing to frankly admit that
his own views may be unsound and that his opponent is right. In fact,
after such a controversy, both parties going after each other hammer and
tongs, the arguments TO HIM being carried on at the very top of one's
voice to enable him to hear, and FROM HIM being equally loud in the
excitement of the discussion, he has often said: "I see now that my
position was absolutely rotten."
</p>
<p>
Obviously, however, all of these personal characteristics have nothing to
do with Edison's position in the world of affairs. They show him to be a
plain, easy-going, placid American, with no sense of self-importance, and
ready at all times to have his mind turned into a lighter channel. In
private life they show him to be a good citizen, a good family man,
absolutely moral, temperate in all things, and of great charitableness to
all mankind. But what of his position in the age in which he lives? Where
does he rank in the mountain range of great Americans?
</p>
<p>
It is believed that from the other chapters of this book the reader can
formulate his own answer to the question.
</p>
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<h2>
INTRODUCTION TO THE APPENDIX
</h2>
<p>
THE reader who has followed the foregoing narrative may feel that inasmuch
as it is intended to be an historical document, an appropriate addendum
thereto would be a digest of all the inventions of Edison. The
desirability of such a digest is not to be denied, but as there are some
twenty-five hundred or more inventions to be considered (including those
covered by caveats), the task of its preparation would be stupendous.
Besides, the resultant data would extend this book into several additional
volumes, thereby rendering it of value chiefly to the technical student,
but taking it beyond the bounds of biography.
</p>
<p>
We should, however, deem our presentation of Mr. Edison's work to be
imperfectly executed if we neglected to include an intelligible exposition
of the broader theoretical principles of his more important inventions. In
the following Appendix we have therefore endeavored to present a few brief
statements regarding Mr. Edison's principal inventions, classified as to
subject-matter and explained in language as free from technicalities as is
possible. No attempt has been made to conform with strictly scientific
terminology, but, for the benefit of the general reader, well-understood
conventional expressions, such as "flow of current," etc., have been
employed. It should be borne in mind that each of the following items has
been treated as a whole or class, generally speaking, and not as a digest
of all the individual patents relating to it. Any one who is sufficiently
interested can obtain copies of any of the patents referred to for five
cents each by addressing the Commissioner of Patents, Washington, D. C.
</p>
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<h2>
APPENDIX
</h2>
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<h2>
I. THE STOCK PRINTER
</h2>
<p>
IN these modern days, when the Stock Ticker is in universal use, one
seldom, if ever, hears the name of Edison coupled with the little
instrument whose chatterings have such tremendous import to the whole
world. It is of much interest, however, to remember the fact that it was
by reason of his notable work in connection with this device that he first
became known as an inventor. Indeed, it was through the intrinsic merits
of his improvements in stock tickers that he made his real entree into
commercial life.
</p>
<p>
The idea of the ticker did not originate with Edison, as we have already
seen in Chapter VII of the preceding narrative, but at the time of his
employment with the Western Union, in Boston, in 1868, the crudities of
the earlier forms made an impression on his practical mind, and he got out
an improved instrument of his own, which he introduced in Boston through
the aid of a professional promoter. Edison, then only twenty-one, had less
business experience than the promoter, through whose manipulation he soon
lost his financial interest in this early ticker enterprise. The narrative
tells of his coming to New York in 1869, and immediately plunging into the
business of gold and stock reporting. It was at this period that his real
work on stock printers commenced, first individually, and later as a
co-worker with F. L. Pope. This inventive period extended over a number of
years, during which time he took out forty-six patents on stock-printing
instruments and devices, two of such patents being issued to Edison and
Pope as joint inventors. These various inventions were mostly in the line
of development of the art as it progressed during those early years, but
out of it all came the Edison universal printer, which entered into very
extensive use, and which is still used throughout the United States and in
some foreign countries to a considerable extent at this very day.
</p>
<p>
Edison's inventive work on stock printers has left its mark upon the art
as it exists at the present time. In his earlier work he directed his
attention to the employment of a single-circuit system, in which only one
wire was required, the two operations of setting the type-wheels and of
printing being controlled by separate electromagnets which were actuated
through polarized relays, as occasion required, one polarity energizing
the electromagnet controlling the type-wheels, and the opposite polarity
energizing the electromagnet controlling the printing. Later on, however,
he changed over to a two-wire circuit, such as shown in Fig. 2 of this
article in connection with the universal stock printer. In the earliest
days of the stock printer, Edison realized the vital commercial importance
of having all instruments recording precisely alike at the same moment,
and it was he who first devised (in 1869) the "unison stop," by means of
which all connected instruments could at any moment be brought to zero
from the central transmitting station, and thus be made to work in
correspondence with the central instrument and with one another. He also
originated the idea of using only one inking-pad and shifting it from side
to side to ink the type-wheels. It was also in Edison's stock printer that
the principle of shifting type-wheels was first employed. Hence it will be
seen that, as in many other arts, he made a lasting impression in this one
by the intrinsic merits of the improvements resulting from his work
therein.
</p>
<p>
We shall not attempt to digest the forty-six patents above named, nor to
follow Edison through the progressive steps which led to the completion of
his universal printer, but shall simply present a sketch of the instrument
itself, and follow with a very brief and general explanation of its
theory. The Edison universal printer, as it virtually appears in practice,
is illustrated in Fig. 1 below, from which it will be seen that the most
prominent parts are the two type-wheels, the inking-pad, and the paper
tape feeding from the reel, all appropriately placed in a substantial
framework.
</p>
<p>
The electromagnets and other actuating mechanism cannot be seen plainly in
this figure, but are produced diagrammatically in Fig. 2, and somewhat
enlarged for convenience of explanation.
</p>
<p>
It will be seen that there are two electromagnets, one of which, TM, is
known as the "type-magnet," and the other, PM, as the "press-magnet," the
former having to do with the operation of the type-wheels, and the latter
with the pressing of the paper tape against them. As will be seen from the
diagram, the armature, A, of the type-magnet has an extension arm, on the
end of which is an escapement engaging with a toothed wheel placed at the
extremity of the shaft carrying the type-wheels. This extension arm is
pivoted at B. Hence, as the armature is alternately attracted when current
passes around its electromagnet, and drawn up by the spring on cessation
of current, it moves up and down, thus actuating the escapement and
causing a rotation of the toothed wheel in the direction of the arrow.
This, in turn, brings any desired letters or figures on the type-wheels to
a central point, where they may be impressed upon the paper tape. One
type-wheel carries letters, and the other one figures. These two wheels
are mounted rigidly on a sleeve carried by the wheel-shaft. As it is
desired to print from only one type-wheel at a time, it becomes necessary
to shift them back and forth from time to time, in order to bring the
desired characters in line with the paper tape. This is accomplished
through the movements of a three-arm rocking-lever attached to the
wheel-sleeve at the end of the shaft. This lever is actuated through the
agency of two small pins carried by an arm projecting from the
press-lever, PL. As the latter moves up and down the pins play upon the
under side of the lower arm of the rocking-lever, thus canting it and
pushing the type-wheels to the right or left, as the case may be. The
operation of shifting the type-wheels will be given further on.
</p>
<p>
The press-lever is actuated by the press-magnet. From the diagram it will
be seen that the armature of the latter has a long, pivoted extension arm,
or platen, trough-like in shape, in which the paper tape runs. It has
already been noted that the object of the press-lever is to press this
tape against that character of the type-wheel centrally located above it
at the moment. It will at once be perceived that this action takes place
when current flows through the electromagnet and its armature is attracted
downward, the platen again dropping away from the type-wheel as the
armature is released upon cessation of current. The paper "feed" is shown
at the end of the press-lever, and consists of a push "dog," or pawl,
which operates to urge the paper forward as the press-lever descends.
</p>
<p>
The worm-gear which appears in the diagram on the shaft, near the toothed
wheel, forms part of the unison stop above referred to, but this device is
not shown in full, in order to avoid unnecessary complications of the
drawing.
</p>
<p>
At the right-hand side of the diagram (Fig. 2) is shown a portion of the
transmitting apparatus at a central office. Generally speaking, this
consists of a motor-driven cylinder having metallic pins placed at
intervals, and arranged spirally, around its periphery. These pins
correspond in number to the characters on the type-wheels. A keyboard (not
shown) is arranged above the cylinder, having keys lettered and numbered
corresponding to the letters and figures on the type-wheels. Upon
depressing any one of these keys the motion of the cylinder is arrested
when one of its pins is caught and held by the depressed key. When the key
is released the cylinder continues in motion. Hence, it is evident that
the revolution of the cylinder may be interrupted as often as desired by
manipulation of the various keys in transmitting the letters and figures
which are to be recorded by the printing instrument. The method of
transmission will presently appear.
</p>
<p>
In the sketch (Fig. 2) there will be seen, mounted upon the cylinder
shaft, two wheels made up of metallic segments insulated from each other,
and upon the hubs of these wheels are two brushes which connect with the
main battery. Resting upon the periphery of these two segmental wheels
there are two brushes to which are connected the wires which carry the
battery current to the type-magnet and press-magnet, respectively, as the
brushes make circuit by coming in contact with the metallic segments. It
will be remembered that upon the cylinder there are as many pins as there
are characters on the type-wheels of the ticker, and one of the segmental
wheels, W, has a like number of metallic segments, while upon the other
wheel, W', there are only one-half that number. The wheel W controls the
supply of current to the press-magnet, and the wheel W' to the
type-magnet. The type-magnet advances the letter and figure wheels one
step when the magnet is energized, and a succeeding step when the circuit
is broken. Hence, the metallic contact surfaces on wheel W' are, as
stated, only half as many as on the wheel W, which controls the
press-magnet.
</p>
<p>
It should be borne in mind, however, that the contact surfaces and
insulated surfaces on wheel W' are together equal in number to the
characters on the type-wheels, but the retractile spring of TM does half
the work of operating the escapement. On the other hand, the wheel W has
the full number of contact surfaces, because it must provide for the
operative closure of the press-magnet circuit whether the brush B' is in
engagement with a metallic segment or an insulated segment of the wheel
W'. As the cylinder revolves, the wheels are carried around with its shaft
and current impulses flow through the wires to the magnets as the brushes
make contact with the metallic segments of these wheels.
</p>
<p>
One example will be sufficient to convey to the reader an idea of the
operation of the apparatus. Assuming, for instance, that it is desired to
send out the letters AM to the printer, let us suppose that the pin
corresponding to the letter A is at one end of the cylinder and near the
upper part of its periphery, and that the letter M is about the centre of
the cylinder and near the lower part of its periphery. The operator at the
keyboard would depress the letter A, whereupon the cylinder would in its
revolution bring the first-named pin against the key. During the rotation
of the cylinder a current would pass through wheel W' and actuate TM,
drawing down the armature and operating the escapement, which would bring
the type-wheel to a point where the letter A would be central as regards
the paper tape When the cylinder came to rest, current would flow through
the brush of wheel W to PM, and its armature would be attracted, causing
the platen to be lifted and thus bringing the paper tape in contact with
the type-wheel and printing the letter A. The operator next sends the
letter M by depressing the appropriate key. On account of the position of
the corresponding pin, the cylinder would make nearly half a revolution
before bringing the pin to the key. During this half revolution the
segmental wheels have also been turning, and the brushes have transmitted
a number of current impulses to TM, which have caused it to operate the
escapement a corresponding number of times, thus turning the type-wheels
around to the letter M. When the cylinder stops, current once more goes to
the press-magnet, and the operation of lifting and printing is repeated.
As a matter of fact, current flows over both circuits as the cylinder is
rotated, but the press-magnet is purposely made to be comparatively
"sluggish" and the narrowness of the segments on wheel W tends to diminish
the flow of current in the press circuit until the cylinder comes to rest,
when the current continuously flows over that circuit without interruption
and fully energizes the press-magnet. The shifting of the type-wheels is
brought about as follows: On the keyboard of the transmitter there are two
characters known as "dots"—namely, the letter dot and the figure
dot. If the operator presses one of these dot keys, it is engaged by an
appropriate pin on the revolving cylinder. Meanwhile the type-wheels are
rotating, carrying with them the rocking-lever, and current is pulsating
over both circuits. When the type-wheels have arrived at the proper point
the rocking-lever has been carried to a position where its lower arm is
directly over one of the pins on the arm extending from the platen of the
press-lever. The cylinder stops, and current operates the sluggish
press-magnet, causing its armature to be attracted, thus lifting the
platen and its projecting arm. As the arm lifts upward, the pin moves
along the under side of the lower arm of the rocking-lever, thus causing
it to cant and shift the type-wheels to the right or left, as desired. The
principles of operation of this apparatus have been confined to a very
brief and general description, but it is believed to be sufficient for the
scope of this article.
</p>
<p>
NOTE.—The illustrations in this article are reproduced from American
Telegraphy and Encyclopedia of the Telegraph, by William Maver, Jr., by
permission of Maver Publishing Company, New York.
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<h2>
II. THE QUADRUPLEX AND PHONOPLEX
</h2>
<p>
EDISON'S work in stock printers and telegraphy had marked him as a rising
man in the electrical art of the period but his invention of quadruplex
telegraphy in 1874 was what brought him very prominently before the notice
of the public. Duplex telegraphy, or the sending of two separate messages
in opposite directions at the same time over one line was known and
practiced previous to this time, but quadruplex telegraphy, or the
simultaneous sending of four separate messages, two in each direction,
over a single line had not been successfully accomplished, although it had
been the subject of many an inventor's dream and the object of anxious
efforts for many long years.
</p>
<p>
In the early part of 1873, and for some time afterward, the system
invented by Joseph Stearns was the duplex in practical use. In April of
that year, however, Edison took up the study of the subject and filed two
applications for patents. One of these applications [23] embraced an
invention by which two messages could be sent not only duplex, or in
opposite directions as above explained, but could also be sent "diplex"—that
is to say, in one direction, simultaneously, as separate and distinct
messages, over the one line. Thus there was introduced a new feature into
the art of multiplex telegraphy, for, whereas duplexing (accomplished by
varying the strength of the current) permitted messages to be sent
simultaneously from opposite stations, diplexing (achieved by also varying
the direction of the current) permitted the simultaneous transmission of
two messages from the same station and their separate reception at the
distant station.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 23: Afterward issued as Patent No. 162,633, April
27, 1875.]
</pre>
<p>
The quadruplex was the tempting goal toward which Edison now constantly
turned, and after more than a year's strenuous work he filed a number of
applications for patents in the late summer of 1874. Among them was one
which was issued some years afterward as Patent No. 480,567, covering his
well-known quadruplex. He had improved his own diplex, combined it with
the Stearns duplex and thereby produced a system by means of which four
messages could be sent over a single line at the same time, two in each
direction.
</p>
<p>
As the reader will probably be interested to learn something of the
theoretical principles of this fascinating invention, we shall endeavor to
offer a brief and condensed explanation thereof with as little
technicality as the subject will permit. This explanation will necessarily
be of somewhat elementary character for the benefit of the lay reader,
whose indulgence is asked for an occasional reiteration introduced for the
sake of clearness of comprehension. While the apparatus and the circuits
are seemingly very intricate, the principles are really quite simple, and
the difficulty of comprehension is more apparent than real if the
underlying phenomena are studied attentively.
</p>
<p>
At the root of all systems of telegraphy, including multiplex systems,
there lies the single basic principle upon which their performance depends—namely,
the obtaining of a slight mechanical movement at the more or less distant
end of a telegraph line. This is accomplished through the utilization of
the phenomena of electromagnetism. These phenomena are easy of
comprehension and demonstration. If a rod of soft iron be wound around
with a number of turns of insulated wire, and a current of electricity be
sent through the wire, the rod will be instantly magnetized and will
remain a magnet as long as the current flows; but when the current is cut
off the magnetic effect instantly ceases. This device is known as an
electromagnet, and the charging and discharging of such a magnet may, of
course, be repeated indefinitely. Inasmuch as a magnet has the power of
attracting to itself pieces of iron or steel, the basic importance of an
electromagnet in telegraphy will be at once apparent when we consider the
sounder, whose clicks are familiar to every ear. This instrument consists
essentially of an electro-magnet of horseshoe form with its two poles
close together, and with its armature, a bar of iron, maintained in close
proximity to the poles, but kept normally in a retracted position by a
spring. When the distant operator presses down his key the circuit is
closed and a current passes along the line and through the (generally two)
coils of the electromagnet, thus magnetizing the iron core. Its attractive
power draws the armature toward the poles. When the operator releases the
pressure on his key the circuit is broken, current does not flow, the
magnetic effect ceases, and the armature is drawn back by its spring.
These movements give rise to the clicking sounds which represent the dots
and dashes of the Morse or other alphabet as transmitted by the operator.
Similar movements, produced in like manner, are availed of in another
instrument known as the relay, whose office is to act practically as an
automatic transmitter key, repeating the messages received in its coils,
and sending them on to the next section of the line, equipped with its own
battery; or, when the message is intended for its own station, sending the
message to an adjacent sounder included in a local battery circuit. With a
simple circuit, therefore, between two stations and where an intermediate
battery is not necessary, a relay is not used.
</p>
<p>
Passing on to the consideration of another phase of the phenomena of
electromagnetism, the reader's attention is called to Fig. 1, in which
will be seen on the left a simple form of electromagnet consisting of a
bar of soft iron wound around with insulated wire, through which a current
is flowing from a battery. The arrows indicate the direction of flow.
</p>
<p>
All magnets have two poles, north and south. A permanent magnet (made of
steel, which, as distinguished from soft iron, retains its magnetism for
long periods) is so called because it is permanently magnetized and its
polarity remains fixed. In an electromagnet the magnetism exists only as
long as current is flowing through the wire, and the polarity of the
soft-iron bar is determined by the DIRECTION of flow of current around it
for the time being. If the direction is reversed, the polarity will also
be reversed. Assuming, for instance, the bar to be end-on toward the
observer, that end will be a south pole if the current is flowing from
left to right, clockwise, around the bar; or a north pole if flowing in
the other direction, as illustrated at the right of the figure. It is
immaterial which way the wire is wound around the bar, the determining
factor of polarity being the DIRECTION of the current. It will be clear,
therefore, that if two EQUAL currents be passed around a bar in opposite
directions (Fig. 3) they will tend to produce exactly opposite polarities
and thus neutralize each other. Hence, the bar would remain non-magnetic.
</p>
<p>
As the path to the quadruplex passes through the duplex, let us consider
the Stearns system, after noting one other principle—namely, that if
more than one path is presented in which an electric current may complete
its circuit, it divides in proportion to the resistance of each path.
Hence, if we connect one pole of a battery with the earth, and from the
other pole run to the earth two wires of equal resistance as illustrated
in Fig. 2, equal currents will traverse the wires.
</p>
<p>
The above principles were employed in the Stearns differential duplex
system in the following manner: Referring to Fig. 3, suppose a wire, A, is
led from a battery around a bar of soft iron from left to right, and
another wire of equal resistance and equal number of turns, B, around from
right to left. The flow of current will cause two equal opposing actions
to be set up in the bar; one will exactly offset the other, and no
magnetic effect will be produced. A relay thus wound is known as a
differential relay—more generally called a neutral relay.
</p>
<p>
The non-technical reader may wonder what use can possibly be made of an
apparently non-operative piece of apparatus. It must be borne in mind,
however, in considering a duplex system, that a differential relay is used
AT EACH END of the line and forms part of the circuit; and that while each
relay must be absolutely unresponsive to the signals SENT OUT FROM ITS
HOME OFFICE, it must respond to signals transmitted by a DISTANT OFFICE.
Hence, the next figure (4), with its accompanying explanation, will
probably make the matter clear. If another battery, D, be introduced at
the distant end of the wire A the differential or neutral relay becomes
actively operative as follows: Battery C supplies wires A and B with an
equal current, but battery D doubles the strength of the current
traversing wire A. This is sufficient to not only neutralize the magnetism
which the current in wire B would tend to set up, but also—by reason
of the excess of current in wire A—to make the bar a magnet whose
polarity would be determined by the direction of the flow of current
around it.
</p>
<p>
In the arrangement shown in Fig. 4 the batteries are so connected that
current flow is in the same direction, thus doubling the amount of current
flowing through wire A. But suppose the batteries were so connected that
the current from each set flowed in an opposite direction? The result
would be that these currents would oppose and neutralize each other, and,
therefore, none would flow in wire A. Inasmuch, however, as there is
nothing to hinder, current would flow from battery C through wire B, and
the bar would therefore be magnetized. Hence, assuming that the relay is
to be actuated from the distant end, D, it is in a sense immaterial
whether the batteries connected with wire A assist or oppose each other,
as, in either case, the bar would be magnetized only through the operation
of the distant key.
</p>
<p>
A slight elaboration of Fig. 4 will further illustrate the principle of
the differential duplex. In Fig. 5 are two stations, A the home end, and B
the distant station to which a message is to be sent. The relay at each
end has two coils, 1 and 2, No. 1 in each case being known as the
"main-line coil" and 2 as the "artificial-line coil." The latter, in each
case, has in its circuit a resistance, R, to compensate for the resistance
of the main line, so that there shall be no inequalities in the circuits.
The artificial line, as well as that to which the two coils are joined,
are connected to earth. There is a battery, C, and a key, K. When the key
is depressed, current flows through the relay coils at A, but no magnetism
is produced, as they oppose each other. The current, however, flows out
through the main-line coil over the line and through the main-line coil 1
at B, completing its circuit to earth and magnetizing the bar of the
relay, thus causing its armature to be attracted. On releasing the key the
circuit is broken and magnetism instantly ceases.
</p>
<p>
It will be evident, therefore, that the operator at A may cause the relay
at B to act without affecting his own relay. Similar effects would be
produced from B to A if the battery and key were placed at the B end.
</p>
<p>
If, therefore, like instruments are placed at each end of the line, as in
Fig. 6, we have a differential duplex arrangement by means of which two
operators may actuate relays at the ends distant from them, without
causing the operation of the relays at their home ends. In practice this
is done by means of a special instrument known as a continuity preserving
transmitter, or, usually, as a transmitter. This consists of an
electromagnet, T, operated by a key, K, and separate battery. The armature
lever, L, is long, pivoted in the centre, and is bent over at the end. At
a point a little beyond its centre is a small piece of insulating material
to which is screwed a strip of spring metal, S. Conveniently placed with
reference to the end of the lever is a bent metallic piece, P, having a
contact screw in its upper horizontal arm, and attached to the lower end
of this bent piece is a post, or standard, to which the main battery is
electrically connected. The relay coils are connected by wire to the
spring piece, S, and the armature lever is connected to earth. If the key
is depressed, the armature is attracted and its bent end is moved upward,
depressing the spring which makes contact with the upper screw, which
places the battery to the line, and simultaneously breaks the ground
connection between the spring and the upturned end of the lever, as shown
at the left. When the key is released the battery is again connected to
earth. The compensating resistances and condensers necessary for a duplex
arrangement are shown in the diagram.
</p>
<p>
In Fig. 6 one transmitter is shown as closed, at A, while the other one is
open. From our previous illustrations and explanations it will be readily
seen that, with the transmitter closed at station A, current flows via
post P, through S, and to both relay coils at A, thence over the main line
to main-line coil at B, and down to earth through S and the armature lever
with its grounded wire. The relay at A would be unresponsive, but the core
of the relay at B would be magnetized and its armature respond to signals
from A. In like manner, if the transmitter at B be closed, current would
flow through similar parts and thus cause the relay at A to respond. If
both transmitters be closed simultaneously, both batteries will be placed
to the line, which would practically result in doubling the current in
each of the main-line coils, in consequence of which both relays are
energized and their armatures attracted through the operation of the keys
at the distant ends. Hence, two messages can be sent in opposite
directions over the same line simultaneously.
</p>
<p>
The reader will undoubtedly see quite clearly from the above system, which
rests upon varying the STRENGTH of the current, that two messages could
not be sent in the same direction over the one line at the same time. To
accomplish this object Edison introduced another and distinct feature—namely,
the using of the same current, but ALSO varying its DIRECTION of flow;
that is to say, alternately reversing the POLARITY of the batteries as
applied to the line and thus producing corresponding changes in the
polarity of another specially constructed type of relay, called a
polarized relay. To afford the reader a clear conception of such a relay
we would refer again to Fig. 1 and its explanation, from which it appears
that the polarity of a soft-iron bar is determined not by the strength of
the current flowing around it but by the direction thereof.
</p>
<p>
With this idea clearly in mind, the theory of the polarized relay,
generally called "polar" relay, as presented in the diagram (Fig. 7), will
be readily understood.
</p>
<p>
A is a bar of soft iron, bent as shown, and wound around with insulated
copper wire, the ends of which are connected with a battery, B, thus
forming an electromagnet. An essential part of this relay consists of a
swinging PERMANENT magnet, C, whose polarity remains fixed, that end
between the terminals of the electromagnet being a north pole. Inasmuch as
unlike poles of magnets are attracted to each other and like poles
repelled, it follows that this north pole will be repelled by the north
pole of the electromagnet, but will swing over and be attracted by its
south pole. If the direction of flow of current be reversed, by reversing
the battery, the electromagnetic polarity also reverses and the end of the
permanent magnet swings over to the other side. This is shown in the two
figures of Fig. 7. This device being a relay, its purpose is to repeat
transmitted signals into a local circuit, as before explained. For this
purpose there are provided at D and E a contact and a back stop, the
former of which is opened and closed by the swinging permanent magnet,
thus opening and closing the local circuit.
</p>
<p>
Manifestly there must be provided some convenient way for rapidly
transposing the direction of the current flow if such a device as the
polar relay is to be used for the reception of telegraph messages, and
this is accomplished by means of an instrument called a pole-changer,
which consists essentially of a movable contact piece connected
permanently to the earth, or grounded, and arranged to connect one or the
other pole of a battery to the line and simultaneously ground the other
pole. This action of the pole-changer is effected by movements of the
armature of an electromagnet through the manipulation of an ordinary
telegraph key by an operator at the home station, as in the operation of
the "transmitter," above referred to.
</p>
<p>
By a combination of the neutral relay and the polar relay two operators,
by manipulating two telegraph keys in the ordinary way, can simultaneously
send two messages over one line in the SAME direction with the SAME
current, one operator varying its strength and the other operator varying
its polarity or direction of flow. This principle was covered by Edison's
Patent No. 162,633, and was known as the "diplex" system, although, in the
patent referred to, Edison showed and claimed the adaptation of the
principle to duplex telegraphy. Indeed, as a matter of fact, it was found
that by winding the polar relay differentially and arranging the circuits
and collateral appliances appropriately, the polar duplex system was more
highly efficient than the neutral system, and it is extensively used to
the present day.
</p>
<p>
Thus far we have referred to two systems, one the neutral or differential
duplex, and the other the combination of the neutral and polar relays,
making a diplex system. By one of these two systems a single wire could be
used for sending two messages in opposite directions, and by the other in
the same direction or in opposite directions. Edison followed up his work
on the diplex and combined the two systems into the quadruplex, by means
of which FOUR messages could be sent and received simultaneously over the
one wire, two in each direction, thus employing eight operators—four
at each end—two sending and two receiving. The general principles of
quadruplex telegraphy are based upon the phenomena which we have briefly
outlined in connection with the neutral relay and the polar relay. The
equipment of such a system at each end of the line consists of these two
instruments, together with the special form of transmitter and the
pole-changer and their keys for actuating the neutral and polar relays at
the other, or distant, end. Besides these there are the compensating
resistances and condensers. All of these will be seen in the diagram (Fig.
8). It will be understood, of course, that the polar relay, as used in the
quadruplex system, is wound differentially, and therefore its operation is
somewhat similar in principle to that of the differentially wound neutral
relay, in that it does not respond to the operation of the key at the home
office, but only operates in response to the movements of the distant key.
</p>
<p>
Our explanation has merely aimed to show the underlying phenomena and
principles in broad outline without entering into more detail than was
deemed absolutely necessary. It should be stated, however, that between
the outline and the filling in of the details there was an enormous amount
of hard work, study, patient plodding, and endless experiments before
Edison finally perfected his quadruplex system in the year 1874.
</p>
<p>
If it were attempted to offer here a detailed explanation of the varied
and numerous operations of the quadruplex, this article would assume the
proportions of a treatise. An idea of their complexity may be gathered
from the following, which is quoted from American Telegraphy and
Encyclopedia of the Telegraph, by William Maver, Jr.:
</p>
<p>
"It may well be doubted whether in the whole range of applied electricity
there occur such beautiful combinations, so quickly made, broken up, and
others reformed, as in the operation of the Edison quadruplex. For
example, it is quite demonstrable that during the making of a simple dash
of the Morse alphabet by the neutral relay at the home station the distant
pole-changer may reverse its battery several times; the home pole-changer
may do likewise, and the home transmitter may increase and decrease the
electromotive force of the home battery repeatedly. Simultaneously, and,
of course, as a consequence of the foregoing actions, the home neutral
relay itself may have had its magnetism reversed several times, and the
SIGNAL, that is, the dash, will have been made, partly by the home
battery, partly by the distant and home batteries combined, partly by
current on the main line, partly by current on the artificial line, partly
by the main-line 'static' current, partly by the condenser static current,
and yet, on a well-adjusted circuit the dash will have been produced on
the quadruplex sounder as clearly as any dash on an ordinary single-wire
sounder."
</p>
<p>
We present a diagrammatic illustration of the Edison quadruplex, battery
key system, in Fig. 8, and refer the reader to the above or other
text-books if he desires to make a close study of its intricate
operations. Before finally dismissing the quadruplex, and for the benefit
of the inquiring reader who may vainly puzzle over the intricacies of the
circuits shown in Fig. 8, a hint as to an essential difference between the
neutral relay, as used in the duplex and as used in the quadruplex, may be
given. With the duplex, as we have seen, the current on the main line is
changed in strength only when both keys at OPPOSITE stations are closed
together, so that a current due to both batteries flows over the main
line. When a single message is sent from one station to the other, or when
both stations are sending messages that do not conflict, only one battery
or the other is connected to the main line; but with the quadruplex,
suppose one of the operators, in New York for instance, is sending
reversals of current to Chicago; we can readily see how these changes in
polarity will operate the polar relay at the distant station, but why will
they not also operate the neutral relay at the distant station as well?
This difficulty was solved by dividing the battery at each station into
two unequal parts, the smaller battery being always in circuit with the
pole-changer ready to have its polarity reversed on the main line to
operate the distant polar relay, but the spring retracting the armature of
the neutral relay is made so stiff as to resist these weak currents. If,
however, the transmitter is operated at the same end, the entire battery
is connected to the main line, and the strength of this current is
sufficient to operate the neutral relay. Whether the part or all the
battery is alternately connected to or disconnected from the main line by
the transmitter, the current so varied in strength is subject to reversal
of polarity by the pole-changer; but the variations in strength have no
effect upon the distant polar relay, because that relay being responsive
to changes in polarity of a weak current is obviously responsive to
corresponding changes in polarity of a powerful current. With this
distinction before him, the reader will have no difficulty in following
the circuits of Fig. 8, bearing always in mind that by reason of the
differential winding of the polar and neutral relays, neither of the
relays at one station will respond to the home battery, and can only
respond to the distant battery—the polar relay responding when the
polarity of the current is reversed, whether the current be strong or
weak, and the neutral relay responding when the line-current is increased,
regardless of its polarity. It should be added that besides the system
illustrated in Fig. 8, which is known as the differential principle, the
quadruplex was also arranged to operate on the Wheatstone bridge
principle; but it is not deemed necessary to enter into its details. The
underlying phenomena were similar, the difference consisting largely in
the arrangement of the circuits and apparatus. [24]
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 24: Many of the illustrations in this article are
reproduced from American Telegraphy and Encyclopedia of the
Telegraph, by William Maver, Jr., by permission of Maver
Publishing Company, New York.]
</pre>
<p>
Edison made another notable contribution to multiplex telegraphy some
years later in the Phonoplex. The name suggests the use of the telephone,
and such indeed is the case. The necessity for this invention arose out of
the problem of increasing the capacity of telegraph lines employed in
"through" and "way" service, such as upon railroads. In a railroad system
there are usually two terminal stations and a number of way stations.
There is naturally much intercommunication, which would be greatly
curtailed by a system having the capacity of only a single message at a
time. The duplexes above described could not be used on a railroad
telegraph system, because of the necessity of electrically balancing the
line, which, while entirely feasible on a through line, would not be
practicable between a number of intercommunicating points. Edison's
phonoplex normally doubled the capacity of telegraph lines, whether
employed on way business or through traffic, but in actual practice made
it possible to obtain more than double service. It has been in practical
use for many years on some of the leading railroads of the United States.
</p>
<p>
The system is a combination of telegraphic apparatus and telephone
receiver, although in this case the latter instrument is not used in the
generally understood manner. It is well known that the diaphragm of a
telephone vibrates with the fluctuations of the current energizing the
magnet beneath it. If the make and break of the magnetizing current be
rapid, the vibrations being within the limits of the human ear, the
diaphragm will produce an audible sound; but if the make and break be as
slow as with ordinary Morse transmission, the diaphragm will be merely
flexed and return to its original form without producing a sound. If,
therefore, there be placed in the same circuit a regular telegraph relay
and a special telephone, an operator may, by manipulating a key, operate
the relay (and its sounder) without producing a sound in the telephone, as
the makes and breaks of the key are far below the limit of audibility. But
if through the same circuit, by means of another key suitably connected
there is sent the rapid changes in current from an induction-coil, it will
cause a series of loud clicks in the telephone, corresponding to the
signals transmitted; but this current is too weak to affect the telegraph
relay. It will be seen, therefore, that this method of duplexing is
practiced, not by varying the strength or polarity, but by sending TWO
KINDS OF CURRENT over the wire. Thus, two sets of Morse signals can be
transmitted by two operators over one line at the same time without
interfering with each other, and not only between terminal offices, but
also between a terminal office and any intermediate office, or between two
intermediate offices alone.
</p>
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<h2>
III
</h2>
<h3>
AUTOMATIC TELEGRAPHY
</h3>
<p>
FROM the year 1848, when a Scotchman, Alexander Bain, first devised a
scheme for rapid telegraphy by automatic methods, down to the beginning of
the seventies, many other inventors had also applied themselves to the
solution of this difficult problem, with only indifferent success. "Cheap
telegraphy" being the slogan of the time, Edison became arduously
interested in the subject, and at the end of three years of hard work
produced an entirely successful system, a public test of which was made on
December 11, 1873 when about twelve thousand (12,000) words were
transmitted over a single wire from Washington to New York. in twenty-two
and one-half minutes. Edison's system was commercially exploited for
several years by the Automatic Telegraph Company, as related in the
preceding narrative.
</p>
<p>
As a premise to an explanation of the principles involved it should be
noted that the transmission of telegraph messages by hand at a rate of
fifty words per minute is considered a good average speed; hence, the
availability of a telegraph line, as thus operated, is limited to this
capacity except as it may be multiplied by two with the use of the duplex,
or by four, with the quadruplex. Increased rapidity of transmission may,
however, be accomplished by automatic methods, by means of which, through
the employment of suitable devices, messages may be stamped in or upon a
paper tape, transmitted through automatically acting instruments, and be
received at distant points in visible characters, upon a similar tape, at
a rate twenty or more times greater—a speed far beyond the
possibilities of the human hand to transmit or the ear to receive.
</p>
<p>
In Edison's system of automatic telegraphy a paper tape was perforated
with a series of round holes, so arranged and spaced as to represent Morse
characters, forming the words of the message to be transmitted. This was
done in a special machine of Edison's invention, called a perforator,
consisting of a series of punches operated by a bank of keys—typewriter
fashion. The paper tape passed over a cylinder, and was kept in regular
motion so as to receive the perforations in proper sequence.
</p>
<p>
The perforated tape was then placed in the transmitting instrument, the
essential parts of which were a metallic drum and a projecting arm
carrying two small wheels, which, by means of a spring, were maintained in
constant pressure on the drum. The wheels and drum were electrically
connected in the line over which the message was to be sent. current being
supplied by batteries in the ordinary manner.
</p>
<p>
When the transmitting instrument was in operation, the perforated tape was
passed over the drum in continuous, progressive motion. Thus, the paper
passed between the drum and the two small wheels, and, as dry paper is a
non-conductor, current was prevented from passing until a perforation was
reached. As the paper passed along, the wheels dropped into the
perforations, making momentary contacts with the drum beneath and causing
momentary impulses of current to be transmitted over the line in the same
way that they would be produced by the manipulation of the telegraph key,
but with much greater rapidity. The perforations being so arranged as to
regulate the length of the contact, the result would be the transmission
of long and short impulses corresponding with the dots and dashes of the
Morse alphabet.
</p>
<p>
The receiving instrument at the other end of the line was constructed upon
much the same general lines as the transmitter, consisting of a metallic
drum and reels for the paper tape. Instead of the two small contact
wheels, however, a projecting arm carried an iron pin or stylus, so
arranged that its point would normally impinge upon the periphery of the
drum. The iron pin and the drum were respectively connected so as to be in
circuit with the transmission line and batteries. As the principle
involved in the receiving operation was electrochemical decomposition, the
paper tape upon which the incoming message was to be received was
moistened with a chemical solution readily decomposable by the electric
current. This paper, while still in a damp condition, was passed between
the drum and stylus in continuous, progressive motion. When an electrical
impulse came over the line from the transmitting end, current passed
through the moistened paper from the iron pin, causing chemical
decomposition, by reason of which the iron would be attacked and would
mark a line on the paper. Such a line would be long or short, according to
the duration of the electric impulse. Inasmuch as a succession of such
impulses coming over the line owed their origin to the perforations in the
transmitting tape, it followed that the resulting marks upon the receiving
tape would correspond thereto in their respective lengths. Hence, the
transmitted message was received on the tape in visible dots and dashes
representing characters of the Morse alphabet.
</p>
<p>
The system will, perhaps, be better understood by reference to the
following diagrammatic sketch of its general principles:
</p>
<p>
Some idea of the rapidity of automatic telegraphy may be obtained when we
consider the fact that with the use of Edison's system in the early
seventies it was common practice to transmit and receive from three to
four thousand words a minute over a single line between New York and
Philadelphia. This system was exploited through the use of a moderately
paid clerical force.
</p>
<p>
In practice, there was employed such a number of perforating machines as
the exigencies of business demanded. Each machine was operated by a clerk,
who translated the message into telegraphic characters and prepared the
transmitting tape by punching the necessary perforations therein. An
expert clerk could perforate such a tape at the rate of fifty to sixty
words per minute. At the receiving end the tape was taken by other clerks
who translated the Morse characters into ordinary words, which were
written on message blanks for delivery to persons for whom the messages
were intended.
</p>
<p>
This latter operation—"copying." as it was called—was not
consistent with truly economical business practice. Edison therefore
undertook the task of devising an improved system whereby the message when
received would not require translation and rewriting, but would
automatically appear on the tape in plain letters and words, ready for
instant delivery.
</p>
<p>
The result was his automatic Roman letter system, the basis for which
included the above-named general principles of perforated transmission
tape and electrochemical decomposition. Instead of punching Morse
characters in the transmission tape however, it was perforated with a
series of small round holes forming Roman letters. The verticals of these
letters were originally five holes high. The transmitting instrument had
five small wheels or rollers, instead of two, for making contacts through
the perforations and causing short electric impulses to pass over the
lines. At first five lines were used to carry these impulses to the
receiving instrument, where there were five iron pins impinging on the
drum. By means of these pins the chemically prepared tape was marked with
dots corresponding to the impulses as received, leaving upon it a legible
record of the letters and words transmitted.
</p>
<p>
For purposes of economy in investment and maintenance, Edison devised
subsequently a plan by which the number of conducting lines was reduced to
two, instead of five. The verticals of the letters were perforated only
four holes high, and the four rollers were arranged in pairs, one pair
being slightly in advance of the other. There were, of course, only four
pins at the receiving instrument. Two were of iron and two of tellurium,
it being the gist of Edison's plan to effect the marking of the chemical
paper by one metal with a positive current, and by the other metal with a
negative current. In the following diagram, which shows the theory of this
arrangement, it will be seen that both the transmitting rollers and the
receiving pins are arranged in pairs, one pair in each case being slightly
in advance of the other. Of these receiving pins, one pair—1 and 3—are
of iron, and the other pair—2 and 4—of tellurium. Pins 1-2 and
3-4 are electrically connected together in other pairs, and then each of
these pairs is connected with one of the main lines that run respectively
to the middle of two groups of batteries at the transmitting end. The
terminals of these groups of batteries are connected respectively to the
four rollers which impinge upon the transmitting drum, the negatives being
connected to 5 and 7, and the positives to 6 and 8, as denoted by the
letters N and P. The transmitting and receiving drums are respectively
connected to earth.
</p>
<p>
In operation the perforated tape is placed on the transmission drum, and
the chemically prepared tape on the receiving drum. As the perforated tape
passes over the transmission drum the advanced rollers 6 or 8 first close
the circuit through the perforations, and a positive current passes from
the batteries through the drum and down to the ground; thence through the
earth at the receiving end up to the other drum and back to the batteries
via the tellurium pins 2 or 4 and the line wire. With this positive
current the tellurium pins make marks upon the paper tape, but the iron
pins make no mark. In the merest fraction of a second, as the perforated
paper continues to pass over the transmission drum, the rollers 5 or 7
close the circuit through other perforations and t e current passes in the
opposite direction, over the line wire, through pins 1 or 3, and returns
through the earth. In this case the iron pins mark the paper tape, but the
tellurium pins make no mark. It will be obvious, therefore, that as the
rollers are set so as to allow of currents of opposite polarity to be
alternately and rapidly sent by means of the perforations, the marks upon
the tape at the receiving station will occupy their proper relative
positions, and the aggregate result will be letters corresponding to those
perforated in the transmission tape.
</p>
<p>
Edison subsequently made still further improvements in this direction, by
which he reduced the number of conducting wires to one, but the principles
involved were analogous to the one just described.
</p>
<p>
This Roman letter system was in use for several years on lines between New
York, Philadelphia, and Washington, and was so efficient that a speed of
three thousand words a minute was attained on the line between the two
first-named cities.
</p>
<p>
Inasmuch as there were several proposed systems of rapid automatic
telegraphy in existence at the time Edison entered the field, but none of
them in practical commercial use, it becomes a matter of interest to
inquire wherein they were deficient, and what constituted the elements of
Edison's success.
</p>
<p>
The chief difficulties in the transmission of Morse characters had been
two in number, the most serious of which was that on the receiving tape
the characters would be prolonged and run into one another, forming a
draggled line and thus rendering the message unintelligible. This arose
from the fact that, on account of the rapid succession of the electric
impulses, there was not sufficient time between them for the electric
action to cease entirely. Consequently the line could not clear itself,
and became surcharged, as it were; the effect being an attenuated
prolongation of each impulse as manifested in a weaker continuation of the
mark on the tape, thus making the whole message indistinct. These
secondary marks were called "tailings."
</p>
<p>
For many years electricians had tried in vain to overcome this difficulty.
Edison devoted a great deal of thought and energy to the question, in the
course of which he experimented through one hundred and twenty consecutive
nights, in the year 1873, on the line between New York and Washington. His
solution of the problem was simple but effectual. It involved the
principle of inductive compensation. In a shunt circuit with the receiving
instrument he introduced electromagnets. The pulsations of current passed
through the helices of these magnets, producing an augmented marking
effect upon the receiving tape, but upon the breaking of the current, the
magnet, in discharging itself of the induced magnetism, would set up
momentarily a counter-current of opposite polarity. This neutralized the
"tailing" effect by clearing the line between pulsations, thus allowing
the telegraphic characters to be clearly and distinctly outlined upon the
tape. Further elaboration of this method was made later by the addition of
rheostats, condensers, and local opposition batteries on long lines.
</p>
<p>
The other difficulty above referred to was one that had also occupied
considerable thought and attention of many workers in the field, and
related to the perforating of the dash in the transmission tape. It
involved mechanical complications that seemed to be insurmountable, and up
to the time Edison invented his perforating machine no really good method
was available. He abandoned the attempt to cut dashes as such, in the
paper tape, but instead punched three round holes so arranged as to form a
triangle. A concrete example is presented in the illustration below, which
shows a piece of tape with perforations representing the word "same."
</p>
<p>
The philosophy of this will be at once perceived when it is remembered
that the two little wheels running upon the drum of the transmitting
instrument were situated side by side, corresponding in distance to the
two rows of holes. When a triangle of three holes, intended to form the
dash, reached the wheels, one of them dropped into a lower hole. Before it
could get out, the other wheel dropped into the hole at the apex of the
triangle, thus continuing the connection, which was still further
prolonged by the first wheel dropping into the third hole. Thus, an
extended contact was made, which, by transmitting a long impulse, resulted
in the marking of a dash upon the receiving tape.
</p>
<p>
This method was in successful commercial use for some time in the early
seventies, giving a speed of from three to four thousand words a minute
over a single line, but later on was superseded by Edison's Roman letter
system, above referred to.
</p>
<p>
The subject of automatic telegraphy received a vast amount of attention
from inventors at the time it was in vogue. None was more earnest or
indefatigable than Edison, who, during the progress of his investigations,
took out thirty-eight patents on various inventions relating thereto, some
of them covering chemical solutions for the receiving paper. This of
itself was a subject of much importance and a vast amount of research and
labor was expended upon it. In the laboratory note-books there are
recorded thousands of experiments showing that Edison's investigations not
only included an enormous number of chemical salts and compounds, but also
an exhaustive variety of plants, flowers, roots, herbs, and barks.
</p>
<p>
It seems inexplicable at first view that a system of telegraphy
sufficiently rapid and economical to be practically available for
important business correspondence should have fallen into disuse. This,
however, is made clear—so far as concerns Edison's invention at any
rate—in Chapter VIII of the preceding narrative.
</p>
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<h2>
IV. WIRELESS TELEGRAPHY
</h2>
<p>
ALTHOUGH Mr. Edison has taken no active part in the development of the
more modern wireless telegraphy, and his name has not occurred in
connection therewith, the underlying phenomena had been noted by him many
years in advance of the art, as will presently be explained. The authors
believe that this explanation will reveal a status of Edison in relation
to the subject that has thus far been unknown to the public.
</p>
<p>
While the term "wireless telegraphy," as now applied to the modern method
of electrical communication between distant points without intervening
conductors, is self-explanatory, it was also applicable, strictly
speaking, to the previous art of telegraphing to and from moving trains,
and between points not greatly remote from each other, and not connected
together with wires.
</p>
<p>
The latter system (described in Chapter XXIII and in a succeeding article
of this Appendix) was based upon the phenomena of electromagnetic or
electrostatic induction between conductors separated by more or less
space, whereby electric impulses of relatively low potential and low
frequency set up in. one conductor were transmitted inductively across the
air to another conductor, and there received through the medium of
appropriate instruments connected therewith.
</p>
<p>
As distinguished from this system, however, modern wireless telegraphy—so
called—has its basis in the utilization of electric or ether waves
in free space, such waves being set up by electric oscillations, or
surgings, of comparatively high potential and high frequency, produced by
the operation of suitable electrical apparatus. Broadly speaking, these
oscillations arise from disruptive discharges of an induction coil, or
other form of oscillator, across an air-gap, and their character is
controlled by the manipulation of a special type of circuit-breaking key,
by means of which long and short discharges are produced. The electric or
etheric waves thereby set up are detected and received by another special
form of apparatus more or less distant, without any intervening wires or
conductors.
</p>
<p>
In November, 1875, Edison, while experimenting in his Newark laboratory,
discovered a new manifestation of electricity through mysterious sparks
which could be produced under conditions unknown up to that time.
Recognizing at once the absolutely unique character of the phenomena, he
continued his investigations enthusiastically over two mouths, finally
arriving at a correct conclusion as to the oscillatory nature of the
hitherto unknown manifestations. Strange to say, however, the true import
and practical applicability of these phenomena did not occur to his mind.
Indeed, it was not until more than TWELVE YEARS AFTERWARD, in 1887, upon
the publication of the notable work of Prof. H. Hertz proving the
existence of electric waves in free space, that Edison realized the fact
that the fundamental principle of aerial telegraphy had been within his
grasp in the winter of 1875; for although the work of Hertz was more
profound and mathematical than that of Edison, the principle involved and
the phenomena observed were practically identical—in fact, it may be
remarked that some of the methods and experimental apparatus were quite
similar, especially the "dark box" with micrometer adjustment, used by
both in observing the spark. [25]
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 25: During the period in which Edison exhibited
his lighting system at the Paris Exposition in 1881, his
representative, Mr. Charles Batchelor, repeated Edison's
remarkable experiments of the winter of 1875 for the benefit
of a great number of European savants, using with other
apparatus the original "dark box" with micrometer
adjustment.]
</pre>
<p>
There is not the slightest intention on the part of the authors to detract
in the least degree from the brilliant work of Hertz, but, on the
contrary, to ascribe to him the honor that is his due in having given
mathematical direction and certainty to so important a discovery. The
adaptation of the principles thus elucidated and the subsequent
development of the present wonderful art by Marconi, Branly, Lodge, Slaby,
and others are now too well known to call for further remark at this
place.
</p>
<p>
Strange to say, that although Edison's early experiments in "etheric
force" called forth extensive comment and discussion in the public prints
of the period, they seemed to have been generally overlooked when the work
of Hertz was published. At a meeting of the Institution of Electrical
Engineers, held in London on May 16, 1889, at which there was a discussion
on the celebrated paper of Prof. (Sir) Oliver Lodge on "Lightning
Conductors," however; the chairman, Sir William Thomson (Lord Kelvin),
made the following remarks:
</p>
<p>
"We all know how Faraday made himself a cage six feet in diameter, hung it
up in mid-air in the theatre of the Royal Institution, went into it, and,
as he said, lived in it and made experiments. It was a cage with tin-foil
hanging all round it; it was not a complete metallic enclosing shell.
Faraday had a powerful machine working in the neighborhood, giving all
varieties of gradual working-up and discharges by 'impulsive rush'; and
whether it was a sudden discharge of ordinary insulated conductors, or of
Leyden jars in the neighborhood outside the cage, or electrification and
discharge of the cage itself, he saw no effects on his most delicate
gold-leaf electroscopes in the interior. His attention was not directed to
look for Hertz sparks, or probably he might have found them in the
interior. Edison seems to have noticed something of the kind in what he
called the etheric force. His name 'etheric' may, thirteen years ago, have
seemed to many people absurd. But now we are all beginning to call these
inductive phenomena 'etheric.'"
</p>
<p>
With these preliminary observations, let us now glance briefly at Edison's
laboratory experiments, of which mention has been made.
</p>
<p>
Oh the first manifestation of the unusual phenomena in November, 1875,
Edison's keenness of perception led him at once to believe that he had
discovered a new force. Indeed, the earliest entry of this discovery in
the laboratory note-book bore that caption. After a few days of further
experiment and observation, however, he changed it to "Etheric Force," and
the further records thereof (all in Mr. Batchelor's handwriting) were
under that heading.
</p>
<p>
The publication of Edison's discovery created considerable attention at
the time, calling forth a storm of general ridicule and incredulity. But a
few scientific men of the period, whose experimental methods were careful
and exact, corroborated his deductions after obtaining similar phenomena
by repeating his experiments with intelligent precision. Among these was
the late Dr. George M. Beard, a noted physicist, who entered
enthusiastically into the investigation, and, in addition to a great deal
of independent experiment, spent much time with Edison at his laboratory.
Doctor Beard wrote a treatise of some length on the subject, in which he
concurred with Edison's deduction that the phenomena were the
manifestation of oscillations, or rapidly reversing waves of electricity,
which did not respond to the usual tests. Edison had observed the tendency
of this force to diffuse itself in various directions through the air and
through matter, hence the name "Etheric" that he had provisionally applied
to it.
</p>
<p>
Edison's laboratory notes on this striking investigation are fascinating
and voluminous, but cannot be reproduced in full for lack of space. In
view of the later practical application of the principles involved,
however, the reader will probably be interested in perusing a few extracts
therefrom as illustrated by facsimiles of the original sketches from the
laboratory note-book.
</p>
<p>
As the full significance of the experiments shown by these extracts may
not be apparent to a lay reader, it may be stated by way of premise that,
ordinarily, a current only follows a closed circuit. An electric bell or
electric light is a familiar instance of this rule. There is in each case
an open (wire) circuit which is closed by pressing the button or turning
the switch, thus making a complete and uninterrupted path in which the
current may travel and do its work. Until the time of Edison's
investigations of 1875, now under consideration, electricity had never
been known to manifest itself except through a closed circuit. But, as the
reader will see from the following excerpts, Edison discovered a hitherto
unknown phenomenon—namely, that under certain conditions the rule
would be reversed and electricity would pass through space and through
matter entirely unconnected with its point of origin. In other words, he
had found the forerunner of wireless telegraphy. Had he then realized the
full import of his discovery, all he needed was to increase the strength
of the waves and to provide a very sensitive detector, like the coherer,
in order to have anticipated the principal developments that came many
years afterward. With these explanatory observations, we will now turn to
the excerpts referred to, which are as follows:
</p>
<p>
"November 22, 1875. New Force.—In experimenting with a vibrator
magnet consisting of a bar of Stubb's steel fastened at one end and made
to vibrate by means of a magnet, we noticed a spark coming from the cores
of the magnet. This we have noticed often in relays, in stock-printers,
when there were a little iron filings between the armature and core, and
more often in our new electric pen, and we have always come to the
conclusion that it was caused by strong induction. But when we noticed it
on this vibrator it seemed so strong that it struck us forcibly there
might be something more than induction. We now found that if we touched
any metallic part of the vibrator or magnet we got the spark. The larger
the body of iron touched to the vibrator the larger the spark. We now
connected a wire to X, the end of the vibrating rod, and we found we could
get a spark from it by touching a piece of iron to it, and one of the most
curious phenomena is that if you turn the wire around on itself and let
the point of the wire touch any other portion of itself you get a spark.
By connecting X to the gas-pipe we drew sparks from the gas-pipes in any
part of the room by drawing an iron wire over the brass jet of the cock.
This is simply wonderful, and a good proof that the cause of the spark is
a TRUE UNKNOWN FORCE."
</p>
<p>
"November 23, 1815. New Force.—The following very curious result was
obtained with it. The vibrator shown in Fig. 1 and battery were placed on
insulated stands; and a wire connected to X (tried both copper and iron)
carried over to the stove about twenty feet distant. When the end of the
wire was rubbed on the stove it gave out splendid sparks. When permanently
connected to the stove, sparks could be drawn from the stove by a piece of
wire held in the hand. The point X of vibrator was now connected to the
gas-pipe and still the sparks could be drawn from the stove."
</p>
<p>
. . . . . . . . .
</p>
<p>
"Put a coil of wire over the end of rod X and passed the ends of spool
through galvanometer without affecting it in any way. Tried a 6-ohm spool
add a 200-ohm. We now tried all the metals, touching each one in turn to
the point X." [Here follows a list of metals and the character of spark
obtained with each.]
</p>
<p>
. . . . . . . . .
</p>
<p>
"By increasing the battery from eight to twelve cells we get a spark when
the vibrating magnet is shunted with 3 ohms. Cannot taste the least shock
at B, yet between carbon points the spark is very vivid. As will be seen,
X has no connection with anything. With a glass rod four feet long, well
rubbed with a piece of silk over a hot stove, with a piece of battery
carbon secured to one end, we received vivid sparks into the carbon when
the other end was held in the hand with the handkerchief, yet the
galvanometer, chemical paper, the sense of shock in the tongue, and a
gold-leaf electroscope which would diverge at two feet from a half-inch
spark plate-glass machine were not affected in the least by it.
</p>
<p>
"A piece of coal held to the wire showed faint sparks.
</p>
<p>
"We had a box made thus: whereby two points could be brought together
within a dark box provided with an eyepiece. The points were iron, and we
found the sparks were very irregular. After testing some time two
lead-pencils found more regular and very much more vivid. We then
substituted the graphite points instead of iron." [26]
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 26: The dark box had micrometer screws for
delicate adjustment of the carbon points, and was thereafter
largely used in this series of investigations for better
study of the spark. When Mr. Edison's experiments were
repeated by Mr. Batchelor, who represented him at the Paris
Exposition of 1881, the dark box was employed for a similar
purpose.]
</pre>
<p>
. . . . . . . . .
</p>
<p>
After recording a considerable number of other experiments, the laboratory
notes go on to state:
</p>
<p>
"November 30, 1875. Etheric Force.—We found the addition of battery
to the Stubb's wire vibrator greatly increased the volume of spark.
Several persons could obtain sparks from the gas-pipes at once, each spark
being equal in volume and brilliancy to the spark drawn by a single
person.... Edison now grasped the (gas) pipe, and with the other hand
holding a piece of metal, he touched several other metallic substances,
obtained sparks, showing that the force passed through his body."
</p>
<p>
. . . . . . . . .
</p>
<p>
"December 3, 1875. Etheric Force.—Charley Edison hung to the
gas-pipe with feet above the floor, and with a knife got a spark from the
pipe he was hanging on. We now took the wire from the vibrator in one hand
and stood on a block of paraffin eighteen inches square and six inches
thick; holding a knife in the other hand, we drew sparks from the
stove-pipe. We now tried the crucial test of passing the etheric current
through the sciatic nerve of a frog just killed. Previous to trying, we
tested its sensibility by the current from a single Bunsen cell. We put in
resistance up to 500,000 ohms, and the twitching was still perceptible. We
tried the induced current from our induction coil having one cell on
primary,, the spark jumping about one-fiftieth of an inch, the terminal of
the secondary connected to the frog and it straightened out with violence.
We arranged frog's legs to pass etheric force through. We placed legs on
an inverted beaker, and held the two ends of the wires on glass rods eight
inches long. On connecting one to the sciatic nerve and the other to the
fleshy part of the leg no movement could be discerned, although brilliant
sparks could be obtained on the graphite points when the frog was in
circuit. Doctor Beard was present when this was tried."
</p>
<p>
. . . . . . . . .
</p>
<p>
"December 5, 1875. Etheric Force.—Three persons grasping hands and
standing upon blocks of paraffin twelve inches square and six thick drew
sparks from the adjoining stove when another person touched the sounder
with any piece of metal.... A galvanoscopic frog giving contractions with
one cell through two water rheostats was then placed in circuit. When the
wires from the vibrator and the gas-pipe were connected, slight
contractions were noted, sometimes very plain and marked, showing the
apparent presence of electricity, which from the high insulation seemed
improbable. Doctor Beard, who was present, inferred from the way the leg
contracted that it moved on both opening and closing the circuit. To test
this we disconnected the wire between the frog and battery, and placed,
instead of a vibrating sounder, a simple Morse key and a sounder taking
the 'etheric' from armature. The spark was now tested in dark box and
found to be very strong. It was then connected to the nerves of the frog,
BUT NO MOVEMENT OF ANY KIND COULD BE DETECTED UPON WORKING THE KEY,
although the brilliancy and power of the spark were undiminished. The
thought then occurred to Edison that the movement of the frog was due to
mechanical vibrations from the vibrator (which gives probably two hundred
and fifty vibrations per second), passing through the wires and irritating
the sensitive nerves of the frog. Upon disconnecting the battery wires and
holding a tuning-fork giving three hundred and twenty-six vibrations per
second to the base of the sounder, the vibrations over the wire made the
frog contract nearly every time.... The contraction of the frog's legs may
with considerable safety be said to be caused by these mechanical
vibrations being transmitted through the conducting wires."
</p>
<p>
Edison thought that the longitudinal vibrations caused by the sounder
produced a more marked effect, and proceeded to try out his theory. The
very next entry in the laboratory note-book bears the same date as the
above (December 5, 1875), and is entitled "Longitudinal Vibrations," and
reads as follows:
</p>
<p>
"We took a long iron wire one-sixteenth of an inch in diameter and rubbed
it lengthways with a piece of leather with resin on for about three feet,
backward and forward. About ten feet away we applied the wire to the back
of the neck and it gives a horrible sensation, showing the vibrations
conducted through the wire."
</p>
<p>
. . . . . . . . .
</p>
<p>
The following experiment illustrates notably the movement of the electric
waves through free space:
</p>
<p>
"December 26, 1875. Etheric Force.—An experiment tried to-night
gives a curious result. A is a vibrator, B, C, D, E are sheets of tin-foil
hung on insulating stands. The sheets are about twelve by eight inches. B
and C are twenty-six inches apart, C and D forty-eight inches and D and E
twenty-six inches. B is connected to the vibrator and E to point in dark
box, the other point to ground. We received sparks at intervals, although
insulated by such space."
</p>
<p>
With the above our extracts must close, although we have given but a few
of the interesting experiments tried at the time. It will be noticed,
however, that these records show much progression in a little over a
month. Just after the item last above extracted, the Edison shop became
greatly rushed on telegraphic inventions, and not many months afterward
came the removal to Menlo Park; hence the etheric-force investigations
were side-tracked for other matters deemed to be more important at that
time.
</p>
<p>
Doctor Beard in his previously mentioned treatise refers, on page 27, to
the views of others who have repeated Edison's experiments and observed
the phenomena, and in a foot-note says:
</p>
<p>
"Professor Houston, of Philadelphia, among others, has repeated some of
these physical experiments, has adopted in full and after but a partial
study of the subject, the hypothesis of rapidly reversed electricity as
suggested in my letter to the Tribune of December 8th, and further claims
priority of discovery, because he observed the spark of this when
experimenting with a Ruhmkorff coil four years ago. To this claim, if it
be seriously entertained, the obvious reply is that thousands of persons,
probably, had seen this spark before it was DISCOVERED by Mr. Edison; it
had been seen by Professor Nipher, who supposed, and still supposes, it is
the spark of the extra current; it has been seen by my friend, Prof. J. E.
Smith, who assumed, as he tells me, without examination, that it was
inductive electricity breaking through bad insulation; it had been seen,
as has been stated, by Mr. Edison many times before he thought it worthy
of study, it was undoubtedly seen by Professor Houston, who, like so many
others, failed to even suspect its meaning and thus missed an important
discovery. The honor of a scientific discovery belongs, not to him who
first sees a thing, but to him who first sees it with expert eyes; not to
him even who drops an original suggestion, but to him who first makes,
that suggestion fruitful of results. If to see with the eyes a phenomenon
is to discover the law of which that phenomenon is a part, then every
schoolboy who, before the time of Newton, ever saw an apple fall, was a
discoverer of the law of gravitation...."
</p>
<p>
Edison took out only one patent on long-distance telegraphy without wires.
While the principle involved therein (induction) was not precisely
analogous to the above, or to the present system of wireless telegraphy,
it was a step forward in the progress of the art. The application was
filed May 23, 1885, at the time he was working on induction telegraphy
(two years before the publication of the work of Hertz), but the patent
(No. 465,971) was not issued until December 29, 1891. In 1903 it was
purchased from him by the Marconi Wireless Telegraph Company. Edison has
always had a great admiration for Marconi and his work, and a warm
friendship exists between the two men. During the formative period of the
Marconi Company attempts were made to influence Edison to sell this patent
to an opposing concern, but his regard for Marconi and belief in the
fundamental nature of his work were so strong that he refused flatly,
because in the hands of an enemy the patent might be used inimically to
Marconi's interests.
</p>
<p>
Edison's ideas, as expressed in the specifications of this patent, show
very clearly the close analogy of his system to that now in vogue. As they
were filed in the Patent Office several years before the possibility of
wireless telegraphy was suspected, it will undoubtedly be of interest to
give the following extract therefrom:
</p>
<p>
"I have discovered that if sufficient elevation be obtained to overcome
the curvature of the earth's surface and to reduce to the minimum the
earth's absorption, electric telegraphing or signalling between distant
points can be carried on by induction without the use of wires connecting
such distant points. This discovery is especially applicable to
telegraphing across bodies of water, thus avoiding the use of submarine
cables, or for communicating between vessels at sea, or between vessels at
sea and points on land, but it is also applicable to electric
communication between distant points on land, it being necessary, however,
on land (with the exception of communication over open prairie) to
increase the elevation in order to reduce to the minimum the
induction-absorbing effect of houses, trees, and elevations in the land
itself. At sea from an elevation of one hundred feet I can communicate
electrically a great distance, and since this elevation or one
sufficiently high can be had by utilizing the masts of ships, signals can
be sent and received between ships separated a considerable distance, and
by repeating the signals from ship to ship communication can be
established between points at any distance apart or across the largest
seas and even oceans. The collision of ships in fogs can be prevented by
this character of signalling, by the use of which, also, the safety of a
ship in approaching a dangerous coast in foggy weather can be assured. In
communicating between points on land, poles of great height can be used,
or captive balloons. At these elevated points, whether upon the masts of
ships, upon poles or balloons, condensing surfaces of metal or other
conductor of electricity are located. Each condensing surface is connected
with earth by an electrical conducting wire. On land this earth connection
would be one of usual character in telegraphy. At sea the wire would run
to one or more metal plates on the bottom of the vessel, where the earth
connection would be made with the water. The high-resistance secondary
circuit of an induction coil is located in circuit between the condensing
surface and the ground. The primary circuit of the induction coil includes
a battery and a device for transmitting signals, which may be a revolving
circuit-breaker operated continually by a motor of any suitable kind,
either electrical or mechanical, and a key normally short-circuiting the
circuit-breaker or secondary coil. For receiving signals I locate in said
circuit between the condensing surface and the ground a diaphragm sounder,
which is preferably one of my electromotograph telephone receivers. The
key normally short-circuiting the revolving circuit-breaker, no impulses
are produced in the induction coil until the key is depressed, when a
large number of impulses are produced in the primary, and by means of the
secondary corresponding impulses or variations in tension are produced at
the elevated condensing surface, producing thereat electrostatic impulses.
These electrostatic impulses are transmitted inductively to the elevated
condensing surface at the distant point, and are made audible by the
electromotograph connected in the ground circuit with such distant
condensing surface."
</p>
<p>
The accompanying illustrations are reduced facsimiles of the drawings
attached to the above patent, No. 465,971.
</p>
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<h2>
V. THE ELECTROMOTOGRAPH
</h2>
<p>
IN solving a problem that at the time was thought to be insurmountable,
and in the adaptability of its principles to the successful overcoming of
apparently insuperable difficulties subsequently arising in other lines of
work, this invention is one of the most remarkable of the many that Edison
has made in his long career as an inventor.
</p>
<p>
The object primarily sought to be accomplished was the repeating of
telegraphic signals from a distance without the aid of a galvanometer or
an electromagnetic relay, to overcome the claims of the Page patent
referred to in the preceding narrative. This object was achieved in the
device described in Edison's basic patent No. 158,787, issued January 19,
1875, by the substitution of friction and anti-friction for the presence
and absence of magnetism in a regulation relay.
</p>
<p>
It may be observed, parenthetically, for the benefit of the lay reader,
that in telegraphy the device known as the relay is a receiving instrument
containing an electromagnet adapted to respond to the weak line-current.
Its armature moves in accordance with electrical impulses, or signals,
transmitted from a distance, and, in so responding, operates mechanically
to alternately close and open a separate local circuit in which there is a
sounder and a powerful battery. When used for true relaying purposes the
signals received from a distance are in turn repeated over the next
section of the line, the powerful local battery furnishing current for
this purpose. As this causes a loud repetition of the original signals, it
will be seen that relaying is an economic method of extending a telegraph
circuit beyond the natural limits of its battery power.
</p>
<p>
At the time of Edison's invention, as related in Chapter IX of the
preceding narrative, there existed no other known method than the one just
described for the repetition of transmitted signals, thus limiting the
application of telegraphy to the pleasure of those who might own any
patent controlling the relay, except on simple circuits where a single
battery was sufficient. Edison's previous discovery of differential
friction of surfaces through electrochemical decomposition was now adapted
by him to produce motion at the end of a circuit without the intervention
of an electromagnet. In other words, he invented a telegraph instrument
having a vibrator controlled by electrochemical decomposition, to take the
place of a vibrating armature operated by an electromagnet, and thus
opened an entirely new and unsuspected avenue in the art.
</p>
<p>
Edison's electromotograph comprised an ingeniously arranged apparatus in
which two surfaces, normally in contact with each other, were caused to
alternately adhere by friction or slip by reason of electrochemical
decomposition. One of these surfaces consisted of a small drum or cylinder
of chalk, which was kept in a moistened condition with a suitable chemical
solution, and adapted to revolve continuously by clockwork. The other
surface consisted of a small pad which rested with frictional pressure on
the periphery of the drum. This pad was carried on the end of a vibrating
arm whose lateral movement was limited between two adjustable points.
Normally, the frictional pressure between the drum and pad would carry the
latter with the former as it revolved, but if the friction were removed a
spring on the end of the vibrator arm would draw it back to its
starting-place.
</p>
<p>
In practice, the chalk drum was electrically connected with one pole of an
incoming telegraph circuit, and the vibrating arm and pad with the other
pole. When the drum rotated, the friction of the pad carried the vibrating
arm forward, but an electrical impulse coming over the line would
decompose the chemical solution with which the drum was moistened, causing
an effect similar to lubrication, and thus allowing the pad to slip
backward freely in response to the pull of its retractile spring. The
frictional movements of the pad with the drum were comparatively long or
short, and corresponded with the length of the impulses sent in over the
line. Thus, the transmission of Morse dots and dashes by the distant
operator resulted in movements of corresponding length by the frictional
pad and vibrating arm.
</p>
<p>
This brings us to the gist of the ingenious way in which Edison
substituted the action of electrochemical decomposition for that of the
electromagnet to operate a relay. The actual relaying was accomplished
through the medium of two contacts making connection with the local or
relay circuit. One of these contacts was fixed, while the other was
carried by the vibrating arm; and, as the latter made its forward and
backward movements, these contacts were alternately brought together or
separated, thus throwing in and out of circuit the battery and sounder in
the local circuit and causing a repetition of the incoming signals. The
other side of the local circuit was permanently connected to an insulated
block on the vibrator. This device not only worked with great rapidity,
but was extremely sensitive, and would respond to currents too weak to
affect the most delicate electromagnetic relay. It should be stated that
Edison did not confine himself to the working of the electromotograph by
the slipping of surfaces through the action of incoming current, but by
varying the character of the surfaces in contact the frictional effect
might be intensified by the electrical current. In such a case the
movements would be the reverse of those above indicated, but the end
sought—namely, the relaying of messages—would be attained with
the same certainty.
</p>
<p>
While the principal object of this invention was to accomplish the
repetition of signals without the aid of an electromagnetic relay, the
instrument devised by Edison was capable of use as a recorder also, by
employing a small wheel inked by a fountain wheel and attached to the
vibrating arm through suitable mechanism. By means of this adjunct the
dashes and dots of the transmitted impulses could be recorded upon a paper
ribbon passing continuously over the drum.
</p>
<p>
The electromotograph is shown diagrammatically in Figs. 1 and 2, in plan
and vertical section respectively. The reference letters in each case
indicate identical parts: A being the chalk drum, B the paper tape, C the
auxiliary cylinder, D the vibrating arm, E the frictional pad, F the
spring, G and H the two contacts, I and J the two wires leading to local
circuit, K a battery, and L an ordinary telegraph key. The two last named,
K and L, are shown to make the sketch complete but in practice would be at
the transmitting end, which might be hundreds of miles away. It will be
understood, of course, that the electromotograph is a receiving and
relaying instrument.
</p>
<p>
Another notable use of the electromotograph principle was in its
adaptation to the receiver in Edison's loud-speaking telephone, on which
United States Patent No. 221,957 was issued November 25, 1879. A chalk
cylinder moistened with a chemical solution was revolved by hand or a
small motor. Resting on the cylinder was a palladium-faced pen or spring,
which was attached to a mica diaphragm in a resonator. The current passed
from the main line through the pen to the chalk and to the battery. The
sound-waves impinging upon the distant transmitter varied the resistance
of the carbon button therein, thus causing corresponding variations in the
strength of the battery current. These variations, passing through the
chalk cylinder produced more or less electrochemical decomposition, which
in turn caused differences of adhesion between the pen and cylinder and
hence gave rise to mechanical vibrations of the diaphragm by reason of
which the speaker's words were reproduced. Telephones so operated repeated
speaking and singing in very loud tones. In one instance, spoken words and
the singing of songs originating at a distance were heard perfectly by an
audience of over five thousand people.
</p>
<p>
The loud-speaking telephone is shown in section, diagrammatically, in the
sketch (Fig. 3), in which A is the chalk cylinder mounted on a shaft, B.
The palladium-faced pen or spring, C, is connected to diaphragm D. The
instrument in its commercial form is shown in Fig. 4.
</p>
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<h2>
VI. THE TELEPHONE
</h2>
<p>
ON April 27, 1877, Edison filed in the United States Patent Office an
application for a patent on a telephone, and on May 3, 1892, more than
fifteen years afterward, Patent No. 474,230 was granted thereon. Numerous
other patents have been issued to him for improvements in telephones, but
the one above specified may be considered as the most important of them,
since it is the one that first discloses the principle of the carbon
transmitter.
</p>
<p>
This patent embodies but two claims, which are as follows:
</p>
<p>
"1. In a speaking-telegraph transmitter, the combination of a metallic
diaphragm and disk of plumbago or equivalent material, the contiguous
faces of said disk and diaphragm being in contact, substantially as
described.
</p>
<p>
"2. As a means for effecting a varying surface contact in the circuit of a
speaking-telegraph transmitter, the combination of two electrodes, one of
plumbago or similar material, and both having broad surfaces in vibratory
contact with each other, substantially as described."
</p>
<p>
The advance that was brought about by Edison's carbon transmitter will be
more apparent if we glance first at the state of the art of telephony
prior to his invention.
</p>
<p>
Bell was undoubtedly the first inventor of the art of transmitting speech
over an electric circuit, but, with his particular form of telephone, the
field was circumscribed. Bell's telephone is shown in the diagrammatic
sectional sketch (Fig. 1).
</p>
<p>
In the drawing M is a bar magnet contained in the rubber case, L. A
bobbin, or coil of wire, B, surrounds one end of the magnet. A diaphragm
of soft iron is shown at D, and E is the mouthpiece. The wire terminals of
the coil, B, connect with the binding screws, C C.
</p>
<p>
The next illustration shows a pair of such telephones connected for use,
the working parts only being designated by the above reference letters.
</p>
<p>
It will be noted that the wire terminals are here put to their proper
uses, two being joined together to form a line of communication, and the
other two being respectively connected to "ground."
</p>
<p>
Now, if we imagine a person at each one of the instruments (Fig. 2) we
shall find that when one of them speaks the sound vibrations impinge upon
the diaphragm and cause it to act as a vibrating armature. By reason of
its vibrations, this diaphragm induces very weak electric impulses in the
magnetic coil. These impulses, according to Bell's theory, correspond in
form to the sound-waves, and, passing over the line, energize the magnet
coil at the receiving end, thus giving rise to corresponding variations in
magnetism by reason of which the receiving diaphragm is similarly vibrated
so as to reproduce the sounds. A single apparatus at each end is therefore
sufficient, performing the double function of transmitter and receiver. It
will be noticed that in this arrangement no battery is used The strength
of the impulses transmitted is therefore limited to that of the
necessarily weak induction currents generated by the original sounds minus
any loss arising by reason of resistance in the line.
</p>
<p>
Edison's carbon transmitter overcame this vital or limiting weakness by
providing for independent power on the transmission circuit, and by
introducing the principle of varying the resistance of that circuit with
changes in the pressure. With Edison's telephone there is used a closed
circuit on which a battery current constantly flows, and in that circuit
is a pair of electrodes, one or both of which is carbon. These electrodes
are always in contact with a certain initial pressure, so that current
will be always flowing over the circuit. One of the electrodes is
connected with the diaphragm on which the sound-waves impinge, and the
vibrations of this diaphragm cause corresponding variations in pressure
between the electrodes, and thereby effect similar variations in the
current which is passing over the line to the receiving end. This current,
flowing around the receiving magnet, causes corresponding impulses
therein, which, acting upon its diaphragm, effect a reproduction of the
original vibrations and hence of the original sounds.
</p>
<p>
In other words, the essential difference is that with Bell's telephone the
sound-waves themselves generate the electric impulses, which are therefore
extremely faint. With Edison's telephone the sound-waves simply actuate an
electric valve, so to speak, and permit variations in a current of any
desired strength.
</p>
<p>
A second distinction between the two telephones is this: With the Bell
apparatus the very weak electric impulses generated by the vibration of
the transmitting diaphragm pass over the entire line to the receiving end,
and, in consequence, the possible length of line is limited to a few
miles, even under ideal conditions. With Edison's telephone the battery
current does not flow on the main line, but passes through the primary
circuit of an induction-coil, from the secondary of which corresponding
impulses of enormously higher potential are sent out on the main line to
the receiving end. In consequence, the line may be hundreds of miles in
length. No modern telephone system is in use to-day that does not use
these characteristic features: the varying resistance and the
induction-coil. The system inaugurated by Edison is shown by the diagram
(Fig. 3), in which the carbon transmitter, the induction-coil, the line,
and the distant receiver are respectively indicated.
</p>
<p>
In Fig. 4 an early form of the Edison carbon transmitter is represented in
sectional view.
</p>
<p>
The carbon disk is represented by the black portion, E, near the
diaphragm, A, placed between two platinum plates D and G, which are
connected in the battery circuit, as shown by the lines. A small piece of
rubber tubing, B, is attached to the centre of the metallic diaphragm, and
presses lightly against an ivory piece, F, which is placed directly over
one of the platinum plates. Whenever, therefore, any motion is given to
the diaphragm, it is immediately followed by a corresponding pressure upon
the carbon, and by a change of resistance in the latter, as described
above.
</p>
<p>
It is interesting to note the position which Edison occupies in the
telephone art from a legal standpoint. To this end the reader's attention
is called to a few extracts from a decision of Judge Brown in two suits
brought in the United States Circuit Court, District of Massachusetts, by
the American Bell Telephone Company against the National Telephone
Manufacturing Company, et al., and Century Telephone Company, et al.,
reported in Federal Reporter, 109, page 976, et seq. These suits were
brought on the Berliner patent, which, it was claimed, covered broadly the
electrical transmission of speech by variations of pressure between
opposing electrodes in constant contact. The Berliner patent was declared
invalid, and in the course of a long and exhaustive opinion, in which the
state of art and the work of Bell, Edison, Berliner, and others was fully
discussed, the learned Judge made the following remarks: "The carbon
electrode was the invention of Edison.... Edison preceded Berliner in the
transmission of speech.... The carbon transmitter was an experimental
invention of a very high order of merit.... Edison, by countless
experiments, succeeded in advancing the art. . . . That Edison did produce
speech with solid electrodes before Berliner is clearly proven.... The use
of carbon in a transmitter is, beyond controversy, the invention of
Edison. Edison was the first to make apparatus in which carbon was used as
one of the electrodes.... The carbon transmitter displaced Bell's magnetic
transmitter, and, under several forms of construction, remains the only
commercial instrument.... The advance in the art was due to the carbon
electrode of Edison.... It is conceded that the Edison transmitter as
apparatus is a very important invention.... An immense amount of
painstaking and highly ingenious experiment preceded Edison's successful
result. The discovery of the availability of carbon was unquestionably
invention, and it resulted in the 'first practical success in the art.'"
</p>
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<h2>
VII. EDISON'S TASIMETER
</h2>
<p>
THIS interesting and remarkable device is one of Edison's many inventions
not generally known to the public at large, chiefly because the range of
its application has been limited to the higher branches of science. He
never applied for a patent on the instrument, but dedicated it to the
public.
</p>
<p>
The device was primarily intended for use in detecting and measuring
infinitesimal degrees of temperature, however remote, and its conception
followed Edison's researches on the carbon telephone transmitter. Its
principle depends upon the variable resistance of carbon in accordance
with the degree of pressure to which it is subjected. By means of this
instrument, pressures that are otherwise inappreciable and undiscoverable
may be observed and indicated.
</p>
<p>
The detection of small variations of temperatures is brought about through
the changes which heat or cold will produce in a sensitive material placed
in contact with a carbon button, which is put in circuit with a battery
and delicate galvanometer. In the sketch (Fig. 1) there is illustrated,
partly in section, the form of tasimeter which Edison took with him to
Rawlins, Wyoming, in July, 1878, on the expedition to observe the total
eclipse of the sun.
</p>
<p>
The substance on whose expansion the working of the instrument depends is
a strip of some material extremely sensitive to heat, such as vulcanite.
shown at A, and firmly clamped at B. Its lower end fits into a slot in a
metal plate, C, which in turn rests upon a carbon button. This latter and
the metal plate are connected in an electric circuit which includes a
battery and a sensitive galvanometer. A vulcanite or other strip is easily
affected by differences of temperature, expanding and contracting by
reason of the minutest changes. Thus, an infinitesimal variation in its
length through expansion or contraction changes the pressure on the carbon
and affects the resistance of the circuit to a corresponding degree,
thereby causing a deflection of the galvanometer; a movement of the needle
in one direction denoting expansion, and in the other contraction. The
strip, A, is first put under a slight pressure, deflecting the needle a
few degrees from zero. Any subsequent expansion or contraction of the
strip may readily be noted by further movements of the needle. In
practice, and for measurements of a very delicate nature, the tasimeter is
inserted in one arm of a Wheatstone bridge, as shown at A in the diagram
(Fig. 2). The galvanometer is shown at B in the bridge wire, and at C, D,
and E there are shown the resistances in the other arms of the bridge,
which are adjusted to equal the resistance of the tasimeter circuit. The
battery is shown at F. This arrangement tends to obviate any misleading
deflections that might arise through changes in the battery.
</p>
<p>
The dial on the front of the instrument is intended to indicate the exact
amount of physical expansion or contraction of the strip. This is
ascertained by means of a micrometer screw, S, which moves a needle, T, in
front of the dial. This screw engages with a second and similar screw
which is so arranged as to move the strip of vulcanite up or down. After a
galvanometer deflection has been obtained through the expansion or
contraction of the strip by reason of a change of temperature, a similar
deflection is obtained mechanically by turning the screw, S, one way or
the other. This causes the vulcanite strip to press more or less upon the
carbon button, and thus produces the desired change in the resistance of
the circuit. When the galvanometer shows the desired deflection, the
needle, T, will indicate upon the dial, in decimal fractions of an inch,
the exact distance through which the strip has been moved.
</p>
<p>
With such an instrument as the above, Edison demonstrated the existence of
heat in the corona at the above-mentioned total eclipse of the sun, but
exact determinations could not be made at that time, because the tasimeter
adjustment was too delicate, and at the best the galvanometer deflections
were so marked that they could not be kept within the limits of the scale.
The sensitiveness of the instrument may be easily comprehended when it is
stated that the heat of the hand thirty feet away from the cone-like
funnel of the tasimeter will so affect the galvanometer as to cause the
spot of light to leave the scale.
</p>
<p>
This instrument can also be used to indicate minute changes of moisture in
the air by substituting a strip of gelatine in place of the vulcanite.
When so arranged a moistened piece of paper held several feet away will
cause a minute expansion of the gelatine strip, which effects a pressure
on the carbon, and causes a variation in the circuit sufficient to throw
the spot of light from the galvanometer mirror off the scale.
</p>
<p>
The tasimeter has been used to demonstrate heat from remote stars (suns),
such as Arcturus.
</p>
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<h2>
VIII. THE EDISON PHONOGRAPH
</h2>
<p>
THE first patent that was ever granted on a device for permanently
recording the human voice and other sounds, and for reproducing the same
audibly at any future time, was United States Patent No. 200,251, issued
to Thomas A. Edison on February 19, 1878, the application having been
filed December 24, 1877. It is worthy of note that no references whatever
were cited against the application while under examination in the Patent
Office. This invention therefore, marked the very beginning of an entirely
new art, which, with the new industries attendant upon its development,
has since grown to occupy a position of worldwide reputation.
</p>
<p>
That the invention was of a truly fundamental character is also evident
from the fact that although all "talking-machines" of to-day differ very
widely in refinement from the first crude but successful phonograph of
Edison, their performance is absolutely dependent upon the employment of
the principles stated by him in his Patent No. 200,251. Quoting from the
specification attached to this patent, we find that Edison said:
</p>
<p>
"The invention consists in arranging a plate, diaphragm or other flexible
body capable of being vibrated by the human voice or other sounds, in
conjunction with a material capable of registering the movements of such
vibrating body by embossing or indenting or altering such material, in
such a manner that such register marks will be sufficient to cause a
second vibrating plate or body to be set in motion by them, and thus
reproduce the motions of the first vibrating body."
</p>
<p>
It will be at once obvious that these words describe perfectly the basic
principle of every modern phonograph or other talking-machine,
irrespective of its manufacture or trade name.
</p>
<p>
Edison's first model of the phonograph is shown in the following
illustration.
</p>
<p>
It consisted of a metallic cylinder having a helical indenting groove cut
upon it from end to end. This cylinder was mounted on a shaft supported on
two standards. This shaft at one end was fitted with a handle, by means of
which the cylinder was rotated. There were two diaphragms, one on each
side of the cylinder, one being for recording and the other for
reproducing speech or other sounds. Each diaphragm had attached to it a
needle. By means of the needle attached to the recording diaphragm,
indentations were made in a sheet of tin-foil stretched over the
peripheral surface of the cylinder when the diaphragm was vibrated by
reason of speech or other sounds. The needle on the other diaphragm
subsequently followed these indentations, thus reproducing the original
sounds.
</p>
<p>
Crude as this first model appears in comparison with machines of later
development and refinement, it embodied their fundamental essentials, and
was in fact a complete, practical phonograph from the first moment of its
operation.
</p>
<p>
The next step toward the evolution of the improved phonograph of to-day
was another form of tin-foil machine, as seen in the illustration.
</p>
<p>
It will be noted that this was merely an elaborated form of the first
model, and embodied several mechanical modifications, among which was the
employment of only one diaphragm for recording and reproducing. Such was
the general type of phonograph used for exhibition purposes in America and
other countries in the three or four years immediately succeeding the date
of this invention.
</p>
<p>
In operating the machine the recording diaphragm was advanced nearly to
the cylinder, so that as the diaphragm was vibrated by the voice the
needle would prick or indent a wave-like record in the tin-foil that was
on the cylinder. The cylinder was constantly turned during the recording,
and in turning, was simultaneously moved forward. Thus the record would be
formed on the tin-foil in a continuous spiral line. To reproduce this
record it was only necessary to again start at the beginning and cause the
needle to retrace its path in the spiral line. The needle, in passing
rapidly in contact with the recorded waves, was vibrated up and down,
causing corresponding vibrations of the diaphragm. In this way sound-waves
similar to those caused by the original sounds would be set up in the air,
thus reproducing the original speech.
</p>
<p>
The modern phonograph operates in a precisely similar way, the only
difference being in details of refinement. Instead of tin-foil, a wax
cylinder is employed, the record being cut thereon by a cutting-tool
attached to a diaphragm, while the reproduction is effected by means of a
blunt stylus similarly attached.
</p>
<p>
The cutting-tool and stylus are devices made of sapphire, a gem next in
hardness to a diamond, and they have to be cut and formed to an exact
nicety by means of diamond dust, most of the work being performed under
high-powered microscopes. The minute proportions of these devices will be
apparent by a glance at the accompanying illustrations, in which the
object on the left represents a common pin, and the objects on the right
the cutting-tool and reproducing stylus, all actual sizes.
</p>
<p>
In the next illustration (Fig. 4) there is shown in the upper sketch,
greatly magnified, the cutting or recording tool in the act of forming the
record, being vibrated rapidly by the diaphragm; and in the lower sketch,
similarly enlarged, a representation of the stylus travelling over the
record thus made, in the act of effecting a reproduction.
</p>
<p>
From the late summer of 1878 and to the fall of 1887 Edison was intensely
busy on the electric light, electric railway, and other problems, and
virtually gave no attention to the phonograph. Hence, just prior to the
latter-named period the instrument was still in its tin-foil age; but he
then began to devote serious attention to the development of an improved
type that should be of greater commercial importance. The practical
results are too well known to call for further comment. That his efforts
were not limited in extent may be inferred from the fact that since the
fall of 1887 to the present writing he has been granted in the United
States one hundred and four patents relating to the phonograph and its
accessories.
</p>
<p>
Interesting as the numerous inventions are, it would be a work of
supererogation to digest all these patents in the present pages, as they
represent not only the inception but also the gradual development and
growth of the wax-record type of phonograph from its infancy to the
present perfected machine and records now so widely known all over the
world. From among these many inventions, however, we will select two or
three as examples of ingenuity and importance in their bearing upon
present perfection of results.
</p>
<p>
One of the difficulties of reproduction for many years was the trouble
experienced in keeping the stylus in perfect engagement with the wave-like
record, so that every minute vibration would be reproduced. It should be
remembered that the deepest cut of the recording tool is only about
one-third the thickness of tissue-paper. Hence, it will be quite apparent
that the slightest inequality in the surface of the wax would be
sufficient to cause false vibration, and thus give rise to distorted
effects in such music or other sounds as were being reproduced. To remedy
this, Edison added an attachment which is called a "floating weight," and
is shown at A in the illustration above.
</p>
<p>
The function of the floating weight is to automatically keep the stylus in
close engagement with the record, thus insuring accuracy of reproduction.
The weight presses the stylus to its work, but because of its mass it
cannot respond to the extremely rapid vibrations of the stylus. They are
therefore communicated to the diaphragm.
</p>
<p>
Some of Edison's most remarkable inventions are revealed in a number of
interesting patents relating to the duplication of phonograph records. It
would be obviously impossible, from a commercial standpoint, to obtain a
musical record from a high-class artist and sell such an original to the
public, as its cost might be from one hundred to several thousand dollars.
Consequently, it is necessary to provide some way by which duplicates may
be made cheaply enough to permit their purchase by the public at a
reasonable price.
</p>
<p>
The making of a perfect original musical or other record is a matter of no
small difficulty, as it requires special technical knowledge and skill
gathered from many years of actual experience; but in the exact copying,
or duplication, of such a record, with its many millions of microscopic
waves and sub-waves, the difficulties are enormously increased. The
duplicates must be microscopically identical with the original, they must
be free from false vibrations or other defects, although both original and
duplicates are of such easily defacable material as wax; and the process
must be cheap and commercial not a scientific laboratory possibility.
</p>
<p>
For making duplicates it was obviously necessary to first secure a mold
carrying the record in negative or reversed form. From this could be
molded, or cast, positive copies which would be identical with the
original. While the art of electroplating would naturally suggest itself
as the means of making such a mold, an apparently insurmountable obstacle
appeared on the very threshold. Wax, being a non-conductor, cannot be
electroplated unless a conducting surface be first applied. The coatings
ordinarily used in electro-deposition were entirely out of the question on
account of coarseness, the deepest waves of the record being less than
one-thousandth of an inch in depth, and many of them probably ten to one
hundred times as shallow. Edison finally decided to apply a preliminary
metallic coating of infinitesimal thinness, and accomplished this object
by a remarkable process known as the vacuous deposit. With this he applied
to the original record a film of gold probably no thicker than one
three-hundred-thousandth of an inch, or several hundred times less than
the depth of an average wave. Three hundred such layers placed one on top
of the other would make a sheet no thicker than tissue-paper.
</p>
<p>
The process consists in placing in a vacuum two leaves, or electrodes, of
gold, and between them the original record. A constant discharge of
electricity of high tension between the electrodes is effected by means of
an induction-coil. The metal is vaporized by this discharge, and is
carried by it directly toward and deposited upon the original record, thus
forming the minute film of gold above mentioned. The record is constantly
rotated until its entire surface is coated. A sectional diagram of the
apparatus (Fig. 6.) will aid to a clearer understanding of this ingenious
process.
</p>
<p>
After the gold film is formed in the manner described above, a heavy
backing of baser metal is electroplated upon it, thus forming a
substantial mold, from which the original record is extracted by breakage
or shrinkage.
</p>
<p>
Duplicate records in any quantity may now be made from this mold by
surrounding it with a cold-water jacket and dipping it in a molten
wax-like material. This congeals on the record surface just as melted
butter would collect on a cold knife, and when the mold is removed the
surplus wax falls out, leaving a heavy deposit of the material which forms
the duplicate record. Numerous ingenious inventions have been made by
Edison providing for a variety of rapid and economical methods of
duplication, including methods of shrinking a newly made copy to
facilitate its quick removal from the mold; methods of reaming, of forming
ribs on the interior, and for many other important and essential details,
which limits of space will not permit of elaboration. Those mentioned
above are but fair examples of the persistent and effective work he has
done to bring the phonograph to its present state of perfection.
</p>
<p>
In perusing Chapter X of the foregoing narrative, the reader undoubtedly
noted Edison's clear apprehension of the practical uses of the phonograph,
as evidenced by his prophetic utterances in the article written by him for
the North American Review in June, 1878. In view of the crudity of the
instrument at that time, it must be acknowledged that Edison's foresight,
as vindicated by later events was most remarkable. No less remarkable was
his intensely practical grasp of mechanical possibilities of future types
of the machine, for we find in one of his early English patents (No. 1644
of 1878) the disk form of phonograph which, some ten to fifteen years
later, was supposed to be a new development in the art. This disk form was
also covered by Edison's application for a United States patent, filed in
1879. This application met with some merely minor technical objections in
the Patent Office, and seems to have passed into the "abandoned" class for
want of prosecution, probably because of being overlooked in the
tremendous pressure arising from his development of his electric-lighting
system.
</p>
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<p>
IX. THE INCANDESCENT LAMP
</p>
<p>
ALTHOUGH Edison's contributions to human comfort and progress are
extensive in number and extraordinarily vast and comprehensive in scope
and variety, the universal verdict of the world points to his incandescent
lamp and system of distribution of electrical current as the central and
crowning achievements of his life up to this time. This view would seem
entirely justifiable when we consider the wonderful changes in the
conditions of modern life that have been brought about by the wide-spread
employment of these inventions, and the gigantic industries that have
grown up and been nourished by their world-wide application. That he was
in this instance a true pioneer and creator is evident as we consider the
subject, for the United States Patent No. 223,898, issued to Edison on
January 27, 1880, for an incandescent lamp, was of such fundamental
character that it opened up an entirely new and tremendously important art—the
art of incandescent electric lighting. This statement cannot be
successfully controverted, for it has been abundantly verified after many
years of costly litigation. If further proof were desired, it is only
necessary to point to the fact that, after thirty years of most strenuous
and practical application in the art by the keenest intellects of the
world, every incandescent lamp that has ever since been made, including
those of modern days, is still dependent upon the employment of the
essentials disclosed in the above-named patent—namely, a filament of
high resistance enclosed in a sealed glass globe exhausted of air, with
conducting wires passing through the glass.
</p>
<p>
An incandescent lamp is such a simple-appearing article—merely a
filament sealed into a glass globe—that its intrinsic relation to
the art of electric lighting is far from being apparent at sight. To the
lay mind it would seem that this must have been THE obvious device to make
in order to obtain electric light by incandescence of carbon or other
material. But the reader has already learned from the preceding narrative
that prior to its invention by Edison such a device was NOT obvious, even
to the most highly trained experts of the world at that period; indeed, it
was so far from being obvious that, for some time after he had completed
practical lamps and was actually lighting them up twenty-four hours a day,
such a device and such a result were declared by these same experts to be
an utter impossibility. For a short while the world outside of Menlo Park
held Edison's claims in derision. His lamp was pronounced a fake, a myth,
possibly a momentary success magnified to the dignity of a permanent
device by an overenthusiastic inventor.
</p>
<p>
Such criticism, however, did not disturb Edison. He KNEW that he had
reached the goal. Long ago, by a close process of reasoning, he had
clearly seen that the only road to it was through the path he had
travelled, and which was now embodied in the philosophy of his
incandescent lamp—namely, a filament, or carbon, of high resistance
and small radiating surface, sealed into a glass globe exhausted of air to
a high degree of vacuum. In originally committing himself to this line of
investigation he was well aware that he was going in a direction
diametrically opposite to that followed by previous investigators. Their
efforts had been confined to low-resistance burners of large radiating
surface for their lamps, but he realized the utter futility of such
devices. The tremendous problems of heat and the prohibitive quantities of
copper that would be required for conductors for such lamps would be
absolutely out of the question in commercial practice.
</p>
<p>
He was convinced from the first that the true solution of the problem lay
in a lamp which should have as its illuminating body a strip of material
which would offer such a resistance to the flow of electric current that
it could be raised to a high temperature—incandescence—and be
of such small cross-section that it would radiate but little heat. At the
same time such a lamp must require a relatively small amount of current,
in order that comparatively small conductors could be used, and its burner
must be capable of withstanding the necessarily high temperatures without
disintegration.
</p>
<p>
It is interesting to note that these conceptions were in Edison's mind at
an early period of his investigations, when the best expert opinion was
that the subdivision of the electric current was an ignis fatuus. Hence we
quote the following notes he made, November 15, 1878, in one of the
laboratory note-books:
</p>
<p>
"A given straight wire having 1 ohm resistance and certain length is
brought to a given degree of temperature by given battery. If the same
wire be coiled in such a manner that but one-quarter of its surface
radiates, its temperature will be increased four times with the same
battery, or, one-quarter of this battery will bring it to the temperature
of straight wire. Or the same given battery will bring a wire whose total
resistance is 4 ohms to the same temperature as straight wire.
</p>
<p>
"This was actually determined by trial.
</p>
<p>
"The amount of heat lost by a body is in proportion to the radiating
surface of that body. If one square inch of platina be heated to 100
degrees it will fall to, say, zero in one second, whereas, if it was at
200 degrees it would require two seconds.
</p>
<p>
"Hence, in the case of incandescent conductors, if the radiating surface
be twelve inches and the temperature on each inch be 100, or 1200 for all,
if it is so coiled or arranged that there is but one-quarter, or three
inches, of radiating surface, then the temperature on each inch will be
400. If reduced to three-quarters of an inch it will have on that
three-quarters of an inch 1600 degrees Fahr., notwithstanding the original
total amount was but 1200, because the radiation has been reduced to
three-quarters, or 75 units; hence, the effect of the lessening of the
radiation is to raise the temperature of each remaining inch not radiating
to 125 degrees. If the radiating surface should be reduced to
three-thirty-seconds of an inch, the temperature would reach 6400 degrees
Fahr. To carry out this law to the best advantage in regard to platina,
etc., then with a given length of wire to quadruple the heat we must
lessen the radiating surface to one-quarter, and to do this in a spiral,
three-quarters must be within the spiral and one-quarter outside for
radiating; hence, a square wire or other means, such as a spiral within a
spiral, must be used. These results account for the enormous temperature
of the Electric Arc with one horse-power; as, for instance, if one
horse-power will heat twelve inches of wire to 1000 degrees Fahr., and
this is concentrated to have one-quarter of the radiating surface, it
would reach a temperature of 4000 degrees or sufficient to melt it; but,
supposing it infusible, the further concentration to one-eighth its
surface, it would reach a temperature of 16,000 degrees, and to
one-thirty-second its surface, which would be about the radiating surface
of the Electric Arc, it would reach 64,000 degrees Fahr. Of course, when
Light is radiated in great quantities not quite these temperatures would
be reached.
</p>
<p>
"Another curious law is this: It will require a greater initial battery to
bring an iron wire of the same size and resistance to a given temperature
than it will a platina wire in proportion to their specific heats, and in
the case of Carbon, a piece of Carbon three inches long and one-eighth
diameter, with a resistance of 1 ohm, will require a greater battery power
to bring it to a given temperature than a cylinder of thin platina foil of
the same length, diameter, and resistance, because the specific heat of
Carbon is many times greater; besides, if I am not mistaken, the radiation
of a roughened body for heat is greater than a polished one like platina."
</p>
<p>
Proceeding logically upon these lines of thought and following them out
through many ramifications, we have seen how he at length made a filament
of carbon of high resistance and small radiating surface, and through a
concurrent investigation of the phenomena of high vacua and occluded gases
was able to produce a true incandescent lamp. Not only was it a lamp as a
mere article—a device to give light—but it was also an
integral part of his great and complete system of lighting, to every part
of which it bore a fixed and definite ratio, and in relation to which it
was the keystone that held the structure firmly in place.
</p>
<p>
The work of Edison on incandescent lamps did not stop at this fundamental
invention, but extended through more than eighteen years of a most intense
portion of his busy life. During that period he was granted one hundred
and forty-nine other patents on the lamp and its manufacture. Although
very many of these inventions were of the utmost importance and value, we
cannot attempt to offer a detailed exposition of them in this necessarily
brief article, but must refer the reader, if interested, to the patents
themselves, a full list being given at the end of this Appendix. The
outline sketch will indicate the principal patents covering the basic
features of the lamp.
</p>
<p>
The litigation on the Edison lamp patents was one of the most determined
and stubbornly fought contests in the history of modern jurisprudence.
Vast interests were at stake. All of the technical, expert, and
professional skill and knowledge that money could procure or experience
devise were availed of in the bitter fights that raged in the courts for
many years. And although the Edison interests had spent from first to last
nearly $2,000,000, and had only about three years left in the life of the
fundamental patent, Edison was thoroughly sustained as to priority by the
decisions in the various suits. We shall offer a few brief extracts from
some of these decisions.
</p>
<p>
In a suit against the United States Electric Lighting Company, United
States Circuit Court for the Southern District of New York, July 14, 1891,
Judge Wallace said, in his opinion: "The futility of hoping to maintain a
burner in vacuo with any permanency had discouraged prior inventors, and
Mr. Edison is entitled to the credit of obviating the mechanical
difficulties which disheartened them.... He was the first to make a carbon
of materials, and by a process which was especially designed to impart
high specific resistance to it; the first to make a carbon in the special
form for the special purpose of imparting to it high total resistance; and
the first to combine such a burner with the necessary adjuncts of lamp
construction to prevent its disintegration and give it sufficiently long
life. By doing these things he made a lamp which was practically operative
and successful, the embryo of the best lamps now in commercial use, and
but for which the subdivision of the electric light by incandescence would
still be nothing but the ignis fatuus which it was proclaimed to be in
1879 by some of the reamed experts who are now witnesses to belittle his
achievement and show that it did not rise to the dignity of an
invention.... It is impossible to resist the conclusion that the invention
of the slender thread of carbon as a substitute for the burners previously
employed opened the path to the practical subdivision of the electric
light."
</p>
<p>
An appeal was taken in the above suit to the United States Circuit Court
of Appeals, and on October 4, 1892, the decree of the lower court was
affirmed. The judges (Lacombe and Shipman), in a long opinion reviewed the
facts and the art, and said, inter alia: "Edison's invention was
practically made when he ascertained the theretofore unknown fact that
carbon would stand high temperature, even when very attenuated, if
operated in a high vacuum, without the phenomenon of disintegration. This
fact he utilized by the means which he has described, a lamp having a
filamentary carbon burner in a nearly perfect vacuum."
</p>
<p>
In a suit against the Boston Incandescent Lamp Company et al., in the
United States Circuit Court for the District of Massachusetts, decided in
favor of Edison on June 11, 1894, Judge Colt, in his opinion, said, among
other things: "Edison made an important invention; he produced the first
practical incandescent electric lamp; the patent is a pioneer in the sense
of the patent law; it may be said that his invention created the art of
incandescent electric lighting."
</p>
<p>
Opinions of other courts, similar in tenor to the foregoing, might be
cited, but it would be merely in the nature of reiteration. The above are
sufficient to illustrate the direct clearness of judicial decision on
Edison's position as the founder of the art of electric lighting by
incandescence.
</p>
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<h2>
X. EDISON'S DYNAMO WORK
</h2>
<p>
AT the present writing, when, after the phenomenally rapid electrical
development of thirty years, we find on the market a great variety of
modern forms of efficient current generators advertised under the names of
different inventors (none, however, bearing the name of Edison), a young
electrical engineer of the present generation might well inquire whether
the great inventor had ever contributed anything to the art beyond a mere
TYPE of machine formerly made and bearing his name, but not now marketed
except second hand.
</p>
<p>
For adequate information he might search in vain the books usually
regarded as authorities on the subject of dynamo-electric machinery, for
with slight exceptions there has been a singular unanimity in the omission
of writers to give Edison credit for his great and basic contributions to
heavy-current technics, although they have been universally acknowledged
by scientific and practical men to have laid the foundation for the
efficiency of, and to be embodied in all modern generators of current.
</p>
<p>
It might naturally be expected that the essential facts of Edison's work
would appear on the face of his numerous patents on dynamo-electric
machinery, but such is not necessarily the case, unless they are carefully
studied in the light of the state of the art as it existed at the time.
While some of these patents (especially the earlier ones) cover specific
devices embodying fundamental principles that not only survive to the
present day, but actually lie at the foundation of the art as it now
exists, there is no revelation therein of Edison's preceding studies of
magnets, which extended over many years, nor of his later systematic
investigations and deductions.
</p>
<p>
Dynamo-electric machines of a primitive kind had been invented and were in
use to a very limited extent for arc lighting and electroplating for some
years prior to the summer of 1819, when Edison, with an embryonic lighting
SYSTEM in mind, cast about for a type of machine technically and
commercially suitable for the successful carrying out of his plans. He
found absolutely none. On the contrary, all of the few types then
obtainable were uneconomical, indeed wasteful, in regard to efficiency.
The art, if indeed there can be said to have been an art at that time, was
in chaotic confusion, and only because of Edison's many years' study of
the magnet was he enabled to conclude that insufficiency in quantity of
iron in the magnets of such machines, together with poor surface contacts,
rendered the cost of magnetization abnormally high. The heating of solid
armatures, the only kind then known, and poor insulation in the
commutators, also gave rise to serious losses. But perhaps the most
serious drawback lay in the high-resistance armature, based upon the
highest scientific dictum of the time that in order to obtain the maximum
amount of work from a machine, the internal resistance of the armature
must equal the resistance of the exterior circuit, although the
application of this principle entailed the useless expenditure of at least
50 per cent. of the applied energy.
</p>
<p>
It seems almost incredible that only a little over thirty years ago the
sum of scientific knowledge in regard to dynamo-electric machines was so
meagre that the experts of the period should settle upon such a dictum as
this, but such was the fact, as will presently appear. Mechanical
generators of electricity were comparatively new at that time; their
theory and practice were very imperfectly understood; indeed, it is quite
within the bounds of truth to say that the correct principles were
befogged by reason of the lack of practical knowledge of their actual use.
Electricians and scientists of the period had been accustomed for many
years past to look to the chemical battery as the source from which to
obtain electrical energy; and in the practical application of such energy
to telegraphy and kindred uses, much thought and ingenuity had been
expended in studying combinations of connecting such cells so as to get
the best results. In the text-books of the period it was stated as a
settled principle that, in order to obtain the maximum work out of a set
of batteries, the internal resistance must approximately equal the
resistance of the exterior circuit. This principle and its application in
practice were quite correct as regards chemical batteries, but not as
regards dynamo machines. Both were generators of electrical current, but
so different in construction and operation, that rules applicable to the
practical use of the one did not apply with proper commercial efficiency
to the other. At the period under consideration, which may be said to have
been just before dawn of the day of electric light, the philosophy of the
dynamo was seen only in mysterious, hazy outlines—just emerging from
the darkness of departing night. Perhaps it is not surprising, then, that
the dynamo was loosely regarded by electricians as the practical
equivalent of a chemical battery; that many of the characteristics of
performance of the chemical cell were also attributed to it, and that if
the maximum work could be gotten out of a set of batteries when the
internal and external resistances were equal (and this was commercially
the best thing to do), so must it be also with a dynamo.
</p>
<p>
It was by no miracle that Edison was far and away ahead of his time when
he undertook to improve the dynamo. He was possessed of absolute KNOWLEDGE
far beyond that of his contemporaries. This he ad acquired by the hardest
kind of work and incessant experiment with magnets of all kinds during
several years preceding, particularly in connection with his study of
automatic telegraphy. His knowledge of magnets was tremendous. He had
studied and experimented with electromagnets in enormous variety, and knew
their peculiarities in charge and discharge, lag, self-induction, static
effects, condenser effects, and the various other phenomena connected
therewith. He had also made collateral studies of iron, steel, and copper,
insulation, winding, etc. Hence, by reason of this extensive work and
knowledge, Edison was naturally in a position to realize the utter
commercial impossibility of the then best dynamo machine in existence,
which had an efficiency of only about 40 per cent., and was constructed on
the "cut-and-try" principle.
</p>
<p>
He was also naturally in a position to assume the task he set out to
accomplish, of undertaking to plan and-build an improved type of machine
that should be commercial in having an efficiency of at least 90 per cent.
Truly a prodigious undertaking in those dark days, when from the
standpoint of Edison's large experience the most practical and correct
electrical treatise was contained in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, and in
a German publication which Mr. Upton had brought with him after he had
finished his studies with the illustrious Helmholtz. It was at this period
that Mr. Upton commenced his association with Edison, bringing to the
great work the very latest scientific views and the assistance of the
higher mathematics, to which he had devoted his attention for several
years previously.
</p>
<p>
As some account of Edison's investigations in this connection has already
been given in Chapter XII of the narrative, we shall not enlarge upon them
here, but quote from An Historical Review, by Charles L. Clarke,
Laboratory Assistant at Menlo Park, 1880-81; Chief Engineer of the Edison
Electric Light Company, 1881-84:
</p>
<p>
"In June, 1879, was published the account of the Edison dynamo-electric
machine that survived in the art. This machine went into extensive
commercial use, and was notable for its very massive and powerful
field-magnets and armature of extremely low resistance as compared with
the combined external resistance of the supply-mains and lamps. By means
of the large masses of iron in the field-magnets, and closely fitted
joints between the several parts thereof, the magnetic resistance
(reluctance) of the iron parts of the magnetic circuit was reduced to a
minimum, and the required magnetization effected with the maximum economy.
At the same time Mr. Edison announced the commercial necessity of having
the armature of the dynamo of low resistance, as compared with the
external resistance, in order that a large percentage of the electrical
energy developed should be utilized in the lamps, and only a small
percentage lost in the armature, albeit this procedure reduced the total
generating capacity of the machine. He also proposed to make the
resistance of the supply-mains small, as compared with the combined
resistance of the lamps in multiple arc, in order to still further
increase the percentage of energy utilized in the lamps. And likewise to
this end the combined resistance of the generator armatures in multiple
arc was kept relatively small by adjusting the number of generators
operating in multiple at any time to the number of lamps then in use. The
field-magnet circuits of the dynamos were connected in multiple with a
separate energizing source; and the field-current; and strength of field,
were regulated to maintain the required amount of electromotive force upon
the supply-mains under all conditions of load from the maximum to the
minimum number of lamps in use, and to keep the electromotive force of all
machines alike."
</p>
<p>
Among the earliest of Edison's dynamo experiments were those relating to
the core of the armature. He realized at once that the heat generated in a
solid core was a prolific source of loss. He experimented with bundles of
iron wires variously insulated, also with sheet-iron rolled cylindrically
and covered with iron wire wound concentrically. These experiments and
many others were tried in a great variety of ways, until, as the result of
all this work, Edison arrived at the principle which has remained in the
art to this day. He split up the iron core of the armature into thin
laminations, separated by paper, thus practically suppressing Foucault
currents therein and resulting heating effect. It was in his machine also
that mica was used for the first time as an insulating medium in a
commutator. [27]
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 27: The commercial manufacture of built-up sheets
of mica for electrical purposes was first established at the
Edison Machine Works, Goerck Street, New York, in 1881.]
</pre>
<p>
Elementary as these principles will appear to the modern student or
engineer, they were denounced as nothing short of absurdity at the time of
their promulgation—especially so with regard to Edison's proposal to
upset the then settled dictum that the armature resistance should be equal
to the external resistance. His proposition was derided in the technical
press of the period, both at home and abroad. As public opinion can be
best illustrated by actual quotation, we shall present a characteristic
instance.
</p>
<p>
In the Scientific American of October 18, 1879, there appeared an
illustrated article by Mr. Upton on Edison's dynamo machine, in which
Edison's views and claims were set forth. A subsequent issue contained a
somewhat acrimonious letter of criticism by a well-known maker of dynamo
machines. At the risk of being lengthy, we must quote nearly all this
letter: "I can scarcely conceive it as possible that the article on the
above subject '(Edison's Electric Generator)' in last week's Scientific
American could have been written from statements derived from Mr. Edison
himself, inasmuch as so many of the advantages claimed for the machine
described and statements of the results obtained are so manifestly absurd
as to indicate on the part of both writer and prompter a positive want of
knowledge of the electric circuit and the principles governing the
construction and operation of electric machines.
</p>
<p>
"It is not my intention to criticise the design or construction of the
machine (not because they are not open to criticism), as I am now and have
been for many years engaged in the manufacture of electric machines, but
rather to call attention to the impossibility of obtaining the described
results without destroying the doctrine of the conservation and
correlation of forces.
</p>
<p>
. . . . .
</p>
<p>
"It is stated that 'the internal resistance of the armature' of this
machine 'is only 1/2 ohm.' On this fact and the disproportion between this
resistance and that of the external circuit, the theory of the alleged
efficiency of the machine is stated to be based, for we are informed that,
'while this generator in general principle is the same as in the best
well-known forms, still there is an all-important difference, which is
that it will convert and deliver for useful work nearly double the number
of foot-pounds that any other machine will under like conditions.'" The
writer of this critical letter then proceeds to quote Mr. Upton's
statement of this efficiency: "'Now the energy converted is distributed
over the whole resistance, hence if the resistance of the machine be
represented by 1 and the exterior circuit by 9, then of the total energy
converted nine-tenths will be useful, as it is outside of the machine, and
one-tenth is lost in the resistance of the machine.'"
</p>
<p>
After this the critic goes on to say:
</p>
<p>
"How any one acquainted with the laws of the electric circuit can make
such statements is what I cannot understand. The statement last quoted is
mathematically absurd. It implies either that the machine is CAPABLE OF
INCREASING ITS OWN ELECTROMOTIVE FORCE NINE TIMES WITHOUT AN INCREASED
EXPENDITURE OF POWER, or that external resistance is NOT resistance to the
current induced in the Edison machine.
</p>
<p>
"Does Mr. Edison, or any one for him, mean to say that r/n enables him to
obtain nE, and that C IS NOT = E / (r/n + R)? If so Mr. Edison has
discovered something MORE than perpetual motion, and Mr. Keely had better
retire from the field.
</p>
<p>
"Further on the writer (Mr. Upton) gives us another example of this mode
of reasoning when, emboldened and satisfied with the absurd theory above
exposed, he endeavors to prove the cause of the inefficiency of the
Siemens and other machines. Couldn't the writer of the article see that
since C = E/(r + R) that by R/n or by making R = r, the machine would,
according to his theory, have returned more useful current to the circuit
than could be due to the power employed (and in the ratio indicated), so
that there would actually be a creation of force! . . . .
</p>
<p>
"In conclusion allow me to say that if Mr Edison thinks he has
accomplished so much by the REDUCTION OF THE INTERNAL RESISTANCE of his
machine, that he has much more to do in this direction before his machine
will equal IN THIS RESPECT others already in the market."
</p>
<p>
Another participant in the controversy on Edison's generator was a
scientific gentleman, who in a long article published in the Scientific
American, in November, 1879, gravely undertook to instruct Edison in the A
B C of electrical principles, and then proceeded to demonstrate
mathematically the IMPOSSIBILITY of doing WHAT EDISON HAD ACTUALLY DONE.
This critic concludes with a gentle rebuke to the inventor for ill-timed
jesting, and a suggestion to furnish AUTHENTIC information!
</p>
<p>
In the light of facts, as they were and are, this article is so full of
humor that we shall indulge in a few quotations It commences in A B C
fashion as follows: "Electric machines convert mechanical into electrical
energy.... The ratio of yield to consumption is the expression of the
efficiency of the machine.... How many foot-pounds of electricity can be
got out of 100 foot-pounds of mechanical energy? Certainly not more than
100: certainly less.... The facts and laws of physics, with the assistance
of mathematical logic, never fail to furnish precious answers to such
questions."
</p>
<p>
The would-be critic then goes on to tabulate tests of certain other dynamo
machines by a committee of the Franklin Institute in 1879, the results of
which showed that these machines returned about 50 per cent. of the
applied mechanical energy, ingenuously remarking: "Why is it that when we
have produced the electricity, half of it must slip away? Some persons
will be content if they are told simply that it is a way which electricity
has of behaving. But there is a satisfactory rational explanation which I
believe can be made plain to persons of ordinary intelligence. It ought to
be known to all those who are making or using machines. I am grieved to
observe that many persons who talk and write glibly about electricity do
not understand it; some even ignore or deny the fact to be explained."
</p>
<p>
Here follows HIS explanation, after which he goes on to say: "At this
point plausibly comes in a suggestion that the internal part of the
circuit be made very small and the external part very large. Why not (say)
make the internal part 1 and the external 9, thus saving nine-tenths and
losing only one-tenth? Unfortunately, the suggestion is not practical; a
fallacy is concealed in it."
</p>
<p>
He then goes on to prove his case mathematically, to his own satisfaction,
following it sadly by condoling with and a warning to Edison: "But about
Edison's electric generator! . . . No one capable of making the
improvements in the telegraph and telephone, for which we are indebted to
Mr. Edison, could be other than an accomplished electrician. His
reputation as a scientist, indeed, is smirched by the newspaper
exaggerations, and no doubt he will be more careful in future. But there
is a danger nearer home, indeed, among his own friends and in his very
household.
</p>
<p>
". . . The writer of page 242" (the original article) "is probably a
friend of Mr. Edison, but possibly, alas! a wicked partner. Why does he
say such things as these? 'Mr. Edison claims that he realizes 90 per cent.
of the power applied to this machine in external work.' . . . Perhaps the
writer is a humorist, and had in his mind Colonel Sellers, etc., which he
could not keep out of a serious discussion; but such jests are not good.
</p>
<p>
"Mr. Edison has built a very interesting machine, and he has the
opportunity of making a valuable contribution to the electrical arts by
furnishing authentic accounts of its capabilities."
</p>
<p>
The foregoing extracts are unavoidably lengthy, but, viewed in the light
of facts, serve to illustrate most clearly that Edison's conceptions and
work were far and away ahead of the comprehension of his contemporaries in
the art, and that his achievements in the line of efficient dynamo design
and construction were indeed truly fundamental and revolutionary in
character. Much more of similar nature to the above could be quoted from
other articles published elsewhere, but the foregoing will serve as
instances generally representing all. In the controversy which appeared in
the columns of the Scientific American, Mr. Upton, Edison's mathematician,
took up the question on his side, and answered the critics by further
elucidations of the principles on which Edison had founded such remarkable
and radical improvements in the art. The type of Edison's first
dynamo-electric machine, the description of which gave rise to the above
controversy, is shown in Fig. 1.
</p>
<p>
Any account of Edison's work on the dynamo would be incomplete did it omit
to relate his conception and construction of the great direct-connected
steam-driven generator that was the prototype of the colossal units which
are used throughout the world to-day.
</p>
<p>
In the demonstrating plant installed and operated by him at Menlo Park in
1880 ten dynamos of eight horse-power each were driven by a slow-speed
engine through a complicated system of counter-shafting, and, to quote
from Mr. Clarke's Historical Review, "it was found that a considerable
percentage of the power of the engine was necessarily wasted in friction
by this method of driving, and to prevent this waste and thus increase the
economy of his system, Mr. Edison conceived the idea of substituting a
single large dynamo for the several small dynamos, and directly coupling
it with the driving engine, and at the same time preserve the requisite
high armature speed by using an engine of the high-speed type. He also
expected to realize still further gains in economy from the use of a large
dynamo in place of several small machines by a more than correspondingly
lower armature resistance, less energy for magnetizing the field, and for
other minor reasons. To the same end, he intended to supply steam to the
engine under a much higher boiler pressure than was customary in
stationary-engine driving at that time."
</p>
<p>
The construction of the first one of these large machines was commenced
late in the year 1880. Early in 1881 it was completed and tested, but some
radical defects in armature construction were developed, and it was also
demonstrated that a rate of engine speed too high for continuously safe
and economical operation had been chosen. The machine was laid aside. An
accurate illustration of this machine, as it stood in the engine-room at
Menlo Park, is given in Van Nostrand's Engineering Magazine, Vol. XXV,
opposite page 439, and a brief description is given on page 450.
</p>
<p>
With the experience thus gained, Edison began, in the spring of 1881, at
the Edison Machine Works, Goerck Street, New York City, the construction
of the first successful machine of this type. This was the great machine
known as "Jumbo No. 1," which is referred to in the narrative as having
been exhibited at the Paris International Electrical Exposition, where it
was regarded as the wonder of the electrical world. An intimation of some
of the tremendous difficulties encountered in the construction of this
machine has already been given in preceding pages, hence we shall not now
enlarge on the subject, except to note in passing that the terribly
destructive effects of the spark of self-induction and the arcing
following it were first manifested in this powerful machine, but were
finally overcome by Edison after a strenuous application of his powers to
the solution of the problem.
</p>
<p>
It may be of interest, however, to mention some of its dimensions and
electrical characteristics, quoting again from Mr. Clarke: "The
field-magnet had eight solid cylindrical cores, 8 inches in diameter and
57 inches long, upon each of which was wound an exciting-coil of 3.2 ohms
resistance, consisting of 2184 turns of No. 10 B. W. G. insulated copper
wire, disposed in six layers. The laminated iron core of the armature,
formed of thin iron disks, was 33 3/4 inches long, and had an internal
diameter of 12 1/2 inches, and an external diameter of 26 7/16 inches. It
was mounted on a 6-inch shaft. The field-poles were 33 3/4 inches long,
and 27 1/2 inches inside diameter The armature winding consisted of 146
copper bars on the face of the core, connected into a closed-coil winding
by means of 73 copper disks at each end of the core. The cross-sectional
area of each bar was 0.2 square inch their average length was 42.7 inches,
and the copper end-disks were 0.065 inch thick. The commutator had 73
sections. The armature resistance was 0.0092 ohm, [28] of which 0.0055 ohm
was in the armature bars and 0.0037 ohm in the end-disks." An illustration
of the next latest type of this machine is presented in Fig. 2.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 28: Had Edison in Upton's Scientific American
article in 1879 proposed such an exceedingly low armature
resistance for this immense generator (although its ratio
was proportionate to the original machine), his critics
might probably have been sufficiently indignant as to be
unable to express themselves coherently.]
</pre>
<p>
The student may find it interesting to look up Edison's United States
Patents Nos. 242,898, 263,133, 263,146, and 246,647, bearing upon the
construction of the "Jumbo"; also illustrated articles in the technical
journals of the time, among which may be mentioned: Scientific American,
Vol. XLV, page 367; Engineering, London, Vol. XXXII, pages 409 and 419,
The Telegraphic Journal and Electrical Review, London, Vol. IX, pages
431-433, 436-446; La Nature, Paris, 9th year, Part II, pages 408-409;
Zeitschrift fur Angewandte Elektricitaatslehre, Munich and Leipsic, Vol.
IV, pages 4-14; and Dredge's Electric Illumination, 1882, Vol. I, page
261.
</p>
<p>
The further development of these great machines later on, and their
extensive practical use, are well known and need no further comment,
except in passing it may be noted that subsequent machines had each a
capacity of 1200 lamps of 16 candle-power, and that the armature
resistance was still further reduced to 0.0039 ohm.
</p>
<p>
Edison's clear insight into the future, as illustrated by his persistent
advocacy of large direct-connected generating units, is abundantly
vindicated by present-day practice. His Jumbo machines, of 175
horse-power, so enormous for their time, have served as prototypes, and
have been succeeded by generators which have constantly grown in size and
capacity until at this time (1910) it is not uncommon to employ such
generating units of a capacity of 14,000 kilowatts, or about 18,666
horse-power.
</p>
<p>
We have not entered into specific descriptions of the many other forms of
dynamo machines invented by Edison, such as the multipolar, the disk
dynamo, and the armature with two windings, for sub-station distribution;
indeed, it is not possible within our limited space to present even a
brief digest of Edison's great and comprehensive work on the
dynamo-electric machine, as embodied in his extensive experiments and in
over one hundred patents granted to him. We have, therefore, confined
ourselves to the indication of a few salient and basic features, leaving
it to the interested student to examine the patents and the technical
literature of the long period of time over which Edison's labors were
extended.
</p>
<p>
Although he has not given any attention to the subject of generators for
many years, an interesting instance of his incisive method of overcoming
minor difficulties occurred while the present volumes were under
preparation (1909). Carbon for commutator brushes has been superseded by
graphite in some cases, the latter material being found much more
advantageous, electrically. Trouble developed, however, for the reason
that while carbon was hard and would wear away the mica insulation
simultaneously with the copper, graphite, being softer, would wear away
only the copper, leaving ridges of mica and thus causing sparking through
unequal contact. At this point Edison was asked to diagnose the trouble
and provide a remedy. He suggested the cutting out of the mica pieces
almost to the bottom, leaving the commutator bars separated by air-spaces.
This scheme was objected to on the ground that particles of graphite would
fill these air-spaces and cause a short-circuit. His answer was that the
air-spaces constituted the value of his plan, as the particles of graphite
falling into them would be thrown out by the action of centrifugal force
as the commutator revolved. And thus it occurred as a matter of fact, and
the trouble was remedied. This idea was subsequently adopted by a great
manufacturer of generators.
</p>
<p>
<a name="link2H_4_0044" id="link2H_4_0044">
<!-- H2 anchor --> </a>
</p>
<div style="height: 4em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2>
XI. THE EDISON FEEDER SYSTEM
</h2>
<p>
TO quote from the preamble of the specifications of United States Patent
No. 264,642, issued to Thomas A. Edison September 19, 1882: "This
invention relates to a method of equalizing the tension or 'pressure' of
the current through an entire system of electric lighting or other
translation of electric force, preventing what is ordinarily known as a
'drop' in those portions of the system the more remote from the central
station...."
</p>
<p>
The problem which was solved by the Edison feeder system was that relating
to the equal distribution of current on a large scale over extended areas,
in order that a constant and uniform electrical pressure could be
maintained in every part of the distribution area without prohibitory
expenditure for copper for mains and conductors.
</p>
<p>
This problem had a twofold aspect, although each side was inseparably
bound up in the other. On the one hand it was obviously necessary in a
lighting system that each lamp should be of standard candle-power, and
capable of interchangeable use on any part of the system, giving the same
degree of illumination at every point, whether near to or remote from the
source of electrical energy. On the other hand, this must be accomplished
by means of a system of conductors so devised and arranged that while they
would insure the equal pressure thus demanded, their mass and consequent
cost would not exceed the bounds of practical and commercially economical
investment.
</p>
<p>
The great importance of this invention can be better understood and
appreciated by a brief glance at the state of the art in 1878-79, when
Edison was conducting the final series of investigations which culminated
in his invention of the incandescent lamp and SYSTEM of lighting. At this
time, and for some years previously, the scientific world had been working
on the "subdivision of the electric light," as it was then termed. Some
leading authorities pronounced it absolutely impossible of achievement on
any extended scale, while a very few others, of more optimistic mind,
could see no gleam of light through the darkness, but confidently hoped
for future developments by such workers as Edison.
</p>
<p>
The earlier investigators, including those up to the period above named,
thought of the problem as involving the subdivision of a FIXED UNIT of
current, which, being sufficient to cause illumination by one large lamp,
might be divided into a number of small units whose aggregate light would
equal the candle-power of this large lamp. It was found, however, in their
experiments that the contrary effect was produced, for with every
additional lamp introduced in the circuit the total candle-power decreased
instead of increasing. If they were placed in series the light varied
inversely as the SQUARE of the number of lamps in circuit; while if they
were inserted in multiple arc, the light diminished as the CUBE of the
number in circuit. [29] The idea of maintaining a constant potential and
of PROPORTIONING THE CURRENT to the number of lamps in circuit did not
occur to most of these early investigators as a feasible method of
overcoming the supposed difficulty.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 29: M. Fontaine, in his book on Electric Lighting
(1877), showed that with the current of a battery composed
of sixteen elements, one lamp gave an illumination equal to
54 burners; whereas two similar lamps, if introduced in
parallel or multiple arc, gave the light of only 6 1/2
burners in all; three lamps of only 2 burners in all; four
lamps of only 3/4 of one burner, and five lamps of 1/4 of a
burner.]
</pre>
<p>
It would also seem that although the general method of placing
experimental lamps in multiple arc was known at this period, the idea of
"drop" of electrical pressure was imperfectly understood, if, indeed,
realized at all, as a most important item to be considered in attempting
the solution of the problem. As a matter of fact, the investigators
preceding Edison do not seem to have conceived the idea of a "system" at
all; hence it is not surprising to find them far astray from the correct
theory of subdivision of the electric current. It may easily be believed
that the term "subdivision" was a misleading one to these early
experimenters. For a very short time Edison also was thus misled, but as
soon as he perceived that the problem was one involving the MULTIPLICATION
OF CURRENT UNITS, his broad conception of a "system" was born.
</p>
<p>
Generally speaking, all conductors of electricity offer more or less
resistance to the passage of current through them and in the technical
terminology of electrical science the word "drop" (when used in reference
to a system of distribution) is used to indicate a fall or loss of initial
electrical pressure arising from the resistance offered by the copper
conductors leading from the source of energy to the lamps. The result of
this resistance is to convert or translate a portion of the electrical
energy into another form—namely, heat, which in the conductors is
USELESS and wasteful and to some extent inevitable in practice, but is to
be avoided and remedied as far as possible.
</p>
<p>
It is true that in an electric-lighting system there is also a fall or
loss of electrical pressure which occurs in overcoming the much greater
resistance of the filament in an incandescent lamp. In this case there is
also a translation of the energy, but here it accomplishes a USEFUL
purpose, as the energy is converted into the form of light through the
incandescence of the filament. Such a conversion is called "work" as
distinguished from "drop," although a fall of initial electrical pressure
is involved in each case.
</p>
<p>
The percentage of "drop" varies according to the quantity of copper used
in conductors, both as to cross-section and length. The smaller the
cross-sectional area, the greater the percentage of drop. The practical
effect of this drop would be a loss of illumination in the lamps as we go
farther away from the source of energy. This may be illustrated by a
simple diagram in which G is a generator, or source of energy, furnishing
current at a potential or electrical pressure of 110 volts; 1 and 2 are
main conductors, from which 110-volt lamps, L, are taken in derived
circuits. It will be understood that the circuits represented in Fig. 1
are theoretically supposed to extend over a large area. The main
conductors are sufficiently large in cross-section to offer but little
resistance in those parts which are comparatively near the generator, but
as the current traverses their extended length there is a gradual increase
of resistance to overcome, and consequently the drop increases, as shown
by the figures. The result of the drop in such a case would be that while
the two lamps, or groups, nearest the generator would be burning at their
proper degree of illumination, those beyond would give lower and lower
candle-power, successively, until the last lamp, or group, would be giving
only about two-thirds the light of the first two. In other words, a very
slight drop in voltage means a disproportionately great loss in
illumination. Hence, by using a primitive system of distribution, such as
that shown by Fig. 1, the initial voltage would have to be so high, in
order to obtain the proper candle-power at the end of the circuit, that
the lamps nearest the generator would be dangerously overheated. It might
be suggested as a solution of this problem that lamps of different
voltages could be used. But, as we are considering systems of extended
distribution employing vast numbers of lamps (as in New York City, where
millions are in use), it will be seen that such a method would lead to
inextricable confusion, and therefore be absolutely out of the question.
Inasmuch as the percentage of drop decreases in proportion to the
increased cross-section of the conductors, the only feasible plan would
seem to be to increase their size to such dimensions as to eliminate the
drop altogether, beginning with conductors of large cross-section and
tapering off as necessary. This would, indeed, obviate the trouble, but,
on the other hand, would give rise to a much more serious difficulty—namely,
the enormous outlay for copper; an outlay so great as to be absolutely
prohibitory in considering the electric lighting of large districts, as
now practiced.
</p>
<p>
Another diagram will probably make this more clear. The reference figures
are used as before, except that the horizontal lines extending from square
marked G represent the main conductors. As each lamp requires and takes
its own proportion of the total current generated, it is obvious that the
size of the conductors to carry the current for a number of lamps must be
as large as the sum of ALL the separate conductors which would be required
to carry the necessary amount of current to each lamp separately. Hence,
in a primitive multiple-arc system, it was found that the system must have
conductors of a size equal to the aggregate of the individual conductors
necessary for every lamp. Such conductors might either be separate, as
shown above (Fig. 2), or be bunched together, or made into a solid
tapering conductor, as shown in the following figure:
</p>
<p>
The enormous mass of copper needed in such a system can be better
appreciated by a concrete example. Some years ago Mr. W. J. Jenks made a
comparative calculation which showed that such a system of conductors
(known as the "Tree" system), to supply 8640 lamps in a territory
extending over so small an area as nine city blocks, would require 803,250
pounds of copper, which at the then price of 25 cents per pound would cost
$200,812.50!
</p>
<p>
Such, in brief, was the state of the art, generally speaking, at the
period above named (1878-79). As early in the art as the latter end of the
year 1878, Edison had developed his ideas sufficiently to determine that
the problem of electric illumination by small units could be solved by
using incandescent lamps of high resistance and small radiating surface,
and by distributing currents of constant potential thereto in multiple arc
by means of a ramification of conductors, starting from a central source
and branching therefrom in every direction. This was an equivalent of the
method illustrated in Fig. 3, known as the "Tree" system, and was, in
fact, the system used by Edison in the first and famous exhibition of his
electric light at Menlo Park around the Christmas period of 1879. He
realized, however, that the enormous investment for copper would militate
against the commercial adoption of electric lighting on an extended scale.
His next inventive step covered the division of a large city district into
a number of small sub-stations supplying current through an interconnected
network of conductors, thus reducing expenditure for copper to some
extent, because each distribution unit was small and limited the drop.
</p>
<p>
His next development was the radical advancement of the state of the art
to the feeder system, covered by the patent now under discussion. This
invention swept away the tree and other systems, and at one bound brought
into being the possibility of effectively distributing large currents over
extended areas with a commercially reasonable investment for copper.
</p>
<p>
The fundamental principles of this invention were, first, to sever
entirely any direct connection of the main conductors with the source of
energy; and, second, to feed current at a constant potential to central
points in such main conductors by means of other conductors, called
"feeders," which were to be connected directly with the source of energy
at the central station. This idea will be made more clear by reference to
the following simple diagram, in which the same letters are used as
before, with additions:
</p>
<p>
In further elucidation of the diagram, it may be considered that the mains
are laid in the street along a city block, more or less distant from the
station, while the feeders are connected at one end with the source of
energy at the station, their other extremities being connected to the
mains at central points of distribution. Of course, this system was
intended to be applied in every part of a district to be supplied with
current, separate sets of feeders running out from the station to the
various centres. The distribution mains were to be of sufficiently large
size that between their most extreme points the loss would not be more
than 3 volts. Such a slight difference would not make an appreciable
variation in the candle-power of the lamps.
</p>
<p>
By the application of these principles, the inevitable but useless loss,
or "drop," required by economy might be incurred, but was LOCALIZED IN THE
FEEDERS, where it would not affect the uniformity of illumination of the
lamps in any of the circuits, whether near to or remote from the station,
because any variations of loss in the feeders would not give rise to
similar fluctuations in any lamp circuit. The feeders might be operated at
any desired percentage of loss that would realize economy in copper, so
long as they delivered current to the main conductors at the potential
represented by the average voltage of the lamps.
</p>
<p>
Thus the feeders could be made comparatively small in cross-section. It
will be at once appreciated that, inasmuch as the mains required to be
laid ONLY along the blocks to be lighted, and were not required to be run
all the way to the central station (which might be half a mile or more
away), the saving of copper by Edison's feeder system was enormous.
Indeed, the comparative calculation of Mr. Jenks, above referred to, shows
that to operate the same number of lights in the same extended area of
territory, the feeder system would require only 128,739 pounds of copper,
which, at the then price of 25 cents per pound, would cost only $39,185,
or A SAVING of $168,627.50 for copper in this very small district of only
nine blocks.
</p>
<p>
An additional illustration, appealing to the eye, is presented in the
following sketch, in which the comparative masses of copper of the tree
and feeder systems for carrying the same current are shown side by side:
</p>
<p>
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<h2>
XII. THE THREE-WIRE SYSTEM
</h2>
<p>
THIS invention is covered by United States Patent No. 274,290, issued to
Edison on March 20, 1883. The object of the invention was to provide for
increased economy in the quantity of copper employed for the main
conductors in electric light and power installations of considerable
extent at the same time preserving separate and independent control of
each lamp, motor, or other translating device, upon any one of the various
distribution circuits.
</p>
<p>
Immediately prior to this invention the highest state of the art of
electrical distribution was represented by Edison's feeder system, which
has already been described as a straight parallel or multiple-arc system
wherein economy of copper was obtained by using separate sets of
conductors—minus load—feeding current at standard potential or
electrical pressure into the mains at centres of distribution.
</p>
<p>
It should be borne in mind that the incandescent lamp which was accepted
at the time as a standard (and has so remained to the present day) was a
lamp of 110 volts or thereabouts. In using the word "standard," therefore,
it is intended that the same shall apply to lamps of about that voltage,
as well as to electrical circuits of the approximate potential to operate
them.
</p>
<p>
Briefly stated, the principle involved in the three-wire system is to
provide main circuits of double the standard potential, so as to operate
standard lamps, or other translating devices, in multiple series of two to
each series; and for the purpose of securing independent, individual
control of each unit, to divide each main circuit into any desired number
of derived circuits of standard potential (properly balanced) by means of
a central compensating conductor which would be normally neutral, but
designed to carry any minor excess of current that might flow by reason of
any temporary unbalancing of either side of the main circuit.
</p>
<p>
Reference to the following diagrams will elucidate this principle more
clearly than words alone can do. For the purpose of increased lucidity we
will first show a plain multiple-series system.
</p>
<p>
In this diagram G<1S> and G<2S> represent two generators, each
producing current at a potential of 110 volts. By connecting them in
series this potential is doubled, thus providing a main circuit (P and N)
of 220 volts. The figures marked L represent eight lamps of 110 volts
each, in multiple series of two, in four derived circuits. The arrows
indicate the flow of current. By this method each pair of lamps takes,
together, only the same quantity or volume of current required by a single
lamp in a simple multiple-arc system; and, as the cross-section of a
conductor depends upon the quantity of current carried, such an
arrangement as the above would allow the use of conductors of only
one-fourth the cross-section that would be otherwise required. From the
standpoint of economy of investment such an arrangement would be highly
desirable, but considered commercially it is impracticable because the
principle of independent control of each unit would be lost, as the
turning out of a lamp in any series would mean the extinguishment of its
companion also. By referring to the diagram it will be seen that each
series of two forms one continuous path between the main conductors, and
if this path be broken at any one point current will immediately cease to
flow in that particular series.
</p>
<p>
Edison, by his invention of the three-wire system, overcame this
difficulty entirely, and at the same time conserved approximately, the
saving of copper, as will be apparent from the following illustration of
that system, in its simplest form.
</p>
<p>
The reference figures are similar to those in the preceding diagram, and
all conditions are also alike except that a central compensating, or
balancing, conductor, PN, is here introduced. This is technically termed
the "neutral" wire, and in the discharge of its functions lies the
solution of the problem of economical distribution. Theoretically, a
three-wire installation is evenly balanced by wiring for an equal number
of lamps on both sides. If all these lamps were always lighted, burned,
and extinguished simultaneously the central conductor would, in fact,
remain neutral, as there would be no current passing through it, except
from lamp to lamp. In practice, however, no such perfect conditions can
obtain, hence the necessity of the provision for balancing in order to
maintain the principle of independent control of each unit.
</p>
<p>
It will be apparent that the arrangement shown in Fig. 2 comprises
practically two circuits combined in one system, in which the central
conductor, PN, in case of emergency, serves in two capacities—namely,
as negative to generator G<1S> or as positive to generator G<2S>,
although normally neutral. There are two sides to the system, the positive
side being represented by the conductors P and PN, and the negative side
by the conductors PN and N. Each side, if considered separately, has a
potential of about 110 volts, yet the potential of the two outside
conductors, P and N, is 220 volts. The lamps are 110 volts.
</p>
<p>
In practical use the operation of the system is as follows: If all the
lamps were lighted the current would flow along P and through each pair of
lamps to N, and so back to the source of energy. In this case the balance
is preserved and the central wire remains neutral, as no return current
flows through it to the source of energy. But let us suppose that one lamp
on the positive side is extinguished. None of the other lamps is affected
thereby, but the system is immediately thrown out of balance, and on the
positive side there is an excess of current to this extent which flows
along or through the central conductor and returns to the generator, the
central conductor thus becoming the negative of that side of the system
for the time being. If the lamp extinguished had been one of those on the
negative side of the system results of a similar nature would obtain,
except that the central conductor would for the time being become the
positive of that side, and the excess of current would flow through the
negative, N, back to the source of energy. Thus it will be seen that a
three-wire system, considered as a whole, is elastic in that it may
operate as one when in balance and as two when unbalanced, but in either
event giving independent control of each unit.
</p>
<p>
For simplicity of illustration a limited number of circuits, shown in Fig.
2, has been employed. In practice, however, where great numbers of lamps
are in use (as, for instance, in New York City, where about 7,000,000
lamps are operated from various central stations), there is constantly
occurring more or less change in the balance of many circuits extending
over considerable distances, but of course there is a net result which is
always on one side of the system or the other for the time being, and this
is met by proper adjustment at the appropriate generator in the station.
</p>
<p>
In order to make the explanation complete, there is presented another
diagram showing a three-wire system unbalanced:
</p>
<p>
The reference figures are used as before, but in this case the vertical
lines represent branches taken from the main conductors into buildings or
other spaces to be lighted, and the loops between these branch wires
represent lamps in operation. It will be seen from this sketch that there
are ten lamps on the positive side and twelve on the negative side. Hence,
the net result is an excess of current equal to that required by two lamps
flowing through the central or compensating conductor, which is now acting
as positive to generator G<2S> The arrows show the assumed direction of
flow of current throughout the system, and the small figures at the
arrow-heads the volume of that current expressed in the number of lamps
which it supplies.
</p>
<p>
The commercial value of this invention may be appreciated from the fact
that by the application of its principles there is effected a saving of 62
1/2 per cent. of the amount of copper over that which would be required
for conductors in any previously devised two-wire system carrying the same
load. This arises from the fact that by the doubling of potential the two
outside mains are reduced to one-quarter the cross-section otherwise
necessary. A saving of 75 per cent. would thus be assured, but the
addition of a third, or compensating, conductor of the same cross-section
as one of the outside mains reduces the total saving to 62 1/2 per cent.
</p>
<p>
The three-wire system is in universal use throughout the world at the
present day.
</p>
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<h2>
XIII. EDISON'S ELECTRIC RAILWAY
</h2>
<p>
AS narrated in Chapter XVIII, there were two electric railroads installed
by Edison at Menlo Park—one in 1880, originally a third of a mile
long, but subsequently increased to about a mile in length, and the other
in 1882, about three miles long. As the 1880 road was built very soon
after Edison's notable improvements in dynamo machines, and as the art of
operating them to the best advantage was then being developed, this early
road was somewhat crude as compared with the railroad of 1882; but both
were practicable and serviceable for the purpose of hauling passengers and
freight. The scope of the present article will be confined to a
description of the technical details of these two installations.
</p>
<p>
The illustration opposite page 454 of the preceding narrative shows the
first Edison locomotive and train of 1880 at Menlo Park.
</p>
<p>
For the locomotive a four-wheel iron truck was used, and upon it was
mounted one of the long "Z" type 110-volt Edison dynamos, with a capacity
of 75 amperes, which was to be used as a motor. This machine was laid on
its side, its armature being horizontal and located toward the front of
the locomotive.
</p>
<p>
We now quote from an article by Mr. E. W. Hammer, published in the
Electrical World, New York, June 10, 1899, and afterward elaborated and
reprinted in a volume entitled Edisonia, compiled and published under the
auspices of a committee of the Association of Edison Illuminating
Companies, in 1904: "The gearing originally employed consisted of a
friction-pulley upon the armature shaft, another friction-pulley upon the
driven axle, and a third friction-pulley which could be brought in contact
with the other two by a suitable lever. Each wheel of the locomotive was
made with metallic rim and a centre portion made of wood or papier-mache.
A three-legged spider connected the metal rim of each front wheel to a
brass hub, upon which rested a collecting brush. The other wheels were
subsequently so equipped. It was the intention, therefore, that the
current should enter the locomotive wheels at one side, and after passing
through the metal spiders, collecting brushes and motor, would pass out
through the corresponding brushes, spiders, and wheels to the other rail."
</p>
<p>
As to the road: "The rails were light and were spiked to ordinary
sleepers, with a gauge of about three and one-half feet. The sleepers were
laid upon the natural grade, and there was comparatively no effort made to
ballast the road. . . . No special precautions were taken to insulate the
rails from the earth or from each other."
</p>
<p>
The road started about fifty feet away from the generating station, which
in this case was the machine shop. Two of the "Z" type dynamos were used
for generating the current, which was conveyed to the two rails of the
road by underground conductors.
</p>
<p>
On Thursday, May 13, 1880, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, this historic
locomotive made its first trip, packed with as many of the "boys" as could
possibly find a place to hang on. "Everything worked to a charm, until, in
starting up at one end of the road, the friction gearing was brought into
action too suddenly and it was wrecked. This accident demonstrated that
some other method of connecting the armature with the driven axle should
be arranged.
</p>
<p>
"As thus originally operated, the motor had its field circuit in permanent
connection as a shunt across the rails, and this field circuit was
protected by a safety-catch made by turning up two bare ends of the wire
in its circuit and winding a piece of fine copper wire across from one
bare end to the other. The armature circuit had a switch in it which
permitted the locomotive to be reversed by reversing the direction of
current flow through the armature.
</p>
<p>
"After some consideration of the gearing question, it was decided to
employ belts instead of the friction-pulleys." Accordingly, Edison
installed on the locomotive a system of belting, including an idler-pulley
which was used by means of a lever to tighten the main driving-belt, and
thus power was applied to the driven axle. This involved some slipping and
consequent burning of belts; also, if the belt were prematurely tightened,
the burning-out of the armature. This latter event happened a number of
times, "and proved to be such a serious annoyance that resistance-boxes
were brought out from the laboratory and placed upon the locomotive in
series with the armature. This solved the difficulty. The locomotive would
be started with these resistance-boxes in circuit, and after reaching full
speed the operator could plug the various boxes out of circuit, and in
that way increase the speed." To stop, the armature circuit was opened by
the main switch and the brake applied.
</p>
<p>
This arrangement was generally satisfactory, but the resistance-boxes
scattered about the platform and foot-rests being in the way, Edison
directed that some No. 8 B. & S. copper wire be wound on the lower leg
of the motor field-magnet. "By doing this the resistance was put where it
would take up the least room, and where it would serve as an additional
field-coil when starting the motor, and it replaced all the
resistance-boxes which had heretofore been in plain sight. The boxes under
the seat were still retained in service. The coil of coarse wire was in
series with the armature, just as the resistance-boxes had been, and could
be plugged in or out of circuit at the will of the locomotive driver. The
general arrangement thus secured was operated as long as this road was in
commission."
</p>
<p>
On this short stretch of road there were many sharp curves and steep
grades, and in consequence of the high speed attained (as high as
forty-two miles an hour) several derailments took place, but fortunately
without serious results. Three cars were in service during the entire time
of operating this 1880 railroad: one a flat-car for freight; one an open
car with two benches placed back to back; and the third a box-car,
familiarly known as the "Pullman." This latter car had an interesting
adjunct in an electric braking system (covered by Edison's Patent No.
248,430). "Each car axle had a large iron disk mounted on and revolving
with it between the poles of a powerful horseshoe electromagnet. The
pole-pieces of the magnet were movable, and would be attracted to the
revolving disk when the magnet was energized, grasping the same and acting
to retard the revolution of the car axle."
</p>
<p>
Interesting articles on Edison's first electric railroad were published in
the technical and other papers, among which may be mentioned the New York
Herald, May 15 and July 23, 1880; the New York Graphic, July 27, 1880; and
the Scientific American, June 6, 1880.
</p>
<p>
Edison's second electric railroad of 1882 was more pretentious as regards
length, construction, and equipment. It was about three miles long, of
nearly standard gauge, and substantially constructed. Curves were
modified, and grades eliminated where possible by the erection of numerous
trestles. This road also had some features of conventional railroads, such
as sidings, turn-tables, freight platform, and car-house. "Current was
supplied to the road by underground feeder cables from the dynamo-room of
the laboratory. The rails were insulated from the ties by giving them two
coats of japan, baking them in the oven, and then placing them on pads of
tar-impregnated muslin laid on the ties. The ends of the rails were not
japanned, but were electroplated, to give good contact surfaces for
fish-plates and copper bonds."
</p>
<p>
The following notes of Mr. Frederick A. Scheffler, who designed the
passenger locomotive for the 1882 road, throw an interesting light on its
technical details:
</p>
<p>
"In May, 1881, I was engaged by Mr. M. F. Moore, who was the first General
Manager of the Edison Company for Isolated Lighting, as a draftsman to
undertake the work of designing and building Edison's electric locomotive
No. 2.
</p>
<p>
"Previous to that time I had been employed in the engineering department
of Grant Locomotive Works, Paterson, New Jersey, and the Rhode Island
Locomotive Works, Providence, Rhode Island....
</p>
<p>
"It was Mr. Edison's idea, as I understood it at that time, to build a
locomotive along the general lines of steam locomotives (at least, in
outward appearance), and to combine in that respect the framework, truck,
and other parts known to be satisfactory in steam locomotives at the same
time.
</p>
<p>
"This naturally required the services of a draftsman accustomed to
steam-locomotive practice.... Mr. Moore was a man of great railroad and
locomotive experience, and his knowledge in that direction was of great
assistance in the designing and building of this locomotive.
</p>
<p>
"At that time I had no knowledge of electricity.... One could count
so-called electrical engineers on his fingers then, and have some fingers
left over.
</p>
<p>
"Consequently, the ELECTRICAL equipment was designed by Mr. Edison and his
assistants. The data and parts, such as motor, rheostat, switches, etc.,
were given to me, and my work was to design the supporting frame, axles,
countershafts, driving mechanism, speed control, wheels and boxes, cab,
running board, pilot (or 'cow-catcher'), buffers, and even supports for
the headlight. I believe I also designed a bell and supports. From this it
will be seen that the locomotive had all the essential paraphernalia to
make it LOOK like a steam locomotive.
</p>
<p>
"The principal part of the outfit was the electric motor. At that time
motors were curiosities. There were no electric motors even for stationary
purposes, except freaks built for experimental uses. This motor was made
from the parts—such as fields, armature, commutator, shaft and
bearings, etc., of an Edison 'Z,' or 60-light dynamo. It was the only size
of dynamo that the Edison Company had marketed at that time.... As a
motor, it was wound to run at maximum speed to develop a torque equal to
about fifteen horse-power with 220 volts. At the generating station at
Menlo Park four Z dynamos of 110 volts were used, connected two in series,
in multiple arc, giving a line voltage of 220.
</p>
<p>
"The motor was located in the front part of the locomotive, on its side,
with the armature shaft across the frames, or parallel with the driving
axles.
</p>
<p>
"On account of the high speed of the armature shaft it was not possible to
connect with driving-axles direct, but this was an advantage in one way,
as by introducing an intermediate counter-shaft (corresponding to the
well-known type of double-reduction motor used on trolley-cars since
1885), a fairly good arrangement was obtained to regulate the speed of the
locomotive, exclusive of resistance in the electric circuit.
</p>
<p>
"Endless leather belting was used to transmit the power from the motor to
the counter-shaft, and from the latter to the driving-wheels, which were
the front pair. A vertical idler-pulley was mounted in a frame over the
belt from motor to counter-shaft, terminating in a vertical screw and
hand-wheel for tightening the belt to increase speed, or the reverse to
lower speed. This hand-wheel was located in the cab, where it was easily
accessible....
</p>
<p>
"The rough outline sketched below shows the location of motor in relation
to counter-shaft, belting, driving-wheels, idler, etc.:
</p>
<p>
"On account of both rails being used for circuits, . . . the
driving-wheels had to be split circumferentially and completely insulated
from the axles. This was accomplished by means of heavy wood blocks well
shellacked or otherwise treated to make them water and weather proof,
placed radially on the inside of the wheels, and then substantially bolted
to the hubs and rims of the latter.
</p>
<p>
"The weight of the locomotive was distributed over the driving-wheels in
the usual locomotive practice by means of springs and equalizers.
</p>
<p>
"The current was taken from the rims of the driving-wheels by a
three-pronged collector of brass, against which flexible copper brushes
were pressed—a simple manner of overcoming any inequalities of the
road-bed.
</p>
<p>
"The late Mr. Charles T. Hughes was in charge of the track construction at
Menlo Park.... His work was excellent throughout, and the results were
highly satisfactory so far as they could possibly be with the arrangement
originally planned by Mr. Edison and his assistants.
</p>
<p>
"Mr. Charles L. Clarke, one of the earliest electrical engineers employed
by Mr. Edison, made a number of tests on this 1882 railroad. I believe
that the engine driving the four Z generators at the power-house indicated
as high as seventy horse-power at the time the locomotive was actually in
service."
</p>
<p>
The electrical features of the 1882 locomotive were very similar to those
of the earlier one, already described. Shunt and series field-windings
were added to the motor, and the series windings could be plugged in and
out of circuit as desired. The series winding was supplemented by
resistance-boxes, also capable of being plugged in or out of circuit.
These various electrical features are diagrammatically shown in Fig. 2,
which also illustrates the connection with the generating plant.
</p>
<p>
We quote again from Mr. Hammer, who says: "The freight-locomotive had
single reduction gears, as is the modern practice, but the power was
applied through a friction-clutch The passenger-locomotive was very
speedy, and ninety passengers have been carried at a time by it; the
freight-locomotive was not so fast, but could pull heavy trains at a good
speed. Many thousand people were carried on this road during 1882." The
general appearance of Edison's electric locomotive of 1882 is shown in the
illustration opposite page 462 of the preceding narrative. In the picture
Mr. Edison may be seen in the cab, and Mr. Insull on the front platform of
the passenger-car.
</p>
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<h2>
XIV. TRAIN TELEGRAPHY
</h2>
<p>
WHILE the one-time art of telegraphing to and from moving trains was
essentially a wireless system, and allied in some of its principles to the
art of modern wireless telegraphy through space, the two systems cannot,
strictly speaking be regarded as identical, as the practice of the former
was based entirely on the phenomenon of induction.
</p>
<p>
Briefly described in outline, the train telegraph system consisted of an
induction circuit obtained by laying strips of metal along the top or roof
of a railway-car, and the installation of a special telegraph line running
parallel with the track and strung on poles of only medium height. The
train, and also each signalling station, was equipped with regulation
telegraph apparatus, such as battery, key, relay, and sounder, together
with induction-coil and condenser. In addition, there was a special
transmitting device in the shape of a musical reed, or "buzzer." In
practice, this buzzer was continuously operated at a speed of about five
hundred vibrations per second by an auxiliary battery. Its vibrations were
broken by means of a telegraph key into long and short periods,
representing Morse characters, which were transmitted inductively from the
train circuit to the pole line or vice versa, and received by the operator
at the other end through a high-resistance telephone receiver inserted in
the secondary circuit of the induction-coil.
</p>
<p>
The accompanying diagrammatic sketch of a simple form of the system, as
installed on a car, will probably serve to make this more clear.
</p>
<p>
An insulated wire runs from the metallic layers on the roof of the car to
switch S, which is shown open in the sketch. When a message is to be
received on the car from a station more or less remote, the switch is
thrown to the left to connect with a wire running to the telephone
receiver, T. The other wire from this receiver is run down to one of the
axles and there permanently connected, thus making a ground. The operator
puts the receiver to his ear and listens for the message, which the
telephone renders audible in the Morse characters.
</p>
<p>
If a message is to be transmitted from the car to a receiving station,
near or distant, the switch, S, is thrown to the other side, thus
connecting with a wire leading to one end of the secondary of
induction-coil C. The other end of the secondary is connected with the
grounding wire. The primary of the induction-coil is connected as shown,
one end going to key K and the other to the buzzer circuit. The other side
of the key is connected to the transmitting battery, while the opposite
pole of this battery is connected in the buzzer circuit. The buzzer, R, is
maintained in rapid vibration by its independent auxiliary battery, B<1S>.
</p>
<p>
When the key is pressed down the circuit is closed, and current from the
transmitting battery, B, passes through primary of the coil, C, and
induces a current of greatly increased potential in the secondary. The
current as it passes into the primary, being broken up into short impulses
by the tremendously rapid vibrations of the buzzer, induces similarly
rapid waves of high potential in the secondary, and these in turn pass to
the roof and thence through the intervening air by induction to the
telegraph wire. By a continued lifting and depression of the key in the
regular manner, these waves are broken up into long and short periods, and
are thus transmitted to the station, via the wire, in Morse characters,
dots and dashes.
</p>
<p>
The receiving stations along the line of the railway were similarly
equipped as to apparatus, and, generally speaking the operations of
sending and receiving messages were substantially the same as above
described.
</p>
<p>
The equipment of an operator on a car was quite simple consisting merely
of a small lap-board, on which were mounted the key, coil, and buzzer,
leaving room for telegraph blanks. To this board were also attached
flexible conductors having spring clips, by means of which connections
could be made quickly with conveniently placed terminals of the ground,
roof, and battery wires. The telephone receiver was held on the head with
a spring, the flexible connecting wire being attached to the lap board,
thus leaving the operator with both hands free.
</p>
<p>
The system, as shown in the sketch and elucidated by the text, represents
the operation of train telegraphy in a simple form, but combining the main
essentials of the art as it was successfully and commercially practiced
for a number of years after Edison and Gilliland entered the field. They
elaborated the system in various ways, making it more complete; but it has
not been deemed necessary to enlarge further upon the technical minutiae
of the art for the purpose of this work.
</p>
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<h2>
XV. KINETOGRAPH AND PROJECTING KINETOSCOPE
</h2>
<p>
ALTHOUGH many of the arts in which Edison has been a pioneer have been
enriched by his numerous inventions and patents, which were subsequent to
those of a fundamental nature, the (so-called) motion-picture art is an
exception, as the following, together with three other additional patents
[30] comprise all that he has taken out on this subject: United States
Patent No. 589,168, issued August 31, 1897, reissued in two parts—namely,
No. 12,037, under date of September 30,1902, and No. 12,192, under date of
January 12, 1904. Application filed August 24, 1891.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 30: Not 491,993, issued February 21, 1893; No.
493,426, issued March 14, 1893; No. 772,647, issued October
18, 1904.]
</pre>
<p>
There is nothing surprising in this, however, as the possibility of
photographing and reproducing actual scenes of animate life are so
thoroughly exemplified and rendered practicable by the apparatus and
methods disclosed in the patents above cited, that these basic inventions
in themselves practically constitute the art—its development
proceeding mainly along the line of manufacturing details. That such a
view of his work is correct, the highest criterion—commercial
expediency—bears witness; for in spite of the fact that the courts
have somewhat narrowed the broad claims of Edison's patents by reason of
the investigations of earlier experimenters, practically all the immense
amount of commercial work that is done in the motion-picture field to-day
is accomplished through the use of apparatus and methods licensed under
the Edison patents.
</p>
<p>
The philosophy of this invention having already been described in Chapter
XXI, it will be unnecessary to repeat it here. Suffice it to say by way of
reminder that it is founded upon the physiological phenomenon known as the
persistence of vision, through which a series of sequential photographic
pictures of animate motion projected upon a screen in rapid succession
will reproduce to the eye all the appearance of the original movements.
</p>
<p>
Edison's work in this direction comprised the invention not only of a
special form of camera for making original photographic exposures from a
single point of view with very great rapidity, and of a machine adapted to
effect the reproduction of such pictures in somewhat similar manner but
also of the conception and invention of a continuous uniform, and evenly
spaced tape-like film, so absolutely essential for both the above objects.
</p>
<p>
The mechanism of such a camera, as now used, consists of many parts
assembled in such contiguous proximity to each other that an illustration
from an actual machine would not help to clearness of explanation to the
general reader. Hence a diagram showing a sectional view of a simple form
of such a camera is presented below.
</p>
<p>
In this diagram, A represents an outer light-tight box containing a lens,
C, and the other necessary mechanism for making the photographic
exposures, H<1S> and H<2S> being cases for holding reels of film
before and after exposure, F the long, tape-like film, G a sprocket whose
teeth engage in perforations on the edges of the film, such sprocket being
adapted to be revolved with an intermittent or step-by-step movement by
hand or by motor, and B a revolving shutter having an opening and
connected by gears with G, and arranged to expose the film during the
periods of rest. A full view of this shutter is also represented, with its
opening, D, in the small illustration to the right.
</p>
<p>
In practice, the operation would be somewhat as follows, generally
speaking: The lens would first be focussed on the animate scene to be
photographed. On turning the main shaft of the camera the sprocket, G, is
moved intermittently, and its teeth, catching in the holes in the
sensitized film, draws it downward, bringing a new portion of its length
in front of the lens, the film then remaining stationary for an instant.
In the mean time, through gearing connecting the main shaft with the
shutter, the latter is rotated, bringing its opening, D, coincident with
the lens, and therefore exposing the film while it is stationary, after
which the film again moves forward. So long as the action is continued
these movements are repeated, resulting in a succession of enormously
rapid exposures upon the film during its progress from reel H<1S> to
its automatic rewinding on reel H<2S>. While the film is passing
through the various parts of the machine it is guided and kept straight by
various sets of rollers between which it runs, as indicated in the
diagram.
</p>
<p>
By an ingenious arrangement of the mechanism, the film moves
intermittently so that it may have a much longer period of rest than of
motion. As in practice the pictures are taken at a rate of twenty or more
per second, it will be quite obvious that each period of rest is
infinitesimally brief, being generally one-thirtieth of a second or less.
Still it is sufficient to bring the film to a momentary condition of
complete rest, and to allow for a maximum time of exposure, comparatively
speaking, thus providing means for taking clearly defined pictures. The
negatives so obtained are developed in the regular way, and the positive
prints subsequently made from them are used for reproduction.
</p>
<p>
The reproducing machine, or, as it is called in practice, the Projecting
Kinetoscope, is quite similar so far as its general operations in handling
the film are concerned. In appearance it is somewhat different; indeed, it
is in two parts, the one containing the lighting arrangements and
condensing lens, and the other embracing the mechanism and objective lens.
The "taking" camera must have its parts enclosed in a light-tight box,
because of the undeveloped, sensitized film, but the projecting
kinetoscope, using only a fully developed positive film, may, and, for
purposes of convenient operation, must be accessibly open. The
illustration (Fig. 2) will show the projecting apparatus as used in
practice.
</p>
<p>
The philosophy of reproduction is very simple, and is illustrated
diagrammatically in Fig. 3, reference letters being the same as in Fig. 1.
As to the additional reference letters, I is a condenser J the source of
light, and K a reflector.
</p>
<p>
The positive film is moved intermittently but swiftly throughout its
length between the objective lens and a beam of light coming through the
condenser, being exposed by the shutter during the periods of rest. This
results in a projection of the photographs upon a screen in such rapid
succession as to present an apparently continuous photograph of the
successive positions of the moving objects, which, therefore, appear to
the human eye to be in motion.
</p>
<p>
The first claim of Reissue Patent No. 12,192 describes the film. It reads
as follows:
</p>
<p>
"An unbroken transparent or translucent tape-like photographic film having
thereon uniform, sharply defined, equidistant photographs of successive
positions of an object in motion as observed from a single point of view
at rapidly recurring intervals of time, such photographs being arranged in
a continuous straight-line sequence, unlimited in number save by the
length of the film, and sufficient in number to represent the movements of
the object throughout an extended period of time."
</p>
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<h2>
XVI. EDISON'S ORE-MILLING INVENTIONS
</h2>
<p>
THE wide range of Edison's activities in this department of the arts is
well represented in the diversity of the numerous patents that have been
issued to him from time to time. These patents are between fifty and sixty
in number, and include magnetic ore separators of ten distinct types; also
breaking, crushing, and grinding rolls, conveyors, dust-proof bearings,
screens, driers, mixers, bricking apparatus and machines, ovens, and
processes of various kinds.
</p>
<p>
A description of the many devices in each of these divisions would require
more space than is available; hence, we shall confine ourselves to a few
items of predominating importance, already referred to in the narrative,
commencing with the fundamental magnetic ore separator, which was covered
by United States Patent No. 228,329, issued June 1, 1880.
</p>
<p>
The illustration here presented is copied from the drawing forming part of
this patent. A hopper with adjustable feed is supported several feet above
a bin having a central partition. Almost midway between the hopper and the
bin is placed an electromagnet whose polar extension is so arranged as to
be a little to one side of a stream of material falling from the hopper.
Normally, a stream of finely divided ore falling from the hopper would
fall into that portion of the bin lying to the left of the partition. If,
however, the magnet is energized from a source of current, the magnetic
particles in the falling stream are attracted by and move toward the
magnet, which is so placed with relation to the falling material that the
magnetic particles cannot be attracted entirely to the magnet before
gravity has carried them past. Hence, their trajectory is altered, and
they fall on the right-hand side of the partition in the bin, while the
non-magnetic portion of the stream continues in a straight line and falls
on the other side, thus effecting a complete separation.
</p>
<p>
This simple but effective principle was the one employed by Edison in his
great concentrating plant already described. In practice, the numerous
hoppers, magnets, and bins were many feet in length; and they were
arranged in batteries of varied magnetic strength, in order that the
intermingled mass of crushed rock and iron ore might be more thoroughly
separated by being passed through magnetic fields of successively
increasing degrees of attracting power. Altogether there were about four
hundred and eighty of these immense magnets in the plant, distributed in
various buildings in batteries as above mentioned, the crushed rock
containing the iron ore being delivered to them by conveyors, and the
gangue and ore being taken away after separation by two other conveyors
and delivered elsewhere. The magnetic separators at first used by Edison
at this plant were of the same generality as the ones employed some years
previously in the separation of sea-shore sand, but greatly enlarged and
improved. The varied experiences gained in the concentration of vast
quantities of ore led naturally to a greater development, and several new
types and arrangements of magnetic separators were evolved and elaborated
by him from first to last, during the progress of the work at the
concentrating plant.
</p>
<p>
The magnetic separation of iron from its ore being the foundation idea of
the inventions now under discussion, a consideration of the separator has
naturally taken precedence over those of collateral but inseparable
interest. The ore-bearing rock, however, must first be ground to powder
before it can be separated; hence, we will now begin at the root of this
operation and consider the "giant rolls," which Edison devised for
breaking huge masses of rock. In his application for United States Patent
No. 672,616, issued April 23, 1901, applied for on July 16, 1897, he says:
"The object of my invention is to produce a method for the breaking of
rock which will be simple and effective, will not require the
hand-sledging or blasting of the rock down to pieces of moderate size, and
will involve the consumption of a small amount of power."
</p>
<p>
While this quotation refers to the method as "simple," the patent under
consideration covers one of the most bold and daring projects that Edison
has ever evolved. He proposed to eliminate the slow and expensive method
of breaking large boulders manually, and to substitute therefor momentum
and kinetic energy applied through the medium of massive machinery, which,
in a few seconds, would break into small pieces a rock as big as an
ordinary upright cottage piano, and weighing as much as six tons.
Engineers to whom Edison communicated his ideas were unanimous in
declaring the thing an impossibility; it was like driving two
express-trains into each other at full speed to crack a great rock placed
between them; that no practical machinery could be built to stand the
terrific impact and strains. Edison's convictions were strong, however,
and he persisted. The experiments were of heroic size, physically and
financially, but after a struggle of several years and an expenditure of
about $100,000, he realized the correctness and practicability of his
plans in the success of the giant rolls, which were the outcome of his
labors.
</p>
<p>
The giant rolls consist of a pair of iron cylinders of massive size and
weight, with removable wearing plates having irregular surfaces formed by
projecting knobs. These rolls are mounted side by side in a very heavy
frame (leaving a gap of about fourteen inches between them), and are so
belted up with the source of power that they run in opposite directions.
The giant rolls described by Edison in the above-named patent as having
been built and operated by him had a combined weight of 167,000 pounds,
including all moving parts, which of themselves weighed about seventy
tons, each roll being six feet in diameter and five feet long. A top view
of the rolls is shown in the sketch, one roll and one of its bearings
being shown in section.
</p>
<p>
In Fig. 2 the rolls are illustrated diagrammatically. As a sketch of this
nature, even if given with a definite scale, does not always carry an
adequate idea of relative dimensions to a non-technical reader, we present
in Fig. 3 a perspective illustration of the giant rolls as installed in
the concentrating plant.
</p>
<p>
In practice, a small amount of power is applied to run the giant rolls
gradually up to a surface speed of several thousand feet a minute. When
this high speed is attained, masses of rock weighing several tons in one
or more pieces are dumped into a hopper which guides them into the gap
between the rapidly revolving rolls. The effect is to partially arrest the
swift motion of the rolls instantaneously, and thereby develop and expend
an enormous amount of kinetic energy, which with pile-driver effect cracks
the rocks and breaks them into pieces small enough to pass through the
fourteen-inch gap. As the power is applied to the rolls through slipping
friction-clutches, the speed of the driving-pulleys is not materially
reduced; hence the rolls may again be quickly speeded up to their highest
velocity while another load of rock is being hoisted in position to be
dumped into the hopper. It will be obvious from the foregoing that if it
were attempted to supply the great energy necessary for this operation by
direct application of steam-power, an engine of enormous horse-power would
be required, and even then it is doubtful if one could be constructed of
sufficient strength to withstand the terrific strains that would ensue.
But the work is done by the great momentum and kinetic energy obtained by
speeding up these tremendous masses of metal, and then suddenly opposing
their progress, the engine being relieved of all strain through the medium
of the slipping friction-clutches. Thus, this cyclopean operation may be
continuously conducted with an amount of power prodigiously inferior, in
proportion, to the results accomplished.
</p>
<p>
The sketch (Fig. 4) showing a large boulder being dumped into the hopper,
or roll-pit, will serve to illustrate the method of feeding these great
masses of rock to the rolls, and will also enable the reader to form an
idea of the rapidity of the breaking operation, when it is stated that a
boulder of the size represented would be reduced by the giant rolls to
pieces a trifle larger than a man's head in a few seconds.
</p>
<p>
After leaving the giant rolls the broken rock passed on through other
crushing-rolls of somewhat similar construction. These also were invented
by Edison, but antedated those previously described; being covered by
Patent No. 567,187, issued September 8, 1896. These rolls were intended
for the reducing of "one-man-size" rocks to small pieces, which at the
time of their original inception was about the standard size of similar
machines. At the Edison concentrating plant the broken rock, after passing
through these rolls, was further reduced in size by other rolls, and was
then ready to be crushed to a fine powder through the medium of another
remarkable machine devised by Edison to meet his ever-recurring and
well-defined ideas of the utmost economy and efficiency.
</p>
<p>
NOTE.—Figs. 3 and 4 are reproduced from similar sketches on pages 84
and 85 of McClure's Magazine for November, 1897, by permission of S. S.
McClure Co.
</p>
<p>
The best fine grinding-machines that it was then possible to obtain were
so inefficient as to involve a loss of 82 per cent. of the power applied.
The thought of such an enormous loss was unbearable, and he did not rest
until he had invented and put into use an entirely new grinding-machine,
which was called the "three-high" rolls. The device was covered by a
patent issued to him on November 21, 1899, No. 637,327. It was a most
noteworthy invention, for it brought into the art not only a greater
efficiency of grinding than had ever been dreamed of before, but also a
tremendous economy by the saving of power; for whereas the previous
efficiency had been 18 per cent. and the loss 82 per cent., Edison
reversed these figures, and in his three-high rolls produced a working
efficiency of 84 per cent., thus reducing the loss of power by friction to
16 per cent. A diagrammatic sketch of this remarkable machine is shown in
Fig. 5, which shows a front elevation with the casings, hopper, etc.,
removed, and also shows above the rolls the rope and pulleys, the supports
for which are also removed for the sake of clearness in the illustration.
</p>
<p>
For the convenience of the reader, in referring to Fig. 5, we will repeat
the description of the three-high rolls, which is given on pages 487 and
488 of the preceding narrative.
</p>
<p>
In the two end-pieces of a heavy iron frame were set three rolls, or
cylinders—one in the centre, another below, and the other above—all
three being in a vertical line. These rolls were about three feet in
diameter, made of cast-iron, and had face-plates of chilled-iron. [31] The
lowest roll was set in a fixed bearing at the bottom of the frame, and,
therefore, could only turn around on its axis. The middle and top rolls
were free to move up or down from and toward the lower roll, and the
shafts of the middle and upper rolls were set in a loose bearing which
could slip up and down in the iron frame. It will be apparent, therefore,
that any material which passed in between the top and the middle rolls,
and the middle and bottom rolls, could be ground as fine as might be
desired, depending entirely upon the amount of pressure applied to the
loose rolls. In operation the material passed first through the upper and
middle rolls, and then between the middle and lowest rolls.
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
[Footnote 31: The faces of these rolls were smooth, but as
three-high rolls came into use later in Edison's Portland
cement operations the faces were corrugated so as to fit
into each other, gear-fashion, to provide for a high rate of
feed]
</pre>
<p>
This pressure was applied in a most ingenious manner. On the ends of the
shafts of the bottom and top rolls there were cylindrical sleeves, or
bearings, having seven sheaves in which was run a half-inch endless wire
rope. This rope was wound seven times over the sheaves as above, and led
upward and over a single-groove sheave, which was operated by the piston
of an air-cylinder, and in this manner the pressure was applied to the
rolls. It will be seen, therefore that the system consisted in a single
rope passed over sheaves and so arranged that it could be varied in
length, thus providing for elasticity in exerting pressure and regulating
it as desired. The efficiency of this system was incomparably greater than
that of any other known crusher or grinder, for while a pressure of one
hundred and twenty-five thousand pounds could be exerted by these rolls,
friction was almost entirely eliminated, because the upper and lower roll
bearings turned with the rolls and revolved in the wire rope, which
constituted the bearing proper.
</p>
<p>
Several other important patents have been issued to Edison for crushing
and grinding rolls, some of them being for elaborations and improvements
of those above described but all covering methods of greater economy and
effectiveness in rock-grinding.
</p>
<p>
Edison's work on conveyors during the period of his ore-concentrating
labors was distinctively original, ingenious and far in advance of the
times. His conception of the concentrating problem was broad and embraced
an entire system, of which a principal item was the continuous transfer of
enormous quantities of material from place to place at the lowest possible
cost. As he contemplated the concentration of six thousand tons daily, the
expense of manual labor to move such an immense quantity of rock, sand,
and ore would be absolutely prohibitive. Hence, it became necessary to
invent a system of conveyors that would be capable of transferring this
mass of material from one place to another. And not only must these
conveyors be capable of carrying the material, but they must also be
devised so that they would automatically receive and discharge their
respective loads at appointed places. Edison's ingenuity, engineering
ability, and inventive skill were equal to the task, however, and were
displayed in a system and variety of conveyors that in practice seemed to
act with almost human discrimination. When fully installed throughout the
plant, they automatically transferred daily a mass of material equal to
about one hundred thousand cubic feet, from mill to mill, covering about a
mile in the transit. Up and down, winding in and out, turning corners,
delivering material from one to another, making a number of loops in the
drying-oven, filling up bins and passing on to the next when they were
full, these conveyors in automatic action seemingly played their part with
human intelligence, which was in reality the reflection of the
intelligence and ingenuity that had originally devised them and set them
in motion.
</p>
<p>
Six of Edison's patents on conveyors include a variety of devices that
have since came into broad general use for similar work, and have been the
means of effecting great economies in numerous industries of widely
varying kinds. Interesting as they are, however, we shall not attempt to
describe them in detail, as the space required would be too great. They
are specified in the list of patents following this Appendix, and may be
examined in detail by any interested student.
</p>
<p>
In the same list will also be found a large number of Edison's patents on
apparatus and methods of screening, drying, mixing, and briquetting, as
well as for dust-proof bearings, and various types and groupings of
separators, all of which were called forth by the exigencies and magnitude
of his great undertaking, and without which he could not possibly have
attained the successful physical results that crowned his labors. Edison's
persistence in reducing the cost of his operations is noteworthy in
connection with his screening and drying inventions, in which the utmost
advantage is taken of the law of gravitation. With its assistance, which
cost nothing, these operations were performed perfectly. It was only
necessary to deliver the material at the top of the chambers, and during
its natural descent it was screened or dried as the case might be.
</p>
<p>
All these inventions and devices, as well as those described in detail
above (except magnetic separators and mixing and briquetting machines),
are being used by him to-day in the manufacture of Portland cement, as
that industry presents many of the identical problems which presented
themselves in relation to the concentration of iron ore.
</p>
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<h2>
XVII. THE LONG CEMENT KILN
</h2>
<p>
IN this remarkable invention, which has brought about a striking
innovation in a long-established business, we see another characteristic
instance of Edison's incisive reasoning and boldness of conception carried
into practical effect in face of universal opinions to the contrary.
</p>
<p>
For the information of those unacquainted with the process of
manufacturing Portland cement, it may be stated that the material consists
preliminarily of an intimate mixture of cement rock and limestone, ground
to a very fine powder. This powder is technically known in the trade as
"chalk," and is fed into rotary kilns and "burned"; that is to say, it is
subjected to a high degree of heat obtained by the combustion of
pulverized coal, which is injected into the interior of the kiln. This
combustion effects a chemical decomposition of the chalk, and causes it to
assume a plastic consistency and to collect together in the form of small
spherical balls, which are known as "clinker." Kilns are usually arranged
with a slight incline, at the upper end of which the chalk is fed in and
gradually works its way down to the interior flame of burning fuel at the
other end. When it arrives at the lower end, the material has been
"burned," and the clinker drops out into a receiving chamber below. The
operation is continuous, a constant supply of chalk passing in at one end
of the kiln and a continuous dribble of clinker-balls dropping out at the
other. After cooling, the clinker is ground into very fine powder, which
is the Portland cement of commerce.
</p>
<p>
It is self-evident that an ideal kiln would be one that produced the
maximum quantity of thoroughly clinkered material with a minimum amount of
fuel, labor, and investment. When Edison was preparing to go into the
cement business, he looked the ground over thoroughly, and, after
considerable investigation and experiment, came to the conclusion that
prevailing conditions as to kilns were far from ideal.
</p>
<p>
The standard kilns then in use were about sixty feet in length, with an
internal diameter of about five feet. In all rotary kilns for burning
cement, the true clinkering operation takes place only within a limited
portion of their total length, where the heat is greatest; hence the
interior of the kiln may be considered as being divided longitudinally
into two parts or zones—namely, the combustion, or clinkering, zone,
and the zone of oncoming raw material. In the sixty-foot kiln the length
of the combustion zone was about ten feet, extending from a point six or
eight feet from the lower, or discharge, end to a point about eighteen
feet from that end. Consequently, beyond that point there was a zone of
only about forty feet, through which the heated gases passed and came in
contact with the oncoming material, which was in movement down toward the
clinkering zone. Since the bulk of oncoming material was small, the gases
were not called upon to part with much of their heat, and therefore passed
on up the stack at very high temperatures, ranging from 1500 degrees to
1800 degrees Fahr. Obviously, this heat was entirely lost.
</p>
<p>
An additional loss of efficiency arose from the fact that the material
moved so rapidly toward the combustion zone that it had not given up all
its carbon dioxide on reaching there; and by the giving off of large
quantities of that gas within the combustion zone, perfect and economical
combustion of coal could not be effected.
</p>
<p>
The comparatively short length of the sixty-foot kiln not only limited the
amount of material that could be fed into it, but the limitation in length
of the combustion zone militated against a thorough clinkering of the
material, this operation being one in which the elements of time and
proper heat are prime considerations. Thus the quantity of good clinker
obtainable was unfavorably affected. By reason of these and other
limitations and losses, it had been possible, in practice, to obtain only
about two hundred and fifty barrels of clinker per day of twenty-four
hours; and that with an expenditure for coal proportionately equal to
about 29 to 33 per cent. of the quantity of clinker produced, even
assuming that all the clinker was of good quality.
</p>
<p>
Edison realized that the secret of greater commercial efficiency and
improvement of quality lay in the ability to handle larger quantities of
material within a given time, and to produce a more perfect product
without increasing cost or investment in proportion. His reasoning led him
to the conclusion that this result could only be obtained through the use
of a kiln of comparatively great length, and his investigations and
experiments enabled him to decide upon a length of one hundred and fifty
feet, but with an increase in diameter of only six inches to a foot over
that of the sixty-foot kiln.
</p>
<p>
The principal considerations that influenced Edison in making this radical
innovation may be briefly stated as follows:
</p>
<p>
First. The ability to maintain in the kiln a load from five to seven times
greater than ordinarily employed, thereby tending to a more economical
output.
</p>
<p>
Second. The combustion of a vastly increased bulk of pulverized coal and a
greatly enlarged combustion zone, extending about forty feet
longitudinally into the kiln—thus providing an area within which the
material might be maintained in a clinkering temperature for a
sufficiently long period to insure its being thoroughly clinkered from
periphery to centre.
</p>
<p>
Third. By reason of such a greatly extended length of the zone of oncoming
material (and consequently much greater bulk), the gases and other
products of combustion would be cooled sufficiently between the combustion
zone and the stack so as to leave the kiln at a comparatively low
temperature. Besides, the oncoming material would thus be gradually raised
in temperature instead of being heated abruptly, as in the shorter kilns.
</p>
<p>
Fourth. The material having thus been greatly raised in temperature before
reaching the combustion zone would have parted with substantially all its
carbon dioxide, and therefore would not introduce into the combustion zone
sufficient of that gas to disturb the perfect character of the combustion.
</p>
<p>
Fifth. On account of the great weight of the heavy load in a long kiln,
there would result the formation of a continuous plastic coating on that
portion of the inner surface of the kiln where temperatures are highest.
This would effectively protect the fire-brick lining from the destructive
effects of the heat.
</p>
<p>
Such, in brief, were the essential principles upon which Edison based his
conception and invention of the long kiln, which has since become so well
known in the cement business.
</p>
<p>
Many other considerations of a minor and mechanical nature, but which were
important factors in his solution of this difficult problem, are worthy of
study by those intimately associated with or interested in the art. Not
the least of the mechanical questions was settled by Edison's decision to
make this tremendously long kiln in sections of cast-iron, with flanges,
bolted together, and supported on rollers rotated by electric motors.
Longitudinal expansion and thrust were also important factors to be
provided for, as well as special devices to prevent the packing of the
mass of material as it passed in and out of the kiln. Special provision
was also made for injecting streams of pulverized coal in such manner as
to create the largely extended zone of combustion. As to the details of
these and many other ingenious devices, we must refer the curious reader
to the patents, as it is merely intended in these pages to indicate in a
brief manner the main principles of Edison's notable inventions. The
principal United States patent on the long kiln was issued October 24,
1905, No. 802,631.
</p>
<p>
That his reasonings and deductions were correct in this case have been
indubitably proven by some years of experience with the long kiln in its
ability to produce from eight hundred to one thousand barrels of good
clinker every twenty-four hours, with an expenditure for coal
proportionately equal to about only 20 per cent. of the quantity of
clinker produced.
</p>
<p>
To illustrate the long cement kiln by diagram would convey but little to
the lay mind, and we therefore present an illustration (Fig. 1) of actual
kilns in perspective, from which sense of their proportions may be
gathered.
</p>
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<h2>
XVIII. EDISON'S NEW STORAGE BATTERY
</h2>
<p>
GENERICALLY considered, a "battery" is a device which generates electric
current. There are two distinct species of battery, one being known as
"primary," and the other as "storage," although the latter is sometimes
referred to as a "secondary battery" or "accumulator." Every type of each
of these two species is essentially alike in its general make-up; that is
to say, every cell of battery of any kind contains at least two elements
of different nature immersed in a more or less liquid electrolyte of
chemical character. On closing the circuit of a primary battery an
electric current is generated by reason of the chemical action which is
set up between the electrolyte and the elements. This involves a gradual
consumption of one of the elements and a corresponding exhaustion of the
active properties of the electrolyte. By reason of this, both the element
and the electrolyte that have been used up must be renewed from time to
time, in order to obtain a continued supply of electric current.
</p>
<p>
The storage battery also generates electric current through chemical
action, but without involving the constant repriming with active materials
to replace those consumed and exhausted as above mentioned. The term
"storage," as applied to this species of battery, is, however, a misnomer,
and has been the cause of much misunderstanding to nontechnical persons.
To the lay mind a "storage" battery presents itself in the aspect of a
device in which electric energy is STORED, just as compressed air is
stored or accumulated in a tank. This view, however, is not in accordance
with facts. It is exactly like the primary battery in the fundamental
circumstance that its ability for generating electric current depends upon
chemical action. In strict terminology it is a "reversible" battery, as
will be quite obvious if we glance briefly at its philosophy. When a
storage battery is "charged," by having an electric current passed through
it, the electric energy produces a chemical effect, adding oxygen to the
positive plate, and taking oxygen away from the negative plate. Thus, the
positive plate becomes oxidized, and the negative plate reduced. After the
charging operation is concluded the battery is ready for use, and upon its
circuit being closed through a translating device, such as a lamp or
motor, a reversion ("discharge") takes place, the positive plate giving up
its oxygen, and the negative plate being oxidized. These chemical actions
result in the generation of an electric current as in a primary battery.
As a matter of fact, the chemical actions and reactions in a storage
battery are much more complex, but the above will serve to afford the lay
reader a rather simple idea of the general result arrived at through the
chemical activity referred to.
</p>
<p>
The storage battery, as a commercial article, was introduced into the
market in the year 1881. At that time, and all through the succeeding
years, until about 1905, there was only one type that was recognized as
commercially practicable—namely, that known as the
lead-sulphuric-acid cell, consisting of lead plates immersed in an
electrolyte of dilute sulphuric acid. In the year last named Edison first
brought out his new form of nickel-iron cell with alkaline electrolyte, as
we have related in the preceding narrative. Early in the eighties, at
Menlo Park, he had given much thought to the lead type of storage battery,
and during the course of three years had made a prodigious number of
experiments in the direction of improving it, probably performing more
experiments in that time than the aggregate of those of all other
investigators. Even in those early days he arrived at the conclusion that
the lead-sulphuric-acid combination was intrinsically wrong, and did not
embrace the elements of a permanent commercial device. He did not at that
time, however, engage in a serious search for another form of storage
battery, being tremendously occupied with his lighting system and other
matters.
</p>
<p>
It may here be noted, for the information of the lay reader, that the
lead-acid type of storage battery consists of two or more lead plates
immersed in dilute sulphuric acid and contained in a receptacle of glass,
hard rubber, or other special material not acted upon by acid. The plates
are prepared and "formed" in various ways, and the chemical actions are
similar to those above stated, the positive plate being oxidized and the
negative reduced during "charge," and reversed during "discharge." This
type of cell, however, has many serious disadvantages inherent to its very
nature. We will name a few of them briefly. Constant dropping of fine
particles of active material often causes short-circuiting of the plates,
and always necessitates occasional washing out of cells; deterioration
through "sulphation" if discharge is continued too far or if recharging is
not commenced quickly enough; destruction of adjacent metalwork by the
corrosive fumes given out during charge and discharge; the tendency of
lead plates to "buckle" under certain conditions; the limitation to the
use of glass, hard rubber, or similar containers on account of the action
of the acid; and the immense weight for electrical capacity. The
tremendously complex nature of the chemical reactions which take place in
the lead-acid storage battery also renders it an easy prey to many
troublesome diseases.
</p>
<p>
In the year 1900, when Edison undertook to invent a storage battery, he
declared it should be a new type into which neither sulphuric nor any
other acid should enter. He said that the intimate and continued
companionship of an acid and a metal was unnatural, and incompatible with
the idea of durability and simplicity. He furthermore stated that lead was
an unmechanical metal for a battery, being heavy and lacking stability and
elasticity, and that as most metals were unaffected by alkaline solutions,
he was going to experiment in that direction. The soundness of his
reasoning is amply justified by the perfection of results obtained in the
new type of storage battery bearing his name, and now to be described.
</p>
<p>
The essential technical details of this battery are fully described in an
article written by one of Edison's laboratory staff, Walter E. Holland,
who for many years has been closely identified with the inventor's work on
this cell The article was published in the Electrical World, New York,
April 28, 1910; and the following extracts therefrom will afford an
intelligent comprehension of this invention:
</p>
<p>
"The 'A' type Edison cell is the outcome of nine years of costly
experimentation and persistent toil on the part of its inventor and his
associates....
</p>
<p>
"The Edison invention involves the use of an entirely new voltaic
combination in an alkaline electrolyte, in place of the lead-lead-peroxide
combination and acid electrolyte, characteristic of all other commercial
storage batteries. Experience has proven that this not only secures
durability and greater output per unit-weight of battery, but in addition
there is eliminated a long list of troubles and diseases inherent in the
lead-acid combination....
</p>
<p>
"The principle on which the action of this new battery is based is the
oxidation and reduction of metals in an electrolyte which does not combine
with, and will not dissolve, either the metals or their oxides; and an
electrolyte, furthermore, which, although decomposed by the action of the
battery, is immediately re-formed in equal quantity; and therefore in
effect is a CONSTANT element, not changing in density or in conductivity.
</p>
<p>
"A battery embodying this basic principle will have features of great
value where lightness and durability are desiderata. For instance, the
electrolyte, being a constant factor, as explained, is not required in any
fixed and large amount, as is the case with sulphuric acid in the lead
battery; thus the cell may be designed with minimum distancing of plates
and with the greatest economy of space that is consistent with safe
insulation and good mechanical design. Again, the active materials of the
electrodes being insoluble in, and absolutely unaffected by, the
electrolyte, are not liable to any sort of chemical deterioration by
action of the electrolyte—no matter how long continued....
</p>
<p>
"The electrolyte of the Edison battery is a 21 per cent. solution of
potassium hydrate having, in addition, a small amount of lithium hydrate.
The active metals of the electrodes—which will oxidize and reduce in
this electrolyte without dissolution or chemical deterioration—are
nickel and iron. These active elements are not put in the plates AS
METALS; but one, nickel, in the form of a hydrate, and the other, iron, as
an oxide.
</p>
<p>
"The containing cases of both kinds of active material (Fig. 1), and their
supporting grids (Fig. 2), as well as the bolts, washers, and nuts used in
assembling (Fig. 3), and even the retaining can and its cover (Fig. 4),
are all made of nickel-plated steel—a material in which lightness,
durability and mechanical strength are most happily combined, and a
material beyond suspicion as to corrosion in an alkaline electrolyte....
</p>
<p>
"An essential part of Edison's discovery of active masetials for an
alkaline storage battery was the PREPARATION of these materials. Metallic
powder of iron and nickel, or even oxides of these metals, prepared in the
ordinary way, are not chemically active in a sufficient degree to work in
a battery. It is only when specially prepared iron oxide of exceeding
fineness, and nickel hydrate conforming to certain physical, as well as
chemical, standards can be made that the alkaline battery is practicable.
Needless to say, the working out of the conditions and processes of
manufacture of the materials has involved great ingenuity and endless
experimentation."
</p>
<p>
The article then treats of Edison's investigations into means for
supporting and making electrical connection with the active materials,
showing some of the difficulties encountered and the various discoveries
made in developing the perfected cell, after which the writer continues
his description of the "A" type cell, as follows:
</p>
<p>
"It will be seen at once that the construction of the two kinds of plate
is radically different. The negative or iron plate (Fig. 5) has the
familiar flat-pocket construction. Each negative contains twenty-four
pockets—a pocket being 1/2 inch wide by 3 inches long, and having a
maximum thickness of a little more than 1/8 inch. The positive or nickel
plate (Fig. 6) is seen to consist of two rows of round rods or pencils,
thirty in number, held in a vertical position by a steel support-frame.
The pencils have flat flanges at the ends (formed by closing in the metal
case), by which they are supported and electrical connection is made. The
frame is slit at the inner horizontal edges, and then folded in such a way
as to make individual clamping-jaws for each end-flange. The clamping-in
is done at great pressure, and the resultant plate has great rigidity and
strength.
</p>
<p>
"The perforated tubes into which the nickel active material is loaded are
made of nickel-plated steel of high quality. They are put together with a
double-lapped spiral seam to give expansion-resisting qualities, and as an
additional precaution small metal rings are slipped on the outside. Each
tube is 1/4 inch in diameter by 4 1/8 inches long, add has eight of the
reinforcing rings.
</p>
<p>
"It will be seen that the 'A' positive plate has been given the
theoretically best design to prevent expansion and overcome trouble from
that cause. Actual tests, long continued under very severe conditions,
have shown that the construction is right, and fulfils the most sanguine
expectations."
</p>
<p>
Mr. Holland in his article then goes on to explain the development of the
nickel flakes as the conducting factor in the positive element, but as
this has already been described in Chapter XXII, we shall pass on to a
later point, where he says:
</p>
<p>
"An idea of the conditions inside a loaded tube can best be had by
microscopic examination. Fig. 7 shows a magnified section of a regularly
loaded tube which has been sawed lengthwise. The vertical bounding walls
are edges of the perforated metal containing tube; the dark horizontal
lines are layers of nickel flake, while the light-colored thicker layers
represent the nickel hydrate. It should be noted that the layers of flake
nickel extend practically unbroken across the tube and make contact with
the metal wall at both sides. These metal layers conduct current to or
from the active nickel hydrate in all parts of the tube very efficiently.
There are about three hundred and fifty layers of each kind of material in
a 4 1/8-inch tube, each layer of nickel hydrate being about 0.01 inch
thick; so it will be seen that the current does not have to penetrate very
far into the nickel hydrate—one-half a layer's thickness being the
maximum distance. The perforations of the containing tube, through which
the electrolyte reaches the active material, are also shown in Fig. 7."
</p>
<p>
In conclusion, the article enumerates the chief characteristics of the
Edison storage battery which fit it preeminently for transportation
service, as follows: 1. No loss of active material, hence no sediment
short-circuits. 2. No jar breakage. 3. Possibility of quick disconnection
or replacement of any cell without employment of skilled labor. 4.
Impossibility of "buckling" and harmlessness of a dead short-circuit. 5.
Simplicity of care required. 6. Durability of materials and construction.
7. Impossibility of "sulphation." 8. Entire absence of corrosive fumes. 9.
Commercial advantages of light weight. 10. Duration on account of its
dependability. 11. Its high practical efficiency.
</p>
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<h2>
XIX. EDISON'S POURED CEMENT HOUSE
</h2>
<p>
THE inventions that have been thus far described fall into two classes—first,
those that were fundamental in the great arts and industries which have
been founded and established upon them, and, second, those that have
entered into and enlarged other arts that were previously in existence. On
coming to consider the subject now under discussion, however, we find
ourselves, at this writing, on the threshold of an entirely new and
undeveloped art of such boundless possibilities that its ultimate extent
can only be a matter of conjecture.
</p>
<p>
Edison's concrete house, however, involves two main considerations, first
of which was the conception or creation of the IDEA—vast and
comprehensive—of providing imperishable and sanitary homes for the
wage-earner by molding an entire house in one piece in a single operation,
so to speak, and so simply that extensive groups of such dwellings could
be constructed rapidly and at very reasonable cost. With this idea
suggested, one might suppose that it would be a simple matter to make
molds and pour in a concrete mixture. Not so, however. And here the second
consideration presents itself. An ordinary cement mixture is composed of
crushed stone, sand, cement, and water. If such a mixture be poured into
deep molds the heavy stone and sand settle to the bottom. Should the
mixture be poured into a horizontal mold, like the floor of a house, the
stone and sand settle, forming an ununiform mass. It was at this point
that invention commenced, in order to produce a concrete mixture which
would overcome this crucial difficulty. Edison, with characteristic
thoroughness, took up a line of investigation, and after a prolonged
series of experiments succeeded in inventing a mixture that upon hardening
remained uniform throughout its mass. In the beginning of his
experimentation he had made the conditions of test very severe by the
construction of forms similar to that shown in the sketch below.
</p>
<p>
This consisted of a hollow wooden form of the dimensions indicated. The
mixture was to be poured into the hopper until the entire form was filled,
such mixture flowing down and along the horizontal legs and up the
vertical members. It was to be left until the mixture was hard, and the
requirement of the test was that there should be absolute uniformity of
mixture and mass throughout. This was finally accomplished, and further
invention then proceeded along engineering lines looking toward the
devising of a system of molds with which practicable dwellings might be
cast.
</p>
<p>
Edison's boldness and breadth of conception are well illustrated in his
idea of a poured house, in which he displays his accustomed tendency to
reverse accepted methods. In fact, it is this very reversal of usual
procedure that renders it difficult for the average mind to instantly
grasp the full significance of the principles involved and the results
attained.
</p>
<p>
Up to this time we have been accustomed to see the erection of a house
begun at the foundation and built up slowly, piece by piece, of solid
materials: first the outer frame, then the floors and inner walls,
followed by the stairways, and so on up to the putting on of the roof.
Hence, it requires a complete rearrangement of mental conceptions to
appreciate Edison's proposal to build a house FROM THE TOP DOWNWARD, in a
few hours, with a freely flowing material poured into molds, and in a few
days to take away the molds and find a complete indestructible sanitary
house, including foundation, frame, floors, walls, stairways, chimneys,
sanitary arrangements, and roof, with artistic ornamentation inside and
out, all in one solid piece, as if it were graven or bored out of a rock.
</p>
<p>
To bring about the accomplishment of a project so extraordinarily broad
involves engineering and mechanical conceptions of a high order, and, as
we have seen, these have been brought to bear on the subject by Edison,
together with an intimate knowledge of compounded materials.
</p>
<p>
The main features of this invention are easily comprehensible with the aid
of the following diagrammatic sectional sketch:
</p>
<p>
It should be first understood that the above sketch is in broad outline,
without elaboration, merely to illustrate the working principle; and while
the upright structure on the right is intended to represent a set of molds
in position to form a three-story house, with cellar, no regular details
of such a building (such as windows, doors, stairways, etc.) are here
shown, as they would only tend to complicate an explanation.
</p>
<p>
It will be noted that there are really two sets of molds, an inside and an
outside set, leaving a space between them throughout. Although not shown
in the sketch, there is in practice a number of bolts passing through
these two sets of molds at various places to hold them together in their
relative positions. In the open space between the molds there are placed
steel rods for the purpose of reinforcement; while all through the entire
structure provision is made for water and steam pipes, gas-pipes and
electric-light wires being placed in appropriate positions as the molds
are assembled.
</p>
<p>
At the centre of the roof there will be noted a funnel-shaped opening.
Into this there is delivered by the endless chain of buckets shown on the
left a continuous stream of a special free-flowing concrete mixture. This
mixture descends by gravity, and gradually fills the entire space between
the two sets of molds. The delivery of the material—or "pouring," as
it is called—is continued until every part of the space is filled
and the mixture is even with the tip of the roof, thus completing the
pouring, or casting, of the house. In a few days afterward the concrete
will have hardened sufficiently to allow the molds to be taken away
leaving an entire house, from cellar floor to the peak of the roof,
complete in all its parts, even to mantels and picture molding, and
requiring only windows and doors, plumbing, heating, and lighting fixtures
to make it ready for habitation.
</p>
<p>
In the above sketch the concrete mixers, A, B, are driven by the electric
motor, C. As the material is mixed it descends into the tank, D, and flows
through a trough into a lower tank, E, in which it is constantly stirred,
and from which it is taken by the endless chain of buckets and dumped into
the funnel-shaped opening at the top of the molds, as above described.
</p>
<p>
The molds are made of cast-iron in sections of such size and weight as
will be most convenient for handling, mostly in pieces not exceeding two
by four feet in rectangular dimensions. The subjoined sketch shows an
exterior view of several of these molds as they appear when bolted
together, the intersecting central portions representing ribs, which are
included as part of the casting for purposes of strength and rigidity.
</p>
<p>
The molds represented above are those for straight work, such as walls and
floors. Those intended for stairways, eaves, cornices, windows, doorways,
etc., are much more complicated in design, although the same general
principles are employed in their construction.
</p>
<p>
While the philosophy of pouring or casting a complete house in its
entirety is apparently quite simple, the development of the engineering
and mechanical questions involves the solution of a vast number of most
intricate and complicated problems covering not only the building as a
whole, but its numerous parts, down to the minutest detail. Safety,
convenience, duration, and the practical impossibility of altering a
one-piece solid dwelling are questions that must be met before its
construction, and therefore Edison has proceeded calmly on his way toward
the goal he has ever had clearly in mind, with utter indifference to the
criticisms and jeers of those who, as "experts," have professed positive
knowledge of the impossibility of his carrying out this daring scheme.
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<h2>
LIST OF UNITED STATES PATENTS
</h2>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
List of United States patents granted to Thomas A. Edison, arranged
according to dates of execution of applications for such patents. This
list shows the inventions as Mr. Edison has worked upon them from year
to year
1868
NO. TITLE OF PATENT DATE EXECUTED DATE EXECUTED
90,646, Electrographic Vote Recorder . . . . .Oct. 13, 1868
1869
91,527 Printing Telegraph (reissued October
25, 1870, numbered 4166, and August
5, 1873, numbered 5519). . . . . . . .Jan. 25, 1869
96,567 Apparatus for Printing Telegraph (reissued
February 1, 1870, numbered
3820). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 17, 1869
96,681 Electrical Switch for Telegraph Apparatus Aug. 27, 1869
102,320 Printing Telegraph—Pope and Edison
(reissued April 17, 1877, numbered
7621, and December 9, 1884, numbered
10,542). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sept. 16, 1869
103,924 Printing Telegraphs—Pope and Edison
(reissued August 5, 1873)
1870
103,035 Electromotor Escapement. . . . . . . . Feb. 5, 1870
128,608 Printing Telegraph Instruments . . . . .May 4, 1870
114,656 Telegraph Transmitting Instruments . .June 22, 1870
114,658 Electro Magnets for Telegraph
Instruments. . . . . . . . . . . . . .June 22, 1870
114,657 Relay Magnets for Telegraph
Instruments. . . . . . . . . . . . . .Sept. 6, 1870
111,112 Electric Motor Governors . . . . . . .June 29, 1870
113,033 Printing Telegraph Apparatus . . . . .Nov. 17, 1870
1871
113,034 Printing Telegraph Apparatus . . . . .Jan. 10, 1871
123,005 Telegraph Apparatus. . . . . . . . . .July 26, 1871
123,006 Printing Telegraph . . . . . . . . . .July 26, 1871
123,984 Telegraph Apparatus. . . . . . . . . .July 26, 1871
124,800 Telegraphic Recording Instruments. . .Aug. 12, 1871
121,601 Machinery for Perforating Paper for
Telegraph Purposes . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 16, 1871
126,535 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . .Nov. 13, 1871
133,841 Typewriting Machine. . . . . . . . . .Nov. 13, 1871
1872
126,532 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 3 1872
126,531 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . .Jan. 17, 1872
126,534 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . .Jan. 17, 1872
126,528 Type Wheels for Printing Telegraphs. .Jan. 23, 1872
126,529 Type Wheels for Printing Telegraphs. .Jan. 23, 1872
126,530 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . .Feb. 14, 1872
126,533 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . .Feb. 14, 1872
132,456 Apparatus for Perforating Paper for
Telegraphic Use. . . . . . . . . . . March 15, 1872
132,455 Improvement in Paper for Chemical
Telegraphs . . . . . . . . . . . . . April 10, 1872
133,019 Electrical Printing Machine. . . . . April 18, 1872
128,131 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . April 26, 1872
128,604 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . April 26, 1872
128,605 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . April 26, 1872
128,606 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . April 26, 1872
128,607 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . April 26, 1872
131,334 Rheotomes or Circuit Directors . . . . .May 6, 1872
134,867 Automatic Telegraph Instruments. . . . .May 8, 1872
134,868 Electro Magnetic Adjusters . . . . . . .May 8, 1872
130,795 Electro Magnets. . . . . . . . . . . . .May 9, 1872
131,342 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . . .May 9, 1872
131,341 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . . May 28, 1872
131,337 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . .June 10, 1872
131,340 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . .June 10, 1872
131,343 Transmitters and Circuits for Printing
Telegraph. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .June 10, 1872
131,335 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . .June 15, 1872
131,336 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . .June 15, 1872
131,338 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . .June 29, 1872
131,339 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . .June 29, 1872
131,344 Unison Stops for Printing Telegraphs .June 29, 1872
134,866 Printing and Telegraph Instruments . .Oct. 16, 1872
138,869 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . .Oct. 16, 1872
142,999 Galvanic Batteries . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 31, 1872
141,772 Automatic or Chemical Telegraphs . . . Nov. 5, 1872
135,531 Circuits for Chemical Telegraphs . . . Nov. 9, 1872
146,812 Telegraph Signal Boxes . . . . . . . .Nov. 26, 1872
141,773 Circuits for Automatic Telegraphs. . .Dec. 12, 1872
141,776 Circuits for Automatic Telegraphs. . .Dec. 12, 1872
150,848 Chemical or Automatic Telegraphs . . .Dec. 12, 1872
</pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
1873
139,128 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . .Jan. 21, 1873
139,129 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . .Feb. 13, 1873
140,487 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . .Feb. 13, 1873
140,489 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . .Feb. 13, 1873
138,870 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . .March 7, 1873
141,774 Chemical Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . .March 7, 1873
141,775 Perforator for Automatic Telegraphs. .March 7, 1873
141,777 Relay Magnets. . . . . . . . . . . . .March 7, 1873
142,688 Electric Regulators for Transmitting
Instruments . . . . . . . . . . . . . .March 7, 1873
156,843 Duplex Chemical Telegraphs . . . . . .March 7, 1873
147,312 Perforators for Automatic Telegraphy March 24, 1873
147,314 Circuits for Chemical Telegraphs . . March 24, 1873
150,847 Receiving Instruments for Chemical
Telegraphs . . . . . . . . . . . . . March 24, 1873
140,488 Printing Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . April 23, 1873
147,311 Electric Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . April 23, 1873
147,313 Chemical Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . April 23, 1873
147,917 Duplex Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . . April 23, 1873
150,846 Telegraph Relays . . . . . . . . . . April 23, 1873
160,405 Adjustable Electro Magnets for
Relays, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . April 23, 1873
162,633 Duplex Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . . April 22, 1873
151,209 Automatic Telegraphy and Perforators
Therefor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 25, 1873
160,402 Solutions for Chemical Telegraph PaperSept. 29, 1873
160,404 Solutions for Chemical Telegraph PaperSept. 29, 1873
160,580 Solutions for Chemical Telegraph PaperOct. 14, 1873
160,403 Solutions for Chemical Telegraph PaperOct. 29, 1873
1874
</pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
154,788 District Telegraph Signal Box. . . . .April 2, 1874
168,004 Printing Telegraph . . . . . . . . . . May 22, 1874
166,859 Chemical Telegraphy. . . . . . . . . . June 1, 1874
166,860 Chemical Telegraphy. . . . . . . . . . June 1, 1874
166,861 Chemical Telegraphy. . . . . . . . . . June 1, 1874
158,787 Telegraph Apparatus. . . . . . . . . . Aug. 7, 1874
172,305 Automatic Roman Character
Telegraph. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 7, 1874
173,718 Automatic Telegraphy . . . . . . . . . Aug. 7, 1874
178,221 Duplex Telegraphs. . . . . . . . Aug. 19, 1874
178,222 Duplex Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 19, 1874
178,223 Duplex Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 19, 1874
180,858 Duplex Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 19, 1874
207,723 Duplex Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 19, 1874
480,567 Duplex Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 19, 1874
207,724 Duplex Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . . .Dec. 14, 1874
</pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
1875
168,242 Transmitter and Receiver for Automatic
Telegraph. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 18, 1875
168,243 Automatic Telegraphs . . . . . . . . .Jan. 18, 1875
168,385 Duplex Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 18, 1875
168,466 Solution for Chemical Telegraphs . . .Jan. 18, 1875
168,467 Recording Point for Chemical Telegraph Jan. 18, 1875
195,751 Automatic Telegraphs . . . . . . . . . Jan. 18 1875
195,752 Automatic Telegraphs . . . . . . . . .Jan. 19, 1875
171,273 Telegraph Apparatus. . . . . . . . . . Feb 11, 1875
169,972 Electric Signalling Instrument . . . . Feb 24, 1875
209,241 Quadruplex Telegraph Repeaters (reissued
September 23, 1879, numbered
8906). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Feb 24, 1875
1876
180,857 Autographic Printing . . . . . . . . .March 7, 1876
198,088 Telephonic Telegraphs. . . . . . . . .April 3, 1876
198,089 Telephonic or Electro Harmonic
Telegraphs . . . . . . . . . . . . . .April 3, 1876
182,996 Acoustic Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . . .May 9, 1876
186,330 Acoustic Electric Telegraphs . . . . . .May 9, 1876
186,548 Telegraph Alarm and Signal Apparatus . .May 9, 1876
198,087 Telephonic Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . .May 9, 1876
185,507 Electro Harmonic Multiplex Telegraph .Aug. 16, 1876
200,993 Acoustic Telegraph . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 26, 1876
235,142 Acoustic Telegraph . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 26, 1876
200,032 Synchronous Movements for Electric
Telegraphs . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 30, 1876
200,994 Automatic Telegraph Perforator and
Transmitter. . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 30, 1876
1877
205,370 Pneumatic Stencil Pens . . . . . . . . Feb. 3, 1877
213,554 Automatic Telegraphs . . . . . . . . . Feb. 3, 1877
196,747 Stencil Pens . . . . . . . . . . . . April 18, 1877
203,329 Perforating Pens . . . . . . . . . . April 18, 1877
474,230 Speaking Telegraph . . . . . . . . . April 18, 1877
217,781 Sextuplex Telegraph. . . . . . . . . . .May 8, 1877
230,621 Addressing Machine . . . . . . . . . . .May 8, 1877
377,374 Telegraphy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .May 8, 1877
453,601 Sextuplex Telegraph. . . . . . . . . . May 31, 1877
452,913 Sextuplex Telegraph. . . . . . . . . . May 31, 1877
512,872 Sextuplex Telegraph. . . . . . . . . . May 31, 1877
474,231 Speaking Telegraph . . . . . . . . . . July 9, 1877
203,014 Speaking Telegraph . . . . . . . . . .July 16, 1877
208,299 Speaking Telegraph . . . . . . . . . .July 16, 1877
203,015 Speaking Telegraph . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 16, 1877
420,594 Quadruplex Telegraph . . . . . . . . .Aug. 16, 1877
492,789 Speaking Telegraph . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 31, 1877
203,013 Speaking Telegraph . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 8, 1877
203 018 Telephone or Speaking Telegraph. . . . Dec. 8, 1877
200 521 Phonograph or Speaking Machine . . . .Dec. 15, 1877
1878
203,019 Circuit for Acoustic or Telephonic
Telegraphs . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 13, 1878
201,760 Speaking Machines. . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 28, 1878
203,016 Speaking Machines. . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 28, 1878
203,017 Telephone Call Signals . . . . . . . .Feb. 28, 1878
214,636 Electric Lights. . . . . . . . . . . . Oct. 5, 1878
222,390 Carbon Telephones. . . . . . . . . . . Nov. 8, 1878
217,782 Duplex Telegraphs. . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 11, 1878
214,637 Thermal Regulator for Electric Lights.Nov. 14, 1878
210,767 Vocal Engines. . . . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 31, 1878
218,166 Magneto Electric Machines. . . . . . . Dec. 3, 1878
218,866 Electric Lighting Apparatus. . . . . . Dec. 3, 1878
219,628 Electric Lights. . . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 3, 1878
295,990 Typewriter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 4, 1878
218,167 Electric Lights. . . . . . . . . . . .Dec. 31, 1878
1879
224,329 Electric Lighting Apparatus. . . . . .Jan. 23, 1879
227,229 Electric Lights. . . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 28, 1879
227,227 Electric Lights. . . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 6, 1879
224.665 Autographic Stencils for Printing. . March 10, 1879
227.679 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . March 19, 1879
221,957 Telephone. . . . . . . . . . . . . . March 24, 1879
227,229 Electric Lights. . . . . . . . . . . April 12, 1879
264,643 Magneto Electric Machines. . . . . . April 21, 1879
219,393 Dynamo Electric Machines . . . . . . . July 7, 1879
231,704 Electro Chemical Receiving Telephone .July 17, 1879
266,022 Telephone. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 1, 1879
252,442 Telephone. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 4, 1879
222,881 Magneto Electric Machines. . . . . . .Sept. 4, 1879
223,898 Electric Lamp. . . . . . . . . . . . . Nov. 1, 1879
1880
230,255 Electric Lamps . . . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 28, 1880
248,425 Apparatus for Producing High Vacuums Jan.28 1880
265,311 Electric Lamp and Holder for Same. . . Jan. 28 1880
369,280 System of Electrical Distribution. . .Jan. 28, 1880
227,226 Safety Conductor for Electric Lights .March 10,1880
228,617 Brake for Electro Magnetic Motors. . March 10, 1880
251,545 Electric Meter . . . . . . . . . . . March 10, 1880
525,888 Manufacture of Carbons for Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . March 10, 1880
264,649 Dynamo or Magneto Electric Machines. March 11,
1880
228,329 Magnetic Ore Separator . . . . . . . .April 3, 1880
238,868 Manufacture of Carbons for Incandescent
Electric Lamps . . . . . . . . . . . April 25, 1880
237,732 Electric Light . . . . . . . . . . . .June 15, 1880
248,417 Manufacturing Carbons for Electric
Lights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .June 15, 1880
298,679 Treating Carbons for Electric Lights .June 15, 1880
248,430 Electro Magnetic Brake . . . . . . . . July 2, 1880
265,778 Electro Magnetic Railway Engine. . . . July 3, 1880
248,432 Magnetic Separator . . . . . . . . . .July 26, 1880
239,150 Electric Lamp. . . . . . . . . . . . .July 27, 1880
239,372 Testing Electric Light Carbons—Edison
and Batchelor. . . . . . . . . . . . .July 28, 1880
251,540 Carbon Electric Lamps. . . . . . . . .July 28, 1880
263,139 Manufacture of Carbons for Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .July 28, 1880
434,585 Telegraph Relay. . . . . . . . . . . .July 29, 1880
248 423 Carbonizer . . . . . . . . . . . . . .July 30, 1880
263 140 Dynamo Electric Machines . . . . . . .July 30, 1880
248,434 Governor for Electric Engines. . . . .July 31, 1880
239,147 System of Electric Lighting. . . . . .July 31, 1880
264,642 Electric Distribution and Translation
System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 4, 1880
293,433 Insulation of Railroad Tracks used for
Electric Circuits. . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 6, 1880
239,373 Electric Lamp. . . . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 7, 1880
239,745 Electric Lamp. . . . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 7, 1880
263,135 Electric Lamp. . . . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 7, 1880
251,546 Electric Lamp. . . . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 10, 1880
239,153 Electric Lamp. . . . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 11, 1880
351,855 Electric Lamp. . . . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 11, 1880
248,435 Utilizing Electricity as Motive Power.Aug. 12, 1880
263,132 Electro Magnetic Roller. . . . . . . .Aug. 14, 1880
264,645 System of Conductors for the Distribution
of Electricity . . . . . . . . . . . .Sept. 1, 1880
240,678 Webermeter . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sept. 22, 1880
239,152 System of Electric Lighting. . . . . .Oct. 14, 1880
239,148 Treating Carbons for Electric Lights .Oct. 15, 1880
238,098 Magneto Signalling Apparatus—Edison
and Johnson. . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 21, 1880
242,900 Manufacturing Carbons for Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 21, 1880
251,556 Regulator for Magneto or Dynamo
Electric Machines. . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 21, 1880
248,426 Apparatus for Treating Carbons for
Electric Lamps . . . . . . . . . . . . Nov. 5, 1880
239,151 Forming Enlarged Ends on Carbon
Filaments. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 19, 1880
12,631 Design Patent—Incandescent Electric
Lamp . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 23, 1880
239,149 Incandescing Electric Lamp . . . . . . Dec. 3, 1880
242,896 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . . Dec. 3, 1880
242,897 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . . Dec. 3, 1880
248,565 Webermeter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 3, 1880
263,878 Electric Lamp. . . . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 3, 1880
239,154 Relay for Telegraphs . . . . . . . . .Dec. 11, 1880
242,898 Dynamo Electric Machine. . . . . . . .Dec. 11, 1880
248,431 Preserving Fruit . . . . . . . . . . .Dec. 11, 1880
265,777 Treating Carbons for Electric Lamps. .Dec. 11, 1880
239,374 Regulating the Generation of Electric
Currents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Dec. 16, 1880
248,428 Manufacture of Incandescent Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Dec. 16, 1880
248,427 Apparatus for Treating Carbons for
Electric Lamps . . . . . . . . . . . .Dec. 21, 1880
248,437 Apparatus for Treating Carbons for
Electric Lamps . . . . . . . . . . . .Dec. 21, 1880
248,416 Manufacture of Carbons for Electric
Lights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Dec. 30, 1880
1881
242,899 Electric Lighting. . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 19, 1881
248,418 Electric Lamp. . . . . . . . . . . . . Jan. 19 1881
248,433 Vacuum Apparatus . . . . . . . . . . . Jan. 19 1881
251,548 Incandescent Electric Lamps. . . . . .Jan. 19, 1881
406,824 Electric Meter . . . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 19, 1881
248,422 System of Electric Lighting. . . . . .Jan. 20, 1881
431,018 Dynamo or Magneto Electric Machine . . Feb. 3, 1881
242,901 Electric Motor . . . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 24, 1881
248,429 Electric Motor . . . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 24, 1881
248,421 Current Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machine. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 25, 1881
251,550 Magneto or Dynamo Electric Machines. .Feb. 26, 1881
251,555 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 26, 1881
482,549 Means for Controlling Electric
Generation . . . . . . . . . . . . . .March 2, 1881
248,420 Fixture and Attachment for Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .March 7, 1881
251,553 Electric Chandeliers . . . . . . . . .March 7, 1881
251,554 Electric Lamp and Socket or Holder . .March 7, 1881
248,424 Fitting and Fixtures for Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .March 8, 1881
248,419 Electric Lamp. . . . . . . . . . . . March 30, 1881
251,542 System of Electric Light . . . . . . April 19, 1881
263,145 Making Incandescents . . . . . . . . April 19, 1881
266,447 Electric Incandescent Lamp . . . . . April 21, 1881
251,552 Underground Conductors . . . . . . . April 22, 1881
476,531 Electric Lighting System . . . . . . April 22, 1881
248,436 Depositing Cell for Plating the Connections
of Electric Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . May 17, 1881
251,539 Electric Lamp. . . . . . . . . . . . . May 17, 1881
263,136 Regulator for Dynamo or Magneto
Electric Machine . . . . . . . . . . . May 17, 1881
251,557 Webermeter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . May 19, 1881
263,134 Regulator for Magneto Electric
Machine. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . May 19, 1881
251,541 Electro Magnetic Motor . . . . . . . . May 20, 1881
251,544 Manufacture of Electric Lamps. . . . . May 20, 1881
251,549 Electric Lamp and the Manufacture
thereof. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . May 20, 1881
251,558 Webermeter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . May 20, 1881
341,644 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . . May 20, 1881
251,551 System of Electric Lighting. . . . . . May 21, 1881
263,137 Electric Chandelier. . . . . . . . . . May 21, 1881
263,141 Straightening Carbons for Incandescent
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . May 21, 1881
264,657 Incandescent Electric Lamps. . . . . . May 21, 1881
251,543 Electric Lamp. . . . . . . . . . . . . May 24, 1881
251,538 Electric Light . . . . . . . . . . . . May 27, 1881
425,760 Measurement of Electricity in Distribution
System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .May 3 1, 1881
251,547 Electrical Governor. . . . . . . . . . June 2, 1881
263,150 Magneto or Dynamo Electric Machines. June 3, 1881
263,131 Magnetic Ore Separator . . . . . . . . June 4, 1881
435,687 Means for Charging and Using Secondary
Batteries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .June 21, 1881
263,143 Magneto or Dynamo Electric Machines. .June 24, 1881
251,537 Dynamo Electric Machine. . . . . . . .June 25, 1881
263,147 Vacuum Apparatus . . . . . . . . . . .July 1, 188 1
439,389 Electric Lighting System . . . . . . . July 1, 1881
263,149 Commutator for Dynamo or Magneto
Electric Machines. . . . . . . . . . .July 22, 1881
479,184 Facsimile Telegraph—Edison and Kenny.July 26, 1881
400,317 Ore Separator. . . . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 11, 1881
425,763 Commutator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 20, 1881
263,133 Dynamo or Magneto Electric Machine . .Aug. 24, 1881
263,142 Electrical Distribution System . . . .Aug. 24, 1881
264,647 Dynamo or Magneto Electric Machines. .Aug. 24, 1881
404,902 Electrical Distribution System . . . .Aug. 24, 1881
257,677 Telephone. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Sept. 7, 1881
266,021 Telephone. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Sept. 7, 1881
263,144 Mold for Carbonizing Incandescents . Sept. 19, 1881
265,774 Maintaining Temperatures in
Webermeters. . . . . . . . . . . . . Sept. 21, 1881
264,648 Dynamo or Magneto Electric Machines. Sept. 23, 1881
265,776 Electric Lighting System . . . . . . Sept. 27, 1881
524,136 Regulator for Dynamo Electrical
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sept. 27, 1881
273,715 Malleableizing Iron. . . . . . . . . . Oct. 4, 1881
281,352 Webermeter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Oct. 5, 1881
446,667 Locomotives for Electric Railways. . .Oct. 11, 1881
288,318 Regulator for Dynamo or Magneto
Electric Machines. . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 17, 1881
263,148 Dynamo or Magneto Electric Machines. Oct. 25, 1881
264,646 Dynamo or Magneto Electric Machines. Oct. 25, 1881
251,559 Electrical Drop Light. . . . . . . . .Oct. 25, 1881
266,793 Electric Distribution System . . . . .Oct. 25, 1881
358,599 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . .Oct. 29, 1881
264,673 Regulator for Dynamo Electric Machine. Nov. 3, 1881
263,138 Electric Arc Light . . . . . . . . . . Nov. 7, 1881
265,775 Electric Arc Light . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 7 1881
297,580 Electric Arc Light . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 7 1881
263,146 Dynamo Magneto Electric Machines . . .Nov. 22, 1881
266,588 Vacuum Apparatus . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 25, 1881
251,536 Vacuum Pump. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 5, 1881
264,650 Manufacturing Incandescent Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 5, 1881
264,660 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 5, 1881
379,770 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . . Dec. 5, 1881
293,434 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . . Dec. 5, 1881
439,391 Junction Box for Electric Wires. . . . Dec. 5, 1881
454,558 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . . Dec. 5, 1881
264,653 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . .Dec. 13, 1881
358,600 Incandescing Electric Lamp . . . . . .Dec. 13, 1881
264,652 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . .Dec. 15, 1881
278,419 Dynamo Electric Machines . . . . . . .Dec. 15, 1881
1882
265,779 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 17, 1882
264,654 Incandescent Electric Lamps. . . . . .Feb. 10, 1882
264,661 Regulator for Dynamo Electric Machines Feb. 10, 1882
264,664 Regulator for Dynamo Electric Machines Feb. 10, 1882
264,668 Regulator for Dynamo Electric Machines Feb. 10, 1882
264,669 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 10, 1882
264,671 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 10, 1882
275,613 Incandescing Electric Lamp . . . . . .Feb. 10, 1882
401,646 Incandescing Electric Lamp . . . . . .Feb. 10, 1882
264,658 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 28, 1882
264,659 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 28, 1882
265,780 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 28, 1882
265,781 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 28, 1882
278,416 Manufacture of Incandescent Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 28, 1882
379,771 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 28, 1882
272,034 Telephone. . . . . . . . . . . . . . March 30, 1882
274,576 Transmitting Telephone . . . . . . . March 30, 1882
274,577 Telephone. . . . . . . . . . . . . . March 30, 1882
264,662 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .May 1, 1882
264,663 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .May 1, 1882
264,665 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .May 1, 1882
264,666 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .May 1, 1882
268,205 Dynamo or Magneto Electric
Machine. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .May 1, 1882
273,488 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .May 1, 1882
273,492 Secondary Battery. . . . . . . . . . . May 19, 1882
460,122 Process of and Apparatus for
Generating Electricity . . . . . . . . May 19, 1882
466,460 Electrolytic Decomposition . . . . . .May 19,. 1882
264,672 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . May 22, 1882
264,667 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . May 22, 1882
265,786 Apparatus for Electrical Transmission
of Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . May 22, 1882
273,828 System of Underground Conductors of
Electric Distribution. . . . . . . . . May 22, 1882
379,772 System of Electrical Distribution. . . May 22, 1882
274,292 Secondary Battery. . . . . . . . . . . June 3, 1882
281,353 Dynamo or Magneto Electric Machine . . June 3, 1882
287,523 Dynamo or Magneto Electric Machine . . June 3, 1882
365,509 Filament for Incandescent Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .June 3 1882
446,668 Electric Are Light . . . . . . . . . . .June 3 1882
543,985 Incandescent Conductor for Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . June 3, 1882
264,651 Incandescent Electric Lamps. . . . . . June 9, 1882
264,655 Incandescing Electric Lamps. . . . . . June 9, 1882
264,670 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . June 9, 1882
273,489 Turn-Table for Electric Railway. . . . June 9, 1882
273,490 Electro Magnetic Railway System. . . . June 9, 1882
401,486 System of Electric Lighting. . . . . .June 12, 1882
476,527 System of Electric Lighting. . . . . .June 12, 1882
439,390 Electric Lighting System . . . . . . .June 19, 1882
446,666 System of Electric Lighting. . . . . .June 19, 1882
464,822 System of Distributing Electricity . .June 19, 1882
304,082 Electrical Meter . . . . . . . . . . .June 24, 1882
274,296 Manufacture of Incandescents . . . . . July 5, 1882
264,656 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . . July 7, 1882
265,782 Regulator for Dynamo Electric Machines July 7, 1882
265,783 Regulator for Dynamo Electric Machines July 7, 1882
265,784 Regulator for Dynamo Electric Machines July 7, 1882
265,785 Dynamo Electric Machine. . . . . . . . July 7, 1882
273,494 Electrical Railroad. . . . . . . . . . July 7, 1882
278,418 Translating Electric Currents from High
to Low Tension . . . . . . . . . . . . July 7, 1882
293,435 Electrical Meter . . . . . . . . . . . July 7, 1882
334,853 Mold for Carbonizing . . . . . . . . . July 7, 1882
339,278 Electric Railway . . . . . . . . . . . July 7, 1882
273,714 Magnetic Electric Signalling
Apparatus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 5, 1882
282,287 Magnetic Electric Signalling
Apparatus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 5, 1882
448,778 Electric Railway . . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 5, 1882
439,392 Electric Lighting System . . . . . . .Aug. 12, 1882
271,613 Manufacture of Incandescent Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 25, 1882
287,518 Manufacture of Incandescent Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 25, 1882
406,825 Electric Meter . . . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 25, 1882
439,393 Carbonizing Chamber. . . . . . . . . .Aug. 25, 1882
273,487 Regulator for Dynamo Electric Machines Sept. 12, 1882
297,581 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . Sept. 12, 1882
395,962 Manufacturing Electric Lamps . . . . Sept. 16, 1882
287,525 Regulator for Systems of Electrical
Distribution—Edison and C. L.
Clarke . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Oct. 4, 1882
365,465 Valve Gear . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Oct. 5, 1882
317,631 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . . Oct. 7, 1882
307,029 Filament for Incandescent Lamp . . . . Oct. 9, 1882
268,206 Incandescing Electric Lamp . . . . . .Oct. 10, 1882
273,486 Incandescing Electric Lamp . . . . . .Oct. 12, 1882
274,293 Electric Lamp. . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 14, 1882
275,612 Manufacture of Incandescent Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 14, 1882
430,932 Manufacture of Incandescent Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 14, 1882
271,616 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 16, 1882
543,986 Process for Treating Products Derived
from Vegetable Fibres. . . . . . . . .Oct. 17, 1882
543,987 Filament for Incandescent Lamps. . . .Oct. 17, 1882
271,614 Shafting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 19, 1882
271,615 Governor for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 19, 1882
273,491 Regulator for Driving Engines of
Electrical Generators. . . . . . . . .Oct. 19, 1882
273,493 Valve Gear for Electrical Generator
Engines. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 19, 1882
411,016 Manufacturing Carbon Filaments . . . .Oct. 19, 1882
492,150 Coating Conductors for Incandescent
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 19, 1882
273,485 Incandescent Electric Lamps. . . . . .Oct. 26, 1882
317,632 Incandescent Electric Lamps. . . . . .Oct. 26, 1882
317,633 Incandescent Electric Lamps. . . . . .Oct. 26, 1882
287,520 Incandescing Conductor for Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nov. 3, 1882
353,783 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . . Nov. 3, 1882
430,933 Filament for Incandescent Lamps. . . . Nov. 3, 1882
274,294 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . .Nov. 13, 1882
281,350 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 13, 1882
274,295 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . .Nov. 14, 1882
276,233 Electrical Generator and Motor . . . .Nov. 14, 1882
274,290 System of Electrical Distribution. . .Nov. 20, 1882
274,291 Mold for Carbonizer. . . . . . . . . .Nov. 28, 1882
278,413 Regulator for Dynamo Electric MachinesNov. 28, 1882
278,414 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 28, 1882
287,519 Manufacturing Incandescing Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 28, 1882
287,524 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 28, 1882
438,298 Manufacture of Incandescent Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 28, 1882
276,232 Operating and Regulating Electrical
Generators . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Dec. 20, 1882
1883
278,415 Manufacture of Incandescent Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 13, 1883
278,417 Manufacture of Incandescent Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 13, 1883
281,349 Regulator for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 13, 1883
283,985 System of Electrical Distribution. . . Jan. 13 1883
283,986 System o' Electrical Distribution. . . Jan. 13 1883
459,835 Manufacture of Incandescent Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 13, 1883
13,940 Design Patent—Incandescing Electric
Lamp . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 13 1883
280,727 System of Electrical Distribution. . . Feb. 13 1883
395,123 Circuit Controller for Dynamo Machine.Feb. 13, 1883
287,521 Dynamo or Magneto Electric Machine . .Feb. 17, 1883
287,522 Molds for Carbonizing. . . . . . . . .Feb. 17, 1883
438,299 Manufacture of Carbon Filaments. . . .Feb. 17, 1883
446,669 Manufacture of Filaments for Incandescent
Electric Lamps . . . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 17, 1883
476,528 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . .Feb. 17, 1883
281,351 Electrical Generator . . . . . . . . .March 5, 1883
283,984 System of Electrical Distribution. . .March 5, 1883
287,517 System of Electrical Distribution. . .March 14,1883
283,983 System of Electrical Distribution. . .April 5, 1883
354,310 Manufacture of Carbon Conductors . . .April 6, 1883
370,123 Electric Meter . . . . . . . . . . . .April 6, 1883
411,017 Carbonizing Flask. . . . . . . . . . .April 6, 1883
370,124 Manufacture of Filament for Incandescing
Electric Lamp. . . . . . . . . . . . April 12, 1883
287,516 System of Electrical Distribution. . . .May 8, 1883
341,839 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . . .May 8, 1883
398,774 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . . .May 8, 1883
370,125 Electrical Transmission of Power . . . June 1, 1883
370,126 Electrical Transmission of Power . . . June 1, 1883
370,127 Electrical Transmission of Power . . . June 1, 1883
370,128 Electrical Transmission of Power . . . June 1, 1883
370,129 Electrical Transmission of Power . . . June 1, 1883
370,130 Electrical Transmission of Power . . . June 1, 1883
370,131 Electrical Transmission of Power . . . June 1, 1883
438,300 Gauge for Testing Fibres for
Incandescent Lamp Carbons. . . . . . . June 1, 1883
287,511 Electric Regulator . . . . . . . . . .June 25, 1883
287,512 Dynamo Electric Machine. . . . . . . .June 25, 1883
287,513 Dynamo Electric Machine. . . . . . . .June 25, 1883
287,514 Dynamo Electric Machine. . . . . . . .June 25, 1883
287,515 System of Electrical Distribution. . .June 25, 1883
297,582 Dynamo Electric Machine. . . . . . . .June 25, 1883
328,572 Commutator for Dynamo Electric Machines June 25, 1883
430,934 Electric Lighting System . . . . . . .June 25, 1883
438,301 System of Electric Lighting. . . . . .June 25, 1883
297,583 Dynamo Electric Machines . . . . . . .July 27, 1883
304,083 Dynamo Electric Machines . . . . . . .July 27; 1883
304,084 Device for Protecting Electric Light
Systems from Lightning . . . . . . . .July 27, 1883
438,302 Commutator for Dynamo Electric
Machine. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .July 27, 1883
476,529 System of Electrical Distribution. . .July 27, 1883
297,584 Dynamo Electric Machine. . . . . . . . Aug. 8, 1883
307,030 Electrical Meter . . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 8, 1883
297,585 Incandescing Conductor for Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sept. 14, 1883
297,586 Electrical Conductor . . . . . . . . Sept. 14, 1883
435,688 Process and Apparatus for Generating
Electricity. . . . . . . . . . . . . Sept. 14, 1883
470,922 Manufacture of Filaments for
Incandescent Lamps . . . . . . . . . Sept. 14, 1883
490,953 Generating Electricity . . . . . . . . Oct. 9, 1883
293,432 Electrical Generator or Motor. . . . .Oct. 17, 1883
307,031 Electrical Indicator . . . . . . . . . Nov. 2, 1883
337,254 Telephone—Edison and Bergmann . . . .Nov. 10, 1883
297,587 Dynamo Electric Machine. . . . . . . .Nov. 16, 1883
298,954 Dynamo Electric Machine. . . . . . . .Nov. 15, 1883
298,955 Dynamo Electric Machine. . . . . . . .Nov. 15, 1883
304,085 System of Electrical Distribution. . .Nov. 15, 1883
509,517 System of Electrical Distribution. . .Nov. 15, 1883
425,761 Incandescent Lamp. . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 20, 1883
304,086 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . .Dec. 15, 1883
1884
298,956 Operating Dynamo Electric Machine. . . Jan. 5, 1884
304,087 Electrical Conductor . . . . . . . . .Jan. 12, 1884
395,963 Incandescent Lamp Filament . . . . . .Jan. 22, 1884
526,147 Plating One Material with Another. . .Jan. 22, 1884
339,279 System of Electrical Distribution. . . Feb. 8, 1884
314,115 Chemical Stock Quotation Telegraph—
Edison and Kenny . . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 9, 1884
436,968 Method and Apparatus for Drawing
Wire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . June 2, 1884
436,969 Apparatus for Drawing Wire . . . . . . June 2, 1884
438,303 Arc Lamp . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . June 2, 1884
343,017 System of Electrical Distribution. . .June 27, 1884
391,595 System of Electric Lighting. . . . . .July 16, 1884
328,573 System of Electric Lighting. . . . . Sept. 12, 1884
328,574 System of Electric Lighting. . . . . Sept. 12, 1884
328,575 System of Electric Lighting. . . . . Sept. 12, 1884
391,596 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . Sept. 24, 1884
438,304 Electric Signalling Apparatus. . . . Sept. 24, 1884
422,577 Apparatus for Speaking Telephones—
Edison and Gilliland . . . . . . . . .Oct. 21, 1884
329,030 Telephone. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 3, 1884
422,578 Telephone Repeater . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 9, 1884
422,579 Telephone Repeater . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 9, 1884
340,707 Telephonic Repeater. . . . . . . . . . Dec. 9, 1884
340,708 Electrical Signalling Apparatus. . . .Dec. 19, 1884
347,097 Electrical Signalling Apparatus. . . .Dec. 19, 1884
478,743 Telephone Repeater . . . . . . . . . .Dec. 31, 1884
1885
340,709 Telephone Circuit—Edison and
Gilliland. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jan. 2, 1885
378,044 Telephone Transmitter. . . . . . . . . Jan. 9, 1885
348,114 Electrode for Telephone Transmitters .Jan. 12, 1885
438,305 Fuse Block . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 14, 1885
350,234 System of Railway Signalling—Edison
and Gilliland. . . . . . . . . . . . .March 27,1885
486,634 System of Railway Signalling—Edison
and Gilliland. . . . . . . . . . . . .March 27,1885
333,289 Telegraphy . . . . . . . . . . . . . April 27, 1885
333,290 Duplex Telegraphy. . . . . . . . . . April 30, 1885
333,291 Way Station Quadruplex Telegraph . . . .May 6, 1885
465,971 Means for Transmitting Signals Electrically May 14, 1885
422 072 Telegraphy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Oct. 7, 1885
437 422 Telegraphy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Oct. 7, 1885
422,073 Telegraphy . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nov. I 2, 1885
422,074 Telegraphy . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 24, 1885
435,689 Telegraphy . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 30, 1885
438,306 Telephone - Edison and Gilliland . . .Dec. 22, 1885
350,235 Railway Telegraphy—Edison and
Gilliland. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Dec. 28, 1885
1886
406,567 Telephone. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 28, 1886
474,232 Speaking Telegraph . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 17, 1886
370 132 Telegraphy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . May 11, 1886
411,018 Manufacture of Incandescent Lamps. . .July 15, 1886
438,307 Manufacture of Incandescent Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . July I 5, 1886
448,779 Telegraph. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .July IS, 1886
411,019 Manufacture of Incandescent Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .July 20, 1886
406,130 Manufacture of Incandescent Electric
Lamps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 6, 1886
351,856 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . Sept. 30, 1886
454,262 Incandescent Lamp Filaments. . . . . .Oct. 26, 1886
466,400 Cut-Out for Incandescent Lamps—Edison
and J. F. Ott. . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 26, 1886
484,184 Manufacture of Carbon Filaments. . . .Oct. 26, 1886
490,954 Manufacture of Carbon Filaments for
Electric Lamps . . . . . . . . . . . . Nov. 2, 1886
438,308 System of Electrical Distribution. . . Nov. 9, 1886
524,378 System of Electrical Distribution. . . Nov. 9, 1886
365,978 System of Electrical Distribution. . .Nov. 22, 1886
369 439 System of Electrical Distribution. . .Nov. 22, 1886
384 830 Railway Signalling—Edison and Gilliland Nov. 24, 1886
379,944 Commutator for Dynamo Electric MachinesNov. 26, 1886
411,020 Manufacture of Carbon Filaments. . . .Nov. 26, 1886
485,616 Manufacture of Carbon Filaments. . . . .Dec 6, 1886
485,615 Manufacture of Carbon Filaments. . . . .Dec 6, 1886
525,007 Manufacture of Carbon Filaments. . . . Dec. 6, 1886
369,441 System of Electrical Distribution. . .Dec. 10, 1886
369,442 System of Electrical Distribution. . .Dec. 16, 1886
369,443 System of Electrical Distribution. . .Dec. 16, 1886
484,185 Manufacture of Carbon Filaments. . . .Dec. 20, 1886
534,207 Manufacture of Carbon Filaments. . . .Dec. 20, 1886
373,584 Dynamo Electric Machine. . . . . . . .Dec. 21, 1886
1887
468,949 Converter System for Electric
Railways . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 7, 1887
380,100 Pyromagnetic Motor . . . . . . . . . . May 24, 1887
476,983 Pyromagnetic Generator . . . . . . . . .May 24 1887
476,530 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . . June 1, 1887
377,518 Magnetic Separator . . . . . . . . . .June 30, 1887
470,923 Railway Signalling . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 9, 1887
545,405 System of Electrical Distribution. . .Aug. 26, 1887
380,101 System of Electrical Distribution. . .Sept. 13 1887
380,102 System of Electrical Distribution. . .Sept. 14 1887
470,924 Electric Conductor . . . . . . . . . Sept. 26, 1887
563,462 Method of and Apparatus for Drawing
Wire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 17, 1887
385,173 System of Electrical Distribution. . . Nov. 5, 1887
506,215 Making Plate Glass . . . . . . . . . . Nov. 9, 1887
382,414 Burnishing Attachments for PhonographsNov. 22, 1887
386,974 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 22, 1887
430,570 Phonogram Blank. . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 22, 1887
382,416 Feed and Return Mechanism for PhonographsNov. 29, 1887
382,415 System of Electrical Distribution. . . Dec. 4, 1887
382,462 Phonogram Blanks . . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 5, 1887
1888
484,582 Duplicating Phonograms . . . . . . . .Jan. 17, 1888
434,586 Electric Generator . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 21, 1888
434,587 Thermo Electric Battery. . . . . . . .Jan. 21, 1888
382,417 Making Phonogram Blanks. . . . . . . .Jan. 30, 1888
389,369 Incandescing Electric Lamp . . . . . . Feb. 2, 1888
382,418 Phonogram Blank. . . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 20, 1888
390,462 Making Carbon Filaments. . . . . . . .Feb. 20, 1888
394,105 Phonograph Recorder. . . . . . . . . .Feb. 20, 1888
394,106 Phonograph Reproducer. . . . . . . . .Feb. 20, 1888
382,419 Duplicating Phonograms . . . . . . . .March 3, 1888
425,762 Cut-Out for Incandescent Lamps . . . .March 3, 1888
396,356 Magnetic Separator . . . . . . . . . .March 19,1888
393,462 Making Phonogram Blanks. . . . . . . April 28, 1888
393,463 Machine for Making Phonogram Blanks. April 28, 1888
393,464 Machine for Making Phonogram Blanks. April 28, 1888
534,208 Induction Converter. . . . . . . . . . .May 7, 1888
476,991 Method of and Apparatus for Separating
Ores . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .May 9, 1888
400,646 Phonograph Recorder and Reproducer . . May 22, 1888
488,190 Phonograph Reproducer. . . . . . . . . May 22, 1888
488,189 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . May 26, 1888
470,925 Manufacture of Filaments for Incandescent
Electric Lamps . . . . . . . . . . . .June 21, 1888
393,465 Preparing Phonograph Recording Surfaces June 30, 1888
400,647 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . .June 30, 1888
448,780 Device for Turning Off Phonogram Blanks June 30, 1888
393,466 Phonograph Recorder. . . . . . . . . .July 14, 1888
393,966 Recording and Reproducing Sounds . . .July 14, 1888
393,967 Recording and Reproducing Sounds . . .July 14, 1888
430,274 Phonogram Blank. . . . . . . . . . . .July 14, 1888
437,423 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . .July 14, 1888
450,740 Phonograph Recorder. . . . . . . . . .July 14, 1888
485,617 Incandescent Lamp Filament . . . . . .July 14, 1888
448,781 Turning-Off Device for Phonographs . .July 16, 1888
400,648 Phonogram Blank. . . . . . . . . . . .July 27, 1888
499,879 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . .July 27, 1888
397,705 Winding Field Magnets. . . . . . . . .Aug. 31, 1888
435,690 Making Armatures for Dynamo Electric
Machines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 31, 1888
430,275 Magnetic Separator . . . . . . . . . Sept. 12, 1888
474,591 Extracting Gold from Sulphide Ores . Sept. 12, 1888
397,280 Phonograph Recorder and Reproducer . Sept. 19, 1888
397,706 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sept. 29, 1888
400,649 Making Phonogram Blanks. . . . . . . Sept. 29, 1888
400,650 Making Phonogram Blanks. . . . . . . .Oct. 15, 1888
406,568 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 15, 1888
437,424 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 15, 1888
393,968 Phonograph Recorder. . . . . . . . . .Oct. 31, 1888
1889
406,569 Phonogram Blank. . . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 10, 1889
488,191 Phonogram Blank. . . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 10, 1889
430,276 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 12, 1889
406,570 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 1, 1889
406,571 Treating Phonogram Blanks. . . . . . . Feb. 1, 1889
406,572 Automatic Determining Device for
Phonographs. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 1, 1889
406,573 Automatic Determining Device for
Phonographs. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 1, 1889
406,574 Automatic Determining Device for
Phonographs. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 1, 1889
406,575 Automatic Determining Device for
Phonographs. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 1, 1889
406,576 Phonogram Blank. . . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 1, 1889
430,277 Automatic Determining Device for
Phonographs. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 1, 1889
437,425 Phonograph Recorder. . . . . . . . . . Feb. 1, 1889
414,759 Phonogram Blanks . . . . . . . . . . March 22, 1889
414,760 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . March 22, 1889
462,540 Incandescent Electric Lamps. . . . . March 22, 1889
430,278 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . .April 8, 1889
438,309 Insulating Electrical Conductors . . April 25, 1889
423,039 Phonograph Doll or Other Toys. . . . .June 15, 1889
426,527 Automatic Determining Device for
Phonographs. . . . . . . . . . . . . .June 15, 1889
430,279 Voltaic Battery. . . . . . . . . . . .June 15, 1889
506,216 Apparatus for Making Glass . . . . . .June 29, 1889
414,761 Phonogram Blanks . . . . . . . . . . .July 16, 1889
430,280 Magnetic Separator . . . . . . . . . .July 20, 1889
437,426 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . .July 20, 1889
465,972 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 14, 1889
443,507 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 11 1889
513,095 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 11 1889
1890
434,588 Magnetic Ore Separator—Edison and
W. K. L. Dickson . . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 16, 1890
437,427 Making Phonogram Blanks. . . . . . . . Feb. 8, 1890
465,250 Extracting Copper Pyrites. . . . . . . Feb. 8, 1890
434,589 Propelling Mechanism for Electric Vehicles Feb. 14, 1890
438,310 Lamp Base. . . . . . . . . . . . . . April 25, 1890
437,428 Propelling Device for Electric Cars. April 29, 1890
437,429 Phonogram Blank. . . . . . . . . . . April 29, 1890
454,941 Phonograph Recorder and Reproducer . . .May 6, 1890
436,127 Electric Motor . . . . . . . . . . . . May 17, 1890
484,583 Phonograph Cutting Tool. . . . . . . . May 24, 1890
484,584 Phonograph Reproducer. . . . . . . . . May 24, 1890
436,970 Apparatus for Transmitting Power . . . June 2, 1890
453,741 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . July 5, 1890
454,942 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . July 5, 1890
456,301 Phonograph Doll. . . . . . . . . . . . July 5, 1890
484,585 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . July 5, 1890
456,302 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 4, 1890
476,984 Expansible Pulley. . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 9, 1890
493,858 Transmission of Power. . . . . . . . . Aug. 9, 1890
457,343 Magnetic Belting . . . . . . . . . . .Sept. 6, 1890
444,530 Leading-in Wires for Incandescent Electric
Lamps (reissued October 10, 1905,
No. 12,393). . . . . . . . . . . . . Sept. 12, 1890
534 209 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . Sept. 13, 1890
476 985 Trolley for Electric Railways. . . . .Oct. 27, 1890
500,280 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 27, 1890
541,923 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 27, 1890
457,344 Smoothing Tool for Phonogram
Blanks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 17, 1890
460,123 Phonogram Blank Carrier. . . . . . . .Nov. 17, 1890
500,281 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 17, 1890
541,924 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 17, 1890
500,282 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 1, 1890
575,151 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 1, 1890
605,667 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 1, 1890
610,706 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 1, 1890
622,843 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 1, 1890
609,268 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 6, 1890
493,425 Electric Locomotive. . . . . . . . . .Dec. 20, 1890
1891
476,992 Incandescent Electric Lamp . . . . . .Jan. 20, 1891
470,926 Dynamo Electric Machine or Motor . . . Feb. 4, 1891
496,191 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 4, 1891
476,986 Means for Propelling Electric Cars . .Feb. 24, 1891
476,987 Electric Locomotive. . . . . . . . . .Feb. 24, 1891
465,973 Armatures for Dynamos or Motors. . . .March 4, 1891
470,927 Driving Mechanism for Cars . . . . . .March 4, 1891
465,970 Armature Connection for Motors or
Generators . . . . . . . . . . . . . March 20, 1891
468,950 Commutator Brush for Electric Motors
and Dynamos. . . . . . . . . . . . . March 20, 1891
475,491 Electric Locomotive. . . . . . . . . . June 3, 1891
475,492 Electric Locomotive. . . . . . . . . . June 3, 1891
475,493 Electric Locomotive. . . . . . . . . . June 3, 1891
475,494 Electric Railway . . . . . . . . . . . June 3, 1891
463,251 Bricking Fine Ores . . . . . . . . . .July 31, 1891
470,928 Alternating Current Generator. . . . .July 31, 1891
476,988 Lightning Arrester . . . . . . . . . .July 31, 1891
476,989 Conductor for Electric Railways. . . .July 31, 1891
476,990 Electric Meter . . . . . . . . . . . .July 31, 1891
476,993 Electric Arc . . . . . . . . . . . . .July 31, 1891
484,183 Electrical Depositing Meter. . . . . .July 31, 1891
485,840 Bricking Fine Iron Ores. . . . . . . .July 31, 1891
493,426 Apparatus for Exhibiting Photographs
of Moving Objects. . . . . . . . . . .July 31, 1891
509,518 Electric Railway . . . . . . . . . . .July 31, 1891
589,168 Kinetographic Camera (reissued September
30, 1902, numbered 12,037
and 12,038, and January 12, 1904,
numbered 12,192) . . . . . . . . . . .July 31, 1891
470,929 Magnetic Separator . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 28, 1891
471,268 Ore Conveyor and Method of Arranging
Ore Thereon. . . . . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 28, 1891
472,288 Dust-Proof Bearings for Shafts . . . .Aug. 28, 1891
472,752 Dust-Proof Journal Bearings. . . . . .Aug. 28, 1891
472,753 Ore-Screening Apparatus. . . . . . . .Aug. 28, 1891
474,592 Ore-Conveying Apparatus. . . . . . . .Aug. 28, 1891
474,593 Dust-Proof Swivel Shaft Bearing. . . .Aug. 28, 1891
498,385 Rollers for Ore-Crushing or Other
Material . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 28, 1891
470,930 Dynamo Electric Machine. . . . . . . . .Oct 8, 1891
476,532 Ore-Screening Apparatus. . . . . . . . .Oct 8, 1891
491,992 Cut-Out for Incandescent Electric Lamps Nov. 10, 1891
1892
491,993 Stop Device. . . . . . . . . . . . . . April 5 1892
564,423 Separating Ores. . . . . . . . . . . .June 2;, 1892
485,842 Magnetic Ore Separation. . . . . . . . July 9, 1892
485,841 Mechanically Separating Ores . . . . . July 9, 1892
513,096 Method of and Apparatus for Mixing
Materials. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 24, 1892
1893
509,428 Composition Brick and Making Same. . March 15, 1893
513,097 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . May 22, 1893
567,187 Crushing Rolls . . . . . . . . . . . .Dec. 13, 1893
602 064 Conveyor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Dec. 13, 1893
534 206 Filament for Incandescent Lamps. . . .Dec. 15, 1893
1896
865,367 Fluorescent Electric Lamp. . . . . . . May 16, 1896
1897
604.740 Governor for Motors. . . . . . . . . .Jan. 25, 1897
607,588 Phonograph . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 25, 1897
637,327 Rolls. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . May 14, 1897
672,616 Breaking Rock. . . . . . . . . . . . . May 14, 1897
675,056 Magnetic Separator . . . . . . . . . . May 14, 1897
676,618 Magnetic Separator . . . . . . . . . . May 14, 1897
605,475 Drying Apparatus . . . . . . . . . . .June 10, 1897
605,668 Mixer. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .June 10, 1897
667,201 Flight Conveyor. . . . . . . . . . . .June 10, 1897
671,314 Lubricating Journal Bearings . . . . .June 10, 1897
671,315 Conveyor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .June 10, 1897
675,057 Screening Pulverized Material. . . . .June 10, 1897
1898
713,209 Duplicating Phonograms . . . . . . . .Feb. 21, 1898
703,774 Reproducer for Phonographs . . . . . March 21, 1898
626,460 Filament for Incandescent Lamps and
Manufacturing Same . . . . . . . . . .March 29,1898
648,933 Dryer. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . April 11, 1898
661,238 Machine for Forming Pulverized
Material in Briquettes . . . . . . . April 11, 1898
674,057 Crushing Rolls . . . . . . . . . . . April 11, 1898
703,562 Apparatus for Bricking Pulverized Material April 11, 1898
704,010 Apparatus for Concentrating Magnetic
Iron Ores. . . . . . . . . . . . . . April 11, 1898
659,389 Electric Meter . . . . . . . . . . . Sept. 19, 1898
1899
648,934 Screening or Sizing Very Fine Materials Feb. 6, 1899
663,015 Electric Meter . . . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 6, 1899
688,610 Phonographic Recording Apparatus . . .Feb. 10, 1899
643,764 Reheating Compressed Air for
Industrial Purposes. . . . . . . . . .Feb. 24, 1899
660,293 Electric Meter . . . . . . . . . . . .March 23,1899
641,281 Expanding Pulley—Edison and Johnson .March 28,1899
727,116 Grinding Rolls . . . . . . . . . . . .June 15, 1899
652,457 Phonograph (reissued September 25,
1900, numbered 11,857) . . . . . . . Sept. 12, 1899
648,935 Apparatus for Duplicating Phonograph
Records. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 27, 1899
685,911 Apparatus for Reheating Compressed
Air for Industrial Purposes. . . . . .Nov. 24, 1899
657,922 Apparatus for Reheating Compressed
Air for Industrial Purposes. . . . . . Dec. 9, 1899
1900
676,840 Magnetic Separating Apparatus. . . . . Jan. 3, 1900
660,845 Apparatus for Sampling, Averaging,
Mixing, and Storing Materials in Bulk Jan. 9, 1900
662,063 Process of Sampling, Averaging, Mixing,
and Storing Materials in Bulk. . . . . Jan. 9, 1900
679,500 Apparatus for Screening Fine Materials Jan. 24, 1900
671,316 Apparatus for Screening Fine Materials Feb. 23, 1900
671,317 Apparatus for Screening Fine Materials March 28, 1900
759,356 Burning Portland Cement Clinker, etc April 10, 1900
759,357 Apparatus for Burning Portland Cement
Clinker, etc . . . . . . . . . . . . .April 10 1900
655,480 Phonographic Reproducing Device. . . .April 30 1900
657,527 Making Metallic Phonograph Records . April 30, 1900
667,202 Duplicating Phonograph Records . . . April 30, 1900
667,662 Duplicating Phonograph Records . . . April 30, 1900
713,863 Coating Phonograph Records . . . . . . May IS, 1900
676,841 Magnetic Separating Apparatus. . . . . June 11 1900
759,358 Magnetic Separating Apparatus. . . . . June 11 1900
680,520 Phonograph Records . . . . . . . . . .July 23, 1900
672,617 Apparatus for Breaking Rock. . . . . . Aug. 1, 1900
676,225 Phonographic Recording Apparatus . . .Aug. 10, 1900
703,051 Electric Meter . . . . . . . . . . . Sept. 28, 1900
684,204 Reversible Galvanic Battery. . . . . . Oct. IS 1900
871,214 Reversible Galvanic Battery. . . . . . Oct. IS 1900
704,303 Reversible Galvanic Battery. . . . . .Dec. 22, 1900
1901
700,136 Reversible Galvanic Battery. . . . . . Feb. 18 1901
700,137 Reversible Galvanic Battery. . . . . . Feb. 23 1901
704,304 Reversible Galvanic Battery. . . . . .Feb. 23, 1901
704,305 Reversible Galvanic Battery. . . . . . May 10, 1901
678,722 Reversible Galvanic Battery. . . . . .June 17, 1901
684,205 Reversible Galvanic Battery. . . . . .June 17, 1901
692,507 Reversible Galvanic Battery. . . . . .June 17, 1901
701,804 Reversible Galvanic Battery. . . . . .June 17, 1901
704,306 Reversible Galvanic Battery. . . . . .June 17, 1901
705,829 Reproducer for Sound Records . . . . .Oct. 24, 1901
831,606 Sound Recording Apparatus. . . . . . .Oct. 24, 1901
827,089 Calcining Furnaces . . . . . . . . . .Dec. 24, 1901
</pre>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
1902
734,522 Process of Nickel-Plating. . . . . . .Feb. 11, 1902
727,117 Reversible Galvanic Battery. . . . . Sept. 29, 1902
727,118 Manufacturing Electrolytically Active
Finely Divided Iron. . . . . . . . . .Oct. 13, 1902
721,682 Reversible Galvanic Battery. . . . . .Nov. 13, 1902
721,870 Funnel for Filling Storage Battery Jars Nov. 13, 1902
723,449 Electrode for Storage Batteries. . . .Nov. 13, 1902
723,450 Reversible Galvanic Battery. . . . . .Nov. 13, 1902
754,755 Compressing Dies . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 13, 1902
754,858 Storage Battery Tray . . . . . . . . .Nov. 13, 1902
754,859 Reversible Galvanic Battery. . . . . .Nov. 13, 1902
764,183 Separating Mechanically Entrained
Globules from Gases. . . . . . . . . .Nov. 13, 1902
802,631 Apparatus for Burning Portland Cement
Clinker. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 13, 1902
852,424 Secondary Batteries. . . . . . . . . .Nov. 13, 1902
722,502 Handling Cable Drawn Cars on Inclines. Dec. 18,
1902
724,089 Operating Motors in Dust Laden
Atmospheres. . . . . . . . . . . . . .Dec. 18, 1902
750,102 Electrical Automobile. . . . . . . . .Dec. 18, 1902
758,432 Stock House Conveyor . . . . . . . . .Dec. 18, 1902
873,219 Feed Regulators for Grinding Machines. Dec. 18,
1902
832,046 Automatic Weighing and Mixing Apparatus Dec. 18, 1902
1903
772,647 Photographic Film for Moving Picture
Machine. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 13, 1903
841,677 Apparatus for Separating and Grinding
Fine Materials . . . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 22, 1903
790,351 Duplicating Phonograph Records . . . .Jan. 30. 1903
831,269 Storage Battery Electrode Plate. . . .Jan. 30, 1903
775,965 Dry Separator. . . . . . . . . . . . April 27, 1903
754,756 Process of Treating Ores from Magnetic
Gangue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . May 25, 1903
775,600 Rotary Cement Kilns. . . . . . . . . .July 20, 1903
767,216 Apparatus for Vacuously Depositing
Metals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . July 30 1903
796,629 Lamp Guard . . . . . . . . . . . . . . July 30 1903
772,648 Vehicle Wheel. . . . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 25, 1903
850,912 Making Articles by Electro-Plating . . .Oct 3, 1903
857,041 Can or Receptacle for Storage Batteries.Oct 3, 1903
766,815 Primary Battery. . . . . . . . . . . .Nov. 16, 1903
943,664 Sound Recording Apparatus. . . . . . .Nov. 16, 1903
873,220 Reversible Galvanic Battery. . . . . .Nov. 20, 1903
898,633 Filling Apparatus for Storage Battery
Jars . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 8, 1903
1904
767,554 Rendering Storage Battery Gases Non-
Explosive. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . June 8, 1904
861,241 Portland Cement and Manufacturing Same June 20, 1904
800,800 Phonograph Records and Making Same . .June 24, 1904
821,622 Cleaning Metallic Surfaces . . . . . .June 24, 1904
879,612 Alkaline Storage Batteries . . . . . .June 24, 1904
880,484 Process of Producing Very Thin Sheet
Metal. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .June 24, 1904
827,297 Alkaline Batteries . . . . . . . . . .July 12, 1904
797,845 Sheet Metal for Perforated Pockets of
Storage Batteries. . . . . . . . . . .July 12, 1904
847,746 Electrical Welding Apparatus . . . . .July 12, 1904
821,032 Storage Battery. . . . . . . . . . . . Aug 10, 1904
861,242 Can or Receptacle for Storage Battery. Aug 10, 1904
970,615 Methods and Apparatus for Making
Sound Records. . . . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 23, 1904
817,162 Treating Alkaline Storage Batteries. Sept. 26, 1904
948,542 Method of Treating Cans of Alkaline
Storage Batteries. . . . . . . . . . Sept. 28, 1904
813,490 Cement Kiln. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Oct 29, 1904
821,625 Treating Alkaline Storage Batteries. . Oct 29, 1904
821,623 Storage Battery Filling Apparatus. . . Nov. 1, 1904
821,624 Gas Separator for Storage Battery. . .Oct. 29, 1904
1905
879,859 Apparatus for Producing Very Thin
Sheet Metal. . . . . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 16, 1905
804,799 Apparatus for Perforating Sheet Metal March 17, 1905
870,024 Apparatus for Producing Perforated
Strips . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . March 23, 1905
882,144 Secondary Battery Electrodes . . . . March 29, 1905
821,626 Process of Making Metallic Films or
Flakes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .March 29,1905
821,627 Making Metallic Flakes or Scales . . .March 29,1905
827,717 Making Composite Metal . . . . . . . .March 29,1905
839,371 Coating Active Material with Flake-like
Conducting Material. . . . . . . . . .March 29,1905
854,200 Making Storage Battery Electrodes. . .March 29,1905
857,929 Storage Battery Electrodes . . . . . March 29, 1905
860,195 Storage Battery Electrodes . . . . . April 26, 1905
862,145 Process of Making Seamless Tubular
Pockets or Receptacles for Storage
Battery Electrodes . . . . . . . . . April 26, 1905
839,372 Phonograph Records or Blanks . . . . April 28, 1905
813,491 Pocket Filling Machine . . . . . . . . May 15, 1905
821,628 Making Conducting Films. . . . . . . . May 20, 1905
943,663 Horns for Talking Machines . . . . . . May 20, 1905
950 226 Phonograph Recording Apparatus . . . . May 20, 1905
785 297 Gas Separator for Storage Batteries. .July 18, 1905
950,227 Apparatus for Making Metallic Films
or Flakes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 10, 1905
936,433 Tube Filling and Tamping Machine . . .Oct. 12, 1905
967,178 Tube Forming Machines—Edison and
John F. Ott. . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 16, 1905
880,978 Electrode Elements for Storage
Batteries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 31, 1905
880,979 Method of Making Storage Battery
Electrodes . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oct. 31, 1905
850,913 Secondary Batteries. . . . . . . . . . Dec. 6, 1905
914,342 Storage Battery. . . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 6, 1905
1906
858,862 Primary and Secondary Batteries. . . . Jan. 9, 1906
850,881 Composite Metal. . . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 19, 1906
964,096 Processes of Electro-Plating . . . . .Feb. 24, 1906
914,372 Making Thin Metallic Flakes. . . . . .July 13, 1906
962,822 Crushing Rolls . . . . . . . . . . . .Sept. 4, 1906
923,633 Shaft Coupling . . . . . . . . . . . Sept. 11, 1906
962,823 Crushing Rolls . . . . . . . . . . . Sept. 11, 1906
930,946 Apparatus for Burning Portland Cement. Oct. 22,1906
898 404 Making Articles by Electro-Plating . . Nov. 2, 1906
930,948 Apparatus for Burning Portland Cement.Nov. 16, 1906
930,949 Apparatus for Burning Portland Cement. Nov. 26 1906
890,625 Apparatus for Grinding Coal. . . . . . Nov, 33 1906
948,558 Storage Battery Electrodes . . . . . .Nov. 28, 1906
964,221 Sound Records. . . . . . . . . . . . .Dec. 28, 1906
1907
865,688 Making Metallic Films or Flakes. . . .Jan. 11, 1907
936,267 Feed Mechanism for Phonographs and
Other Machines . . . . . . . . . . . .Jan. 11, 1907
936,525 Making Metallic Films or Flakes. . . .Jan. 17, 1907
865,687 Making Nickel Films. . . . . . . . . .Jan. 18, 1907
939,817 Cement Kiln. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 8, 1907
855,562 Diaphragm for Talking Machines . . . .Feb. 23, 1907
939,992 Phonographic Recording and Reproducing
Machine. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 25, 1907
941,630 Process and Apparatus for Artificially
Aging or Seasoning Portland Cement . .Feb. 25, 1907
876,445 Electrolyte for Alkaline Storage Batteries May 8, 1907
914,343 Making Storage Battery Electrodes. . . May 15, 1907
861,819 Discharging Apparatus for Belt Conveyors June 11, 1907
954,789 Sprocket Chain Drives. . . . . . . . .June 11, 1907
909,877 Telegraphy . . . . . . . . . . . . . .June 18, 1907
1908
896,811 Metallic Film for Use with Storage Batteries
and Process. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 4, 1908
940,635 Electrode Element for Storage Batteries Feb. 4,
1908
909,167 Water-Proofing Paint for Portland
Cement Buildings . . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 4, 1908
896,812 Storage Batteries. . . . . . . . . . March 13, 1908
944,481 Processes and Apparatus for Artificially
Aging or Seasoning Portland Cement. March 13,1908
947,806 Automobiles. . . . . . . . . . . . . March 13,-1908
909,168 Water-Proofing Fibres and Fabrics. . . May 27, 1908
909,169 Water-Proofing Paint for Portland
Cement Structures. . . . . . . . . . . May 27, 1908
970,616 Flying Machines. . . . . . . . . . . .Aug. 20, 1908
1909
930,947 Gas Purifier . . . . . . . . . . . . .Feb. 15, 1909
40,527 Design Patent for Phonograph Cabinet. Sept. 13, 1909
</pre>
<p>
<br /> <br /> <br /> <a name="linkforeign" id="linkforeign"></a> <br /> <br />
</p>
<h2>
FOREIGN PATENTS
</h2>
<p>
In addition to the United States patents issued to Edison, as above
enumerated, there have been granted to him (up to October, 1910) by
foreign governments 1239 patents, as follows:
</p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
Argentine. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1
Australia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .6
Austria. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .101
Belgium. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
Brazil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1
Canada . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .129
Cape of Good Hope. . . . . . . . . . . . .5
Ceylon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4
Cuba . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Denmark. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .9
France . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .111
Germany. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .130
Great Britain. . . . . . . . . . . . . .131
Hungary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
India. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
Italy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
Japan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .5
Mexico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Natal. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .5
New South Wales. . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
New Zealand. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Norway . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Orange Free State. . . . . . . . . . . . .2
Portugal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Queensland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Russia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
South African Republic . . . . . . . . . .4
South Australia. . . . . . . . . . . . . .1
Spain. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
Sweden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
Switzerland. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Tasmania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .8
Victoria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
West Australia . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4
Total of Edison's Foreign Patents. . . 1239
</pre>
<div style="height: 6em;">
<br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br />
</div>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
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