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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Democracy In America, Volume 2 (of 2) + +Author: Alexis de Toqueville + +Translator: Henry Reeve + +Release Date: January 21, 2006 [EBook #816] +Last Updated: February 7, 2013 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA, V2 *** + + + + +Produced by David Reed and David Widger + + + + + +</pre> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <h1> + DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA + </h1> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <h2> + By Alexis De Tocqueville + </h2> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <h3> + Translated by Henry Reeve + </h3> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <h3> + Volume II. + </h3> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <blockquote> + <p class="toc"> + <big><b>CONTENTS</b></big> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0001"> <b>Book Two: Influence Of Democracy On + Progress Of Opinion</b> <br /> </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0002"> <b>De Tocqueville's Preface To The Second Part</b> + </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT1"> <b>Section I: Influence of Democracy on the + Action of Intellect</b> <br /> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0001"> Chapter I: Philosophical Method Among the + Americans </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0002"> Chapter II: Of The Principal Source Of Belief + Among Democratic Nations </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0003"> Chapter III: Why The Americans Display More + Readiness And More Taste </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0004"> Chapter IV: Why The Americans Have Never Been + So Eager As The French </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0005"> Chapter V: Of The Manner In Which Religion In + The United States Avails </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0006"> Chapter VI: Of The Progress Of Roman + Catholicism In The United States </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0007"> Chapter VII: Of The Cause Of A Leaning To + Pantheism </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0008"> Chapter VIII: The Principle Of Equality + Suggests To The Americans </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0009"> Chapter IX: The Example Of The Americans Does + Not Prove </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0010"> Chapter X: Why The Americans Are More Addicted + To Practical </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0011"> Chapter XI: Of The Spirit In Which The + Americans Cultivate The Arts </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0012"> Chapter XII: Why The Americans Raise Some + Monuments So Insignificant </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0013"> Chapter XIII: Literary Characteristics Of + Democratic Ages </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0014"> Chapter XIV: The Trade Of Literature </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0015"> Chapter XV: The Study Of Greek And Latin + Literature Peculiarly Useful </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0016"> Chapter XVI: The Effect Of Democracy On + Language </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0017"> Chapter XVII: Of Some Of The Sources Of Poetry + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0018"> Chapter XVIII: Of The Inflated Style Of + American Writers And Orators </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0019"> Chapter XIX: Some Observations On The Drama + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0020"> Chapter XX: Characteristics Of Historians In + Democratic Ages </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0021"> Chapter XXI: Of Parliamentary Eloquence In The + United States </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT2"> <b>Section 2: Influence of Democracy on the + Feelings of Americans</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0022"> Chapter I: Why Democratic Nations Show A More + Ardent And Enduring Love </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0023"> Chapter II: Of Individualism In Democratic + Countries </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0024"> Chapter III: Individualism Stronger </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0025"> Chapter IV: That The Americans Combat The + Effects Of Individualism </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0026"> Chapter V: Of The Use Which The Americans Make + Of Public Associations </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0027"> Chapter VI: Of The Relation Between Public + Associations And Newspapers </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0028"> Chapter VII: Connection Of Civil And Political + Associations </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0029"> Chapter VIII: The Americans Combat + Individualism </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0030"> Chapter IX: That The Americans Apply The + Principle Of Interest Rightly </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0031"> Chapter X: Of The Taste For Physical Well-Being + In America </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0032"> Chapter XI: Peculiar Effects Of The Love Of + Physical Gratifications </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0033"> Chapter XII: Causes Of Fanatical Enthusiasm In + Some Americans </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0034"> Chapter XIII: Causes Of The Restless Spirit Of + Americans </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0035"> Chapter XIV: Taste For Physical Gratifications + United In America </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0036"> Chapter XV: That Religious Belief Sometimes + Turns The Thoughts </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0037"> Chapter XVI: That Excessive Care Of Worldly + Welfare </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0038"> Chapter XVII: That In Times Marked By Equality + Of Conditions </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0039"> Chapter XVIII: That Amongst The Americans All + Honest Callings </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0040"> Chapter XIX: That Almost All The Americans + Follow Industrial Callings </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0041"> Chapter XX: That Aristocracy May Be Engendered + By Manufactures </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0046"> <b>Book Three: Influence Of Democracy On + Manners, Properly So Called</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0042"> Chapter I: That Manners Are Softened As Social + Conditions Become </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0043"> Chapter II: That Democracy Renders The Habitual + Intercourse </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0044"> Chapter III: Why The Americans Show So Little + Sensitiveness </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0045"> Chapter IV: Consequences Of The Three Preceding + Chapters </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0046"> Chapter V: How Democracy Affects the Relation + Of Masters And Servants </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0047"> Chapter VI: That Democratic Institutions And + Manners Tend To Raise Rents </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0048"> Chapter VII: Influence Of Democracy On Wages + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0049"> Chapter VIII: Influence Of Democracy On Kindred + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0050"> Chapter IX: Education Of Young Women In The + United States </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0051"> Chapter X: The Young Woman In The Character Of + A Wife </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0052"> Chapter XI: That The Equality Of Conditions + Contributes </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0053"> Chapter XII: How The Americans Understand The + Equality Of The Sexes </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0054"> Chapter XIII: That The Principle Of Equality + Naturally Divides </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0055"> Chapter XIV: Some Reflections On American + Manners </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0056"> Chapter XV: Of The Gravity Of The Americans + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0057"> Chapter XVI: Why The National Vanity Of The + Americans Is More Restless </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0058"> Chapter XVII: That The Aspect Of Society In The + United States </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0059"> Chapter XVIII: Of Honor In The United States + And In Democratic </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0060"> Chapter XIX: Why So Many Ambitious Men And So + Little Lofty Ambition </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0061"> Chapter XX: The Trade Of Place-Hunting In + Certain Democratic Countries </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0062"> Chapter XXI: Why Great Revolutions Will Become + More Rare </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0063"> Chapter XXII: Why Democratic Nations Are + Naturally Desirous Of Peace </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0064"> Chapter XXIII: Which Is The Most Warlike And + Most Revolutionary Class </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0065"> Chapter XXIV: Causes Which Render Democratic + Armies Weaker </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0066"> Chapter XXV: Of Discipline In Democratic Armies + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0067"> Chapter XXVI: Some Considerations On War In + Democratic Communities </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0073"> <b>Book Four: Influence Of Democratic Opinions + On Political Society</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0068"> Chapter I: That Equality Naturally Gives Men A + Taste For Freedom </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0069"> Chapter II: That The Notions Of Democratic + Nations On Government </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0070"> Chapter III: That The Sentiments Of Democratic + Nations Accord </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0071"> Chapter IV: Of Certain Peculiar And Accidental + Causes </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0072"> Chapter V: That Amongst The European Nations Of + Our Time </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0073"> Chapter VI: What Sort Of Despotism Democratic + Nations Have To Fear </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0074"> Chapter VII: Continuation Of The Preceding + Chapters </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0075"> Chapter VIII: General Survey Of The Subject + </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2HCH0075"> <b>Appendix to Parts I. and II.</b> </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_PART"> <b>Part I.</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEa"> Appendix A </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEb"> Appendix B </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEc"> Appendix C </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEd"> Appendix D </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEe"> Appendix E </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEf"> Appendix F </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_PART2"> <b>Part II.</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEg"> Appendix G </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEh"> Appendix H </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEi"> Appendix I </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEk"> Appendix K </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEl"> Appendix L </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEm"> Appendix M </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEn"> Appendix N </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEo"> Appendix O </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEp"> Appendix P </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEq"> Appendix Q </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEr"> Appendix R </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEs"> Appendix S </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEt"> Appendix T </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEu"> Appendix U </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEv"> Appendix V </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEw"> Appendix W </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEx"> Appendix X </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEy"> Appendix Y </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_APPEz"> Appendix Z </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0110"> <b>Constitution Of The United States Of + America</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0111"> Article I </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT11"> Section 1. All legislative Powers herein + granted shall be vested </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT12"> Section 2. The House of Representatives shall + be composed </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT13"> Section 3. The Senate of the United States + shall be composed </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT14"> Section 4. The Times, Places and Manner of + holding Elections </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT15"> Section 5. Each House shall be the Judge of + the Elections </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT16"> Section 6. The Senators and Representatives + shall receive a Compensation </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT17"> Section 7. All Bills for Raising Revenue shall + originate in the House </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT18"> Section 8. The Congress shall have Power to + lay and collect Taxes </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT19"> Section 9. The Migration or Importation of + such Persons </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT110"> Section 10. No State shall enter into any + Treaty, Alliance </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0121"> Article II </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT21"> Section 1. The Executive Power shall be vested + in a President </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT22"> Section 2. The President shall be Commander in + Chief of the Army </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT23"> Section 3. He shall from time to time give to + the Congress Information </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT24"> Section 4. The President, Vice-President and + all civil Officers </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0126"> Article III </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT31"> Section 1. The judicial Power of the United + States shall be vested </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT32"> Section 2. The judicial Power shall extend to + all cases </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT33"> Section 3. Treason against the United States + shall consist </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0130"> Article IV </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT41"> Section 1. Full Faith and Credit shall be + given in each State </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT42"> Section 2. The Citizens of each State shall be + entitled </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT43"> Section 3. New States may be admitted by the + Congress into this Union </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_SECT44"> Section 4. The United States shall guarantee + to every State </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0135"> Article V </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0136"> Article VI </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0137"> Article VII </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0138"> <b>Bill Of Rights</b> </a> + </p> + </blockquote> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0001" id="link2H_4_0001"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Book Two: Influence Of Democracy On Progress Of Opinion in The United + States + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0002" id="link2H_4_0002"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + De Tocqueville's Preface To The Second Part + </h2> + <p> + The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally + suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This + same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude + of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic + communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations + which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect + of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of + the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on + the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the + latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete + each other, and form one and the same work. + </p> + <p> + I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely + prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different + consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I + consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in + the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A + multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, + which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary + to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States + as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the + origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired + knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, + independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and + feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the + circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and + would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us. + </p> + <p> + I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their + power, but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not + undertaken to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our + notions: my only object is to show in what respects the principle of + equality has modified both the former and the latter. + </p> + <p> + Some readers may perhaps be astonished that—firmly persuaded as I am + that the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible + fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle—I + should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such + severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought + into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary + of democracy, that I have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity. + </p> + <p> + Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is + seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. + I was persuaded that many would take upon themselves to announce the new + blessings which the principle of equality promises to mankind, but that + few would dare to point out from afar the dangers with which it threatens + them. To those perils therefore I have turned my chief attention, and + believing that I had discovered them clearly, I have not had the cowardice + to leave them untold. + </p> + <p> + I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality + which seems to have been remarked in the former work. Placed as I am in + the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I have + endeavored to suppress within me for a time the favorable sympathies or + the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If those who + read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any of the + great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty + factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their + voices to accuse me. + </p> + <p> + The subject I have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the + greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of + society has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, + and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I + have not been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will + at least do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and + followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success. + </p> + <p> + A. De T. + </p> + <p> + March, 1840 + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT1" id="link2H_SECT1"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section I: Influence of Democracy on the Action of Intellect in The United + States. + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0001" id="link2HCH0001"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter I: Philosophical Method Among the Americans + </h2> + <p> + I think that in no country in the civilized world is less attention paid + to philosophy than in the United States. The Americans have no + philosophical school of their own; and they care but little for all the + schools into which Europe is divided, the very names of which are scarcely + known to them. Nevertheless it is easy to perceive that almost all the + inhabitants of the United States conduct their understanding in the same + manner, and govern it by the same rules; that is to say, that without ever + having taken the trouble to define the rules of a philosophical method, + they are in possession of one, common to the whole people. To evade the + bondage of system and habit, of family maxims, class opinions, and, in + some degree, of national prejudices; to accept tradition only as a means + of information, and existing facts only as a lesson used in doing + otherwise, and doing better; to seek the reason of things for one's self, + and in one's self alone; to tend to results without being bound to means, + and to aim at the substance through the form;—such are the principal + characteristics of what I shall call the philosophical method of the + Americans. But if I go further, and if I seek amongst these + characteristics that which predominates over and includes almost all the + rest, I discover that in most of the operations of the mind, each American + appeals to the individual exercise of his own understanding alone. America + is therefore one of the countries in the world where philosophy is least + studied, and where the precepts of Descartes are best applied. Nor is this + surprising. The Americans do not read the works of Descartes, because + their social condition deters them from speculative studies; but they + follow his maxims because this very social condition naturally disposes + their understanding to adopt them. In the midst of the continual movement + which agitates a democratic community, the tie which unites one generation + to another is relaxed or broken; every man readily loses the trace of the + ideas of his forefathers or takes no care about them. Nor can men living + in this state of society derive their belief from the opinions of the + class to which they belong, for, so to speak, there are no longer any + classes, or those which still exist are composed of such mobile elements, + that their body can never exercise a real control over its members. As to + the influence which the intelligence of one man has on that of another, it + must necessarily be very limited in a country where the citizens, placed + on the footing of a general similitude, are all closely seen by each + other; and where, as no signs of incontestable greatness or superiority + are perceived in any one of them, they are constantly brought back to + their own reason as the most obvious and proximate source of truth. It is + not only confidence in this or that man which is then destroyed, but the + taste for trusting the ipse dixit of any man whatsoever. Everyone shuts + himself up in his own breast, and affects from that point to judge the + world. + </p> + <p> + The practice which obtains amongst the Americans of fixing the standard of + their judgment in themselves alone, leads them to other habits of mind. As + they perceive that they succeed in resolving without assistance all the + little difficulties which their practical life presents, they readily + conclude that everything in the world may be explained, and that nothing + in it transcends the limits of the understanding. Thus they fall to + denying what they cannot comprehend; which leaves them but little faith + for whatever is extraordinary, and an almost insurmountable distaste for + whatever is supernatural. As it is on their own testimony that they are + accustomed to rely, they like to discern the object which engages their + attention with extreme clearness; they therefore strip off as much as + possible all that covers it, they rid themselves of whatever separates + them from it, they remove whatever conceals it from sight, in order to + view it more closely and in the broad light of day. This disposition of + the mind soon leads them to contemn forms, which they regard as useless + and inconvenient veils placed between them and the truth. + </p> + <p> + The Americans then have not required to extract their philosophical method + from books; they have found it in themselves. The same thing may be + remarked in what has taken place in Europe. This same method has only been + established and made popular in Europe in proportion as the condition of + society has become more equal, and men have grown more like each other. + Let us consider for a moment the connection of the periods in which this + change may be traced. In the sixteenth century the Reformers subjected + some of the dogmas of the ancient faith to the scrutiny of private + judgment; but they still withheld from it the judgment of all the rest. In + the seventeenth century, Bacon in the natural sciences, and Descartes in + the study of philosophy in the strict sense of the term, abolished + recognized formulas, destroyed the empire of tradition, and overthrew the + authority of the schools. The philosophers of the eighteenth century, + generalizing at length the same principle, undertook to submit to the + private judgment of each man all the objects of his belief. + </p> + <p> + Who does not perceive that Luther, Descartes, and Voltaire employed the + same method, and that they differed only in the greater or less use which + they professed should be made of it? Why did the Reformers confine + themselves so closely within the circle of religious ideas? Why did + Descartes, choosing only to apply his method to certain matters, though he + had made it fit to be applied to all, declare that men might judge for + themselves in matters philosophical but not in matters political? How + happened it that in the eighteenth century those general applications were + all at once drawn from this same method, which Descartes and his + predecessors had either not perceived or had rejected? To what, lastly, is + the fact to be attributed, that at this period the method we are speaking + of suddenly emerged from the schools, to penetrate into society and become + the common standard of intelligence; and that, after it had become popular + among the French, it has been ostensibly adopted or secretly followed by + all the nations of Europe? + </p> + <p> + The philosophical method here designated may have been engendered in the + sixteenth century—it may have been more accurately defined and more + extensively applied in the seventeenth; but neither in the one nor in the + other could it be commonly adopted. Political laws, the condition of + society, and the habits of mind which are derived from these causes, were + as yet opposed to it. It was discovered at a time when men were beginning + to equalize and assimilate their conditions. It could only be generally + followed in ages when those conditions had at length become nearly equal, + and men nearly alike. + </p> + <p> + The philosophical method of the eighteenth century is then not only + French, but it is democratic; and this explains why it was so readily + admitted throughout Europe, where it has contributed so powerfully to + change the face of society. It is not because the French have changed + their former opinions, and altered their former manners, that they have + convulsed the world; but because they were the first to generalize and + bring to light a philosophical method, by the assistance of which it + became easy to attack all that was old, and to open a path to all that was + new. + </p> + <p> + If it be asked why, at the present day, this same method is more + rigorously followed and more frequently applied by the French than by the + Americans, although the principle of equality be no less complete, and of + more ancient date, amongst the latter people, the fact may be attributed + to two circumstances, which it is essential to have clearly understood in + the first instance. It must never be forgotten that religion gave birth to + Anglo-American society. In the United States religion is therefore + commingled with all the habits of the nation and all the feelings of + patriotism; whence it derives a peculiar force. To this powerful reason + another of no less intensity may be added: in American religion has, as it + were, laid down its own limits. Religious institutions have remained + wholly distinct from political institutions, so that former laws have been + easily changed whilst former belief has remained unshaken. Christianity + has therefore retained a strong hold on the public mind in America; and, I + would more particularly remark, that its sway is not only that of a + philosophical doctrine which has been adopted upon inquiry, but of a + religion which is believed without discussion. In the United States + Christian sects are infinitely diversified and perpetually modified; but + Christianity itself is a fact so irresistibly established, that no one + undertakes either to attack or to defend it. The Americans, having + admitted the principal doctrines of the Christian religion without + inquiry, are obliged to accept in like manner a great number of moral + truths originating in it and connected with it. Hence the activity of + individual analysis is restrained within narrow limits, and many of the + most important of human opinions are removed from the range of its + influence. + </p> + <p> + The second circumstance to which I have alluded is the following: the + social condition and the constitution of the Americans are democratic, but + they have not had a democratic revolution. They arrived upon the soil they + occupy in nearly the condition in which we see them at the present day; + and this is of very considerable importance. + </p> + <p> + There are no revolutions which do not shake existing belief, enervate + authority, and throw doubts over commonly received ideas. The effect of + all revolutions is therefore, more or less, to surrender men to their own + guidance, and to open to the mind of every man a void and almost unlimited + range of speculation. When equality of conditions succeeds a protracted + conflict between the different classes of which the elder society was + composed, envy, hatred, and uncharitableness, pride, and exaggerated + self-confidence are apt to seize upon the human heart, and plant their + sway there for a time. This, independently of equality itself, tends + powerfully to divide men—to lead them to mistrust the judgment of + others, and to seek the light of truth nowhere but in their own + understandings. Everyone then attempts to be his own sufficient guide, and + makes it his boast to form his own opinions on all subjects. Men are no + longer bound together by ideas, but by interests; and it would seem as if + human opinions were reduced to a sort of intellectual dust, scattered on + every side, unable to collect, unable to cohere. + </p> + <p> + Thus, that independence of mind which equality supposes to exist, is never + so great, nor ever appears so excessive, as at the time when equality is + beginning to establish itself, and in the course of that painful labor by + which it is established. That sort of intellectual freedom which equality + may give ought, therefore, to be very carefully distinguished from the + anarchy which revolution brings. Each of these two things must be + severally considered, in order not to conceive exaggerated hopes or fears + of the future. + </p> + <p> + I believe that the men who will live under the new forms of society will + make frequent use of their private judgment; but I am far from thinking + that they will often abuse it. This is attributable to a cause of more + general application to all democratic countries, and which, in the long + run, must needs restrain in them the independence of individual + speculation within fixed, and sometimes narrow, limits. I shall proceed to + point out this cause in the next chapter. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0002" id="link2HCH0002"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter II: Of The Principal Source Of Belief Among Democratic Nations + </h2> + <p> + At different periods dogmatical belief is more or less abundant. It arises + in different ways, and it may change its object or its form; but under no + circumstances will dogmatical belief cease to exist, or, in other words, + men will never cease to entertain some implicit opinions without trying + them by actual discussion. If everyone undertook to form his own opinions + and to seek for truth by isolated paths struck out by himself alone, it is + not to be supposed that any considerable number of men would ever unite in + any common belief. But obviously without such common belief no society can + prosper—say rather no society can subsist; for without ideas held in + common, there is no common action, and without common action, there may + still be men, but there is no social body. In order that society should + exist, and, a fortiori, that a society should prosper, it is required that + all the minds of the citizens should be rallied and held together by + certain predominant ideas; and this cannot be the case, unless each of + them sometimes draws his opinions from the common source, and consents to + accept certain matters of belief at the hands of the community. + </p> + <p> + If I now consider man in his isolated capacity, I find that dogmatical + belief is not less indispensable to him in order to live alone, than it is + to enable him to co-operate with his fellow-creatures. If man were forced + to demonstrate to himself all the truths of which he makes daily use, his + task would never end. He would exhaust his strength in preparatory + exercises, without advancing beyond them. As, from the shortness of his + life, he has not the time, nor, from the limits of his intelligence, the + capacity, to accomplish this, he is reduced to take upon trust a number of + facts and opinions which he has not had either the time or the power to + verify himself, but which men of greater ability have sought out, or which + the world adopts. On this groundwork he raises for himself the structure + of his own thoughts; nor is he led to proceed in this manner by choice so + much as he is constrained by the inflexible law of his condition. There is + no philosopher of such great parts in the world, but that he believes a + million of things on the faith of other people, and supposes a great many + more truths than he demonstrates. This is not only necessary but + desirable. A man who should undertake to inquire into everything for + himself, could devote to each thing but little time and attention. His + task would keep his mind in perpetual unrest, which would prevent him from + penetrating to the depth of any truth, or of grappling his mind + indissolubly to any conviction. His intellect would be at once independent + and powerless. He must therefore make his choice from amongst the various + objects of human belief, and he must adopt many opinions without + discussion, in order to search the better into that smaller number which + he sets apart for investigation. It is true that whoever receives an + opinion on the word of another, does so far enslave his mind; but it is a + salutary servitude which allows him to make a good use of freedom. + </p> + <p> + A principle of authority must then always occur, under all circumstances, + in some part or other of the moral and intellectual world. Its place is + variable, but a place it necessarily has. The independence of individual + minds may be greater, or it may be less: unbounded it cannot be. Thus the + question is, not to know whether any intellectual authority exists in the + ages of democracy, but simply where it resides and by what standard it is + to be measured. + </p> + <p> + I have shown in the preceding chapter how the equality of conditions leads + men to entertain a sort of instinctive incredulity of the supernatural, + and a very lofty and often exaggerated opinion of the human understanding. + The men who live at a period of social equality are not therefore easily + led to place that intellectual authority to which they bow either beyond + or above humanity. They commonly seek for the sources of truth in + themselves, or in those who are like themselves. This would be enough to + prove that at such periods no new religion could be established, and that + all schemes for such a purpose would be not only impious but absurd and + irrational. It may be foreseen that a democratic people will not easily + give credence to divine missions; that they will turn modern prophets to a + ready jest; and they that will seek to discover the chief arbiter of their + belief within, and not beyond, the limits of their kind. + </p> + <p> + When the ranks of society are unequal, and men unlike each other in + condition, there are some individuals invested with all the power of + superior intelligence, learning, and enlightenment, whilst the multitude + is sunk in ignorance and prejudice. Men living at these aristocratic + periods are therefore naturally induced to shape their opinions by the + superior standard of a person or a class of persons, whilst they are + averse to recognize the infallibility of the mass of the people. + </p> + <p> + The contrary takes place in ages of equality. The nearer the citizens are + drawn to the common level of an equal and similar condition, the less + prone does each man become to place implicit faith in a certain man or a + certain class of men. But his readiness to believe the multitude + increases, and opinion is more than ever mistress of the world. Not only + is common opinion the only guide which private judgment retains amongst a + democratic people, but amongst such a people it possesses a power + infinitely beyond what it has elsewhere. At periods of equality men have + no faith in one another, by reason of their common resemblance; but this + very resemblance gives them almost unbounded confidence in the judgment of + the public; for it would not seem probable, as they are all endowed with + equal means of judging, but that the greater truth should go with the + greater number. + </p> + <p> + When the inhabitant of a democratic country compares himself individually + with all those about him, he feels with pride that he is the equal of any + one of them; but when he comes to survey the totality of his fellows, and + to place himself in contrast to so huge a body, he is instantly + overwhelmed by the sense of his own insignificance and weakness. The same + equality which renders him independent of each of his fellow-citizens + taken severally, exposes him alone and unprotected to the influence of the + greater number. The public has therefore among a democratic people a + singular power, of which aristocratic nations could never so much as + conceive an idea; for it does not persuade to certain opinions, but it + enforces them, and infuses them into the faculties by a sort of enormous + pressure of the minds of all upon the reason of each. + </p> + <p> + In the United States the majority undertakes to supply a multitude of + ready-made opinions for the use of individuals, who are thus relieved from + the necessity of forming opinions of their own. Everybody there adopts + great numbers of theories, on philosophy, morals, and politics, without + inquiry, upon public trust; and if we look to it very narrowly, it will be + perceived that religion herself holds her sway there, much less as a + doctrine of revelation than as a commonly received opinion. The fact that + the political laws of the Americans are such that the majority rules the + community with sovereign sway, materially increases the power which that + majority naturally exercises over the mind. For nothing is more customary + in man than to recognize superior wisdom in the person of his oppressor. + This political omnipotence of the majority in the United States doubtless + augments the influence which public opinion would obtain without it over + the mind of each member of the community; but the foundations of that + influence do not rest upon it. They must be sought for in the principle of + equality itself, not in the more or less popular institutions which men + living under that condition may give themselves. The intellectual dominion + of the greater number would probably be less absolute amongst a democratic + people governed by a king than in the sphere of a pure democracy, but it + will always be extremely absolute; and by whatever political laws men are + governed in the ages of equality, it may be foreseen that faith in public + opinion will become a species of religion there, and the majority its + ministering prophet. + </p> + <p> + Thus intellectual authority will be different, but it will not be + diminished; and far from thinking that it will disappear, I augur that it + may readily acquire too much preponderance, and confine the action of + private judgment within narrower limits than are suited either to the + greatness or the happiness of the human race. In the principle of equality + I very clearly discern two tendencies; the one leading the mind of every + man to untried thoughts, the other inclined to prohibit him from thinking + at all. And I perceive how, under the dominion of certain laws, democracy + would extinguish that liberty of the mind to which a democratic social + condition is favorable; so that, after having broken all the bondage once + imposed on it by ranks or by men, the human mind would be closely fettered + to the general will of the greatest number. + </p> + <p> + If the absolute power of the majority were to be substituted by democratic + nations, for all the different powers which checked or retarded overmuch + the energy of individual minds, the evil would only have changed its + symptoms. Men would not have found the means of independent life; they + would simply have invented (no easy task) a new dress for servitude. There + is—and I cannot repeat it too often—there is in this matter + for profound reflection for those who look on freedom as a holy thing, and + who hate not only the despot, but despotism. For myself, when I feel the + hand of power lie heavy on my brow, I care but little to know who + oppresses me; and I am not the more disposed to pass beneath the yoke, + because it is held out to me by the arms of a million of men. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0003" id="link2HCH0003"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter III: Why The Americans Display More Readiness And More Taste For + General Ideas Than Their Forefathers, The English. + </h2> + <p> + The Deity does not regard the human race collectively. He surveys at one + glance and severally all the beings of whom mankind is composed, and he + discerns in each man the resemblances which assimilate him to all his + fellows, and the differences which distinguish him from them. God, + therefore, stands in no need of general ideas; that is to say, he is never + sensible of the necessity of collecting a considerable number of analogous + objects under the same form for greater convenience in thinking. Such is, + however, not the case with man. If the human mind were to attempt to + examine and pass a judgment on all the individual cases before it, the + immensity of detail would soon lead it astray and bewilder its + discernment: in this strait, man has recourse to an imperfect but + necessary expedient, which at once assists and demonstrates his weakness. + Having superficially considered a certain number of objects, and remarked + their resemblance, he assigns to them a common name, sets them apart, and + proceeds onwards. + </p> + <p> + General ideas are no proof of the strength, but rather of the + insufficiency of the human intellect; for there are in nature no beings + exactly alike, no things precisely identical, nor any rules + indiscriminately and alike applicable to several objects at once. The + chief merit of general ideas is, that they enable the human mind to pass a + rapid judgment on a great many objects at once; but, on the other hand, + the notions they convey are never otherwise than incomplete, and they + always cause the mind to lose as much in accuracy as it gains in + comprehensiveness. As social bodies advance in civilization, they acquire + the knowledge of new facts, and they daily lay hold almost unconsciously + of some particular truths. The more truths of this kind a man apprehends, + the more general ideas is he naturally led to conceive. A multitude of + particular facts cannot be seen separately, without at last discovering + the common tie which connects them. Several individuals lead to the + perception of the species; several species to that of the genus. Hence the + habit and the taste for general ideas will always be greatest amongst a + people of ancient cultivation and extensive knowledge. + </p> + <p> + But there are other reasons which impel men to generalize their ideas, or + which restrain them from it. + </p> + <p> + The Americans are much more addicted to the use of general ideas than the + English, and entertain a much greater relish for them: this appears very + singular at first sight, when it is remembered that the two nations have + the same origin, that they lived for centuries under the same laws, and + that they still incessantly interchange their opinions and their manners. + This contrast becomes much more striking still, if we fix our eyes on our + own part of the world, and compare together the two most enlightened + nations which inhabit it. It would seem as if the mind of the English + could only tear itself reluctantly and painfully away from the observation + of particular facts, to rise from them to their causes; and that it only + generalizes in spite of itself. Amongst the French, on the contrary, the + taste for general ideas would seem to have grown to so ardent a passion, + that it must be satisfied on every occasion. I am informed, every morning + when I wake, that some general and eternal law has just been discovered, + which I never heard mentioned before. There is not a mediocre scribbler + who does not try his hand at discovering truths applicable to a great + kingdom, and who is very ill pleased with himself if he does not succeed + in compressing the human race into the compass of an article. So great a + dissimilarity between two very enlightened nations surprises me. If I + again turn my attention to England, and observe the events which have + occurred there in the last half-century, I think I may affirm that a taste + for general ideas increases in that country in proportion as its ancient + constitution is weakened. + </p> + <p> + The state of civilization is therefore insufficient by itself to explain + what suggests to the human mind the love of general ideas, or diverts it + from them. When the conditions of men are very unequal, and inequality + itself is the permanent state of society, individual men gradually become + so dissimilar that each class assumes the aspect of a distinct race: only + one of these classes is ever in view at the same instant; and losing sight + of that general tie which binds them all within the vast bosom of mankind, + the observation invariably rests not on man, but on certain men. Those who + live in this aristocratic state of society never, therefore, conceive very + general ideas respecting themselves, and that is enough to imbue them with + an habitual distrust of such ideas, and an instinctive aversion of them. + He, on the contrary, who inhabits a democratic country, sees around him, + one very hand, men differing but little from each other; he cannot turn + his mind to any one portion of mankind, without expanding and dilating his + thought till it embrace the whole. All the truths which are applicable to + himself, appear to him equally and similarly applicable to each of his + fellow-citizens and fellow-men. Having contracted the habit of + generalizing his ideas in the study which engages him most, and interests + him more than others, he transfers the same habit to all his pursuits; and + thus it is that the craving to discover general laws in everything, to + include a great number of objects under the same formula, and to explain a + mass of facts by a single cause, becomes an ardent, and sometimes an + undiscerning, passion in the human mind. + </p> + <p> + Nothing shows the truth of this proposition more clearly than the opinions + of the ancients respecting their slaves. The most profound and capacious + minds of Rome and Greece were never able to reach the idea, at once so + general and so simple, of the common likeness of men, and of the common + birthright of each to freedom: they strove to prove that slavery was in + the order of nature, and that it would always exist. Nay, more, everything + shows that those of the ancients who had passed from the servile to the + free condition, many of whom have left us excellent writings, did + themselves regard servitude in no other light. + </p> + <p> + All the great writers of antiquity belonged to the aristocracy of masters, + or at least they saw that aristocracy established and uncontested before + their eyes. Their mind, after it had expanded itself in several + directions, was barred from further progress in this one; and the advent + of Jesus Christ upon earth was required to teach that all the members of + the human race are by nature equal and alike. + </p> + <p> + In the ages of equality all men are independent of each other, isolated + and weak. The movements of the multitude are not permanently guided by the + will of any individuals; at such times humanity seems always to advance of + itself. In order, therefore, to explain what is passing in the world, man + is driven to seek for some great causes, which, acting in the same manner + on all our fellow-creatures, thus impel them all involuntarily to pursue + the same track. This again naturally leads the human mind to conceive + general ideas, and superinduces a taste for them. + </p> + <p> + I have already shown in what way the equality of conditions leads every + man to investigate truths for himself. It may readily be perceived that a + method of this kind must insensibly beget a tendency to general ideas in + the human mind. When I repudiate the traditions of rank, profession, and + birth; when I escape from the authority of example, to seek out, by the + single effort of my reason, the path to be followed, I am inclined to + derive the motives of my opinions from human nature itself; which leads me + necessarily, and almost unconsciously, to adopt a great number of very + general notions. + </p> + <p> + All that I have here said explains the reasons for which the English + display much less readiness and taste or the generalization of ideas than + their American progeny, and still less again than their French neighbors; + and likewise the reason for which the English of the present day display + more of these qualities than their forefathers did. The English have long + been a very enlightened and a very aristocratic nation; their enlightened + condition urged them constantly to generalize, and their aristocratic + habits confined them to particularize. Hence arose that philosophy, at + once bold and timid, broad and narrow, which has hitherto prevailed in + England, and which still obstructs and stagnates in so many minds in that + country. + </p> + <p> + Independently of the causes I have pointed out in what goes before, others + may be discerned less apparent, but no less efficacious, which engender + amongst almost every democratic people a taste, and frequently a passion, + for general ideas. An accurate distinction must be taken between ideas of + this kind. Some are the result of slow, minute, and conscientious labor of + the mind, and these extend the sphere of human knowledge; others spring up + at once from the first rapid exercise of the wits, and beget none but very + superficial and very uncertain notions. Men who live in ages of equality + have a great deal of curiosity and very little leisure; their life is so + practical, so confused, so excited, so active, that but little time + remains to them for thought. Such men are prone to general ideas because + they spare them the trouble of studying particulars; they contain, if I + may so speak, a great deal in a little compass, and give, in a little + time, a great return. If then, upon a brief and inattentive investigation, + a common relation is thought to be detected between certain obtects, + inquiry is not pushed any further; and without examining in detail how far + these different objects differ or agree, they are hastily arranged under + one formulary, in order to pass to another subject. + </p> + <p> + One of the distinguishing characteristics of a democratic period is the + taste all men have at such ties for easy success and present enjoyment. + This occurs in the pursuits of the intellect as well as in all others. + Most of those who live at a time of equality are full of an ambition at + once aspiring and relaxed: they would fain succeed brilliantly and at + once, but they would be dispensed from great efforts to obtain success. + These conflicting tendencies lead straight to the research of general + ideas, by aid of which they flatter themselves that they can figure very + importantly at a small expense, and draw the attention of the public with + very little trouble. And I know not whether they be wrong in thinking + thus. For their readers are as much averse to investigating anything to + the bottom as they can be themselves; and what is generally sought in the + productions of the mind is easy pleasure and information without labor. + </p> + <p> + If aristocratic nations do not make sufficient use of general ideas, and + frequently treat them with inconsiderate disdain, it is true, on the other + hand, that a democratic people is ever ready to carry ideas of this kind + to excess, and to espouse the with injudicious warmth. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0004" id="link2HCH0004"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter IV: Why The Americans Have Never Been So Eager As The French For + General Ideas In Political Matters + </h2> + <p> + I observed in the last chapter, that the Americans show a less decided + taste for general ideas than the French; this is more especially true in + political matters. Although the Americans infuse into their legislation + infinitely more general ideas than the English, and although they pay much + more attention than the latter people to the adjustment of the practice of + affairs to theory, no political bodies in the United States have ever + shown so warm an attachment to general ideas as the Constituent Assembly + and the Convention in France. At no time has the American people laid hold + on ideas of this kind with the passionate energy of the French people in + the eighteenth century, or displayed the same blind confidence in the + value and absolute truth of any theory. This difference between the + Americans and the French originates in several causes, but principally in + the following one. The Americans form a democratic people, which has + always itself directed public affairs. The French are a democratic people, + who, for a long time, could only speculate on the best manner of + conducting them. The social condition of France led that people to + conceive very general ideas on the subject of government, whilst its + political constitution prevented it from correcting those ideas by + experiment, and from gradually detecting their insufficiency; whereas in + America the two things constantly balance and correct each other. + </p> + <p> + It may seem, at first sight, that this is very much opposed to what I have + said before, that democratic nations derive their love of theory from the + excitement of their active life. A more attentive examination will show + that there is nothing contradictory in the proposition. Men living in + democratic countries eagerly lay hold of general ideas because they have + but little leisure, and because these ideas spare them the trouble of + studying particulars. This is true; but it is only to be understood to + apply to those matters which are not the necessary and habitual subjects + of their thoughts. Mercantile men will take up very eagerly, and without + any very close scrutiny, all the general ideas on philosophy, politics, + science, or the arts, which may be presented to them; but for such as + relate to commerce, they will not receive them without inquiry, or adopt + them without reserve. The same thing applies to statesmen with regard to + general ideas in politics. If, then, there be a subject upon which a + democratic people is peculiarly liable to abandon itself, blindly and + extravagantly, to general ideas, the best corrective that can be used will + be to make that subject a part of the daily practical occupation of that + people. The people will then be compelled to enter upon its details, and + the details will teach them the weak points of the theory. This remedy may + frequently be a painful one, but its effect is certain. + </p> + <p> + Thus it happens, that the democratic institutions which compel every + citizen to take a practical part in the government, moderate that + excessive taste for general theories in politics which the principle of + equality suggests. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0005" id="link2HCH0005"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter V: Of The Manner In Which Religion In The United States Avails + Itself Of Democratic Tendencies + </h2> + <p> + I have laid it down in a preceding chapter that men cannot do without + dogmatical belief; and even that it is very much to be desired that such + belief should exist amongst them. I now add, that of all the kinds of + dogmatical belief the most desirable appears to me to be dogmatical belief + in matters of religion; and this is a very clear inference, even from no + higher consideration than the interests of this world. There is hardly any + human action, however particular a character be assigned to it, which does + not originate in some very general idea men have conceived of the Deity, + of his relation to mankind, of the nature of their own souls, and of their + duties to their fellow-creatures. Nor can anything prevent these ideas + from being the common spring from which everything else emanates. Men are + therefore immeasurably interested in acquiring fixed ideas of God, of the + soul, and of their common duties to their Creator and to their fellow-men; + for doubt on these first principles would abandon all their actions to the + impulse of chance, and would condemn them to live, to a certain extent, + powerless and undisciplined. + </p> + <p> + This is then the subject on which it is most important for each of us to + entertain fixed ideas; and unhappily it is also the subject on which it is + most difficult for each of us, left to himself, to settle his opinions by + the sole force of his reason. None but minds singularly free from the + ordinary anxieties of life—minds at once penetrating, subtle, and + trained by thinking—can even with the assistance of much time and + care, sound the depth of these most necessary truths. And, indeed, we see + that these philosophers are themselves almost always enshrouded in + uncertainties; that at every step the natural light which illuminates + their path grows dimmer and less secure; and that, in spite of all their + efforts, they have as yet only discovered a small number of conflicting + notions, on which the mind of man has been tossed about for thousands of + years, without either laying a firmer grasp on truth, or finding novelty + even in its errors. Studies of this nature are far above the average + capacity of men; and even if the majority of mankind were capable of such + pursuits, it is evident that leisure to cultivate them would still be + wanting. Fixed ideas of God and human nature are indispensable to the + daily practice of men's lives; but the practice of their lives prevents + them from acquiring such ideas. + </p> + <p> + The difficulty appears to me to be without a parallel. Amongst the + sciences there are some which are useful to the mass of mankind, and which + are within its reach; others can only be approached by the few, and are + not cultivated by the many, who require nothing beyond their more remote + applications: but the daily practice of the science I speak of is + indispensable to all, although the study of it is inaccessible to the far + greater number. + </p> + <p> + General ideas respecting God and human nature are therefore the ideas + above all others which it is most suitable to withdraw from the habitual + action of private judgment, and in which there is most to gain and least + to lose by recognizing a principle of authority. The first object and one + of the principal advantages of religions, is to furnish to each of these + fundamental questions a solution which is at once clear, precise, + intelligible to the mass of mankind, and lasting. There are religions + which are very false and very absurd; but it may be affirmed, that any + religion which remains within the circle I have just traced, without + aspiring to go beyond it (as many religions have attempted to do, for the + purpose of enclosing on every side the free progress of the human mind), + imposes a salutary restraint on the intellect; and it must be admitted + that, if it do not save men in another world, such religion is at least + very conducive to their happiness and their greatness in this. This is + more especially true of men living in free countries. When the religion of + a people is destroyed, doubt gets hold of the highest portions of the + intellect, and half paralyzes all the rest of its powers. Every man + accustoms himself to entertain none but confused and changing notions on + the subjects most interesting to his fellow-creatures and himself. His + opinions are ill-defended and easily abandoned: and, despairing of ever + resolving by himself the hardest problems of the destiny of man, he + ignobly submits to think no more about them. Such a condition cannot but + enervate the soul, relax the springs of the will, and prepare a people for + servitude. Nor does it only happen, in such a case, that they allow their + freedom to be wrested from them; they frequently themselves surrender it. + When there is no longer any principle of authority in religion any more + than in politics, men are speedily frightened at the aspect of this + unbounded independence. The constant agitation of all surrounding things + alarms and exhausts them. As everything is at sea in the sphere of the + intellect, they determine at least that the mechanism of society should be + firm and fixed; and as they cannot resume their ancient belief, they + assume a master. + </p> + <p> + For my own part, I doubt whether man can ever support at the same time + complete religious independence and entire public freedom. And I am + inclined to think, that if faith be wanting in him, he must serve; and if + he be free, he must believe. + </p> + <p> + Perhaps, however, this great utility of religions is still more obvious + amongst nations where equality of conditions prevails than amongst others. + It must be acknowledged that equality, which brings great benefits into + the world, nevertheless suggests to men (as will be shown hereafter) some + very dangerous propensities. It tends to isolate them from each other, to + concentrate every man's attention upon himself; and it lays open the soul + to an inordinate love of material gratification. The greatest advantage of + religion is to inspire diametrically contrary principles. There is no + religion which does not place the object of man's desires above and beyond + the treasures of earth, and which does not naturally raise his soul to + regions far above those of the senses. Nor is there any which does not + impose on man some sort of duties to his kind, and thus draws him at times + from the contemplation of himself. This occurs in religions the most false + and dangerous. Religious nations are therefore naturally strong on the + very point on which democratic nations are weak; which shows of what + importance it is for men to preserve their religion as their conditions + become more equal. + </p> + <p> + I have neither the right nor the intention of examining the supernatural + means which God employs to infuse religious belief into the heart of man. + I am at this moment considering religions in a purely human point of view: + my object is to inquire by what means they may most easily retain their + sway in the democratic ages upon which we are entering. It has been shown + that, at times of general cultivation and equality, the human mind does + not consent to adopt dogmatical opinions without reluctance, and feels + their necessity acutely in spiritual matters only. This proves, in the + first place, that at such times religions ought, more cautiously than at + any other, to confine themselves within their own precincts; for in + seeking to extend their power beyond religious matters, they incur a risk + of not being believed at all. The circle within which they seek to bound + the human intellect ought therefore to be carefully traced, and beyond its + verge the mind should be left in entire freedom to its own guidance. + Mahommed professed to derive from Heaven, and he has inserted in the + Koran, not only a body of religious doctrines, but political maxims, civil + and criminal laws, and theories of science. The gospel, on the contrary, + only speaks of the general relations of men to God and to each other—beyond + which it inculcates and imposes no point of faith. This alone, besides a + thousand other reasons, would suffice to prove that the former of these + religions will never long predominate in a cultivated and democratic age, + whilst the latter is destined to retain its sway at these as at all other + periods. + </p> + <p> + But in continuation of this branch of the subject, I find that in order + for religions to maintain their authority, humanly speaking, in democratic + ages, they must not only confine themselves strictly within the circle of + spiritual matters: their power also depends very much on the nature of the + belief they inculcate, on the external forms they assume, and on the + obligations they impose. The preceding observation, that equality leads + men to very general and very extensive notions, is principally to be + understood as applied to the question of religion. Men living in a similar + and equal condition in the world readily conceive the idea of the one God, + governing every man by the same laws, and granting to every man future + happiness on the same conditions. The idea of the unity of mankind + constantly leads them back to the idea of the unity of the Creator; + whilst, on the contrary, in a state of society where men are broken up + into very unequal ranks, they are apt to devise as many deities as there + are nations, castes, classes, or families, and to trace a thousand private + roads to heaven. + </p> + <p> + It cannot be denied that Christianity itself has felt, to a certain + extent, the influence which social and political conditions exercise on + religious opinions. At the epoch at which the Christian religion appeared + upon earth, Providence, by whom the world was doubtless prepared for its + coming, had gathered a large portion of the human race, like an immense + flock, under the sceptre of the Caesars. The men of whom this multitude + was composed were distinguished by numerous differences; but they had thus + much in common, that they all obeyed the same laws, and that every subject + was so weak and insignificant in relation to the imperial potentate, that + all appeared equal when their condition was contrasted with his. This + novel and peculiar state of mankind necessarily predisposed men to listen + to the general truths which Christianity teaches, and may serve to explain + the facility and rapidity with which they then penetrated into the human + mind. The counterpart of this state of things was exhibited after the + destruction of the empire. The Roman world being then as it were shattered + into a thousand fragments, each nation resumed its pristine individuality. + An infinite scale of ranks very soon grew up in the bosom of these + nations; the different races were more sharply defined, and each nation + was divided by castes into several peoples. In the midst of this common + effort, which seemed to be urging human society to the greatest + conceivable amount of voluntary subdivision, Christianity did not lose + sight of the leading general ideas which it had brought into the world. + But it appeared, nevertheless, to lend itself, as much as was possible, to + those new tendencies to which the fractional distribution of mankind had + given birth. Men continued to worship an only God, the Creator and + Preserver of all things; but every people, every city, and, so to speak, + every man, thought to obtain some distinct privilege, and win the favor of + an especial patron at the foot of the Throne of Grace. Unable to subdivide + the Deity, they multiplied and improperly enhanced the importance of the + divine agents. The homage due to saints and angels became an almost + idolatrous worship amongst the majority of the Christian world; and + apprehensions might be entertained for a moment lest the religion of + Christ should retrograde towards the superstitions which it had subdued. + It seems evident, that the more the barriers are removed which separate + nation from nation amongst mankind, and citizen from citizen amongst a + people, the stronger is the bent of the human mind, as if by its own + impulse, towards the idea of an only and all-powerful Being, dispensing + equal laws in the same manner to every man. In democratic ages, then, it + is more particularly important not to allow the homage paid to secondary + agents to be confounded with the worship due to the Creator alone. + </p> + <p> + Another truth is no less clear—that religions ought to assume fewer + external observances in democratic periods than at any others. In speaking + of philosophical method among the Americans, I have shown that nothing is + more repugnant to the human mind in an age of equality than the idea of + subjection to forms. Men living at such times are impatient of figures; to + their eyes symbols appear to be the puerile artifice which is used to + conceal or to set off truths, which should more naturally be bared to the + light of open day: they are unmoved by ceremonial observances, and they + are predisposed to attach a secondary importance to the details of public + worship. Those whose care it is to regulate the external forms of religion + in a democratic age should pay a close attention to these natural + propensities of the human mind, in order not unnecessarily to run counter + to them. I firmly believe in the necessity of forms, which fix the human + mind in the contemplation of abstract truths, and stimulate its ardor in + the pursuit of them, whilst they invigorate its powers of retaining them + steadfastly. Nor do I suppose that it is possible to maintain a religion + without external observances; but, on the other hand, I am persuaded that, + in the ages upon which we are entering, it would be peculiarly dangerous + to multiply them beyond measure; and that they ought rather to be limited + to as much as is absolutely necessary to perpetuate the doctrine itself, + which is the substance of religions of which the ritual is only the form. + *a A religion which should become more minute, more peremptory, and more + surcharged with small observances at a time in which men are becoming more + equal, would soon find itself reduced to a band of fanatical zealots in + the midst of an infidel people. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + a <br /> [ In all religions there are some ceremonies which are inherent in + the substance of the faith itself, and in these nothing should, on any + account, be changed. This is especially the case with Roman Catholicism, + in which the doctrine and the form are frequently so closely united as to + form one point of belief.] + </p> + <p> + I anticipate the objection, that as all religions have general and eternal + truths for their object, they cannot thus shape themselves to the shifting + spirit of every age without forfeiting their claim to certainty in the + eyes of mankind. To this I reply again, that the principal opinions which + constitute belief, and which theologians call articles of faith, must be + very carefully distinguished from the accessories connected with them. + Religions are obliged to hold fast to the former, whatever be the peculiar + spirit of the age; but they should take good care not to bind themselves + in the same manner to the latter at a time when everything is in + transition, and when the mind, accustomed to the moving pageant of human + affairs, reluctantly endures the attempt to fix it to any given point. The + fixity of external and secondary things can only afford a chance of + duration when civil society is itself fixed; under any other circumstances + I hold it to be perilous. + </p> + <p> + We shall have occasion to see that, of all the passions which originate + in, or are fostered by, equality, there is one which it renders peculiarly + intense, and which it infuses at the same time into the heart of every + man: I mean the love of well-being. The taste for well-being is the + prominent and indelible feature of democratic ages. It may be believed + that a religion which should undertake to destroy so deep seated a + passion, would meet its own destruction thence in the end; and if it + attempted to wean men entirely from the contemplation of the good things + of this world, in order to devote their faculties exclusively to the + thought of another, it may be foreseen that the soul would at length + escape from its grasp, to plunge into the exclusive enjoyment of present + and material pleasures. The chief concern of religions is to purify, to + regulate, and to restrain the excessive and exclusive taste for well-being + which men feel at periods of equality; but they would err in attempting to + control it completely or to eradicate it. They will not succeed in curing + men of the love of riches: but they may still persuade men to enrich + themselves by none but honest means. + </p> + <p> + This brings me to a final consideration, which comprises, as it were, all + the others. The more the conditions of men are equalized and assimilated + to each other, the more important is it for religions, whilst they + carefully abstain from the daily turmoil of secular affairs, not + needlessly to run counter to the ideas which generally prevail, and the + permanent interests which exist in the mass of the people. For as public + opinion grows to be more and more evidently the first and most + irresistible of existing powers, the religious principle has no external + support strong enough to enable it long to resist its attacks. This is not + less true of a democratic people, ruled by a despot, than in a republic. + In ages of equality, kings may often command obedience, but the majority + always commands belief: to the majority, therefore, deference is to be + paid in whatsoever is not contrary to the faith. + </p> + <p> + I showed in my former volumes how the American clergy stand aloof from + secular affairs. This is the most obvious, but it is not the only, example + of their self-restraint. In America religion is a distinct sphere, in + which the priest is sovereign, but out of which he takes care never to go. + Within its limits he is the master of the mind; beyond them, he leaves men + to themselves, and surrenders them to the independence and instability + which belong to their nature and their age. I have seen no country in + which Christianity is clothed with fewer forms, figures, and observances + than in the United States; or where it presents more distinct, more + simple, or more general notions to the mind. Although the Christians of + America are divided into a multitude of sects, they all look upon their + religion in the same light. This applies to Roman Catholicism as well as + to the other forms of belief. There are no Romish priests who show less + taste for the minute individual observances for extraordinary or peculiar + means of salvation, or who cling more to the spirit, and less to the + letter of the law, than the Roman Catholic priests of the United States. + Nowhere is that doctrine of the Church, which prohibits the worship + reserved to God alone from being offered to the saints, more clearly + inculcated or more generally followed. Yet the Roman Catholics of America + are very submissive and very sincere. + </p> + <p> + Another remark is applicable to the clergy of every communion. The + American ministers of the gospel do not attempt to draw or to fix all the + thoughts of man upon the life to come; they are willing to surrender a + portion of his heart to the cares of the present; seeming to consider the + goods of this world as important, although as secondary, objects. If they + take no part themselves in productive labor, they are at least interested + in its progression, and ready to applaud its results; and whilst they + never cease to point to the other world as the great object of the hopes + and fears of the believer, they do not forbid him honestly to court + prosperity in this. Far from attempting to show that these things are + distinct and contrary to one another, they study rather to find out on + what point they are most nearly and closely connected. + </p> + <p> + All the American clergy know and respect the intellectual supremacy + exercised by the majority; they never sustain any but necessary conflicts + with it. They take no share in the altercations of parties, but they + readily adopt the general opinions of their country and their age; and + they allow themselves to be borne away without opposition in the current + of feeling and opinion by which everything around them is carried along. + They endeavor to amend their contemporaries, but they do not quit + fellowship with them. Public opinion is therefore never hostile to them; + it rather supports and protects them; and their belief owes its authority + at the same time to the strength which is its own, and to that which they + borrow from the opinions of the majority. Thus it is that, by respecting + all democratic tendencies not absolutely contrary to herself, and by + making use of several of them for her own purposes, religion sustains an + advantageous struggle with that spirit of individual independence which is + her most dangerous antagonist. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0006" id="link2HCH0006"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter VI: Of The Progress Of Roman Catholicism In The United States + </h2> + <p> + America is the most democratic country in the world, and it is at the same + time (according to reports worthy of belief) the country in which the + Roman Catholic religion makes most progress. At first sight this is + surprising. Two things must here be accurately distinguished: equality + inclines men to wish to form their own opinions; but, on the other hand, + it imbues them with the taste and the idea of unity, simplicity, and + impartiality in the power which governs society. Men living in democratic + ages are therefore very prone to shake off all religious authority; but if + they consent to subject themselves to any authority of this kind, they + choose at least that it should be single and uniform. Religious powers not + radiating from a common centre are naturally repugnant to their minds; and + they almost as readily conceive that there should be no religion, as that + there should be several. At the present time, more than in any preceding + one, Roman Catholics are seen to lapse into infidelity, and Protestants to + be converted to Roman Catholicism. If the Roman Catholic faith be + considered within the pale of the church, it would seem to be losing + ground; without that pale, to be gaining it. Nor is this circumstance + difficult of explanation. The men of our days are naturally disposed to + believe; but, as soon as they have any religion, they immediately find in + themselves a latent propensity which urges them unconsciously towards + Catholicism. Many of the doctrines and the practices of the Romish Church + astonish them; but they feel a secret admiration for its discipline, and + its great unity attracts them. If Catholicism could at length withdraw + itself from the political animosities to which it has given rise, I have + hardly any doubt but that the same spirit of the age, which appears to be + so opposed to it, would become so favorable as to admit of its great and + sudden advancement. One of the most ordinary weaknesses of the human + intellect is to seek to reconcile contrary principles, and to purchase + peace at the expense of logic. Thus there have ever been, and will ever + be, men who, after having submitted some portion of their religious belief + to the principle of authority, will seek to exempt several other parts of + their faith from its influence, and to keep their minds floating at random + between liberty and obedience. But I am inclined to believe that the + number of these thinkers will be less in democratic than in other ages; + and that our posterity will tend more and more to a single division into + two parts—some relinquishing Christianity entirely, and others + returning to the bosom of the Church of Rome. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0007" id="link2HCH0007"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter VII: Of The Cause Of A Leaning To Pantheism Amongst Democratic + Nations + </h2> + <p> + I shall take occasion hereafter to show under what form the preponderating + taste of a democratic people for very general ideas manifests itself in + politics; but I would point out, at the present stage of my work, its + principal effect on philosophy. It cannot be denied that pantheism has + made great progress in our age. The writings of a part of Europe bear + visible marks of it: the Germans introduce it into philosophy, and the + French into literature. Most of the works of imagination published in + France contain some opinions or some tinge caught from pantheistical + doctrines, or they disclose some tendency to such doctrines in their + authors. This appears to me not only to proceed from an accidental, but + from a permanent cause. + </p> + <p> + When the conditions of society are becoming more equal, and each + individual man becomes more like all the rest, more weak and more + insignificant, a habit grows up of ceasing to notice the citizens to + consider only the people, and of overlooking individuals to think only of + their kind. At such times the human mind seeks to embrace a multitude of + different objects at once; and it constantly strives to succeed in + connecting a variety of consequences with a single cause. The idea of + unity so possesses itself of man, and is sought for by him so universally, + that if he thinks he has found it, he readily yields himself up to repose + in that belief. Nor does he content himself with the discovery that + nothing is in the world but a creation and a Creator; still embarrassed by + this primary division of things, he seeks to expand and to simplify his + conception by including God and the universe in one great whole. If there + be a philosophical system which teaches that all things material and + immaterial, visible and invisible, which the world contains, are only to + be considered as the several parts of an immense Being, which alone + remains unchanged amidst the continual change and ceaseless transformation + of all that constitutes it, we may readily infer that such a system, + although it destroy the individuality of man—nay, rather because it + destroys that individuality—will have secret charms for men living + in democracies. All their habits of thought prepare them to conceive it, + and predispose them to adopt it. It naturally attracts and fixes their + imagination; it fosters the pride, whilst it soothes the indolence, of + their minds. Amongst the different systems by whose aid philosophy + endeavors to explain the universe, I believe pantheism to be one of those + most fitted to seduce the human mind in democratic ages. Against it all + who abide in their attachment to the true greatness of man should struggle + and combine. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0008" id="link2HCH0008"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter VIII: The Principle Of Equality Suggests To The Americans The Idea + Of The Indefinite Perfectibility Of Man + </h2> + <p> + Equality suggests to the human mind several ideas which would not have + originated from any other source, and it modifies almost all those + previously entertained. I take as an example the idea of human + perfectibility, because it is one of the principal notions that the + intellect can conceive, and because it constitutes of itself a great + philosophical theory, which is every instant to be traced by its + consequences in the practice of human affairs. Although man has many + points of resemblance with the brute creation, one characteristic is + peculiar to himself—he improves: they are incapable of improvement. + Mankind could not fail to discover this difference from its earliest + period. The idea of perfectibility is therefore as old as the world; + equality did not give birth to it, although it has imparted to it a novel + character. + </p> + <p> + When the citizens of a community are classed according to their rank, + their profession, or their birth, and when all men are constrained to + follow the career which happens to open before them, everyone thinks that + the utmost limits of human power are to be discerned in proximity to + himself, and none seeks any longer to resist the inevitable law of his + destiny. Not indeed that an aristocratic people absolutely contests man's + faculty of self-improvement, but they do not hold it to be indefinite; + amelioration they conceive, but not change: they imagine that the future + condition of society may be better, but not essentially different; and + whilst they admit that mankind has made vast strides in improvement, and + may still have some to make, they assign to it beforehand certain + impassable limits. Thus they do not presume that they have arrived at the + supreme good or at absolute truth (what people or what man was ever wild + enough to imagine it?) but they cherish a persuasion that they have pretty + nearly reached that degree of greatness and knowledge which our imperfect + nature admits of; and as nothing moves about them they are willing to + fancy that everything is in its fit place. Then it is that the legislator + affects to lay down eternal laws; that kings and nations will raise none + but imperishable monuments; and that the present generation undertakes to + spare generations to come the care of regulating their destinies. + </p> + <p> + In proportion as castes disappear and the classes of society approximate—as + manners, customs, and laws vary, from the tumultuous intercourse of men—as + new facts arise—as new truths are brought to light—as ancient + opinions are dissipated, and others take their place—the image of an + ideal perfection, forever on the wing, presents itself to the human mind. + Continual changes are then every instant occurring under the observation + of every man: the position of some is rendered worse; and he learns but + too well, that no people and no individual, how enlightened soever they + may be, can lay claim to infallibility;—the condition of others is + improved; whence he infers that man is endowed with an indefinite faculty + of improvement. His reverses teach him that none may hope to have + discovered absolute good—his success stimulates him to the + never-ending pursuit of it. Thus, forever seeking—forever falling, + to rise again—often disappointed, but not discouraged—he tends + unceasingly towards that unmeasured greatness so indistinctly visible at + the end of the long track which humanity has yet to tread. It can hardly + be believed how many facts naturally flow from the philosophical theory of + the indefinite perfectibility of man, or how strong an influence it + exercises even on men who, living entirely for the purposes of action and + not of thought, seem to conform their actions to it, without knowing + anything about it. I accost an American sailor, and I inquire why the + ships of his country are built so as to last but for a short time; he + answers without hesitation that the art of navigation is every day making + such rapid progress, that the finest vessel would become almost useless if + it lasted beyond a certain number of years. In these words, which fell + accidentally and on a particular subject from a man of rude attainments, I + recognize the general and systematic idea upon which a great people + directs all its concerns. + </p> + <p> + Aristocratic nations are naturally too apt to narrow the scope of human + perfectibility; democratic nations to expand it beyond compass. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0009" id="link2HCH0009"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter IX: The Example Of The Americans Does Not Prove That A Democratic + People Can Have No Aptitude And No Taste For Science, Literature, Or Art + </h2> + <p> + It must be acknowledged that amongst few of the civilized nations of our + time have the higher sciences made less progress than in the United + States; and in few have great artists, fine poets, or celebrated writers + been more rare. Many Europeans, struck by this fact, have looked upon it + as a natural and inevitable result of equality; and they have supposed + that if a democratic state of society and democratic institutions were + ever to prevail over the whole earth, the human mind would gradually find + its beacon-lights grow dim, and men would relapse into a period of + darkness. To reason thus is, I think, to confound several ideas which it + is important to divide and to examine separately: it is to mingle, + unintentionally, what is democratic with what is only American. + </p> + <p> + The religion professed by the first emigrants, and bequeathed by them to + their descendants, simple in its form of worship, austere and almost harsh + in its principles, and hostile to external symbols and to ceremonial pomp, + is naturally unfavorable to the fine arts, and only yields a reluctant + sufferance to the pleasures of literature. The Americans are a very old + and a very enlightened people, who have fallen upon a new and unbounded + country, where they may extend themselves at pleasure, and which they may + fertilize without difficulty. This state of things is without a parallel + in the history of the world. In America, then, every one finds facilities, + unknown elsewhere, for making or increasing his fortune. The spirit of + gain is always on the stretch, and the human mind, constantly diverted + from the pleasures of imagination and the labors of the intellect, is + there swayed by no impulse but the pursuit of wealth. Not only are + manufacturing and commercial classes to be found in the United States, as + they are in all other countries; but what never occurred elsewhere, the + whole community is simultaneously engaged in productive industry and + commerce. I am convinced that, if the Americans had been alone in the + world, with the freedom and the knowledge acquired by their forefathers, + and the passions which are their own, they would not have been slow to + discover that progress cannot long be made in the application of the + sciences without cultivating the theory of them; that all the arts are + perfected by one another: and, however absorbed they might have been by + the pursuit of the principal object of their desires, they would speedily + have admitted, that it is necessary to turn aside from it occasionally, in + order the better to attain it in the end. + </p> + <p> + The taste for the pleasures of the mind is moreover so natural to the + heart of civilized man, that amongst the polite nations, which are least + disposed to give themselves up to these pursuits, a certain number of + citizens are always to be found who take part in them. This intellectual + craving, when once felt, would very soon have been satisfied. But at the + very time when the Americans were naturally inclined to require nothing of + science but its special applications to the useful arts and the means of + rendering life comfortable, learned and literary Europe was engaged in + exploring the common sources of truth, and in improving at the same time + all that can minister to the pleasures or satisfy the wants of man. At the + head of the enlightened nations of the Old World the inhabitants of the + United States more particularly distinguished one, to which they were + closely united by a common origin and by kindred habits. Amongst this + people they found distinguished men of science, artists of skill, writers + of eminence, and they were enabled to enjoy the treasures of the intellect + without requiring to labor in amassing them. I cannot consent to separate + America from Europe, in spite of the ocean which intervenes. I consider + the people of the United States as that portion of the English people + which is commissioned to explore the wilds of the New World; whilst the + rest of the nation, enjoying more leisure and less harassed by the + drudgery of life, may devote its energies to thought, and enlarge in all + directions the empire of the mind. The position of the Americans is + therefore quite exceptional, and it may be believed that no democratic + people will ever be placed in a similar one. Their strictly Puritanical + origin—their exclusively commercial habits—even the country + they inhabit, which seems to divert their minds from the pursuit of + science, literature, and the arts—the proximity of Europe, which + allows them to neglect these pursuits without relapsing into barbarism—a + thousand special causes, of which I have only been able to point out the + most important—have singularly concurred to fix the mind of the + American upon purely practical objects. His passions, his wants, his + education, and everything about him seem to unite in drawing the native of + the United States earthward: his religion alone bids him turn, from time + to time, a transient and distracted glance to heaven. Let us cease then to + view all democratic nations under the mask of the American people, and let + us attempt to survey them at length with their own proper features. + </p> + <p> + It is possible to conceive a people not subdivided into any castes or + scale of ranks; in which the law, recognizing no privileges, should divide + inherited property into equal shares; but which, at the same time, should + be without knowledge and without freedom. Nor is this an empty hypothesis: + a despot may find that it is his interest to render his subjects equal and + to leave them ignorant, in order more easily to keep them slaves. Not only + would a democratic people of this kind show neither aptitude nor taste for + science, literature, or art, but it would probably never arrive at the + possession of them. The law of descent would of itself provide for the + destruction of fortunes at each succeeding generation; and new fortunes + would be acquired by none. The poor man, without either knowledge or + freedom, would not so much as conceive the idea of raising himself to + wealth; and the rich man would allow himself to be degraded to poverty, + without a notion of self-defence. Between these two members of the + community complete and invincible equality would soon be established. + </p> + <p> + No one would then have time or taste to devote himself to the pursuits or + pleasures of the intellect; but all men would remain paralyzed by a state + of common ignorance and equal servitude. When I conceive a democratic + society of this kind, I fancy myself in one of those low, close, and + gloomy abodes, where the light which breaks in from without soon faints + and fades away. A sudden heaviness overpowers me, and I grope through the + surrounding darkness, to find the aperture which will restore me to + daylight and the air. + </p> + <p> + But all this is not applicable to men already enlightened who retain their + freedom, after having abolished from amongst them those peculiar and + hereditary rights which perpetuated the tenure of property in the hands of + certain individuals or certain bodies. When men living in a democratic + state of society are enlightened, they readily discover that they are + confined and fixed within no limits which constrain them to take up with + their present fortune. They all therefore conceive the idea of increasing + it; if they are free, they all attempt it, but all do not succeed in the + same manner. The legislature, it is true, no longer grants privileges, but + they are bestowed by nature. As natural inequality is very great, fortunes + become unequal as soon as every man exerts all his faculties to get rich. + The law of descent prevents the establishment of wealthy families; but it + does not prevent the existence of wealthy individuals. It constantly + brings back the members of the community to a common level, from which + they as constantly escape: and the inequality of fortunes augments in + proportion as knowledge is diffused and liberty increased. + </p> + <p> + A sect which arose in our time, and was celebrated for its talents and its + extravagance, proposed to concentrate all property into the hands of a + central power, whose function it should afterwards be to parcel it out to + individuals, according to their capacity. This would have been a method of + escaping from that complete and eternal equality which seems to threaten + democratic society. But it would be a simpler and less dangerous remedy to + grant no privilege to any, giving to all equal cultivation and equal + independence, and leaving everyone to determine his own position. Natural + inequality will very soon make way for itself, and wealth will + spontaneously pass into the hands of the most capable. + </p> + <p> + Free and democratic communities, then, will always contain a considerable + number of people enjoying opulence or competency. The wealthy will not be + so closely linked to each other as the members of the former aristocratic + class of society: their propensities will be different, and they will + scarcely ever enjoy leisure as secure or as complete: but they will be far + more numerous than those who belonged to that class of society could ever + be. These persons will not be strictly confined to the cares of practical + life, and they will still be able, though in different degrees, to indulge + in the pursuits and pleasures of the intellect. In those pleasures they + will indulge; for if it be true that the human mind leans on one side to + the narrow, the practical, and the useful, it naturally rises on the other + to the infinite, the spiritual, and the beautiful. Physical wants confine + it to the earth; but, as soon as the tie is loosened, it will unbend + itself again. + </p> + <p> + Not only will the number of those who can take an interest in the + productions of the mind be enlarged, but the taste for intellectual + enjoyment will descend, step by step, even to those who, in aristocratic + societies, seem to have neither time nor ability to in indulge in them. + When hereditary wealth, the privileges of rank, and the prerogatives of + birth have ceased to be, and when every man derives his strength from + himself alone, it becomes evident that the chief cause of disparity + between the fortunes of men is the mind. Whatever tends to invigorate, to + extend, or to adorn the mind, instantly rises to great value. The utility + of knowledge becomes singularly conspicuous even to the eyes of the + multitude: those who have no taste for its charms set store upon its + results, and make some efforts to acquire it. In free and enlightened + democratic ages, there is nothing to separate men from each other or to + retain them in their peculiar sphere; they rise or sink with extreme + rapidity. All classes live in perpetual intercourse from their great + proximity to each other. They communicate and intermingle every day—they + imitate and envy one other: this suggests to the people many ideas, + notions, and desires which it would never have entertained if the + distinctions of rank had been fixed and society at rest. In such nations + the servant never considers himself as an entire stranger to the pleasures + and toils of his master, nor the poor man to those of the rich; the rural + population assimilates itself to that of the towns, and the provinces to + the capital. No one easily allows himself to be reduced to the mere + material cares of life; and the humblest artisan casts at times an eager + and a furtive glance into the higher regions of the intellect. People do + not read with the same notions or in the same manner as they do in an + aristocratic community; but the circle of readers is unceasingly expanded, + till it includes all the citizens. + </p> + <p> + As soon as the multitude begins to take an interest in the labors of the + mind, it finds out that to excel in some of them is a powerful method of + acquiring fame, power, or wealth. The restless ambition which equality + begets instantly takes this direction as it does all others. The number of + those who cultivate science, letters, and the arts, becomes immense. The + intellectual world starts into prodigious activity: everyone endeavors to + open for himself a path there, and to draw the eyes of the public after + him. Something analogous occurs to what happens in society in the United + States, politically considered. What is done is often imperfect, but the + attempts are innumerable; and, although the results of individual effort + are commonly very small, the total amount is always very large. + </p> + <p> + It is therefore not true to assert that men living in democratic ages are + naturally indifferent to science, literature, and the arts: only it must + be acknowledged that they cultivate them after their own fashion, and + bring to the task their own peculiar qualifications and deficiencies. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0010" id="link2HCH0010"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter X: Why The Americans Are More Addicted To Practical Than To + Theoretical Science + </h2> + <p> + If a democratic state of society and democratic institutions do not stop + the career of the human mind, they incontestably guide it in one direction + in preference to another. Their effects, thus circumscribed, are still + exceedingly great; and I trust I may be pardoned if I pause for a moment + to survey them. We had occasion, in speaking of the philosophical method + of the American people, to make several remarks which must here be turned + to account. + </p> + <p> + Equality begets in man the desire of judging of everything for himself: it + gives him, in all things, a taste for the tangible and the real, a + contempt for tradition and for forms. These general tendencies are + principally discernible in the peculiar subject of this chapter. Those who + cultivate the sciences amongst a democratic people are always afraid of + losing their way in visionary speculation. They mistrust systems; they + adhere closely to facts and the study of facts with their own senses. As + they do not easily defer to the mere name of any fellow-man, they are + never inclined to rest upon any man's authority; but, on the contrary, + they are unremitting in their efforts to point out the weaker points of + their neighbors' opinions. Scientific precedents have very little weight + with them; they are never long detained by the subtilty of the schools, + nor ready to accept big words for sterling coin; they penetrate, as far as + they can, into the principal parts of the subject which engages them, and + they expound them in the vernacular tongue. Scientific pursuits then + follow a freer and a safer course, but a less lofty one. + </p> + <p> + The mind may, as it appears to me, divide science into three parts. The + first comprises the most theoretical principles, and those more abstract + notions whose application is either unknown or very remote. The second is + composed of those general truths which still belong to pure theory, but + lead, nevertheless, by a straight and short road to practical results. + Methods of application and means of execution make up the third. Each of + these different portions of science may be separately cultivated, although + reason and experience show that none of them can prosper long, if it be + absolutely cut off from the two others. + </p> + <p> + In America the purely practical part of science is admirably understood, + and careful attention is paid to the theoretical portion which is + immediately requisite to application. On this head the Americans always + display a clear, free, original, and inventive power of mind. But hardly + anyone in the United States devotes himself to the essentially theoretical + and abstract portion of human knowledge. In this respect the Americans + carry to excess a tendency which is, I think, discernible, though in a + less degree, amongst all democratic nations. + </p> + <p> + Nothing is more necessary to the culture of the higher sciences, or of the + more elevated departments of science, than meditation; and nothing is less + suited to meditation than the structure of democratic society. We do not + find there, as amongst an aristocratic people, one class which clings to a + state of repose because it is well off; and another which does not venture + to stir because it despairs of improving its condition. Everyone is + actively in motion: some in quest of power, others of gain. In the midst + of this universal tumult—this incessant conflict of jarring + interests—this continual stride of men after fortune—where is + that calm to be found which is necessary for the deeper combinations of + the intellect? How can the mind dwell upon any single point, when + everything whirls around it, and man himself is swept and beaten onwards + by the heady current which rolls all things in its course? But the + permanent agitation which subsists in the bosom of a peaceable and + established democracy, must be distinguished from the tumultuous and + revolutionary movements which almost always attend the birth and growth of + democratic society. When a violent revolution occurs amongst a highly + civilized people, it cannot fail to give a sudden impulse to their + feelings and their opinions. This is more particularly true of democratic + revolutions, which stir up all the classes of which a people is composed, + and beget, at the same time, inordinate ambition in the breast of every + member of the community. The French made most surprising advances in the + exact sciences at the very time at which they were finishing the + destruction of the remains of their former feudal society; yet this sudden + fecundity is not to be attributed to democracy, but to the unexampled + revolution which attended its growth. What happened at that period was a + special incident, and it would be unwise to regard it as the test of a + general principle. Great revolutions are not more common amongst + democratic nations than amongst others: I am even inclined to believe that + they are less so. But there prevails amongst those populations a small + distressing motion—a sort of incessant jostling of men—which + annoys and disturbs the mind, without exciting or elevating it. Men who + live in democratic communities not only seldom indulge in meditation, but + they naturally entertain very little esteem for it. A democratic state of + society and democratic institutions plunge the greater part of men in + constant active life; and the habits of mind which are suited to an active + life, are not always suited to a contemplative one. The man of action is + frequently obliged to content himself with the best he can get, because he + would never accomplish his purpose if he chose to carry every detail to + perfection. He has perpetually occasion to rely on ideas which he has not + had leisure to search to the bottom; for he is much more frequently aided + by the opportunity of an idea than by its strict accuracy; and, in the + long run, he risks less in making use of some false principles, than in + spending his time in establishing all his principles on the basis of + truth. The world is not led by long or learned demonstrations; a rapid + glance at particular incidents, the daily study of the fleeting passions + of the multitude, the accidents of the time, and the art of turning them + to account, decide all its affairs. + </p> + <p> + In the ages in which active life is the condition of almost everyone, men + are therefore generally led to attach an excessive value to the rapid + bursts and superficial conceptions of the intellect; and, on the other + hand, to depreciate below their true standard its slower and deeper + labors. This opinion of the public influences the judgment of the men who + cultivate the sciences; they are persuaded that they may succeed in those + pursuits without meditation, or deterred from such pursuits as demand it. + </p> + <p> + There are several methods of studying the sciences. Amongst a multitude of + men you will find a selfish, mercantile, and trading taste for the + discoveries of the mind, which must not be confounded with that + disinterested passion which is kindled in the heart of the few. A desire + to utilize knowledge is one thing; the pure desire to know is another. I + do not doubt that in a few minds and far between, an ardent, inexhaustible + love of truth springs up, self-supported, and living in ceaseless fruition + without ever attaining the satisfaction which it seeks. This ardent love + it is—this proud, disinterested love of what is true—which + raises men to the abstract sources of truth, to draw their + mother-knowledge thence. If Pascal had had nothing in view but some large + gain, or even if he had been stimulated by the love of fame alone, I + cannot conceive that he would ever have been able to rally all the powers + of his mind, as he did, for the better discovery of the most hidden things + of the Creator. When I see him, as it were, tear his soul from the midst + of all the cares of life to devote it wholly to these researches, and, + prematurely snapping the links which bind the frame to life, die of old + age before forty, I stand amazed, and I perceive that no ordinary cause is + at work to produce efforts so extra-ordinary. + </p> + <p> + The future will prove whether these passions, at once so rare and so + productive, come into being and into growth as easily in the midst of + democratic as in aristocratic communities. For myself, I confess that I am + slow to believe it. In aristocratic society, the class which gives the + tone to opinion, and has the supreme guidance of affairs, being + permanently and hereditarily placed above the multitude, naturally + conceives a lofty idea of itself and of man. It loves to invent for him + noble pleasures, to carve out splendid objects for his ambition. + Aristocracies often commit very tyrannical and very inhuman actions; but + they rarely entertain grovelling thoughts; and they show a kind of haughty + contempt of little pleasures, even whilst they indulge in them. The effect + is greatly to raise the general pitch of society. In aristocratic ages + vast ideas are commonly entertained of the dignity, the power, and the + greatness of man. These opinions exert their influence on those who + cultivate the sciences, as well as on the rest of the community. They + facilitate the natural impulse of the mind to the highest regions of + thought, and they naturally prepare it to conceive a sublime—nay, + almost a divine—love of truth. Men of science at such periods are + consequently carried away by theory; and it even happens that they + frequently conceive an inconsiderate contempt for the practical part of + learning. "Archimedes," says Plutarch, "was of so lofty a spirit, that he + never condescended to write any treatise on the manner of constructing all + these engines of offence and defence. And as he held this science of + inventing and putting together engines, and all arts generally speaking + which tended to any useful end in practice, to be vile, low, and + mercenary, he spent his talents and his studious hours in writing of those + things only whose beauty and subtilty had in them no admixture of + necessity." Such is the aristocratic aim of science; in democratic nations + it cannot be the same. + </p> + <p> + The greater part of the men who constitute these nations are extremely + eager in the pursuit of actual and physical gratification. As they are + always dissatisfied with the position which they occupy, and are always + free to leave it, they think of nothing but the means of changing their + fortune, or of increasing it. To minds thus predisposed, every new method + which leads by a shorter road to wealth, every machine which spares labor, + every instrument which diminishes the cost of production, every discovery + which facilitates pleasures or augments them, seems to be the grandest + effort of the human intellect. It is chiefly from these motives that a + democratic people addicts itself to scientific pursuits—that it + understands, and that it respects them. In aristocratic ages, science is + more particularly called upon to furnish gratification to the mind; in + democracies, to the body. You may be sure that the more a nation is + democratic, enlightened, and free, the greater will be the number of these + interested promoters of scientific genius, and the more will discoveries + immediately applicable to productive industry confer gain, fame, and even + power on their authors. For in democracies the working class takes a part + in public affairs; and public honors, as well as pecuniary remuneration, + may be awarded to those who deserve them. In a community thus organized it + may easily be conceived that the human mind may be led insensibly to the + neglect of theory; and that it is urged, on the contrary, with + unparalleled vehemence to the applications of science, or at least to that + portion of theoretical science which is necessary to those who make such + applications. In vain will some innate propensity raise the mind towards + the loftier spheres of the intellect; interest draws it down to the middle + zone. There it may develop all its energy and restless activity, there it + may engender all its wonders. These very Americans, who have not + discovered one of the general laws of mechanics, have introduced into + navigation an engine which changes the aspect of the world. + </p> + <p> + Assuredly I do not content that the democratic nations of our time are + destined to witness the extinction of the transcendent luminaries of man's + intelligence, nor even that no new lights will ever start into existence. + At the age at which the world has now arrived, and amongst so many + cultivated nations, perpetually excited by the fever of productive + industry, the bonds which connect the different parts of science together + cannot fail to strike the observation; and the taste for practical science + itself, if it be enlightened, ought to lead men not to neglect theory. In + the midst of such numberless attempted applications of so many + experiments, repeated every day, it is almost impossible that general laws + should not frequently be brought to light; so that great discoveries would + be frequent, though great inventors be rare. I believe, moreover, in the + high calling of scientific minds. If the democratic principle does not, on + the one hand, induce men to cultivate science for its own sake, on the + other it enormously increases the number of those who do cultivate it. Nor + is it credible that, from amongst so great a multitude no speculative + genius should from time to time arise, inflamed by the love of truth + alone. Such a one, we may be sure, would dive into the deepest mysteries + of nature, whatever be the spirit of his country or his age. He requires + no assistance in his course—enough that he be not checked in it. + </p> + <p> + All that I mean to say is this:—permanent inequality of conditions + leads men to confine themselves to the arrogant and sterile research of + abstract truths; whilst the social condition and the institutions of + democracy prepare them to seek the immediate and useful practical results + of the sciences. This tendency is natural and inevitable: it is curious to + be acquainted with it, and it may be necessary to point it out. If those + who are called upon to guide the nations of our time clearly discerned + from afar off these new tendencies, which will soon be irresistible, they + would understand that, possessing education and freedom, men living in + democratic ages cannot fail to improve the industrial part of science; and + that henceforward all the efforts of the constituted authorities ought to + be directed to support the highest branches of learning, and to foster the + nobler passion for science itself. In the present age the human mind must + be coerced into theoretical studies; it runs of its own accord to + practical applications; and, instead of perpetually referring it to the + minute examination of secondary effects, it is well to divert it from them + sometimes, in order to raise it up to the contemplation of primary causes. + Because the civilization of ancient Rome perished in consequence of the + invasion of the barbarians, we are perhaps too apt to think that + civilization cannot perish in any other manner. If the light by which we + are guided is ever extinguished, it will dwindle by degrees, and expire of + itself. By dint of close adherence to mere applications, principles would + be lost sight of; and when the principles were wholly forgotten, the + methods derived from them would be ill-pursued. New methods could no + longer be invented, and men would continue to apply, without intelligence, + and without art, scientific processes no longer understood. + </p> + <p> + When Europeans first arrived in China, three hundred years ago, they found + that almost all the arts had reached a certain degree of perfection there; + and they were surprised that a people which had attained this point should + not have gone beyond it. At a later period they discovered some traces of + the higher branches of science which were lost. The nation was absorbed in + productive industry: the greater part of its scientific processes had been + preserved, but science itself no longer existed there. This served to + explain the strangely motionless state in which they found the minds of + this people. The Chinese, in following the track of their forefathers, had + forgotten the reasons by which the latter had been guided. They still used + the formula, without asking for its meaning: they retained the instrument, + but they no longer possessed the art of altering or renewing it. The + Chinese, then, had lost the power of change; for them to improve was + impossible. They were compelled, at all times and in all points, to + imitate their predecessors, lest they should stray into utter darkness, by + deviating for an instant from the path already laid down for them. The + source of human knowledge was all but dry; and though the stream still ran + on, it could neither swell its waters nor alter its channel. + Notwithstanding this, China had subsisted peaceably for centuries. The + invaders who had conquered the country assumed the manners of the + inhabitants, and order prevailed there. A sort of physical prosperity was + everywhere discernible: revolutions were rare, and war was, so to speak, + unknown. + </p> + <p> + It is then a fallacy to flatter ourselves with the reflection that the + barbarians are still far from us; for if there be some nations which allow + civilization to be torn from their grasp, there are others who trample it + themselves under their feet. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0011" id="link2HCH0011"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XI: Of The Spirit In Which The Americans Cultivate The Arts + </h2> + <p> + It would be to waste the time of my readers and my own if I strove to + demonstrate how the general mediocrity of fortunes, the absence of + superfluous wealth, the universal desire of comfort, and the constant + efforts by which everyone attempts to procure it, make the taste for the + useful predominate over the love of the beautiful in the heart of man. + Democratic nations, amongst which all these things exist, will therefore + cultivate the arts which serve to render life easy, in preference to those + whose object is to adorn it. They will habitually prefer the useful to the + beautiful, and they will require that the beautiful should be useful. But + I propose to go further; and after having pointed out this first feature, + to sketch several others. + </p> + <p> + It commonly happens that in the ages of privilege the practice of almost + all the arts becomes a privilege; and that every profession is a separate + walk, upon which it is not allowable for everyone to enter. Even when + productive industry is free, the fixed character which belongs to + aristocratic nations gradually segregates all the persons who practise the + same art, till they form a distinct class, always composed of the same + families, whose members are all known to each other, and amongst whom a + public opinion of their own and a species of corporate pride soon spring + up. In a class or guild of this kind, each artisan has not only his + fortune to make, but his reputation to preserve. He is not exclusively + swayed by his own interest, or even by that of his customer, but by that + of the body to which he belongs; and the interest of that body is, that + each artisan should produce the best possible workmanship. In aristocratic + ages, the object of the arts is therefore to manufacture as well as + possible—not with the greatest despatch, or at the lowest rate. + </p> + <p> + When, on the contrary, every profession is open to all—when a + multitude of persons are constantly embracing and abandoning it—and + when its several members are strangers to each other, indifferent, and + from their numbers hardly seen amongst themselves; the social tie is + destroyed, and each workman, standing alone, endeavors simply to gain the + greatest possible quantity of money at the least possible cost. The will + of the customer is then his only limit. But at the same time a + corresponding revolution takes place in the customer also. In countries in + which riches as well as power are concentrated and retained in the hands + of the few, the use of the greater part of this world's goods belongs to a + small number of individuals, who are always the same. Necessity, public + opinion, or moderate desires exclude all others from the enjoyment of + them. As this aristocratic class remains fixed at the pinnacle of + greatness on which it stands, without diminution or increase, it is always + acted upon by the same wants and affected by them in the same manner. The + men of whom it is composed naturally derive from their superior and + hereditary position a taste for what is extremely well made and lasting. + This affects the general way of thinking of the nation in relation to the + arts. It often occurs, among such a people, that even the peasant will + rather go without the object he covets, than procure it in a state of + imperfection. In aristocracies, then, the handicraftsmen work for only a + limited number of very fastidious customers: the profit they hope to make + depends principally on the perfection of their workmanship. + </p> + <p> + Such is no longer the case when, all privileges being abolished, ranks are + intermingled, and men are forever rising or sinking upon the ladder of + society. Amongst a democratic people a number of citizens always exist + whose patrimony is divided and decreasing. They have contracted, under + more prosperous circumstances, certain wants, which remain after the means + of satisfying such wants are gone; and they are anxiously looking out for + some surreptitious method of providing for them. On the other hand, there + are always in democracies a large number of men whose fortune is upon the + increase, but whose desires grow much faster than their fortunes: and who + gloat upon the gifts of wealth in anticipation, long before they have + means to command them. Such men eager to find some short cut to these + gratifications, already almost within their reach. From the combination of + these causes the result is, that in democracies there are always a + multitude of individuals whose wants are above their means, and who are + very willing to take up with imperfect satisfaction rather than abandon + the object of their desires. + </p> + <p> + The artisan readily understands these passions, for he himself partakes in + them: in an aristocracy he would seek to sell his workmanship at a high + price to the few; he now conceives that the more expeditious way of + getting rich is to sell them at a low price to all. But there are only two + ways of lowering the price of commodities. The first is to discover some + better, shorter, and more ingenious method of producing them: the second + is to manufacture a larger quantity of goods, nearly similar, but of less + value. Amongst a democratic population, all the intellectual faculties of + the workman are directed to these two objects: he strives to invent + methods which may enable him not only to work better, but quicker and + cheaper; or, if he cannot succeed in that, to diminish the intrinsic + qualities of the thing he makes, without rendering it wholly unfit for the + use for which it is intended. When none but the wealthy had watches, they + were almost all very good ones: few are now made which are worth much, but + everybody has one in his pocket. Thus the democratic principle not only + tends to direct the human mind to the useful arts, but it induces the + artisan to produce with greater rapidity a quantity of imperfect + commodities, and the consumer to content himself with these commodities. + </p> + <p> + Not that in democracies the arts are incapable of producing very + commendable works, if such be required. This may occasionally be the case, + if customers appear who are ready to pay for time and trouble. In this + rivalry of every kind of industry—in the midst of this immense + competition and these countless experiments, some excellent workmen are + formed who reach the utmost limits of their craft. But they have rarely an + opportunity of displaying what they can do; they are scrupulously sparing + of their powers; they remain in a state of accomplished mediocrity, which + condemns itself, and, though it be very well able to shoot beyond the mark + before it, aims only at what it hits. In aristocracies, on the contrary, + workmen always do all they can; and when they stop, it is because they + have reached the limit of their attainments. + </p> + <p> + When I arrive in a country where I find some of the finest productions of + the arts, I learn from this fact nothing of the social condition or of the + political constitution of the country. But if I perceive that the + productions of the arts are generally of an inferior quality, very + abundant and very cheap, I am convinced that, amongst the people where + this occurs, privilege is on the decline, and that ranks are beginning to + intermingle, and will soon be confounded together. + </p> + <p> + The handicraftsmen of democratic ages endeavor not only to bring their + useful productions within the reach of the whole community, but they + strive to give to all their commodities attractive qualities which they do + not in reality possess. In the confusion of all ranks everyone hopes to + appear what he is not, and makes great exertions to succeed in this + object. This sentiment indeed, which is but too natural to the heart of + man, does not originate in the democratic principle; but that principle + applies it to material objects. To mimic virtue is of every age; but the + hypocrisy of luxury belongs more particularly to the ages of democracy. + </p> + <p> + To satisfy these new cravings of human vanity the arts have recourse to + every species of imposture: and these devices sometimes go so far as to + defeat their own purpose. Imitation diamonds are now made which may be + easily mistaken for real ones; as soon as the art of fabricating false + diamonds shall have reached so high a degree of perfection that they + cannot be distinguished from real ones, it is probable that both one and + the other will be abandoned, and become mere pebbles again. + </p> + <p> + This leads me to speak of those arts which are called the fine arts, by + way of distinction. I do not believe that it is a necessary effect of a + democratic social condition and of democratic institutions to diminish the + number of men who cultivate the fine arts; but these causes exert a very + powerful influence on the manner in which these arts are cultivated. Many + of those who had already contracted a taste for the fine arts are + impoverished: on the other hand, many of those who are not yet rich begin + to conceive that taste, at least by imitation; and the number of consumers + increases, but opulent and fastidious consumers become more scarce. + Something analogous to what I have already pointed out in the useful arts + then takes place in the fine arts; the productions of artists are more + numerous, but the merit of each production is diminished. No longer able + to soar to what is great, they cultivate what is pretty and elegant; and + appearance is more attended to than reality. In aristocracies a few great + pictures are produced; in democratic countries, a vast number of + insignificant ones. In the former, statues are raised of bronze; in the + latter, they are modelled in plaster. + </p> + <p> + When I arrived for the first time at New York, by that part of the + Atlantic Ocean which is called the Narrows, I was surprised to perceive + along the shore, at some distance from the city, a considerable number of + little palaces of white marble, several of which were built after the + models of ancient architecture. When I went the next day to inspect more + closely the building which had particularly attracted my notice, I found + that its walls were of whitewashed brick, and its columns of painted wood. + All the edifices which I had admired the night before were of the same + kind. + </p> + <p> + The social condition and the institutions of democracy impart, moreover, + certain peculiar tendencies to all the imitative arts, which it is easy to + point out. They frequently withdraw them from the delineation of the soul + to fix them exclusively on that of the body: and they substitute the + representation of motion and sensation for that of sentiment and thought: + in a word, they put the real in the place of the ideal. I doubt whether + Raphael studied the minutest intricacies of the mechanism of the human + body as thoroughly as the draughtsmen of our own time. He did not attach + the same importance to rigorous accuracy on this point as they do, because + he aspired to surpass nature. He sought to make of man something which + should be superior to man, and to embellish beauty's self. David and his + scholars were, on the contrary, as good anatomists as they were good + painters. They wonderfully depicted the models which they had before their + eyes, but they rarely imagined anything beyond them: they followed nature + with fidelity: whilst Raphael sought for something better than nature. + They have left us an exact portraiture of man; but he discloses in his + works a glimpse of the Divinity. This remark as to the manner of treating + a subject is no less applicable to the choice of it. The painters of the + Middle Ages generally sought far above themselves, and away from their own + time, for mighty subjects, which left to their imagination an unbounded + range. Our painters frequently employ their talents in the exact imitation + of the details of private life, which they have always before their eyes; + and they are forever copying trivial objects, the originals of which are + only too abundant in nature. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0012" id="link2HCH0012"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XII: Why The Americans Raise Some Monuments So Insignificant, And + Others So Important + </h2> + <p> + I have just observed, that in democratic ages monuments of the arts tend + to become more numerous and less important. I now hasten to point out the + exception to this rule. In a democratic community individuals are very + powerless; but the State which represents them all, and contains them all + in its grasp, is very powerful. Nowhere do citizens appear so + insignificant as in a democratic nation; nowhere does the nation itself + appear greater, or does the mind more easily take in a wide general survey + of it. In democratic communities the imagination is compressed when men + consider themselves; it expands indefinitely when they think of the State. + Hence it is that the same men who live on a small scale in narrow + dwellings, frequently aspire to gigantic splendor in the erection of their + public monuments. + </p> + <p> + The Americans traced out the circuit of an immense city on the site which + they intended to make their capital, but which, up to the present time, is + hardly more densely peopled than Pontoise, though, according to them, it + will one day contain a million of inhabitants. They have already rooted up + trees for ten miles round, lest they should interfere with the future + citizens of this imaginary metropolis. They have erected a magnificent + palace for Congress in the centre of the city, and have given it the + pompous name of the Capitol. The several States of the Union are every day + planning and erecting for themselves prodigious undertakings, which would + astonish the engineers of the great European nations. Thus democracy not + only leads men to a vast number of inconsiderable productions; it also + leads them to raise some monuments on the largest scale: but between these + two extremes there is a blank. A few scattered remains of enormous + buildings can therefore teach us nothing of the social condition and the + institutions of the people by whom they were raised. I may add, though the + remark leads me to step out of my subject, that they do not make us better + acquainted with its greatness, its civilization, and its real prosperity. + Whensoever a power of any kind shall be able to make a whole people + co-operate in a single undertaking, that power, with a little knowledge + and a great deal of time, will succeed in obtaining something enormous + from the co-operation of efforts so multiplied. But this does not lead to + the conclusion that the people was very happy, very enlightened, or even + very strong. + </p> + <p> + The Spaniards found the City of Mexico full of magnificent temples and + vast palaces; but that did not prevent Cortes from conquering the Mexican + Empire with 600 foot soldiers and sixteen horses. If the Romans had been + better acquainted with the laws of hydraulics, they would not have + constructed all the aqueducts which surround the ruins of their cities—they + would have made a better use of their power and their wealth. If they had + invented the steam-engine, perhaps they would not have extended to the + extremities of their empire those long artificial roads which are called + Roman roads. These things are at once the splendid memorials of their + ignorance and of their greatness. A people which should leave no other + vestige of its track than a few leaden pipes in the earth and a few iron + rods upon its surface, might have been more the master of nature than the + Romans. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0013" id="link2HCH0013"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XIII: Literary Characteristics Of Democratic Ages + </h2> + <p> + When a traveller goes into a bookseller's shop in the United States, and + examines the American books upon the shelves, the number of works appears + extremely great; whilst that of known authors appears, on the contrary, to + be extremely small. He will first meet with a number of elementary + treatises, destined to teach the rudiments of human knowledge. Most of + these books are written in Europe; the Americans reprint them, adapting + them to their own country. Next comes an enormous quantity of religious + works, Bibles, sermons, edifying anecdotes, controversial divinity, and + reports of charitable societies; lastly, appears the long catalogue of + political pamphlets. In America, parties do not write books to combat each + others' opinions, but pamphlets which are circulated for a day with + incredible rapidity, and then expire. In the midst of all these obscure + productions of the human brain are to be found the more remarkable works + of that small number of authors, whose names are, or ought to be, known to + Europeans. + </p> + <p> + Although America is perhaps in our days the civilized country in which + literature is least attended to, a large number of persons are + nevertheless to be found there who take an interest in the productions of + the mind, and who make them, if not the study of their lives, at least the + charm of their leisure hours. But England supplies these readers with the + larger portion of the books which they require. Almost all important + English books are republished in the United States. The literary genius of + Great Britain still darts its rays into the recesses of the forests of the + New World. There is hardly a pioneer's hut which does not contain a few + odd volumes of Shakespeare. I remember that I read the feudal play of + Henry V for the first time in a loghouse. + </p> + <p> + Not only do the Americans constantly draw upon the treasures of English + literature, but it may be said with truth that they find the literature of + England growing on their own soil. The larger part of that small number of + men in the United States who are engaged in the composition of literary + works are English in substance, and still more so in form. Thus they + transport into the midst of democracy the ideas and literary fashions + which are current amongst the aristocratic nation they have taken for + their model. They paint with colors borrowed from foreign manners; and as + they hardly ever represent the country they were born in as it really is, + they are seldom popular there. The citizens of the United States are + themselves so convinced that it is not for them that books are published, + that before they can make up their minds upon the merit of one of their + authors, they generally wait till his fame has been ratified in England, + just as in pictures the author of an original is held to be entitled to + judge of the merit of a copy. The inhabitants of the United States have + then at present, properly speaking, no literature. The only authors whom I + acknowledge as American are the journalists. They indeed are not great + writers, but they speak the language of their countrymen, and make + themselves heard by them. Other authors are aliens; they are to the + Americans what the imitators of the Greeks and Romans were to us at the + revival of learning—an object of curiosity, not of general sympathy. + They amuse the mind, but they do not act upon the manners of the people. + </p> + <p> + I have already said that this state of things is very far from originating + in democracy alone, and that the causes of it must be sought for in + several peculiar circumstances independent of the democratic principle. If + the Americans, retaining the same laws and social condition, had had a + different origin, and had been transported into another country, I do not + question that they would have had a literature. Even as they now are, I am + convinced that they will ultimately have one; but its character will be + different from that which marks the American literary productions of our + time, and that character will be peculiarly its own. Nor is it impossible + to trace this character beforehand. + </p> + <p> + I suppose an aristocratic people amongst whom letters are cultivated; the + labors of the mind, as well as the affairs of state, are conducted by a + ruling class in society. The literary as well as the political career is + almost entirely confined to this class, or to those nearest to it in rank. + These premises suffice to give me a key to all the rest. When a small + number of the same men are engaged at the same time upon the same objects, + they easily concert with one another, and agree upon certain leading rules + which are to govern them each and all. If the object which attracts the + attention of these men is literature, the productions of the mind will + soon be subjected by them to precise canons, from which it will no longer + be allowable to depart. If these men occupy a hereditary position in the + country, they will be naturally inclined, not only to adopt a certain + number of fixed rules for themselves, but to follow those which their + forefathers laid down for their own guidance; their code will be at once + strict and traditional. As they are not necessarily engrossed by the cares + of daily life—as they have never been so, any more than their + fathers were before them—they have learned to take an interest, for + several generations back, in the labors of the mind. They have learned to + understand literature as an art, to love it in the end for its own sake, + and to feel a scholar-like satisfaction in seeing men conform to its + rules. Nor is this all: the men of whom I speak began and will end their + lives in easy or in affluent circumstances; hence they have naturally + conceived a taste for choice gratifications, and a love of refined and + delicate pleasures. Nay more, a kind of indolence of mind and heart, which + they frequently contract in the midst of this long and peaceful enjoyment + of so much welfare, leads them to put aside, even from their pleasures, + whatever might be too startling or too acute. They had rather be amused + than intensely excited; they wish to be interested, but not to be carried + away. + </p> + <p> + Now let us fancy a great number of literary performances executed by the + men, or for the men, whom I have just described, and we shall readily + conceive a style of literature in which everything will be regular and + prearranged. The slightest work will be carefully touched in its least + details; art and labor will be conspicuous in everything; each kind of + writing will have rules of its own, from which it will not be allowed to + swerve, and which distinguish it from all others. Style will be thought of + almost as much importance as thought; and the form will be no less + considered than the matter: the diction will be polished, measured, and + uniform. The tone of the mind will be always dignified, seldom very + animated; and writers will care more to perfect what they produce than to + multiply their productions. It will sometimes happen that the members of + the literary class, always living amongst themselves and writing for + themselves alone, will lose sight of the rest of the world, which will + infect them with a false and labored style; they will lay down minute + literary rules for their exclusive use, which will insensibly lead them to + deviate from common-sense, and finally to transgress the bounds of nature. + By dint of striving after a mode of parlance different from the vulgar, + they will arrive at a sort of aristocratic jargon, which is hardly less + remote from pure language than is the coarse dialect of the people. Such + are the natural perils of literature amongst aristocracies. Every + aristocracy which keeps itself entirely aloof from the people becomes + impotent—a fact which is as true in literature as it is in politics. + *a + </p> + <p class="foot"> + a <br /> [ All this is especially true of the aristocratic countries which + have been long and peacefully subject to a monarchical government. When + liberty prevails in an aristocracy, the higher ranks are constantly + obliged to make use of the lower classes; and when they use, they approach + them. This frequently introduces something of a democratic spirit into an + aristocratic community. There springs up, moreover, in a privileged body, + governing with energy and an habitually bold policy, a taste for stir and + excitement which must infallibly affect all literary performances.] + </p> + <p> + Let us now turn the picture and consider the other side of it; let us + transport ourselves into the midst of a democracy, not unprepared by + ancient traditions and present culture to partake in the pleasures of the + mind. Ranks are there intermingled and confounded; knowledge and power are + both infinitely subdivided, and, if I may use the expression, scattered on + every side. Here then is a motley multitude, whose intellectual wants are + to be supplied. These new votaries of the pleasures of the mind have not + all received the same education; they do not possess the same degree of + culture as their fathers, nor any resemblance to them—nay, they + perpetually differ from themselves, for they live in a state of incessant + change of place, feelings, and fortunes. The mind of each member of the + community is therefore unattached to that of his fellow-citizens by + tradition or by common habits; and they have never had the power, the + inclination, nor the time to concert together. It is, however, from the + bosom of this heterogeneous and agitated mass that authors spring; and + from the same source their profits and their fame are distributed. I can + without difficulty understand that, under these circumstances, I must + expect to meet in the literature of such a people with but few of those + strict conventional rules which are admitted by readers and by writers in + aristocratic ages. If it should happen that the men of some one period + were agreed upon any such rules, that would prove nothing for the + following period; for amongst democratic nations each new generation is a + new people. Amongst such nations, then, literature will not easily be + subjected to strict rules, and it is impossible that any such rules should + ever be permanent. + </p> + <p> + In democracies it is by no means the case that all the men who cultivate + literature have received a literary education; and most of those who have + some tinge of belles-lettres are either engaged in politics, or in a + profession which only allows them to taste occasionally and by stealth the + pleasures of the mind. These pleasures, therefore, do not constitute the + principal charm of their lives; but they are considered as a transient and + necessary recreation amidst the serious labors of life. Such man can never + acquire a sufficiently intimate knowledge of the art of literature to + appreciate its more delicate beauties; and the minor shades of expression + must escape them. As the time they can devote to letters is very short, + they seek to make the best use of the whole of it. They prefer books which + may be easily procured, quickly read, and which require no learned + researches to be understood. They ask for beauties, self-proffered and + easily enjoyed; above all, they must have what is unexpected and new. + Accustomed to the struggle, the crosses, and the monotony of practical + life, they require rapid emotions, startling passages—truths or + errors brilliant enough to rouse them up, and to plunge them at once, as + if by violence, into the midst of a subject. + </p> + <p> + Why should I say more? or who does not understand what is about to follow, + before I have expressed it? Taken as a whole, literature in democratic + ages can never present, as it does in the periods of aristocracy, an + aspect of order, regularity, science, and art; its form will, on the + contrary, ordinarily be slighted, sometimes despised. Style will + frequently be fantastic, incorrect, overburdened, and loose—almost + always vehement and bold. Authors will aim at rapidity of execution, more + than at perfection of detail. Small productions will be more common than + bulky books; there will be more wit than erudition, more imagination than + profundity; and literary performances will bear marks of an untutored and + rude vigor of thought—frequently of great variety and singular + fecundity. The object of authors will be to astonish rather than to + please, and to stir the passions more than to charm the taste. Here and + there, indeed, writers will doubtless occur who will choose a different + track, and who will, if they are gifted with superior abilities, succeed + in finding readers, in spite of their defects or their better qualities; + but these exceptions will be rare, and even the authors who shall so + depart from the received practice in the main subject of their works, will + always relapse into it in some lesser details. + </p> + <p> + I have just depicted two extreme conditions: the transition by which a + nation passes from the former to the latter is not sudden but gradual, and + marked with shades of very various intensity. In the passage which + conducts a lettered people from the one to the other, there is almost + always a moment at which the literary genius of democratic nations has its + confluence with that of aristocracies, and both seek to establish their + joint sway over the human mind. Such epochs are transient, but very + brilliant: they are fertile without exuberance, and animated without + confusion. The French literature of the eighteenth century may serve as an + example. + </p> + <p> + I should say more than I mean if I were to assert that the literature of a + nation is always subordinate to its social condition and its political + constitution. I am aware that, independently of these causes, there are + several others which confer certain characteristics on literary + productions; but these appear to me to be the chief. The relations which + exist between the social and political condition of a people and the + genius of its authors are always very numerous: whoever knows the one is + never completely ignorant of the other. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0014" id="link2HCH0014"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XIV: The Trade Of Literature + </h2> + <p> + Democracy not only infuses a taste for letters among the trading classes, + but introduces a trading spirit into literature. In aristocracies, readers + are fastidious and few in number; in democracies, they are far more + numerous and far less difficult to please. The consequence is, that among + aristocratic nations, no one can hope to succeed without immense + exertions, and that these exertions may bestow a great deal of fame, but + can never earn much money; whilst among democratic nations, a writer may + flatter himself that he will obtain at a cheap rate a meagre reputation + and a large fortune. For this purpose he need not be admired; it is enough + that he is liked. The ever-increasing crowd of readers, and their + continual craving for something new, insure the sale of books which nobody + much esteems. + </p> + <p> + In democratic periods the public frequently treat authors as kings do + their courtiers; they enrich, and they despise them. What more is needed + by the venal souls which are born in courts, or which are worthy to live + there? Democratic literature is always infested with a tribe of writers + who look upon letters as a mere trade: and for some few great authors who + adorn it you may reckon thousands of idea-mongers. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0015" id="link2HCH0015"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XV: The Study Of Greek And Latin Literature Peculiarly Useful In + Democratic Communities + </h2> + <p> + What was called the People in the most democratic republics of antiquity, + was very unlike what we designate by that term. In Athens, all the + citizens took part in public affairs; but there were only 20,000 citizens + to more than 350,000 inhabitants. All the rest were slaves, and discharged + the greater part of those duties which belong at the present day to the + lower or even to the middle classes. Athens, then, with her universal + suffrage, was after all merely an aristocratic republic in which all the + nobles had an equal right to the government. The struggle between the + patricians and plebeians of Rome must be considered in the same light: it + was simply an intestine feud between the elder and younger branches of the + same family. All the citizens belonged, in fact, to the aristocracy, and + partook of its character. + </p> + <p> + It is moreover to be remarked, that amongst the ancients books were always + scarce and dear; and that very great difficulties impeded their + publication and circulation. These circumstances concentrated literary + tastes and habits amongst a small number of men, who formed a small + literary aristocracy out of the choicer spirits of the great political + aristocracy. Accordingly nothing goes to prove that literature was ever + treated as a trade amongst the Greeks and Romans. + </p> + <p> + These peoples, which not only constituted aristocracies, but very polished + and free nations, of course imparted to their literary productions the + defects and the merits which characterize the literature of aristocratic + ages. And indeed a very superficial survey of the literary remains of the + ancients will suffice to convince us, that if those writers were sometimes + deficient in variety, or fertility in their subjects, or in boldness, + vivacity, or power of generalization in their thoughts, they always + displayed exquisite care and skill in their details. Nothing in their + works seems to be done hastily or at random: every line is written for the + eye of the connoisseur, and is shaped after some conception of ideal + beauty. No literature places those fine qualities, in which the writers of + democracies are naturally deficient, in bolder relief than that of the + ancients; no literature, therefore, ought to be more studied in democratic + ages. This study is better suited than any other to combat the literary + defects inherent in those ages; as for their more praiseworthy literary + qualities, they will spring up of their own accord, without its being + necessary to learn to acquire them. + </p> + <p> + It is important that this point should be clearly understood. A particular + study may be useful to the literature of a people, without being + appropriate to its social and political wants. If men were to persist in + teaching nothing but the literature of the dead languages in a community + where everyone is habitually led to make vehement exertions to augment or + to maintain his fortune, the result would be a very polished, but a very + dangerous, race of citizens. For as their social and political condition + would give them every day a sense of wants which their education would + never teach them to supply, they would perturb the State, in the name of + the Greeks and Romans, instead of enriching it by their productive + industry. + </p> + <p> + It is evident that in democratic communities the interest of individuals, + as well as the security of the commonwealth, demands that the education of + the greater number should be scientific, commercial, and industrial, + rather than literary. Greek and Latin should not be taught in all schools; + but it is important that those who by their natural disposition or their + fortune are destined to cultivate letters or prepared to relish them, + should find schools where a complete knowledge of ancient literature may + be acquired, and where the true scholar may be formed. A few excellent + universities would do more towards the attainment of this object than a + vast number of bad grammar schools, where superfluous matters, badly + learned, stand in the way of sound instruction in necessary studies. + </p> + <p> + All who aspire to literary excellence in democratic nations, ought + frequently to refresh themselves at the springs of ancient literature: + there is no more wholesome course for the mind. Not that I hold the + literary productions of the ancients to be irreproachable; but I think + that they have some especial merits, admirably calculated to + counterbalance our peculiar defects. They are a prop on the side on which + we are in most danger of falling. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0016" id="link2HCH0016"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XVI: The Effect Of Democracy On Language + </h2> + <p> + If the reader has rightly understood what I have already said on the + subject of literature in general, he will have no difficulty in + comprehending that species of influence which a democratic social + condition and democratic institutions may exercise over language itself, + which is the chief instrument of thought. + </p> + <p> + American authors may truly be said to live more in England than in their + own country; since they constantly study the English writers, and take + them every day for their models. But such is not the case with the bulk of + the population, which is more immediately subjected to the peculiar causes + acting upon the United States. It is not then to the written, but to the + spoken language that attention must be paid, if we would detect the + modifications which the idiom of an aristocratic people may undergo when + it becomes the language of a democracy. + </p> + <p> + Englishmen of education, and more competent judges than I can be myself of + the nicer shades of expression, have frequently assured me that the + language of the educated classes in the United States is notably different + from that of the educated classes in Great Britain. They complain not only + that the Americans have brought into use a number of new words—the + difference and the distance between the two countries might suffice to + explain that much—but that these new words are more especially taken + from the jargon of parties, the mechanical arts, or the language of trade. + They assert, in addition to this, that old English words are often used by + the Americans in new acceptations; and lastly, that the inhabitants of the + United States frequently intermingle their phraseology in the strangest + manner, and sometimes place words together which are always kept apart in + the language of the mother-country. These remarks, which were made to me + at various times by persons who appeared to be worthy of credit, led me to + reflect upon the subject; and my reflections brought me, by theoretical + reasoning, to the same point at which my informants had arrived by + practical observation. + </p> + <p> + In aristocracies, language must naturally partake of that state of repose + in which everything remains. Few new words are coined, because few new + things are made; and even if new things were made, they would be + designated by known words, whose meaning has been determined by tradition. + If it happens that the human mind bestirs itself at length, or is roused + by light breaking in from without, the novel expressions which are + introduced are characterized by a degree of learning, intelligence, and + philosophy, which shows that they do not originate in a democracy. After + the fall of Constantinople had turned the tide of science and literature + towards the west, the French language was almost immediately invaded by a + multitude of new words, which had all Greek or Latin roots. An erudite + neologism then sprang up in France which was confined to the educated + classes, and which produced no sensible effect, or at least a very gradual + one, upon the people. All the nations of Europe successively exhibited the + same change. Milton alone introduced more than six hundred words into the + English language, almost all derived from the Latin, the Greek, or the + Hebrew. The constant agitation which prevails in a democratic community + tends unceasingly, on the contrary, to change the character of the + language, as it does the aspect of affairs. In the midst of this general + stir and competition of minds, a great number of new ideas are formed, old + ideas are lost, or reappear, or are subdivided into an infinite variety of + minor shades. The consequence is, that many words must fall into + desuetude, and others must be brought into use. + </p> + <p> + Democratic nations love change for its own sake; and this is seen in their + language as much as in their politics. Even when they do not need to + change words, they sometimes feel a wish to transform them. The genius of + a democratic people is not only shown by the great number of words they + bring into use, but also by the nature of the ideas these new words + represent. Amongst such a people the majority lays down the law in + language as well as in everything else; its prevailing spirit is as + manifest in that as in other respects. But the majority is more engaged in + business than in study—in political and commercial interests than in + philosophical speculation or literary pursuits. Most of the words coined + or adopted for its use will therefore bear the mark of these habits; they + will mainly serve to express the wants of business, the passions of party, + or the details of the public administration. In these departments the + language will constantly spread, whilst on the other hand it will + gradually lose ground in metaphysics and theology. + </p> + <p> + As to the source from which democratic nations are wont to derive their + new expressions, and the manner in which they go to work to coin them, + both may easily be described. Men living in democratic countries know but + little of the language which was spoken at Athens and at Rome, and they do + not care to dive into the lore of antiquity to find the expression they + happen to want. If they have sometimes recourse to learned etymologies, + vanity will induce them to search at the roots of the dead languages; but + erudition does not naturally furnish them with its resources. The most + ignorant, it sometimes happens, will use them most. The eminently + democratic desire to get above their own sphere will often lead them to + seek to dignify a vulgar profession by a Greek or Latin name. The lower + the calling is, and the more remote from learning, the more pompous and + erudite is its appellation. Thus the French rope-dancers have transformed + themselves into acrobates and funambules. + </p> + <p> + In the absence of knowledge of the dead languages, democratic nations are + apt to borrow words from living tongues; for their mutual intercourse + becomes perpetual, and the inhabitants of different countries imitate each + other the more readily as they grow more like each other every day. + </p> + <p> + But it is principally upon their own languages that democratic nations + attempt to perpetrate innovations. From time to time they resume forgotten + expressions in their vocabulary, which they restore to use; or they borrow + from some particular class of the community a term peculiar to it, which + they introduce with a figurative meaning into the language of daily life. + Many expressions which originally belonged to the technical language of a + profession or a party, are thus drawn into general circulation. + </p> + <p> + The most common expedient employed by democratic nations to make an + innovation in language consists in giving some unwonted meaning to an + expression already in use. This method is very simple, prompt, and + convenient; no learning is required to use it aright, and ignorance itself + rather facilitates the practice; but that practice is most dangerous to + the language. When a democratic people doubles the meaning of a word in + this way, they sometimes render the signification which it retains as + ambiguous as that which it acquires. An author begins by a slight + deflection of a known expression from its primitive meaning, and he adapts + it, thus modified, as well as he can to his subject. A second writer + twists the sense of the expression in another way; a third takes + possession of it for another purpose; and as there is no common appeal to + the sentence of a permanent tribunal which may definitely settle the + signification of the word, it remains in an ambiguous condition. The + consequence is that writers hardly ever appear to dwell upon a single + thought, but they always seem to point their aim at a knot of ideas, + leaving the reader to judge which of them has been hit. This is a + deplorable consequence of democracy. I had rather that the language should + be made hideous with words imported from the Chinese, the Tartars, or the + Hurons, than that the meaning of a word in our own language should become + indeterminate. Harmony and uniformity are only secondary beauties in + composition; many of these things are conventional, and, strictly + speaking, it is possible to forego them; but without clear phraseology + there is no good language. + </p> + <p> + The principle of equality necessarily introduces several other changes + into language. In aristocratic ages, when each nation tends to stand aloof + from all others and likes to have distinct characteristics of its own, it + often happens that several peoples which have a common origin become + nevertheless estranged from each other, so that, without ceasing to + understand the same language, they no longer all speak it in the same + manner. In these ages each nation is divided into a certain number of + classes, which see but little of each other, and do not intermingle. Each + of these classes contracts, and invariably retains, habits of mind + peculiar to itself, and adopts by choice certain words and certain terms, + which afterwards pass from generation to generation, like their estates. + The same idiom then comprises a language of the poor and a language of the + rich—a language of the citizen and a language of the nobility—a + learned language and a vulgar one. The deeper the divisions, and the more + impassable the barriers of society become, the more must this be the case. + I would lay a wager, that amongst the castes of India there are amazing + variations of language, and that there is almost as much difference + between the language of the pariah and that of the Brahmin as there is in + their dress. When, on the contrary, men, being no longer restrained by + ranks, meet on terms of constant intercourse—when castes are + destroyed, and the classes of society are recruited and intermixed with + each other, all the words of a language are mingled. Those which are + unsuitable to the greater number perish; the remainder form a common + store, whence everyone chooses pretty nearly at random. Almost all the + different dialects which divided the idioms of European nations are + manifestly declining; there is no patois in the New World, and it is + disappearing every day from the old countries. + </p> + <p> + The influence of this revolution in social conditions is as much felt in + style as it is in phraseology. Not only does everyone use the same words, + but a habit springs up of using them without discrimination. The rules + which style had set up are almost abolished: the line ceases to be drawn + between expressions which seem by their very nature vulgar, and other + which appear to be refined. Persons springing from different ranks of + society carry the terms and expressions they are accustomed to use with + them, into whatever circumstances they may pass; thus the origin of words + is lost like the origin of individuals, and there is as much confusion in + language as there is in society. + </p> + <p> + I am aware that in the classification of words there are rules which do + not belong to one form of society any more than to another, but which are + derived from the nature of things. Some expressions and phrases are + vulgar, because the ideas they are meant to express are low in themselves; + others are of a higher character, because the objects they are intended to + designate are naturally elevated. No intermixture of ranks will ever + efface these differences. But the principle of equality cannot fail to + root out whatever is merely conventional and arbitrary in the forms of + thought. Perhaps the necessary classification which I pointed out in the + last sentence will always be less respected by a democratic people than by + any other, because amongst such a people there are no men who are + permanently disposed by education, culture, and leisure to study the + natural laws of language, and who cause those laws to be respected by + their own observance of them. + </p> + <p> + I shall not quit this topic without touching on a feature of democratic + languages, which is perhaps more characteristic of them than any other. It + has already been shown that democratic nations have a taste, and sometimes + a passion, for general ideas, and that this arises from their peculiar + merits and defects. This liking for general ideas is displayed in + democratic languages by the continual use of generic terms or abstract + expressions, and by the manner in which they are employed. This is the + great merit and the great imperfection of these languages. Democratic + nations are passionately addicted to generic terms or abstract + expressions, because these modes of speech enlarge thought, and assist the + operations of the mind by enabling it to include several objects in a + small compass. A French democratic writer will be apt to say capacites in + the abstract for men of capacity, and without particularizing the objects + to which their capacity is applied: he will talk about actualities to + designate in one word the things passing before his eyes at the instant; + and he will comprehend under the term eventualities whatever may happen in + the universe, dating from the moment at which he speaks. Democratic + writers are perpetually coining words of this kind, in which they + sublimate into further abstraction the abstract terms of the language. + Nay, more, to render their mode of speech more succinct, they personify + the subject of these abstract terms, and make it act like a real entity. + Thus they would say in French, "La force des choses veut que les capacites + gouvernent." + </p> + <p> + I cannot better illustrate what I mean than by my own example. I have + frequently used the word "equality" in an absolute sense—nay, I have + personified equality in several places; thus I have said that equality + does such and such things, or refrains from doing others. It may be + affirmed that the writers of the age of Louis XIV would not have used + these expressions: they would never have thought of using the word + "equality" without applying it to some particular object; and they would + rather have renounced the term altogether than have consented to make a + living personage of it. + </p> + <p> + These abstract terms which abound in democratic languages, and which are + used on every occasion without attaching them to any particular fact, + enlarge and obscure the thoughts they are intended to convey; they render + the mode of speech more succinct, and the idea contained in it less clear. + But with regard to language, democratic nations prefer obscurity to labor. + I know not indeed whether this loose style has not some secret charm for + those who speak and write amongst these nations. As the men who live there + are frequently left to the efforts of their individual powers of mind, + they are almost always a prey to doubt; and as their situation in life is + forever changing, they are never held fast to any of their opinions by the + certain tenure of their fortunes. Men living in democratic countries are, + then, apt to entertain unsettled ideas, and they require loose expressions + to convey them. As they never know whether the idea they express to-day + will be appropriate to the new position they may occupy to-morrow, they + naturally acquire a liking for abstract terms. An abstract term is like a + box with a false bottom: you may put in it what ideas you please, and take + them out again without being observed. + </p> + <p> + Amongst all nations, generic and abstract terms form the basis of + language. I do not, therefore, affect to expel these terms from democratic + languages; I simply remark that men have an especial tendency, in the ages + of democracy, to multiply words of this kind—to take them always by + themselves in their most abstract acceptation, and to use them on all + occasions, even when the nature of the discourse does not require them. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0017" id="link2HCH0017"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XVII: Of Some Of The Sources Of Poetry Amongst Democratic Nations + </h2> + <p> + Various different significations have been given to the word "poetry." It + would weary my readers if I were to lead them into a discussion as to + which of these definitions ought to be selected: I prefer telling them at + once that which I have chosen. In my opinion, poetry is the search and the + delineation of the ideal. The poet is he who, by suppressing a part of + what exists, by adding some imaginary touches to the picture, and by + combining certain real circumstances, but which do not in fact + concurrently happen, completes and extends the work of nature. Thus the + object of poetry is not to represent what is true, but to adorn it, and to + present to the mind some loftier imagery. Verse, regarded as the ideal + beauty of language, may be eminently poetical; but verse does not, of + itself, constitute poetry. + </p> + <p> + I now proceed to inquire whether, amongst the actions, the sentiments, and + the opinions of democratic nations, there are any which lead to a + conception of ideal beauty, and which may for this reason be considered as + natural sources of poetry. It must in the first place, be acknowledged + that the taste for ideal beauty, and the pleasure derived from the + expression of it, are never so intense or so diffused amongst a democratic + as amongst an aristocratic people. In aristocratic nations it sometimes + happens that the body goes on to act as it were spontaneously, whilst the + higher faculties are bound and burdened by repose. Amongst these nations + the people will very often display poetic tastes, and sometimes allow + their fancy to range beyond and above what surrounds them. But in + democracies the love of physical gratification, the notion of bettering + one's condition, the excitement of competition, the charm of anticipated + success, are so many spurs to urge men onwards in the active professions + they have embraced, without allowing them to deviate for an instant from + the track. The main stress of the faculties is to this point. The + imagination is not extinct; but its chief function is to devise what may + be useful, and to represent what is real. + </p> + <p> + The principle of equality not only diverts men from the description of + ideal beauty—it also diminishes the number of objects to be + described. Aristocracy, by maintaining society in a fixed position, is + favorable to the solidity and duration of positive religions, as well as + to the stability of political institutions. It not only keeps the human + mind within a certain sphere of belief, but it predisposes the mind to + adopt one faith rather than another. An aristocratic people will always be + prone to place intermediate powers between God and man. In this respect it + may be said that the aristocratic element is favorable to poetry. When the + universe is peopled with supernatural creatures, not palpable to the + senses but discovered by the mind, the imagination ranges freely, and + poets, finding a thousand subjects to delineate, also find a countless + audience to take an interest in their productions. In democratic ages it + sometimes happens, on the contrary, that men are as much afloat in matters + of belief as they are in their laws. Scepticism then draws the imagination + of poets back to earth, and confines them to the real and visible world. + Even when the principle of equality does not disturb religious belief, it + tends to simplify it, and to divert attention from secondary agents, to + fix it principally on the Supreme Power. Aristocracy naturally leads the + human mind to the contemplation of the past, and fixes it there. + Democracy, on the contrary, gives men a sort of instinctive distaste for + what is ancient. In this respect aristocracy is far more favorable to + poetry; for things commonly grow larger and more obscure as they are more + remote; and for this twofold reason they are better suited to the + delineation of the ideal. + </p> + <p> + After having deprived poetry of the past, the principle of equality robs + it in part of the present. Amongst aristocratic nations there are a + certain number of privileged personages, whose situation is, as it were, + without and above the condition of man; to these, power, wealth, fame, + wit, refinement, and distinction in all things appear peculiarly to + belong. The crowd never sees them very closely, or does not watch them in + minute details; and little is needed to make the description of such men + poetical. On the other hand, amongst the same people, you will meet with + classes so ignorant, low, and enslaved, that they are no less fit objects + for poetry from the excess of their rudeness and wretchedness, than the + former are from their greatness and refinement. Besides, as the different + classes of which an aristocratic community is composed are widely + separated, and imperfectly acquainted with each other, the imagination may + always represent them with some addition to, or some subtraction from, + what they really are. In democratic communities, where men are all + insignificant and very much alike, each man instantly sees all his fellows + when he surveys himself. The poets of democratic ages can never, + therefore, take any man in particular as the subject of a piece; for an + object of slender importance, which is distinctly seen on all sides, will + never lend itself to an ideal conception. Thus the principle of equality; + in proportion as it has established itself in the world, has dried up most + of the old springs of poetry. Let us now attempt to show what new ones it + may disclose. + </p> + <p> + When scepticism had depopulated heaven, and the progress of equality had + reduced each individual to smaller and better known proportions, the + poets, not yet aware of what they could substitute for the great themes + which were departing together with the aristocracy, turned their eyes to + inanimate nature. As they lost sight of gods and heroes, they set + themselves to describe streams and mountains. Thence originated in the + last century, that kind of poetry which has been called, by way of + distinction, the descriptive. Some have thought that this sort of + delineation, embellished with all the physical and inanimate objects which + cover the earth, was the kind of poetry peculiar to democratic ages; but I + believe this to be an error, and that it only belongs to a period of + transition. + </p> + <p> + I am persuaded that in the end democracy diverts the imagination from all + that is external to man, and fixes it on man alone. Democratic nations may + amuse themselves for a while with considering the productions of nature; + but they are only excited in reality by a survey of themselves. Here, and + here alone, the true sources of poetry amongst such nations are to be + found; and it may be believed that the poets who shall neglect to draw + their inspirations hence, will lose all sway over the minds which they + would enchant, and will be left in the end with none but unimpassioned + spectators of their transports. I have shown how the ideas of progression + and of the indefinite perfectibility of the human race belong to + democratic ages. Democratic nations care but little for what has been, but + they are haunted by visions of what will be; in this direction their + unbounded imagination grows and dilates beyond all measure. Here then is + the wildest range open to the genius of poets, which allows them to remove + their performances to a sufficient distance from the eye. Democracy shuts + the past against the poet, but opens the future before him. As all the + citizens who compose a democratic community are nearly equal and alike, + the poet cannot dwell upon any one of them; but the nation itself invites + the exercise of his powers. The general similitude of individuals, which + renders any one of them taken separately an improper subject of poetry, + allows poets to include them all in the same imagery, and to take a + general survey of the people itself. Democractic nations have a clearer + perception than any others of their own aspect; and an aspect so imposing + is admirably fitted to the delineation of the ideal. + </p> + <p> + I readily admit that the Americans have no poets; I cannot allow that they + have no poetic ideas. In Europe people talk a great deal of the wilds of + America, but the Americans themselves never think about them: they are + insensible to the wonders of inanimate nature, and they may be said not to + perceive the mighty forests which surround them till they fall beneath the + hatchet. Their eyes are fixed upon another sight: the American people + views its own march across these wilds—drying swamps, turning the + course of rivers, peopling solitudes, and subduing nature. This + magnificent image of themselves does not meet the gaze of the Americans at + intervals only; it may be said to haunt every one of them in his least as + well as in his most important actions, and to be always flitting before + his mind. Nothing conceivable is so petty, so insipid, so crowded with + paltry interests, in one word so anti-poetic, as the life of a man in the + United States. But amongst the thoughts which it suggests there is always + one which is full of poetry, and that is the hidden nerve which gives + vigor to the frame. + </p> + <p> + In aristocratic ages each people, as well as each individual, is prone to + stand separate and aloof from all others. In democratic ages, the extreme + fluctuations of men and the impatience of their desires keep them + perpetually on the move; so that the inhabitants of different countries + intermingle, see, listen to, and borrow from each other's stores. It is + not only then the members of the same community who grow more alike; + communities are themselves assimilated to one another, and the whole + assemblage presents to the eye of the spectator one vast democracy, each + citizen of which is a people. This displays the aspect of mankind for the + first time in the broadest light. All that belongs to the existence of the + human race taken as a whole, to its vicissitudes and to its future, + becomes an abundant mine of poetry. The poets who lived in aristocratic + ages have been eminently successful in their delineations of certain + incidents in the life of a people or a man; but none of them ever ventured + to include within his performances the destinies of mankind—a task + which poets writing in democratic ages may attempt. At that same time at + which every man, raising his eyes above his country, begins at length to + discern mankind at large, the Divinity is more and more manifest to the + human mind in full and entire majesty. If in democratic ages faith in + positive religions be often shaken, and the belief in intermediate agents, + by whatever name they are called, be overcast; on the other hand men are + disposed to conceive a far broader idea of Providence itself, and its + interference in human affairs assumes a new and more imposing appearance + to their eyes. Looking at the human race as one great whole, they easily + conceive that its destinies are regulated by the same design; and in the + actions of every individual they are led to acknowledge a trace of that + universal and eternal plan on which God rules our race. This consideration + may be taken as another prolific source of poetry which is opened in + democratic ages. Democratic poets will always appear trivial and frigid if + they seek to invest gods, demons, or angels, with corporeal forms, and if + they attempt to draw them down from heaven to dispute the supremacy of + earth. But if they strive to connect the great events they commemorate + with the general providential designs which govern the universe, and, + without showing the finger of the Supreme Governor, reveal the thoughts of + the Supreme Mind, their works will be admired and understood, for the + imagination of their contemporaries takes this direction of its own + accord. + </p> + <p> + It may be foreseen in the like manner that poets living in democratic ages + will prefer the delineation of passions and ideas to that of persons and + achievements. The language, the dress, and the daily actions of men in + democracies are repugnant to ideal conceptions. These things are not + poetical in themselves; and, if it were otherwise, they would cease to be + so, because they are too familiar to all those to whom the poet would + speak of them. This forces the poet constantly to search below the + external surface which is palpable to the senses, in order to read the + inner soul: and nothing lends itself more to the delineation of the ideal + than the scrutiny of the hidden depths in the immaterial nature of man. I + need not to ramble over earth and sky to discover a wondrous object woven + of contrasts, of greatness and littleness infinite, of intense gloom and + of amazing brightness—capable at once of exciting pity, admiration, + terror, contempt. I find that object in myself. Man springs out of + nothing, crosses time, and disappears forever in the bosom of God; he is + seen but for a moment, staggering on the verge of the two abysses, and + there he is lost. If man were wholly ignorant of himself, he would have no + poetry in him; for it is impossible to describe what the mind does not + conceive. If man clearly discerned his own nature, his imagination would + remain idle, and would have nothing to add to the picture. But the nature + of man is sufficiently disclosed for him to apprehend something of + himself; and sufficiently obscure for all the rest to be plunged in thick + darkness, in which he gropes forever—and forever in vain—to + lay hold on some completer notion of his being. + </p> + <p> + Amongst a democratic people poetry will not be fed with legendary lays or + the memorials of old traditions. The poet will not attempt to people the + universe with supernatural beings in whom his readers and his own fancy + have ceased to believe; nor will he present virtues and vices in the mask + of frigid personification, which are better received under their own + features. All these resources fail him; but Man remains, and the poet + needs no more. The destinies of mankind—man himself, taken aloof + from his age and his country, and standing in the presence of Nature and + of God, with his passions, his doubts, his rare prosperities, and + inconceivable wretchedness—will become the chief, if not the sole + theme of poetry amongst these nations. Experience may confirm this + assertion, if we consider the productions of the greatest poets who have + appeared since the world has been turned to democracy. The authors of our + age who have so admirably delineated the features of Faust, Childe Harold, + Rene, and Jocelyn, did not seek to record the actions of an individual, + but to enlarge and to throw light on some of the obscurer recesses of the + human heart. Such are the poems of democracy. The principle of equality + does not then destroy all the subjects of poetry: it renders them less + numerous, but more vast. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0018" id="link2HCH0018"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XVIII: Of The Inflated Style Of American Writers And Orators + </h2> + <p> + I have frequently remarked that the Americans, who generally treat of + business in clear, plain language, devoid of all ornament, and so + extremely simple as to be often coarse, are apt to become inflated as soon + as they attempt a more poetical diction. They then vent their pomposity + from one end of a harangue to the other; and to hear them lavish imagery + on every occasion, one might fancy that they never spoke of anything with + simplicity. The English are more rarely given to a similar failing. The + cause of this may be pointed out without much difficulty. In democratic + communities each citizen is habitually engaged in the contemplation of a + very puny object, namely himself. If he ever raises his looks higher, he + then perceives nothing but the immense form of society at large, or the + still more imposing aspect of mankind. His ideas are all either extremely + minute and clear, or extremely general and vague: what lies between is an + open void. When he has been drawn out of his own sphere, therefore, he + always expects that some amazing object will be offered to his attention; + and it is on these terms alone that he consents to tear himself for an + instant from the petty complicated cares which form the charm and the + excitement of his life. This appears to me sufficiently to explain why men + in democracies, whose concerns are in general so paltry, call upon their + poets for conceptions so vast and descriptions so unlimited. + </p> + <p> + The authors, on their part, do not fail to obey a propensity of which they + themselves partake; they perpetually inflate their imaginations, and + expanding them beyond all bounds, they not unfrequently abandon the great + in order to reach the gigantic. By these means they hope to attract the + observation of the multitude, and to fix it easily upon themselves: nor + are their hopes disappointed; for as the multitude seeks for nothing in + poetry but subjects of very vast dimensions, it has neither the time to + measure with accuracy the proportions of all the subjects set before it, + nor a taste sufficiently correct to perceive at once in what respect they + are out of proportion. The author and the public at once vitiate one + another. + </p> + <p> + We have just seen that amongst democratic nations, the sources of poetry + are grand, but not abundant. They are soon exhausted: and poets, not + finding the elements of the ideal in what is real and true, abandon them + entirely and create monsters. I do not fear that the poetry of democratic + nations will prove too insipid, or that it will fly too near the ground; I + rather apprehend that it will be forever losing itself in the clouds, and + that it will range at last to purely imaginary regions. I fear that the + productions of democratic poets may often be surcharged with immense and + incoherent imagery, with exaggerated descriptions and strange creations; + and that the fantastic beings of their brain may sometimes make us regret + the world of reality. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0019" id="link2HCH0019"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XIX: Some Observations On The Drama Amongst Democratic Nations + </h2> + <p> + When the revolution which subverts the social and political state of an + aristocratic people begins to penetrate into literature, it generally + first manifests itself in the drama, and it always remains conspicuous + there. The spectator of a dramatic piece is, to a certain extent, taken by + surprise by the impression it conveys. He has no time to refer to his + memory, or to consult those more able to judge than himself. It does not + occur to him to resist the new literary tendencies which begin to be felt + by him; he yields to them before he knows what they are. Authors are very + prompt in discovering which way the taste of the public is thus secretly + inclined. They shape their productions accordingly; and the literature of + the stage, after having served to indicate the approaching literary + revolution, speedily completes its accomplishment. If you would judge + beforehand of the literature of a people which is lapsing into democracy, + study its dramatic productions. + </p> + <p> + The literature of the stage, moreover, even amongst aristocratic nations, + constitutes the most democratic part of their literature. No kind of + literary gratification is so much within the reach of the multitude as + that which is derived from theatrical representations. Neither preparation + nor study is required to enjoy them: they lay hold on you in the midst of + your prejudices and your ignorance. When the yet untutored love of the + pleasures of the mind begins to affect a class of the community, it + instantly draws them to the stage. The theatres of aristocratic nations + have always been filled with spectators not belonging to the aristocracy. + At the theatre alone the higher ranks mix with the middle and the lower + classes; there alone do the former consent to listen to the opinion of the + latter, or at least to allow them to give an opinion at all. At the + theatre, men of cultivation and of literary attainments have always had + more difficulty than elsewhere in making their taste prevail over that of + the people, and in preventing themselves from being carried away by the + latter. The pit has frequently made laws for the boxes. + </p> + <p> + If it be difficult for an aristocracy to prevent the people from getting + the upper hand in the theatre, it will readily be understood that the + people will be supreme there when democratic principles have crept into + the laws and manners—when ranks are intermixed—when minds, as + well as fortunes, are brought more nearly together—and when the + upper class has lost, with its hereditary wealth, its power, its + precedents, and its leisure. The tastes and propensities natural to + democratic nations, in respect to literature, will therefore first be + discernible in the drama, and it may be foreseen that they will break out + there with vehemence. In written productions, the literary canons of + aristocracy will be gently, gradually, and, so to speak, legally modified; + at the theatre they will be riotously overthrown. The drama brings out + most of the good qualities, and almost all the defects, inherent in + democratic literature. Democratic peoples hold erudition very cheap, and + care but little for what occurred at Rome and Athens; they want to hear + something which concerns themselves, and the delineation of the present + age is what they demand. + </p> + <p> + When the heroes and the manners of antiquity are frequently brought upon + the stage, and dramatic authors faithfully observe the rules of antiquated + precedent, that is enough to warrant a conclusion that the democratic + classes have not yet got the upper hand of the theatres. Racine makes a + very humble apology in the preface to the "Britannicus" for having + disposed of Junia amongst the Vestals, who, according to Aulus Gellius, he + says, "admitted no one below six years of age nor above ten." We may be + sure that he would neither have accused himself of the offence, nor + defended himself from censure, if he had written for our contemporaries. A + fact of this kind not only illustrates the state of literature at the time + when it occurred, but also that of society itself. A democratic stage does + not prove that the nation is in a state of democracy, for, as we have just + seen, even in aristocracies it may happen that democratic tastes affect + the drama; but when the spirit of aristocracy reigns exclusively on the + stage, the fact irrefragably demonstrates that the whole of society is + aristocratic; and it may be boldly inferred that the same lettered and + learned class which sways the dramatic writers commands the people and + governs the country. + </p> + <p> + The refined tastes and the arrogant bearing of an aristocracy will rarely + fail to lead it, when it manages the stage, to make a kind of selection in + human nature. Some of the conditions of society claim its chief interest; + and the scenes which delineate their manners are preferred upon the stage. + Certain virtues, and even certain vices, are thought more particularly to + deserve to figure there; and they are applauded whilst all others are + excluded. Upon the stage, as well as elsewhere, an aristocratic audience + will only meet personages of quality, and share the emotions of kings. The + same thing applies to style: an aristocracy is apt to impose upon dramatic + authors certain modes of expression which give the key in which everything + is to be delivered. By these means the stage frequently comes to delineate + only one side of man, or sometimes even to represent what is not to be met + with in human nature at all—to rise above nature and to go beyond + it. + </p> + <p> + In democratic communities the spectators have no such partialities, and + they rarely display any such antipathies: they like to see upon the stage + that medley of conditions, of feelings, and of opinions, which occurs + before their eyes. The drama becomes more striking, more common, and more + true. Sometimes, however, those who write for the stage in democracies + also transgress the bounds of human nature—but it is on a different + side from their predecessors. By seeking to represent in minute detail the + little singularities of the moment and the peculiar characteristics of + certain personages, they forget to portray the general features of the + race. + </p> + <p> + When the democratic classes rule the stage, they introduce as much license + in the manner of treating subjects as in the choice of them. As the love + of the drama is, of all literary tastes, that which is most natural to + democratic nations, the number of authors and of spectators, as well as of + theatrical representations, is constantly increasing amongst these + communities. A multitude composed of elements so different, and scattered + in so many different places, cannot acknowledge the same rules or submit + to the same laws. No concurrence is possible amongst judges so numerous, + who know not when they may meet again; and therefore each pronounces his + own sentence on the piece. If the effect of democracy is generally to + question the authority of all literary rules and conventions, on the stage + it abolishes them altogether, and puts in their place nothing but the whim + of each author and of each public. + </p> + <p> + The drama also displays in an especial manner the truth of what I have + said before in speaking more generally of style and art in democratic + literature. In reading the criticisms which were occasioned by the + dramatic productions of the age of Louis XIV, one is surprised to remark + the great stress which the public laid on the probability of the plot, and + the importance which was attached to the perfect consistency of the + characters, and to their doing nothing which could not be easily explained + and understood. The value which was set upon the forms of language at that + period, and the paltry strife about words with which dramatic authors were + assailed, are no less surprising. It would seem that the men of the age of + Louis XIV attached very exaggerated importance to those details, which may + be perceived in the study, but which escape attention on the stage. For, + after all, the principal object of a dramatic piece is to be performed, + and its chief merit is to affect the audience. But the audience and the + readers in that age were the same: on quitting the theatre they called up + the author for judgment to their own firesides. In democracies, dramatic + pieces are listened to, but not read. Most of those who frequent the + amusements of the stage do not go there to seek the pleasures of the mind, + but the keen emotions of the heart. They do not expect to hear a fine + literary work, but to see a play; and provided the author writes the + language of his country correctly enough to be understood, and that his + characters excite curiosity and awaken sympathy, the audience are + satisfied. They ask no more of fiction, and immediately return to real + life. Accuracy of style is therefore less required, because the attentive + observance of its rules is less perceptible on the stage. As for the + probability of the plot, it is incompatible with perpetual novelty, + surprise, and rapidity of invention. It is therefore neglected, and the + public excuses the neglect. You may be sure that if you succeed in + bringing your audience into the presence of something that affects them, + they will not care by what road you brought them there; and they will + never reproach you for having excited their emotions in spite of dramatic + rules. + </p> + <p> + The Americans very broadly display all the different propensities which I + have here described when they go to the theatres; but it must be + acknowledged that as yet a very small number of them go to theatres at + all. Although playgoers and plays have prodigiously increased in the + United States in the last forty years, the population indulges in this + kind of amusement with the greatest reserve. This is attributable to + peculiar causes, which the reader is already acquainted with, and of which + a few words will suffice to remind him. The Puritans who founded the + American republics were not only enemies to amusements, but they professed + an especial abhorrence for the stage. They considered it as an abominable + pastime; and as long as their principles prevailed with undivided sway, + scenic performances were wholly unknown amongst them. These opinions of + the first fathers of the colony have left very deep marks on the minds of + their descendants. The extreme regularity of habits and the great + strictness of manners which are observable in the United States, have as + yet opposed additional obstacles to the growth of dramatic art. There are + no dramatic subjects in a country which has witnessed no great political + catastrophes, and in which love invariably leads by a straight and easy + road to matrimony. People who spend every day in the week in making money, + and the Sunday in going to church, have nothing to invite the muse of + Comedy. + </p> + <p> + A single fact suffices to show that the stage is not very popular in the + United States. The Americans, whose laws allow of the utmost freedom and + even license of language in all other respects, have nevertheless + subjected their dramatic authors to a sort of censorship. Theatrical + performances can only take place by permission of the municipal + authorities. This may serve to show how much communities are like + individuals; they surrender themselves unscrupulously to their ruling + passions, and afterwards take the greatest care not to yield too much to + the vehemence of tastes which they do not possess. + </p> + <p> + No portion of literature is connected by closer or more numerous ties with + the present condition of society than the drama. The drama of one period + can never be suited to the following age, if in the interval an important + revolution has changed the manners and the laws of the nation. The great + authors of a preceding age may be read; but pieces written for a different + public will not be followed. The dramatic authors of the past live only in + books. The traditional taste of certain individuals, vanity, fashion, or + the genius of an actor may sustain or resuscitate for a time the + aristocratic drama amongst a democracy; but it will speedily fall away of + itself—not overthrown, but abandoned. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0020" id="link2HCH0020"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XX: Characteristics Of Historians In Democratic Ages + </h2> + <p> + Historians who write in aristocratic ages are wont to refer all + occurrences to the particular will or temper of certain individuals; and + they are apt to attribute the most important revolutions to very slight + accidents. They trace out the smallest causes with sagacity, and + frequently leave the greatest unperceived. Historians who live in + democratic ages exhibit precisely opposite characteristics. Most of them + attribute hardly any influence to the individual over the destiny of the + race, nor to citizens over the fate of a people; but, on the other hand, + they assign great general causes to all petty incidents. These contrary + tendencies explain each other. + </p> + <p> + When the historian of aristocratic ages surveys the theatre of the world, + he at once perceives a very small number of prominent actors, who manage + the whole piece. These great personages, who occupy the front of the + stage, arrest the observation, and fix it on themselves; and whilst the + historian is bent on penetrating the secret motives which make them speak + and act, the rest escape his memory. The importance of the things which + some men are seen to do, gives him an exaggerated estimate of the + influence which one man may possess; and naturally leads him to think, + that in order to explain the impulses of the multitude, it is necessary to + refer them to the particular influence of some one individual. + </p> + <p> + When, on the contrary, all the citizens are independent of one another, + and each of them is individually weak, no one is seen to exert a great, or + still less a lasting power, over the community. At first sight, + individuals appear to be absolutely devoid of any influence over it; and + society would seem to advance alone by the free and voluntary concurrence + of all the men who compose it. This naturally prompts the mind to search + for that general reason which operates upon so many men's faculties at the + same time, and turns them simultaneously in the same direction. + </p> + <p> + I am very well convinced that even amongst democratic nations, the genius, + the vices, or the virtues of certain individuals retard or accelerate the + natural current of a people's history: but causes of this secondary and + fortuitous nature are infinitely more various, more concealed, more + complex, less powerful, and consequently less easy to trace in periods of + equality than in ages of aristocracy, when the task of the historian is + simply to detach from the mass of general events the particular influences + of one man or of a few men. In the former case the historian is soon + wearied by the toil; his mind loses itself in this labyrinth; and, in his + inability clearly to discern or conspicuously to point out the influence + of individuals, he denies their existence. He prefers talking about the + characteristics of race, the physical conformation of the country, or the + genius of civilization, which abridges his own labors, and satisfies his + reader far better at less cost. + </p> + <p> + M. de Lafayette says somewhere in his "Memoirs" that the exaggerated + system of general causes affords surprising consolations to second-rate + statesmen. I will add, that its effects are not less consolatory to + second-rate historians; it can always furnish a few mighty reasons to + extricate them from the most difficult part of their work, and it indulges + the indolence or incapacity of their minds, whilst it confers upon them + the honors of deep thinking. + </p> + <p> + For myself, I am of opinion that at all times one great portion of the + events of this world are attributable to general facts, and another to + special influences. These two kinds of cause are always in operation: + their proportion only varies. General facts serve to explain more things + in democratic than in aristocratic ages, and fewer things are then + assignable to special influences. At periods of aristocracy the reverse + takes place: special influences are stronger, general causes weaker—unless + indeed we consider as a general cause the fact itself of the inequality of + conditions, which allows some individuals to baffle the natural tendencies + of all the rest. The historians who seek to describe what occurs in + democratic societies are right, therefore, in assigning much to general + causes, and in devoting their chief attention to discover them; but they + are wrong in wholly denying the special influence of individuals, because + they cannot easily trace or follow it. + </p> + <p> + The historians who live in democratic ages are not only prone to assign a + great cause to every incident, but they are also given to connect + incidents together, so as to deduce a system from them. In aristocratic + ages, as the attention of historians is constantly drawn to individuals, + the connection of events escapes them; or rather, they do not believe in + any such connection. To them the clew of history seems every instant + crossed and broken by the step of man. In democratic ages, on the + contrary, as the historian sees much more of actions than of actors, he + may easily establish some kind of sequency and methodical order amongst + the former. Ancient literature, which is so rich in fine historical + compositions, does not contain a single great historical system, whilst + the poorest of modern literatures abound with them. It would appear that + the ancient historians did not make sufficient use of those general + theories which our historical writers are ever ready to carry to excess. + </p> + <p> + Those who write in democratic ages have another more dangerous tendency. + When the traces of individual action upon nations are lost, it often + happens that the world goes on to move, though the moving agent is no + longer discoverable. As it becomes extremely difficult to discern and to + analyze the reasons which, acting separately on the volition of each + member of the community, concur in the end to produce movement in the old + mass, men are led to believe that this movement is involuntary, and that + societies unconsciously obey some superior force ruling over them. But + even when the general fact which governs the private volition of all + individuals is supposed to be discovered upon the earth, the principle of + human free-will is not secure. A cause sufficiently extensive to affect + millions of men at once, and sufficiently strong to bend them all together + in the same direction, may well seem irresistible: having seen that + mankind do yield to it, the mind is close upon the inference that mankind + cannot resist it. + </p> + <p> + Historians who live in democratic ages, then, not only deny that the few + have any power of acting upon the destiny of a people, but they deprive + the people themselves of the power of modifying their own condition, and + they subject them either to an inflexible Providence, or to some blind + necessity. According to them, each nation is indissolubly bound by its + position, its origin, its precedents, and its character, to a certain lot + which no efforts can ever change. They involve generation in generation, + and thus, going back from age to age, and from necessity to necessity, up + to the origin of the world, they forge a close and enormous chain, which + girds and binds the human race. To their minds it is not enough to show + what events have occurred: they would fain show that events could not have + occurred otherwise. They take a nation arrived at a certain stage of its + history, and they affirm that it could not but follow the track which + brought it thither. It is easier to make such an assertion than to show by + what means the nation might have adopted a better course. + </p> + <p> + In reading the historians of aristocratic ages, and especially those of + antiquity, it would seem that, to be master of his lot, and to govern his + fellow-creatures, man requires only to be master of himself. In perusing + the historical volumes which our age has produced, it would seem that man + is utterly powerless over himself and over all around him. The historians + of antiquity taught how to command: those of our time teach only how to + obey; in their writings the author often appears great, but humanity is + always diminutive. If this doctrine of necessity, which is so attractive + to those who write history in democratic ages, passes from authors to + their readers, till it infects the whole mass of the community and gets + possession of the public mind, it will soon paralyze the activity of + modern society, and reduce Christians to the level of the Turks. I would + moreover observe, that such principles are peculiarly dangerous at the + period at which we are arrived. Our contemporaries are but too prone to + doubt of the human free-will, because each of them feels himself confined + on every side by his own weakness; but they are still willing to + acknowledge the strength and independence of men united in society. Let + not this principle be lost sight of; for the great object in our time is + to raise the faculties of men, not to complete their prostration. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0021" id="link2HCH0021"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XXI: Of Parliamentary Eloquence In The United States + </h2> + <p> + Amongst aristocratic nations all the members of the community are + connected with and dependent upon each other; the graduated scale of + different ranks acts as a tie, which keeps everyone in his proper place + and the whole body in subordination. Something of the same kind always + occurs in the political assemblies of these nations. Parties naturally + range themselves under certain leaders, whom they obey by a sort of + instinct, which is only the result of habits contracted elsewhere. They + carry the manners of general society into the lesser assemblage. + </p> + <p> + In democratic countries it often happens that a great number of citizens + are tending to the same point; but each one only moves thither, or at + least flatters himself that he moves, of his own accord. Accustomed to + regulate his doings by personal impulse alone, he does not willingly + submit to dictation from without. This taste and habit of independence + accompany him into the councils of the nation. If he consents to connect + himself with other men in the prosecution of the same purpose, at least he + chooses to remain free to contribute to the common success after his own + fashion. Hence it is that in democratic countries parties are so impatient + of control, and are never manageable except in moments of great public + danger. Even then, the authority of leaders, which under such + circumstances may be able to make men act or speak, hardly ever reaches + the extent of making them keep silence. + </p> + <p> + Amongst aristocratic nations the members of political assemblies are at + the same time members of the aristocracy. Each of them enjoys high + established rank in his own right, and the position which he occupies in + the assembly is often less important in his eyes than that which he fills + in the country. This consoles him for playing no part in the discussion of + public affairs, and restrains him from too eagerly attempting to play an + insignificant one. + </p> + <p> + In America, it generally happens that a Representative only becomes + somebody from his position in the Assembly. He is therefore perpetually + haunted by a craving to acquire importance there, and he feels a petulant + desire to be constantly obtruding his opinions upon the House. His own + vanity is not the only stimulant which urges him on in this course, but + that of his constituents, and the continual necessity of propitiating + them. Amongst aristocratic nations a member of the legislature is rarely + in strict dependence upon his constituents: he is frequently to them a + sort of unavoidable representative; sometimes they are themselves strictly + dependent upon him; and if at length they reject him, he may easily get + elected elsewhere, or, retiring from public life, he may still enjoy the + pleasures of splendid idleness. In a democratic country like the United + States a Representative has hardly ever a lasting hold on the minds of his + constituents. However small an electoral body may be, the fluctuations of + democracy are constantly changing its aspect; it must, therefore, be + courted unceasingly. He is never sure of his supporters, and, if they + forsake him, he is left without a resource; for his natural position is + not sufficiently elevated for him to be easily known to those not close to + him; and, with the complete state of independence prevailing among the + people, he cannot hope that his friends or the government will send him + down to be returned by an electoral body unacquainted with him. The seeds + of his fortune are, therefore, sown in his own neighborhood; from that + nook of earth he must start, to raise himself to the command of a people + and to influence the destinies of the world. Thus it is natural that in + democratic countries the members of political assemblies think more of + their constituents than of their party, whilst in aristocracies they think + more of their party than of their constituents. + </p> + <p> + But what ought to be said to gratify constituents is not always what ought + to be said in order to serve the party to which Representatives profess to + belong. The general interest of a party frequently demands that members + belonging to it should not speak on great questions which they understand + imperfectly; that they should speak but little on those minor questions + which impede the great ones; lastly, and for the most part, that they + should not speak at all. To keep silence is the most useful service that + an indifferent spokesman can render to the commonwealth. Constituents, + however, do not think so. The population of a district sends a + representative to take a part in the government of a country, because they + entertain a very lofty notion of his merits. As men appear greater in + proportion to the littleness of the objects by which they are surrounded, + it may be assumed that the opinion entertained of the delegate will be so + much the higher as talents are more rare among his constituents. It will + therefore frequently happen that the less constituents have to expect from + their representative, the more they will anticipate from him; and, however + incompetent he may be, they will not fail to call upon him for signal + exertions, corresponding to the rank they have conferred upon him. + </p> + <p> + Independently of his position as a legislator of the State, electors also + regard their Representative as the natural patron of the constituency in + the Legislature; they almost consider him as the proxy of each of his + supporters, and they flatter themselves that he will not be less zealous + in defense of their private interests than of those of the country. Thus + electors are well assured beforehand that the Representative of their + choice will be an orator; that he will speak often if he can, and that in + case he is forced to refrain, he will strive at any rate to compress into + his less frequent orations an inquiry into all the great questions of + state, combined with a statement of all the petty grievances they have + themselves to complain to; so that, though he be not able to come forward + frequently, he should on each occasion prove what he is capable of doing; + and that, instead of perpetually lavishing his powers, he should + occasionally condense them in a small compass, so as to furnish a sort of + complete and brilliant epitome of his constituents and of himself. On + these terms they will vote for him at the next election. These conditions + drive worthy men of humble abilities to despair, who, knowing their own + powers, would never voluntarily have come forward. But thus urged on, the + Representative begins to speak, to the great alarm of his friends; and + rushing imprudently into the midst of the most celebrated orators, he + perplexes the debate and wearies the House. + </p> + <p> + All laws which tend to make the Representative more dependent on the + elector, not only affect the conduct of the legislators, as I have + remarked elsewhere, but also their language. They exercise a simultaneous + influence on affairs themselves, and on the manner in which affairs are + discussed. + </p> + <p> + There is hardly a member of Congress who can make up his mind to go home + without having despatched at least one speech to his constituents; nor who + will endure any interruption until he has introduced into his harangue + whatever useful suggestions may be made touching the four-and-twenty + States of which the Union is composed, and especially the district which + he represents. He therefore presents to the mind of his auditors a + succession of great general truths (which he himself only comprehends, and + expresses, confusedly), and of petty minutia, which he is but too able to + discover and to point out. The consequence is that the debates of that + great assembly are frequently vague and perplexed, and that they seem + rather to drag their slow length along than to advance towards a distinct + object. Some such state of things will, I believe, always arise in the + public assemblies of democracies. + </p> + <p> + Propitious circumstances and good laws might succeed in drawing to the + legislature of a democratic people men very superior to those who are + returned by the Americans to Congress; but nothing will ever prevent the + men of slender abilities who sit there from obtruding themselves with + complacency, and in all ways, upon the public. The evil does not appear to + me to be susceptible of entire cure, because it not only originates in the + tactics of that assembly, but in its constitution and in that of the + country. The inhabitants of the United States seem themselves to consider + the matter in this light; and they show their long experience of + parliamentary life not by abstaining from making bad speeches, but by + courageously submitting to hear them made. They are resigned to it, as to + an evil which they know to be inevitable. + </p> + <p> + We have shown the petty side of political debates in democratic assemblies—let + us now exhibit the more imposing one. The proceedings within the + Parliament of England for the last one hundred and fifty years have never + occasioned any great sensation out of that country; the opinions and + feelings expressed by the speakers have never awakened much sympathy, even + amongst the nations placed nearest to the great arena of British liberty; + whereas Europe was excited by the very first debates which took place in + the small colonial assemblies of America at the time of the Revolution. + This was attributable not only to particular and fortuitous circumstances, + but to general and lasting causes. I can conceive nothing more admirable + or more powerful than a great orator debating on great questions of state + in a democratic assembly. As no particular class is ever represented there + by men commissioned to defend its own interests, it is always to the whole + nation, and in the name of the whole nation, that the orator speaks. This + expands his thoughts, and heightens his power of language. As precedents + have there but little weight-as there are no longer any privileges + attached to certain property, nor any rights inherent in certain bodies or + in certain individuals, the mind must have recourse to general truths + derived from human nature to resolve the particular question under + discussion. Hence the political debates of a democratic people, however + small it may be, have a degree of breadth which frequently renders them + attractive to mankind. All men are interested by them, because they treat + of man, who is everywhere the same. Amongst the greatest aristocratic + nations, on the contrary, the most general questions are almost always + argued on some special grounds derived from the practice of a particular + time, or the rights of a particular class; which interest that class + alone, or at most the people amongst whom that class happens to exist. It + is owing to this, as much as to the greatness of the French people, and + the favorable disposition of the nations who listen to them, that the + great effect which the French political debates sometimes produce in the + world, must be attributed. The orators of France frequently speak to + mankind, even when they are addressing their countrymen only. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT2" id="link2H_SECT2"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 2: Influence of Democracy on the Feelings of Americans + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0022" id="link2HCH0022"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter I: Why Democratic Nations Show A More Ardent And Enduring Love Of + Equality Than Of Liberty + </h2> + <p> + The first and most intense passion which is engendered by the equality of + conditions is, I need hardly say, the love of that same equality. My + readers will therefore not be surprised that I speak of its before all + others. Everybody has remarked that in our time, and especially in France, + this passion for equality is every day gaining ground in the human heart. + It has been said a hundred times that our contemporaries are far more + ardently and tenaciously attached to equality than to freedom; but as I do + not find that the causes of the fact have been sufficiently analyzed, I + shall endeavor to point them out. + </p> + <p> + It is possible to imagine an extreme point at which freedom and equality + would meet and be confounded together. Let us suppose that all the members + of the community take a part in the government, and that each of them has + an equal right to take a part in it. As none is different from his + fellows, none can exercise a tyrannical power: men will be perfectly free, + because they will all be entirely equal; and they will all be perfectly + equal, because they will be entirely free. To this ideal state democratic + nations tend. Such is the completest form that equality can assume upon + earth; but there are a thousand others which, without being equally + perfect, are not less cherished by those nations. + </p> + <p> + The principle of equality may be established in civil society, without + prevailing in the political world. Equal rights may exist of indulging in + the same pleasures, of entering the same professions, of frequenting the + same places—in a word, of living in the same manner and seeking + wealth by the same means, although all men do not take an equal share in + the government. A kind of equality may even be established in the + political world, though there should be no political freedom there. A man + may be the equal of all his countrymen save one, who is the master of all + without distinction, and who selects equally from among them all the + agents of his power. Several other combinations might be easily imagined, + by which very great equality would be united to institutions more or less + free, or even to institutions wholly without freedom. Although men cannot + become absolutely equal unless they be entirely free, and consequently + equality, pushed to its furthest extent, may be confounded with freedom, + yet there is good reason for distinguishing the one from the other. The + taste which men have for liberty, and that which they feel for equality, + are, in fact, two different things; and I am not afraid to add that, + amongst democratic nations, they are two unequal things. + </p> + <p> + Upon close inspection, it will be seen that there is in every age some + peculiar and preponderating fact with which all others are connected; this + fact almost always gives birth to some pregnant idea or some ruling + passion, which attracts to itself, and bears away in its course, all the + feelings and opinions of the time: it is like a great stream, towards + which each of the surrounding rivulets seems to flow. Freedom has appeared + in the world at different times and under various forms; it has not been + exclusively bound to any social condition, and it is not confined to + democracies. Freedom cannot, therefore, form the distinguishing + characteristic of democratic ages. The peculiar and preponderating fact + which marks those ages as its own is the equality of conditions; the + ruling passion of men in those periods is the love of this equality. Ask + not what singular charm the men of democratic ages find in being equal, or + what special reasons they may have for clinging so tenaciously to equality + rather than to the other advantages which society holds out to them: + equality is the distinguishing characteristic of the age they live in; + that, of itself, is enough to explain that they prefer it to all the rest. + </p> + <p> + But independently of this reason there are several others, which will at + all times habitually lead men to prefer equality to freedom. If a people + could ever succeed in destroying, or even in diminishing, the equality + which prevails in its own body, this could only be accomplished by long + and laborious efforts. Its social condition must be modified, its laws + abolished, its opinions superseded, its habits changed, its manners + corrupted. But political liberty is more easily lost; to neglect to hold + it fast is to allow it to escape. Men therefore not only cling to equality + because it is dear to them; they also adhere to it because they think it + will last forever. + </p> + <p> + That political freedom may compromise in its excesses the tranquillity, + the property, the lives of individuals, is obvious to the narrowest and + most unthinking minds. But, on the contrary, none but attentive and + clear-sighted men perceive the perils with which equality threatens us, + and they commonly avoid pointing them out. They know that the calamities + they apprehend are remote, and flatter themselves that they will only fall + upon future generations, for which the present generation takes but little + thought. The evils which freedom sometimes brings with it are immediate; + they are apparent to all, and all are more or less affected by them. The + evils which extreme equality may produce are slowly disclosed; they creep + gradually into the social frame; they are only seen at intervals, and at + the moment at which they become most violent habit already causes them to + be no longer felt. The advantages which freedom brings are only shown by + length of time; and it is always easy to mistake the cause in which they + originate. The advantages of equality are instantaneous, and they may + constantly be traced from their source. Political liberty bestows exalted + pleasures, from time to time, upon a certain number of citizens. Equality + every day confers a number of small enjoyments on every man. The charms of + equality are every instant felt, and are within the reach of all; the + noblest hearts are not insensible to them, and the most vulgar souls exult + in them. The passion which equality engenders must therefore be at once + strong and general. Men cannot enjoy political liberty unpurchased by some + sacrifices, and they never obtain it without great exertions. But the + pleasures of equality are self-proffered: each of the petty incidents of + life seems to occasion them, and in order to taste them nothing is + required but to live. + </p> + <p> + Democratic nations are at all times fond of equality, but there are + certain epochs at which the passion they entertain for it swells to the + height of fury. This occurs at the moment when the old social system, long + menaced, completes its own destruction after a last intestine struggle, + and when the barriers of rank are at length thrown down. At such times men + pounce upon equality as their booty, and they cling to it as to some + precious treasure which they fear to lose. The passion for equality + penetrates on every side into men's hearts, expands there, and fills them + entirely. Tell them not that by this blind surrender of themselves to an + exclusive passion they risk their dearest interests: they are deaf. Show + them not freedom escaping from their grasp, whilst they are looking + another way: they are blind—or rather, they can discern but one sole + object to be desired in the universe. + </p> + <p> + What I have said is applicable to all democratic nations: what I am about + to say concerns the French alone. Amongst most modern nations, and + especially amongst all those of the Continent of Europe, the taste and the + idea of freedom only began to exist and to extend themselves at the time + when social conditions were tending to equality, and as a consequence of + that very equality. Absolute kings were the most efficient levellers of + ranks amongst their subjects. Amongst these nations equality preceded + freedom: equality was therefore a fact of some standing when freedom was + still a novelty: the one had already created customs, opinions, and laws + belonging to it, when the other, alone and for the first time, came into + actual existence. Thus the latter was still only an affair of opinion and + of taste, whilst the former had already crept into the habits of the + people, possessed itself of their manners, and given a particular turn to + the smallest actions of their lives. Can it be wondered that the men of + our own time prefer the one to the other? + </p> + <p> + I think that democratic communities have a natural taste for freedom: left + to themselves, they will seek it, cherish it, and view any privation of it + with regret. But for equality, their passion is ardent, insatiable, + incessant, invincible: they call for equality in freedom; and if they + cannot obtain that, they still call for equality in slavery. They will + endure poverty, servitude, barbarism—but they will not endure + aristocracy. This is true at all times, and especially true in our own. + All men and all powers seeking to cope with this irresistible passion, + will be overthrown and destroyed by it. In our age, freedom cannot be + established without it, and despotism itself cannot reign without its + support. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0023" id="link2HCH0023"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter II: Of Individualism In Democratic Countries + </h2> + <p> + I have shown how it is that in ages of equality every man seeks for his + opinions within himself: I am now about to show how it is that, in the + same ages, all his feelings are turned towards himself alone. + Individualism *a is a novel expression, to which a novel idea has given + birth. Our fathers were only acquainted with egotism. Egotism is a + passionate and exaggerated love of self, which leads a man to connect + everything with his own person, and to prefer himself to everything in the + world. Individualism is a mature and calm feeling, which disposes each + member of the community to sever himself from the mass of his + fellow-creatures; and to draw apart with his family and his friends; so + that, after he has thus formed a little circle of his own, he willingly + leaves society at large to itself. Egotism originates in blind instinct: + individualism proceeds from erroneous judgment more than from depraved + feelings; it originates as much in the deficiencies of the mind as in the + perversity of the heart. Egotism blights the germ of all virtue; + individualism, at first, only saps the virtues of public life; but, in the + long run, it attacks and destroys all others, and is at length absorbed in + downright egotism. Egotism is a vice as old as the world, which does not + belong to one form of society more than to another: individualism is of + democratic origin, and it threatens to spread in the same ratio as the + equality of conditions. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + a <br /> [ [I adopt the expression of the original, however strange it may + seem to the English ear, partly because it illustrates the remark on the + introduction of general terms into democratic language which was made in a + preceding chapter, and partly because I know of no English word exactly + equivalent to the expression. The chapter itself defines the meaning + attached to it by the author.—Translator's Note.]] + </p> + <p> + Amongst aristocratic nations, as families remain for centuries in the same + condition, often on the same spot, all generations become as it were + contemporaneous. A man almost always knows his forefathers, and respects + them: he thinks he already sees his remote descendants, and he loves them. + He willingly imposes duties on himself towards the former and the latter; + and he will frequently sacrifice his personal gratifications to those who + went before and to those who will come after him. Aristocratic + institutions have, moreover, the effect of closely binding every man to + several of his fellow-citizens. As the classes of an aristocratic people + are strongly marked and permanent, each of them is regarded by its own + members as a sort of lesser country, more tangible and more cherished than + the country at large. As in aristocratic communities all the citizens + occupy fixed positions, one above the other, the result is that each of + them always sees a man above himself whose patronage is necessary to him, + and below himself another man whose co-operation he may claim. Men living + in aristocratic ages are therefore almost always closely attached to + something placed out of their own sphere, and they are often disposed to + forget themselves. It is true that in those ages the notion of human + fellowship is faint, and that men seldom think of sacrificing themselves + for mankind; but they often sacrifice themselves for other men. In + democratic ages, on the contrary, when the duties of each individual to + the race are much more clear, devoted service to any one man becomes more + rare; the bond of human affection is extended, but it is relaxed. + </p> + <p> + Amongst democratic nations new families are constantly springing up, + others are constantly falling away, and all that remain change their + condition; the woof of time is every instant broken, and the track of + generations effaced. Those who went before are soon forgotten; of those + who will come after no one has any idea: the interest of man is confined + to those in close propinquity to himself. As each class approximates to + other classes, and intermingles with them, its members become indifferent + and as strangers to one another. Aristocracy had made a chain of all the + members of the community, from the peasant to the king: democracy breaks + that chain, and severs every link of it. As social conditions become more + equal, the number of persons increases who, although they are neither rich + enough nor powerful enough to exercise any great influence over their + fellow-creatures, have nevertheless acquired or retained sufficient + education and fortune to satisfy their own wants. They owe nothing to any + man, they expect nothing from any man; they acquire the habit of always + considering themselves as standing alone, and they are apt to imagine that + their whole destiny is in their own hands. Thus not only does democracy + make every man forget his ancestors, but it hides his descendants, and + separates his contemporaries from him; it throws him back forever upon + himself alone, and threatens in the end to confine him entirely within the + solitude of his own heart. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0024" id="link2HCH0024"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter III: Individualism Stronger At The Close Of A Democratic + Revolution Than At Other Periods + </h2> + <p> + The period when the construction of democratic society upon the ruins of + an aristocracy has just been completed, is especially that at which this + separation of men from one another, and the egotism resulting from it, + most forcibly strike the observation. Democratic communities not only + contain a large number of independent citizens, but they are constantly + filled with men who, having entered but yesterday upon their independent + condition, are intoxicated with their new power. They entertain a + presumptuous confidence in their strength, and as they do not suppose that + they can henceforward ever have occasion to claim the assistance of their + fellow-creatures, they do not scruple to show that they care for nobody + but themselves. + </p> + <p> + An aristocracy seldom yields without a protracted struggle, in the course + of which implacable animosities are kindled between the different classes + of society. These passions survive the victory, and traces of them may be + observed in the midst of the democratic confusion which ensues. Those + members of the community who were at the top of the late gradations of + rank cannot immediately forget their former greatness; they will long + regard themselves as aliens in the midst of the newly composed society. + They look upon all those whom this state of society has made their equals + as oppressors, whose destiny can excite no sympathy; they have lost sight + of their former equals, and feel no longer bound by a common interest to + their fate: each of them, standing aloof, thinks that he is reduced to + care for himself alone. Those, on the contrary, who were formerly at the + foot of the social scale, and who have been brought up to the common level + by a sudden revolution, cannot enjoy their newly acquired independence + without secret uneasiness; and if they meet with some of their former + superiors on the same footing as themselves, they stand aloof from them + with an expression of triumph and of fear. It is, then, commonly at the + outset of democratic society that citizens are most disposed to live + apart. Democracy leads men not to draw near to their fellow-creatures; but + democratic revolutions lead them to shun each other, and perpetuate in a + state of equality the animosities which the state of inequality + engendered. The great advantage of the Americans is that they have arrived + at a state of democracy without having to endure a democratic revolution; + and that they are born equal, instead of becoming so. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0025" id="link2HCH0025"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter IV: That The Americans Combat The Effects Of Individualism By Free + Institutions + </h2> + <p> + Despotism, which is of a very timorous nature, is never more secure of + continuance than when it can keep men asunder; and all is influence is + commonly exerted for that purpose. No vice of the human heart is so + acceptable to it as egotism: a despot easily forgives his subjects for not + loving him, provided they do not love each other. He does not ask them to + assist him in governing the State; it is enough that they do not aspire to + govern it themselves. He stigmatizes as turbulent and unruly spirits those + who would combine their exertions to promote the prosperity of the + community, and, perverting the natural meaning of words, he applauds as + good citizens those who have no sympathy for any but themselves. Thus the + vices which despotism engenders are precisely those which equality + fosters. These two things mutually and perniciously complete and assist + each other. Equality places men side by side, unconnected by any common + tie; despotism raises barriers to keep them asunder; the former + predisposes them not to consider their fellow-creatures, the latter makes + general indifference a sort of public virtue. + </p> + <p> + Despotism then, which is at all times dangerous, is more particularly to + be feared in democratic ages. It is easy to see that in those same ages + men stand most in need of freedom. When the members of a community are + forced to attend to public affairs, they are necessarily drawn from the + circle of their own interests, and snatched at times from + self-observation. As soon as a man begins to treat of public affairs in + public, he begins to perceive that he is not so independent of his + fellow-men as he had at first imagined, and that, in order to obtain their + support, he must often lend them his co-operation. + </p> + <p> + When the public is supreme, there is no man who does not feel the value of + public goodwill, or who does not endeavor to court it by drawing to + himself the esteem and affection of those amongst whom he is to live. Many + of the passions which congeal and keep asunder human hearts, are then + obliged to retire and hide below the surface. Pride must be dissembled; + disdain dares not break out; egotism fears its own self. Under a free + government, as most public offices are elective, the men whose elevated + minds or aspiring hopes are too closely circumscribed in private life, + constantly feel that they cannot do without the population which surrounds + them. Men learn at such times to think of their fellow-men from ambitious + motives; and they frequently find it, in a manner, their interest to + forget themselves. + </p> + <p> + I may here be met by an objection derived from electioneering intrigues, + the meannesses of candidates, and the calumnies of their opponents. These + are opportunities for animosity which occur the oftener the more frequent + elections become. Such evils are doubtless great, but they are transient; + whereas the benefits which attend them remain. The desire of being elected + may lead some men for a time to violent hostility; but this same desire + leads all men in the long run mutually to support each other; and if it + happens that an election accidentally severs two friends, the electoral + system brings a multitude of citizens permanently together, who would + always have remained unknown to each other. Freedom engenders private + animosities, but despotism gives birth to general indifference. + </p> + <p> + The Americans have combated by free institutions the tendency of equality + to keep men asunder, and they have subdued it. The legislators of America + did not suppose that a general representation of the whole nation would + suffice to ward off a disorder at once so natural to the frame of + democratic society, and so fatal: they also thought that it would be well + to infuse political life into each portion of the territory, in order to + multiply to an infinite extent opportunities of acting in concert for all + the members of the community, and to make them constantly feel their + mutual dependence on each other. The plan was a wise one. The general + affairs of a country only engage the attention of leading politicians, who + assemble from time to time in the same places; and as they often lose + sight of each other afterwards, no lasting ties are established between + them. But if the object be to have the local affairs of a district + conducted by the men who reside there, the same persons are always in + contact, and they are, in a manner, forced to be acquainted, and to adapt + themselves to one another. + </p> + <p> + It is difficult to draw a man out of his own circle to interest him in the + destiny of the State, because he does not clearly understand what + influence the destiny of the State can have upon his own lot. But if it be + proposed to make a road cross the end of his estate, he will see at a + glance that there is a connection between this small public affair and his + greatest private affairs; and he will discover, without its being shown to + him, the close tie which unites private to general interest. Thus, far + more may be done by intrusting to the citizens the administration of minor + affairs than by surrendering to them the control of important ones, + towards interesting them in the public welfare, and convincing them that + they constantly stand in need one of the other in order to provide for it. + A brilliant achievement may win for you the favor of a people at one + stroke; but to earn the love and respect of the population which surrounds + you, a long succession of little services rendered and of obscure good + deeds—a constant habit of kindness, and an established reputation + for disinterestedness—will be required. Local freedom, then, which + leads a great number of citizens to value the affection of their neighbors + and of their kindred, perpetually brings men together, and forces them to + help one another, in spite of the propensities which sever them. + </p> + <p> + In the United States the more opulent citizens take great care not to + stand aloof from the people; on the contrary, they constantly keep on easy + terms with the lower classes: they listen to them, they speak to them + every day. They know that the rich in democracies always stand in need of + the poor; and that in democratic ages you attach a poor man to you more by + your manner than by benefits conferred. The magnitude of such benefits, + which sets off the difference of conditions, causes a secret irritation to + those who reap advantage from them; but the charm of simplicity of manners + is almost irresistible: their affability carries men away, and even their + want of polish is not always displeasing. This truth does not take root at + once in the minds of the rich. They generally resist it as long as the + democratic revolution lasts, and they do not acknowledge it immediately + after that revolution is accomplished. They are very ready to do good to + the people, but they still choose to keep them at arm's length; they think + that is sufficient, but they are mistaken. They might spend fortunes thus + without warming the hearts of the population around them;—that + population does not ask them for the sacrifice of their money, but of + their pride. + </p> + <p> + It would seem as if every imagination in the United States were upon the + stretch to invent means of increasing the wealth and satisfying the wants + of the public. The best-informed inhabitants of each district constantly + use their information to discover new truths which may augment the general + prosperity; and if they have made any such discoveries, they eagerly + surrender them to the mass of the people. + </p> + <p> + When the vices and weaknesses, frequently exhibited by those who govern in + America, are closely examined, the prosperity of the people occasions—but + improperly occasions—surprise. Elected magistrates do not make the + American democracy flourish; it flourishes because the magistrates are + elective. + </p> + <p> + It would be unjust to suppose that the patriotism and the zeal which every + American displays for the welfare of his fellow-citizens are wholly + insincere. Although private interest directs the greater part of human + actions in the United States as well as elsewhere, it does not regulate + them all. I must say that I have often seen Americans make great and real + sacrifices to the public welfare; and I have remarked a hundred instances + in which they hardly ever failed to lend faithful support to each other. + The free institutions which the inhabitants of the United States possess, + and the political rights of which they make so much use, remind every + citizen, and in a thousand ways, that he lives in society. They every + instant impress upon his mind the notion that it is the duty, as well as + the interest of men, to make themselves useful to their fellow-creatures; + and as he sees no particular ground of animosity to them, since he is + never either their master or their slave, his heart readily leans to the + side of kindness. Men attend to the interests of the public, first by + necessity, afterwards by choice: what was intentional becomes an instinct; + and by dint of working for the good of one's fellow citizens, the habit + and the taste for serving them is at length acquired. + </p> + <p> + Many people in France consider equality of conditions as one evil, and + political freedom as a second. When they are obliged to yield to the + former, they strive at least to escape from the latter. But I contend that + in order to combat the evils which equality may produce, there is only one + effectual remedy—namely, political freedom. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0026" id="link2HCH0026"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter V: Of The Use Which The Americans Make Of Public Associations In + Civil Life + </h2> + <p> + I do not propose to speak of those political associations—by the aid + of which men endeavor to defend themselves against the despotic influence + of a majority—or against the aggressions of regal power. That + subject I have already treated. If each citizen did not learn, in + proportion as he individually becomes more feeble, and consequently more + incapable of preserving his freedom single-handed, to combine with his + fellow-citizens for the purpose of defending it, it is clear that tyranny + would unavoidably increase together with equality. + </p> + <p> + Those associations only which are formed in civil life, without reference + to political objects, are here adverted to. The political associations + which exist in the United States are only a single feature in the midst of + the immense assemblage of associations in that country. Americans of all + ages, all conditions, and all dispositions, constantly form associations. + They have not only commercial and manufacturing companies, in which all + take part, but associations of a thousand other kinds—religious, + moral, serious, futile, extensive, or restricted, enormous or diminutive. + The Americans make associations to give entertainments, to found + establishments for education, to build inns, to construct churches, to + diffuse books, to send missionaries to the antipodes; and in this manner + they found hospitals, prisons, and schools. If it be proposed to advance + some truth, or to foster some feeling by the encouragement of a great + example, they form a society. Wherever, at the head of some new + undertaking, you see the government in France, or a man of rank in + England, in the United States you will be sure to find an association. I + met with several kinds of associations in America, of which I confess I + had no previous notion; and I have often admired the extreme skill with + which the inhabitants of the United States succeed in proposing a common + object to the exertions of a great many men, and in getting them + voluntarily to pursue it. I have since travelled over England, whence the + Americans have taken some of their laws and many of their customs; and it + seemed to me that the principle of association was by no means so + constantly or so adroitly used in that country. The English often perform + great things singly; whereas the Americans form associations for the + smallest undertakings. It is evident that the former people consider + association as a powerful means of action, but the latter seem to regard + it as the only means they have of acting. + </p> + <p> + Thus the most democratic country on the face of the earth is that in which + men have in our time carried to the highest perfection the art of pursuing + in common the object of their common desires, and have applied this new + science to the greatest number of purposes. Is this the result of + accident? or is there in reality any necessary connection between the + principle of association and that of equality? Aristocratic communities + always contain, amongst a multitude of persons who by themselves are + powerless, a small number of powerful and wealthy citizens, each of whom + can achieve great undertakings single-handed. In aristocratic societies + men do not need to combine in order to act, because they are strongly held + together. Every wealthy and powerful citizen constitutes the head of a + permanent and compulsory association, composed of all those who are + dependent upon him, or whom he makes subservient to the execution of his + designs. Amongst democratic nations, on the contrary, all the citizens are + independent and feeble; they can do hardly anything by themselves, and + none of them can oblige his fellow-men to lend him their assistance. They + all, therefore, fall into a state of incapacity, if they do not learn + voluntarily to help each other. If men living in democratic countries had + no right and no inclination to associate for political purposes, their + independence would be in great jeopardy; but they might long preserve + their wealth and their cultivation: whereas if they never acquired the + habit of forming associations in ordinary life, civilization itself would + be endangered. A people amongst which individuals should lose the power of + achieving great things single-handed, without acquiring the means of + producing them by united exertions, would soon relapse into barbarism. + </p> + <p> + Unhappily, the same social condition which renders associations so + necessary to democratic nations, renders their formation more difficult + amongst those nations than amongst all others. When several members of an + aristocracy agree to combine, they easily succeed in doing so; as each of + them brings great strength to the partnership, the number of its members + may be very limited; and when the members of an association are limited in + number, they may easily become mutually acquainted, understand each other, + and establish fixed regulations. The same opportunities do not occur + amongst democratic nations, where the associated members must always be + very numerous for their association to have any power. + </p> + <p> + I am aware that many of my countrymen are not in the least embarrassed by + this difficulty. They contend that the more enfeebled and incompetent the + citizens become, the more able and active the government ought to be + rendered, in order that society at large may execute what individuals can + no longer accomplish. They believe this answers the whole difficulty, but + I think they are mistaken. A government might perform the part of some of + the largest American companies; and several States, members of the Union, + have already attempted it; but what political power could ever carry on + the vast multitude of lesser undertakings which the American citizens + perform every day, with the assistance of the principle of association? It + is easy to foresee that the time is drawing near when man will be less and + less able to produce, of himself alone, the commonest necessaries of life. + The task of the governing power will therefore perpetually increase, and + its very efforts will extend it every day. The more it stands in the place + of associations, the more will individuals, losing the notion of combining + together, require its assistance: these are causes and effects which + unceasingly engender each other. Will the administration of the country + ultimately assume the management of all the manufacturers, which no single + citizen is able to carry on? And if a time at length arrives, when, in + consequence of the extreme subdivision of landed property, the soil is + split into an infinite number of parcels, so that it can only be + cultivated by companies of husbandmen, will it be necessary that the head + of the government should leave the helm of state to follow the plough? The + morals and the intelligence of a democratic people would be as much + endangered as its business and manufactures, if the government ever wholly + usurped the place of private companies. + </p> + <p> + Feelings and opinions are recruited, the heart is enlarged, and the human + mind is developed by no other means than by the reciprocal influence of + men upon each other. I have shown that these influences are almost null in + democratic countries; they must therefore be artificially created, and + this can only be accomplished by associations. + </p> + <p> + When the members of an aristocratic community adopt a new opinion, or + conceive a new sentiment, they give it a station, as it were, beside + themselves, upon the lofty platform where they stand; and opinions or + sentiments so conspicuous to the eyes of the multitude are easily + introduced into the minds or hearts of all around. In democratic countries + the governing power alone is naturally in a condition to act in this + manner; but it is easy to see that its action is always inadequate, and + often dangerous. A government can no more be competent to keep alive and + to renew the circulation of opinions and feelings amongst a great people, + than to manage all the speculations of productive industry. No sooner does + a government attempt to go beyond its political sphere and to enter upon + this new track, than it exercises, even unintentionally, an insupportable + tyranny; for a government can only dictate strict rules, the opinions + which it favors are rigidly enforced, and it is never easy to discriminate + between its advice and its commands. Worse still will be the case if the + government really believes itself interested in preventing all circulation + of ideas; it will then stand motionless, and oppressed by the heaviness of + voluntary torpor. Governments therefore should not be the only active + powers: associations ought, in democratic nations, to stand in lieu of + those powerful private individuals whom the equality of conditions has + swept away. + </p> + <p> + As soon as several of the inhabitants of the United States have taken up + an opinion or a feeling which they wish to promote in the world, they look + out for mutual assistance; and as soon as they have found each other out, + they combine. From that moment they are no longer isolated men, but a + power seen from afar, whose actions serve for an example, and whose + language is listened to. The first time I heard in the United States that + 100,000 men had bound themselves publicly to abstain from spirituous + liquors, it appeared to me more like a joke than a serious engagement; and + I did not at once perceive why these temperate citizens could not content + themselves with drinking water by their own firesides. I at last + understood that 300,000 Americans, alarmed by the progress of drunkenness + around them, had made up their minds to patronize temperance. They acted + just in the same way as a man of high rank who should dress very plainly, + in order to inspire the humbler orders with a contempt of luxury. It is + probable that if these 100,000 men had lived in France, each of them would + singly have memorialized the government to watch the public-houses all + over the kingdom. + </p> + <p> + Nothing, in my opinion, is more deserving of our attention than the + intellectual and moral associations of America. The political and + industrial associations of that country strike us forcibly; but the others + elude our observation, or if we discover them, we understand them + imperfectly, because we have hardly ever seen anything of the kind. It + must, however, be acknowledged that they are as necessary to the American + people as the former, and perhaps more so. In democratic countries the + science of association is the mother of science; the progress of all the + rest depends upon the progress it has made. Amongst the laws which rule + human societies there is one which seems to be more precise and clear than + all others. If men are to remain civilized, or to become so, the art of + associating together must grow and improve in the same ratio in which the + equality of conditions is increased. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0027" id="link2HCH0027"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter VI: Of The Relation Between Public Associations And Newspapers + </h2> + <p> + When men are no longer united amongst themselves by firm and lasting ties, + it is impossible to obtain the cooperation of any great number of them, + unless you can persuade every man whose concurrence you require that this + private interest obliges him voluntarily to unite his exertions to the + exertions of all the rest. This can only be habitually and conveniently + effected by means of a newspaper; nothing but a newspaper can drop the + same thought into a thousand minds at the same moment. A newspaper is an + adviser who does not require to be sought, but who comes of his own + accord, and talks to you briefly every day of the common weal, without + distracting you from your private affairs. + </p> + <p> + Newspapers therefore become more necessary in proportion as men become + more equal, and individualism more to be feared. To suppose that they only + serve to protect freedom would be to diminish their importance: they + maintain civilization. I shall not deny that in democratic countries + newspapers frequently lead the citizens to launch together in very + ill-digested schemes; but if there were no newspapers there would be no + common activity. The evil which they produce is therefore much less than + that which they cure. + </p> + <p> + The effect of a newspaper is not only to suggest the same purpose to a + great number of persons, but also to furnish means for executing in common + the designs which they may have singly conceived. The principal citizens + who inhabit an aristocratic country discern each other from afar; and if + they wish to unite their forces, they move towards each other, drawing a + multitude of men after them. It frequently happens, on the contrary, in + democratic countries, that a great number of men who wish or who want to + combine cannot accomplish it, because as they are very insignificant and + lost amidst the crowd, they cannot see, and know not where to find, one + another. A newspaper then takes up the notion or the feeling which had + occurred simultaneously, but singly, to each of them. All are then + immediately guided towards this beacon; and these wandering minds, which + had long sought each other in darkness, at length meet and unite. + </p> + <p> + The newspaper brought them together, and the newspaper is still necessary + to keep them united. In order that an association amongst a democratic + people should have any power, it must be a numerous body. The persons of + whom it is composed are therefore scattered over a wide extent, and each + of them is detained in the place of his domicile by the narrowness of his + income, or by the small unremitting exertions by which he earns it. Means + then must be found to converse every day without seeing each other, and to + take steps in common without having met. Thus hardly any democratic + association can do without newspapers. There is consequently a necessary + connection between public associations and newspapers: newspapers make + associations, and associations make newspapers; and if it has been + correctly advanced that associations will increase in number as the + conditions of men become more equal, it is not less certain that the + number of newspapers increases in proportion to that of associations. Thus + it is in America that we find at the same time the greatest number of + associations and of newspapers. + </p> + <p> + This connection between the number of newspapers and that of associations + leads us to the discovery of a further connection between the state of the + periodical press and the form of the administration in a country; and + shows that the number of newspapers must diminish or increase amongst a + democratic people, in proportion as its administration is more or less + centralized. For amongst democratic nations the exercise of local powers + cannot be intrusted to the principal members of the community as in + aristocracies. Those powers must either be abolished, or placed in the + hands of very large numbers of men, who then in fact constitute an + association permanently established by law for the purpose of + administering the affairs of a certain extent of territory; and they + require a journal, to bring to them every day, in the midst of their own + minor concerns, some intelligence of the state of their public weal. The + more numerous local powers are, the greater is the number of men in whom + they are vested by law; and as this want is hourly felt, the more + profusely do newspapers abound. + </p> + <p> + The extraordinary subdivision of administrative power has much more to do + with the enormous number of American newspapers than the great political + freedom of the country and the absolute liberty of the press. If all the + inhabitants of the Union had the suffrage—but a suffrage which + should only extend to the choice of their legislators in Congress—they + would require but few newspapers, because they would only have to act + together on a few very important but very rare occasions. But within the + pale of the great association of the nation, lesser associations have been + established by law in every country, every city, and indeed in every + village, for the purposes of local administration. The laws of the country + thus compel every American to co-operate every day of his life with some + of his fellow-citizens for a common purpose, and each one of them requires + a newspaper to inform him what all the others are doing. + </p> + <p> + I am of opinion that a democratic people, *a without any national + representative assemblies, but with a great number of small local powers, + would have in the end more newspapers than another people governed by a + centralized administration and an elective legislation. What best explains + to me the enormous circulation of the daily press in the United States, is + that amongst the Americans I find the utmost national freedom combined + with local freedom of every kind. There is a prevailing opinion in France + and England that the circulation of newspapers would be indefinitely + increased by removing the taxes which have been laid upon the press. This + is a very exaggerated estimate of the effects of such a reform. Newspapers + increase in numbers, not according to their cheapness, but according to + the more or less frequent want which a great number of men may feel for + intercommunication and combination. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + a <br /> [ I say a democratic people: the administration of an aristocratic + people may be the reverse of centralized, and yet the want of newspapers + be little felt, because local powers are then vested in the hands of a + very small number of men, who either act apart, or who know each other and + can easily meet and come to an understanding.] + </p> + <p> + In like manner I should attribute the increasing influence of the daily + press to causes more general than those by which it is commonly explained. + A newspaper can only subsist on the condition of publishing sentiments or + principles common to a large number of men. A newspaper therefore always + represents an association which is composed of its habitual readers. This + association may be more or less defined, more or less restricted, more or + less numerous; but the fact that the newspaper keeps alive, is a proof + that at least the germ of such an association exists in the minds of its + readers. + </p> + <p> + This leads me to a last reflection, with which I shall conclude this + chapter. The more equal the conditions of men become, and the less strong + men individually are, the more easily do they give way to the current of + the multitude, and the more difficult is it for them to adhere by + themselves to an opinion which the multitude discard. A newspaper + represents an association; it may be said to address each of its readers + in the name of all the others, and to exert its influence over them in + proportion to their individual weakness. The power of the newspaper press + must therefore increase as the social conditions of men become more equal. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0028" id="link2HCH0028"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter VII: Connection Of Civil And Political Associations + </h2> + <p> + There is only one country on the face of the earth where the citizens + enjoy unlimited freedom of association for political purposes. This same + country is the only one in the world where the continual exercise of the + right of association has been introduced into civil life, and where all + the advantages which civilization can confer are procured by means of it. + In all the countries where political associations are prohibited, civil + associations are rare. It is hardly probable that this is the result of + accident; but the inference should rather be, that there is a natural, and + perhaps a necessary, connection between these two kinds of associations. + Certain men happen to have a common interest in some concern—either + a commercial undertaking is to be managed, or some speculation in + manufactures to be tried; they meet, they combine, and thus by degrees + they become familiar with the principle of association. The greater is the + multiplicity of small affairs, the more do men, even without knowing it, + acquire facility in prosecuting great undertakings in common. Civil + associations, therefore, facilitate political association: but, on the + other hand, political association singularly strengthens and improves + associations for civil purposes. In civil life every man may, strictly + speaking, fancy that he can provide for his own wants; in politics, he can + fancy no such thing. When a people, then, have any knowledge of public + life, the notion of association, and the wish to coalesce, present + themselves every day to the minds of the whole community: whatever natural + repugnance may restrain men from acting in concert, they will always be + ready to combine for the sake of a party. Thus political life makes the + love and practice of association more general; it imparts a desire of + union, and teaches the means of combination to numbers of men who would + have always lived apart. + </p> + <p> + Politics not only give birth to numerous associations, but to associations + of great extent. In civil life it seldom happens that any one interest + draws a very large number of men to act in concert; much skill is required + to bring such an interest into existence: but in politics opportunities + present themselves every day. Now it is solely in great associations that + the general value of the principle of association is displayed. Citizens + who are individually powerless, do not very clearly anticipate the + strength which they may acquire by uniting together; it must be shown to + them in order to be understood. Hence it is often easier to collect a + multitude for a public purpose than a few persons; a thousand citizens do + not see what interest they have in combining together—ten thousand + will be perfectly aware of it. In politics men combine for great + undertakings; and the use they make of the principle of association in + important affairs practically teaches them that it is their interest to + help each other in those of less moment. A political association draws a + number of individuals at the same time out of their own circle: however + they may be naturally kept asunder by age, mind, and fortune, it places + them nearer together and brings them into contact. Once met, they can + always meet again. + </p> + <p> + Men can embark in few civil partnerships without risking a portion of + their possessions; this is the case with all manufacturing and trading + companies. When men are as yet but little versed in the art of + association, and are unacquainted with its principal rules, they are + afraid, when first they combine in this manner, of buying their experience + dear. They therefore prefer depriving themselves of a powerful instrument + of success to running the risks which attend the use of it. They are, + however, less reluctant to join political associations, which appear to + them to be without danger, because they adventure no money in them. But + they cannot belong to these associations for any length of time without + finding out how order is maintained amongst a large number of men, and by + what contrivance they are made to advance, harmoniously and methodically, + to the same object. Thus they learn to surrender their own will to that of + all the rest, and to make their own exertions subordinate to the common + impulse—things which it is not less necessary to know in civil than + in political associations. Political associations may therefore be + considered as large free schools, where all the members of the community + go to learn the general theory of association. + </p> + <p> + But even if political association did not directly contribute to the + progress of civil association, to destroy the former would be to impair + the latter. When citizens can only meet in public for certain purposes, + they regard such meetings as a strange proceeding of rare occurrence, and + they rarely think at all about it. When they are allowed to meet freely + for all purposes, they ultimately look upon public association as the + universal, or in a manner the sole means, which men can employ to + accomplish the different purposes they may have in view. Every new want + instantly revives the notion. The art of association then becomes, as I + have said before, the mother of action, studied and applied by all. + </p> + <p> + When some kinds of associations are prohibited and others allowed, it is + difficult to distinguish the former from the latter, beforehand. In this + state of doubt men abstain from them altogether, and a sort of public + opinion passes current which tends to cause any association whatsoever to + be regarded as a bold and almost an illicit enterprise. *a + </p> + <p class="foot"> + a <br /> [ This is more especially true when the executive government has a + discretionary power of allowing or prohibiting associations. When certain + associations are simply prohibited by law, and the courts of justice have + to punish infringements of that law, the evil is far less considerable. + Then every citizen knows beforehand pretty nearly what he has to expect. + He judges himself before he is judged by the law, and, abstaining from + prohibited associations, he embarks in those which are legally sanctioned. + It is by these restrictions that all free nations have always admitted + that the right of association might be limited. But if the legislature + should invest a man with a power of ascertaining beforehand which + associations are dangerous and which are useful, and should authorize him + to destroy all associations in the bud or allow them to be formed, as + nobody would be able to foresee in what cases associations might be + established and in what cases they would be put down, the spirit of + association would be entirely paralyzed. The former of these laws would + only assail certain associations; the latter would apply to society + itself, and inflict an injury upon it. I can conceive that a regular + government may have recourse to the former, but I do not concede that any + government has the right of enacting the latter.] + </p> + <p> + It is therefore chimerical to suppose that the spirit of association, when + it is repressed on some one point, will nevertheless display the same + vigor on all others; and that if men be allowed to prosecute certain + undertakings in common, that is quite enough for them eagerly to set about + them. When the members of a community are allowed and accustomed to + combine for all purposes, they will combine as readily for the lesser as + for the more important ones; but if they are only allowed to combine for + small affairs, they will be neither inclined nor able to effect it. It is + in vain that you will leave them entirely free to prosecute their business + on joint-stock account: they will hardly care to avail themselves of the + rights you have granted to them; and, after having exhausted your strength + in vain efforts to put down prohibited associations, you will be surprised + that you cannot persuade men to form the associations you encourage. + </p> + <p> + I do not say that there can be no civil associations in a country where + political association is prohibited; for men can never live in society + without embarking in some common undertakings: but I maintain that in such + a country civil associations will always be few in number, feebly planned, + unskillfully managed, that they will never form any vast designs, or that + they will fail in the execution of them. + </p> + <p> + This naturally leads me to think that freedom of association in political + matters is not so dangerous to public tranquillity as is supposed; and + that possibly, after having agitated society for some time, it may + strengthen the State in the end. In democratic countries political + associations are, so to speak, the only powerful persons who aspire to + rule the State. Accordingly, the governments of our time look upon + associations of this kind just as sovereigns in the Middle Ages regarded + the great vassals of the Crown: they entertain a sort of instinctive + abhorrence of them, and they combat them on all occasions. They bear, on + the contrary, a natural goodwill to civil associations, because they + readily discover that, instead of directing the minds of the community to + public affairs, these institutions serve to divert them from such + reflections; and that, by engaging them more and more in the pursuit of + objects which cannot be attained without public tranquillity, they deter + them from revolutions. But these governments do not attend to the fact + that political associations tend amazingly to multiply and facilitate + those of a civil character, and that in avoiding a dangerous evil they + deprive themselves of an efficacious remedy. + </p> + <p> + When you see the Americans freely and constantly forming associations for + the purpose of promoting some political principle, of raising one man to + the head of affairs, or of wresting power from another, you have some + difficulty in understanding that men so independent do not constantly fall + into the abuse of freedom. If, on the other hand, you survey the infinite + number of trading companies which are in operation in the United States, + and perceive that the Americans are on every side unceasingly engaged in + the execution of important and difficult plans, which the slightest + revolution would throw into confusion, you will readily comprehend why + people so well employed are by no means tempted to perturb the State, nor + to destroy that public tranquillity by which they all profit. + </p> + <p> + Is it enough to observe these things separately, or should we not discover + the hidden tie which connects them? In their political associations, the + Americans of all conditions, minds, and ages, daily acquire a general + taste for association, and grow accustomed to the use of it. There they + meet together in large numbers, they converse, they listen to each other, + and they are mutually stimulated to all sorts of undertakings. They + afterwards transfer to civil life the notions they have thus acquired, and + make them subservient to a thousand purposes. Thus it is by the enjoyment + of a dangerous freedom that the Americans learn the art of rendering the + dangers of freedom less formidable. + </p> + <p> + If a certain moment in the existence of a nation be selected, it is easy + to prove that political associations perturb the State, and paralyze + productive industry; but take the whole life of a people, and it may + perhaps be easy to demonstrate that freedom of association in political + matters is favorable to the prosperity and even to the tranquillity of the + community. + </p> + <p> + I said in the former part of this work, "The unrestrained liberty of + political association cannot be entirely assimilated to the liberty of the + press. The one is at the same time less necessary and more dangerous than + the other. A nation may confine it within certain limits without ceasing + to be mistress of itself; and it may sometimes be obliged to do so in + order to maintain its own authority." And further on I added: "It cannot + be denied that the unrestrained liberty of association for political + purposes is the last degree of liberty which a people is fit for. If it + does not throw them into anarchy, it perpetually brings them, as it were, + to the verge of it." Thus I do not think that a nation is always at + liberty to invest its citizens with an absolute right of association for + political purposes; and I doubt whether, in any country or in any age, it + be wise to set no limits to freedom of association. A certain nation, it + is said, could not maintain tranquillity in the community, cause the laws + to be respected, or establish a lasting government, if the right of + association were not confined within narrow limits. These blessings are + doubtless invaluable, and I can imagine that, to acquire or to preserve + them, a nation may impose upon itself severe temporary restrictions: but + still it is well that the nation should know at what price these blessings + are purchased. I can understand that it may be advisable to cut off a + man's arm in order to save his life; but it would be ridiculous to assert + that he will be as dexterous as he was before he lost it. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0029" id="link2HCH0029"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter VIII: The Americans Combat Individualism By The Principle Of + Interest Rightly Understood + </h2> + <p> + When the world was managed by a few rich and powerful individuals, these + persons loved to entertain a lofty idea of the duties of man. They were + fond of professing that it is praiseworthy to forget one's self, and that + good should be done without hope of reward, as it is by the Deity himself. + Such were the standard opinions of that time in morals. I doubt whether + men were more virtuous in aristocratic ages than in others; but they were + incessantly talking of the beauties of virtue, and its utility was only + studied in secret. But since the imagination takes less lofty flights and + every man's thoughts are centred in himself, moralists are alarmed by this + idea of self-sacrifice, and they no longer venture to present it to the + human mind. They therefore content themselves with inquiring whether the + personal advantage of each member of the community does not consist in + working for the good of all; and when they have hit upon some point on + which private interest and public interest meet and amalgamate, they are + eager to bring it into notice. Observations of this kind are gradually + multiplied: what was only a single remark becomes a general principle; and + it is held as a truth that man serves himself in serving his + fellow-creatures, and that his private interest is to do good. + </p> + <p> + I have already shown, in several parts of this work, by what means the + inhabitants of the United States almost always manage to combine their own + advantage with that of their fellow-citizens: my present purpose is to + point out the general rule which enables them to do so. In the United + States hardly anybody talks of the beauty of virtue; but they maintain + that virtue is useful, and prove it every day. The American moralists do + not profess that men ought to sacrifice themselves for their + fellow-creatures because it is noble to make such sacrifices; but they + boldly aver that such sacrifices are as necessary to him who imposes them + upon himself as to him for whose sake they are made. They have found out + that in their country and their age man is brought home to himself by an + irresistible force; and losing all hope of stopping that force, they turn + all their thoughts to the direction of it. They therefore do not deny that + every man may follow his own interest; but they endeavor to prove that it + is the interest of every man to be virtuous. I shall not here enter into + the reasons they allege, which would divert me from my subject: suffice it + to say that they have convinced their fellow-countrymen. + </p> + <p> + Montaigne said long ago: "Were I not to follow the straight road for its + straightness, I should follow it for having found by experience that in + the end it is commonly the happiest and most useful track." The doctrine + of interest rightly understood is not, then, new, but amongst the + Americans of our time it finds universal acceptance: it has become popular + there; you may trace it at the bottom of all their actions, you will + remark it in all they say. It is as often to be met with on the lips of + the poor man as of the rich. In Europe the principle of interest is much + grosser than it is in America, but at the same time it is less common, and + especially it is less avowed; amongst us, men still constantly feign great + abnegation which they no longer feel. The Americans, on the contrary, are + fond of explaining almost all the actions of their lives by the principle + of interest rightly understood; they show with complacency how an + enlightened regard for themselves constantly prompts them to assist each + other, and inclines them willingly to sacrifice a portion of their time + and property to the welfare of the State. In this respect I think they + frequently fail to do themselves justice; for in the United States, as + well as elsewhere, people are sometimes seen to give way to those + disinterested and spontaneous impulses which are natural to man; but the + Americans seldom allow that they yield to emotions of this kind; they are + more anxious to do honor to their philosophy than to themselves. + </p> + <p> + I might here pause, without attempting to pass a judgment on what I have + described. The extreme difficulty of the subject would be my excuse, but I + shall not avail myself of it; and I had rather that my readers, clearly + perceiving my object, should refuse to follow me than that I should leave + them in suspense. The principle of interest rightly understood is not a + lofty one, but it is clear and sure. It does not aim at mighty objects, + but it attains without excessive exertion all those at which it aims. As + it lies within the reach of all capacities, everyone can without + difficulty apprehend and retain it. By its admirable conformity to human + weaknesses, it easily obtains great dominion; nor is that dominion + precarious, since the principle checks one personal interest by another, + and uses, to direct the passions, the very same instrument which excites + them. The principle of interest rightly understood produces no great acts + of self-sacrifice, but it suggests daily small acts of self-denial. By + itself it cannot suffice to make a man virtuous, but it disciplines a + number of citizens in habits of regularity, temperance, moderation, + foresight, self-command; and, if it does not lead men straight to virtue + by the will, it gradually draws them in that direction by their habits. If + the principle of interest rightly understood were to sway the whole moral + world, extraordinary virtues would doubtless be more rare; but I think + that gross depravity would then also be less common. The principle of + interest rightly understood perhaps prevents some men from rising far + above the level of mankind; but a great number of other men, who were + falling far below it, are caught and restrained by it. Observe some few + individuals, they are lowered by it; survey mankind, it is raised. I am + not afraid to say that the principle of interest, rightly understood, + appears to me the best suited of all philosophical theories to the wants + of the men of our time, and that I regard it as their chief remaining + security against themselves. Towards it, therefore, the minds of the + moralists of our age should turn; even should they judge it to be + incomplete, it must nevertheless be adopted as necessary. + </p> + <p> + I do not think upon the whole that there is more egotism amongst us than + in America; the only difference is, that there it is enlightened—here + it is not. Every American will sacrifice a portion of his private + interests to preserve the rest; we would fain preserve the whole, and + oftentimes the whole is lost. Everybody I see about me seems bent on + teaching his contemporaries, by precept and example, that what is useful + is never wrong. Will nobody undertake to make them understand how what is + right may be useful? No power upon earth can prevent the increasing + equality of conditions from inclining the human mind to seek out what is + useful, or from leading every member of the community to be wrapped up in + himself. It must therefore be expected that personal interest will become + more than ever the principal, if not the sole, spring of men's actions; + but it remains to be seen how each man will understand his personal + interest. If the members of a community, as they become more equal, become + more ignorant and coarse, it is difficult to foresee to what pitch of + stupid excesses their egotism may lead them; and no one can foretell into + what disgrace and wretchedness they would plunge themselves, lest they + should have to sacrifice something of their own well-being to the + prosperity of their fellow-creatures. I do not think that the system of + interest, as it is professed in America, is, in all its parts, + self-evident; but it contains a great number of truths so evident that + men, if they are but educated, cannot fail to see them. Educate, then, at + any rate; for the age of implicit self-sacrifice and instinctive virtues + is already flitting far away from us, and the time is fast approaching + when freedom, public peace, and social order itself will not be able to + exist without education. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0030" id="link2HCH0030"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter IX: That The Americans Apply The Principle Of Interest Rightly + Understood To Religious Matters + </h2> + <p> + If the principle of interest rightly understood had nothing but the + present world in view, it would be very insufficient; for there are many + sacrifices which can only find their recompense in another; and whatever + ingenuity may be put forth to demonstrate the utility of virtue, it will + never be an easy task to make that man live aright who has no thoughts of + dying. It is therefore necessary to ascertain whether the principle of + interest rightly understood is easily compatible with religious belief. + The philosophers who inculcate this system of morals tell men, that to be + happy in this life they must watch their own passions and steadily control + their excess; that lasting happiness can only be secured by renouncing a + thousand transient gratifications; and that a man must perpetually triumph + over himself, in order to secure his own advantage. The founders of almost + all religions have held the same language. The track they point out to man + is the same, only that the goal is more remote; instead of placing in this + world the reward of the sacrifices they impose, they transport it to + another. Nevertheless I cannot believe that all those who practise virtue + from religious motives are only actuated by the hope of a recompense. I + have known zealous Christians who constantly forgot themselves, to work + with greater ardor for the happiness of their fellow-men; and I have heard + them declare that all they did was only to earn the blessings of a future + state. I cannot but think that they deceive themselves; I respect them too + much to believe them. + </p> + <p> + Christianity indeed teaches that a man must prefer his neighbor to + himself, in order to gain eternal life; but Christianity also teaches that + men ought to benefit their fellow-creatures for the love of God. A sublime + expression! Man, searching by his intellect into the divine conception, + and seeing that order is the purpose of God, freely combines to prosecute + the great design; and whilst he sacrifices his personal interests to this + consummate order of all created things, expects no other recompense than + the pleasure of contemplating it. I do not believe that interest is the + sole motive of religious men: but I believe that interest is the principal + means which religions themselves employ to govern men, and I do not + question that this way they strike into the multitude and become popular. + It is not easy clearly to perceive why the principle of interest rightly + understood should keep aloof from religious opinions; and it seems to me + more easy to show why it should draw men to them. Let it be supposed that, + in order to obtain happiness in this world, a man combats his instinct on + all occasions and deliberately calculates every action of his life; that, + instead of yielding blindly to the impetuosity of first desires, he has + learned the art of resisting them, and that he has accustomed himself to + sacrifice without an effort the pleasure of a moment to the lasting + interest of his whole life. If such a man believes in the religion which + he professes, it will cost him but little to submit to the restrictions it + may impose. Reason herself counsels him to obey, and habit has prepared + him to endure them. If he should have conceived any doubts as to the + object of his hopes, still he will not easily allow himself to be stopped + by them; and he will decide that it is wise to risk some of the advantages + of this world, in order to preserve his rights to the great inheritance + promised him in another. "To be mistaken in believing that the Christian + religion is true," says Pascal, "is no great loss to anyone; but how + dreadful to be mistaken in believing it to be false!" + </p> + <p> + The Americans do not affect a brutal indifference to a future state; they + affect no puerile pride in despising perils which they hope to escape + from. They therefore profess their religion without shame and without + weakness; but there generally is, even in their zeal, something so + indescribably tranquil, methodical, and deliberate, that it would seem as + if the head, far more than the heart, brought them to the foot of the + altar. The Americans not only follow their religion from interest, but + they often place in this world the interest which makes them follow it. In + the Middle Ages the clergy spoke of nothing but a future state; they + hardly cared to prove that a sincere Christian may be a happy man here + below. But the American preachers are constantly referring to the earth; + and it is only with great difficulty that they can divert their attention + from it. To touch their congregations, they always show them how favorable + religious opinions are to freedom and public tranquillity; and it is often + difficult to ascertain from their discourses whether the principal object + of religion is to procure eternal felicity in the other world, or + prosperity in this. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0031" id="link2HCH0031"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter X: Of The Taste For Physical Well-Being In America + </h2> + <p> + In America the passion for physical well-being is not always exclusive, + but it is general; and if all do not feel it in the same manner, yet it is + felt by all. Carefully to satisfy all, even the least wants of the body, + and to provide the little conveniences of life, is uppermost in every + mind. Something of an analogous character is more and more apparent in + Europe. Amongst the causes which produce these similar consequences in + both hemispheres, several are so connected with my subject as to deserve + notice. + </p> + <p> + When riches are hereditarily fixed in families, there are a great number + of men who enjoy the comforts of life without feeling an exclusive taste + for those comforts. The heart of man is not so much caught by the + undisturbed possession of anything valuable as by the desire, as yet + imperfectly satisfied, of possessing it, and by the incessant dread of + losing it. In aristocratic communities, the wealthy, never having + experienced a condition different from their own, entertain no fear of + changing it; the existence of such conditions hardly occurs to them. The + comforts of life are not to them the end of life, but simply a way of + living; they regard them as existence itself—enjoyed, but scarcely + thought of. As the natural and instinctive taste which all men feel for + being well off is thus satisfied without trouble and without apprehension, + their faculties are turned elsewhere, and cling to more arduous and more + lofty undertakings, which excite and engross their minds. Hence it is + that, in the midst of physical gratifications, the members of an + aristocracy often display a haughty contempt of these very enjoyments, and + exhibit singular powers of endurance under the privation of them. All the + revolutions which have ever shaken or destroyed aristocracies, have shown + how easily men accustomed to superfluous luxuries can do without the + necessaries of life; whereas men who have toiled to acquire a competency + can hardly live after they have lost it. + </p> + <p> + If I turn my observation from the upper to the lower classes, I find + analogous effects produced by opposite causes. Amongst a nation where + aristocracy predominates in society, and keeps it stationary, the people + in the end get as much accustomed to poverty as the rich to their + opulence. The latter bestow no anxiety on their physical comforts, because + they enjoy them without an effort; the former do not think of things which + they despair of obtaining, and which they hardly know enough of to desire + them. In communities of this kind, the imagination of the poor is driven + to seek another world; the miseries of real life inclose it around, but it + escapes from their control, and flies to seek its pleasures far beyond. + When, on the contrary, the distinctions of ranks are confounded together + and privileges are destroyed—when hereditary property is subdivided, + and education and freedom widely diffused, the desire of acquiring the + comforts of the world haunts the imagination of the poor, and the dread of + losing them that of the rich. Many scanty fortunes spring up; those who + possess them have a sufficient share of physical gratifications to + conceive a taste for these pleasures—not enough to satisfy it. They + never procure them without exertion, and they never indulge in them + without apprehension. They are therefore always straining to pursue or to + retain gratifications so delightful, so imperfect, so fugitive. + </p> + <p> + If I were to inquire what passion is most natural to men who are + stimulated and circumscribed by the obscurity of their birth or the + mediocrity of their fortune, I could discover none more peculiarly + appropriate to their condition than this love of physical prosperity. The + passion for physical comforts is essentially a passion of the middle + classes: with those classes it grows and spreads, with them it + preponderates. From them it mounts into the higher orders of society, and + descends into the mass of the people. I never met in America with any + citizen so poor as not to cast a glance of hope and envy on the enjoyments + of the rich, or whose imagination did not possess itself by anticipation + of those good things which fate still obstinately withheld from him. On + the other hand, I never perceived amongst the wealthier inhabitants of the + United States that proud contempt of physical gratifications which is + sometimes to be met with even in the most opulent and dissolute + aristocracies. Most of these wealthy persons were once poor; they have + felt the sting of want; they were long a prey to adverse fortunes; and now + that the victory is won, the passions which accompanied the contest have + survived it: their minds are, as it were, intoxicated by the small + enjoyments which they have pursued for forty years. Not but that in the + United States, as elsewhere, there are a certain number of wealthy persons + who, having come into their property by inheritance, possess, without + exertion, an opulence they have not earned. But even these men are not + less devotedly attached to the pleasures of material life. The love of + well-being is now become the predominant taste of the nation; the great + current of man's passions runs in that channel, and sweeps everything + along in its course. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0032" id="link2HCH0032"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XI: Peculiar Effects Of The Love Of Physical Gratifications In + Democratic Ages + </h2> + <p> + It may be supposed, from what has just been said, that the love of + physical gratifications must constantly urge the Americans to + irregularities in morals, disturb the peace of families, and threaten the + security of society at large. Such is not the case: the passion for + physical gratifications produces in democracies effects very different + from those which it occasions in aristocratic nations. It sometimes + happens that, wearied with public affairs and sated with opulence, amidst + the ruin of religious belief and the decline of the State, the heart of an + aristocracy may by degrees be seduced to the pursuit of sensual enjoyments + only. At other times the power of the monarch or the weakness of the + people, without stripping the nobility of their fortune, compels them to + stand aloof from the administration of affairs, and whilst the road to + mighty enterprise is closed, abandons them to the inquietude of their own + desires; they then fall back heavily upon themselves, and seek in the + pleasures of the body oblivion of their former greatness. When the members + of an aristocratic body are thus exclusively devoted to the pursuit of + physical gratifications, they commonly concentrate in that direction all + the energy which they derive from their long experience of power. Such men + are not satisfied with the pursuit of comfort; they require sumptuous + depravity and splendid corruption. The worship they pay the senses is a + gorgeous one; and they seem to vie with each other in the art of degrading + their own natures. The stronger, the more famous, and the more free an + aristocracy has been, the more depraved will it then become; and however + brilliant may have been the lustre of its virtues, I dare predict that + they will always be surpassed by the splendor of its vices. + </p> + <p> + The taste for physical gratifications leads a democratic people into no + such excesses. The love of well-being is there displayed as a tenacious, + exclusive, universal passion; but its range is confined. To build enormous + palaces, to conquer or to mimic nature, to ransack the world in order to + gratify the passions of a man, is not thought of: but to add a few roods + of land to your field, to plant an orchard, to enlarge a dwelling, to be + always making life more comfortable and convenient, to avoid trouble, and + to satisfy the smallest wants without effort and almost without cost. + These are small objects, but the soul clings to them; it dwells upon them + closely and day by day, till they at last shut out the rest of the world, + and sometimes intervene between itself and heaven. + </p> + <p> + This, it may be said, can only be applicable to those members of the + community who are in humble circumstances; wealthier individuals will + display tastes akin to those which belonged to them in aristocratic ages. + I contest the proposition: in point of physical gratifications, the most + opulent members of a democracy will not display tastes very different from + those of the people; whether it be that, springing from the people, they + really share those tastes, or that they esteem it a duty to submit to + them. In democratic society the sensuality of the public has taken a + moderate and tranquil course, to which all are bound to conform: it is as + difficult to depart from the common rule by one's vices as by one's + virtues. Rich men who live amidst democratic nations are therefore more + intent on providing for their smallest wants than for their extraordinary + enjoyments; they gratify a number of petty desires, without indulging in + any great irregularities of passion: thus they are more apt to become + enervated than debauched. The especial taste which the men of democratic + ages entertain for physical enjoyments is not naturally opposed to the + principles of public order; nay, it often stands in need of order that it + may be gratified. Nor is it adverse to regularity of morals, for good + morals contribute to public tranquillity and are favorable to industry. It + may even be frequently combined with a species of religious morality: men + wish to be as well off as they can in this world, without foregoing their + chance of another. Some physical gratifications cannot be indulged in + without crime; from such they strictly abstain. The enjoyment of others is + sanctioned by religion and morality; to these the heart, the imagination, + and life itself are unreservedly given up; till, in snatching at these + lesser gifts, men lose sight of those more precious possessions which + constitute the glory and the greatness of mankind. The reproach I address + to the principle of equality, is not that it leads men away in the pursuit + of forbidden enjoyments, but that it absorbs them wholly in quest of those + which are allowed. By these means, a kind of virtuous materialism may + ultimately be established in the world, which would not corrupt, but + enervate the soul, and noiselessly unbend its springs of action. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0033" id="link2HCH0033"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XII: Causes Of Fanatical Enthusiasm In Some Americans + </h2> + <p> + Although the desire of acquiring the good things of this world is the + prevailing passion of the American people, certain momentary outbreaks + occur, when their souls seem suddenly to burst the bonds of matter by + which they are restrained, and to soar impetuously towards heaven. In all + the States of the Union, but especially in the half-peopled country of the + Far West, wandering preachers may be met with who hawk about the word of + God from place to place. Whole families—old men, women, and children—cross + rough passes and untrodden wilds, coming from a great distance, to join a + camp-meeting, where they totally forget for several days and nights, in + listening to these discourses, the cares of business and even the most + urgent wants of the body. Here and there, in the midst of American + society, you meet with men, full of a fanatical and almost wild + enthusiasm, which hardly exists in Europe. From time to time strange sects + arise, which endeavor to strike out extraordinary paths to eternal + happiness. Religious insanity is very common in the United States. + </p> + <p> + Nor ought these facts to surprise us. It was not man who implanted in + himself the taste for what is infinite and the love of what is immortal: + those lofty instincts are not the offspring of his capricious will; their + steadfast foundation is fixed in human nature, and they exist in spite of + his efforts. He may cross and distort them—destroy them he cannot. + The soul has wants which must be satisfied; and whatever pains be taken to + divert it from itself, it soon grows weary, restless, and disquieted + amidst the enjoyments of sense. If ever the faculties of the great + majority of mankind were exclusively bent upon the pursuit of material + objects, it might be anticipated that an amazing reaction would take place + in the souls of some men. They would drift at large in the world of + spirits, for fear of remaining shackled by the close bondage of the body. + </p> + <p> + It is not then wonderful if, in the midst of a community whose thoughts + tend earthward, a small number of individuals are to be found who turn + their looks to heaven. I should be surprised if mysticism did not soon + make some advance amongst a people solely engaged in promoting its own + worldly welfare. It is said that the deserts of the Thebaid were peopled + by the persecutions of the emperors and the massacres of the Circus; I + should rather say that it was by the luxuries of Rome and the Epicurean + philosophy of Greece. If their social condition, their present + circumstances, and their laws did not confine the minds of the Americans + so closely to the pursuit of worldly welfare, it is probable that they + would display more reserve and more experience whenever their attention is + turned to things immaterial, and that they would check themselves without + difficulty. But they feel imprisoned within bounds which they will + apparently never be allowed to pass. As soon as they have passed these + bounds, their minds know not where to fix themselves, and they often rush + unrestrained beyond the range of common-sense. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0034" id="link2HCH0034"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XIII: Causes Of The Restless Spirit Of Americans In The Midst Of + Their Prosperity + </h2> + <p> + In certain remote corners of the Old World you may still sometimes stumble + upon a small district which seems to have been forgotten amidst the + general tumult, and to have remained stationary whilst everything around + it was in motion. The inhabitants are for the most part extremely ignorant + and poor; they take no part in the business of the country, and they are + frequently oppressed by the government; yet their countenances are + generally placid, and their spirits light. In America I saw the freest and + most enlightened men, placed in the happiest circumstances which the world + affords: it seemed to me as if a cloud habitually hung upon their brow, + and I thought them serious and almost sad even in their pleasures. The + chief reason of this contrast is that the former do not think of the ills + they endure—the latter are forever brooding over advantages they do + not possess. It is strange to see with what feverish ardor the Americans + pursue their own welfare; and to watch the vague dread that constantly + torments them lest they should not have chosen the shortest path which may + lead to it. A native of the United States clings to this world's goods as + if he were certain never to die; and he is so hasty in grasping at all + within his reach, that one would suppose he was constantly afraid of not + living long enough to enjoy them. He clutches everything, he holds nothing + fast, but soon loosens his grasp to pursue fresh gratifications. + </p> + <p> + In the United States a man builds a house to spend his latter years in it, + and he sells it before the roof is on: he plants a garden, and lets it + just as the trees are coming into bearing: he brings a field into tillage, + and leaves other men to gather the crops: he embraces a profession, and + gives it up: he settles in a place, which he soon afterwards leaves, to + carry his changeable longings elsewhere. If his private affairs leave him + any leisure, he instantly plunges into the vortex of politics; and if at + the end of a year of unremitting labor he finds he has a few days' + vacation, his eager curiosity whirls him over the vast extent of the + United States, and he will travel fifteen hundred miles in a few days, to + shake off his happiness. Death at length overtakes him, but it is before + he is weary of his bootless chase of that complete felicity which is + forever on the wing. + </p> + <p> + At first sight there is something surprising in this strange unrest of so + many happy men, restless in the midst of abundance. The spectacle itself + is however as old as the world; the novelty is to see a whole people + furnish an exemplification of it. Their taste for physical gratifications + must be regarded as the original source of that secret inquietude which + the actions of the Americans betray, and of that inconstancy of which they + afford fresh examples every day. He who has set his heart exclusively upon + the pursuit of worldly welfare is always in a hurry, for he has but a + limited time at his disposal to reach it, to grasp it, and to enjoy it. + The recollection of the brevity of life is a constant spur to him. Besides + the good things which he possesses, he every instant fancies a thousand + others which death will prevent him from trying if he does not try them + soon. This thought fills him with anxiety, fear, and regret, and keeps his + mind in ceaseless trepidation, which leads him perpetually to change his + plans and his abode. If in addition to the taste for physical well-being a + social condition be superadded, in which the laws and customs make no + condition permanent, here is a great additional stimulant to this + restlessness of temper. Men will then be seen continually to change their + track, for fear of missing the shortest cut to happiness. It may readily + be conceived that if men, passionately bent upon physical gratifications, + desire eagerly, they are also easily discouraged: as their ultimate object + is to enjoy, the means to reach that object must be prompt and easy, or + the trouble of acquiring the gratification would be greater than the + gratification itself. Their prevailing frame of mind then is at once + ardent and relaxed, violent and enervated. Death is often less dreaded + than perseverance in continuous efforts to one end. + </p> + <p> + The equality of conditions leads by a still straighter road to several of + the effects which I have here described. When all the privileges of birth + and fortune are abolished, when all professions are accessible to all, and + a man's own energies may place him at the top of any one of them, an easy + and unbounded career seems open to his ambition, and he will readily + persuade himself that he is born to no vulgar destinies. But this is an + erroneous notion, which is corrected by daily experience. The same + equality which allows every citizen to conceive these lofty hopes, renders + all the citizens less able to realize them: it circumscribes their powers + on every side, whilst it gives freer scope to their desires. Not only are + they themselves powerless, but they are met at every step by immense + obstacles, which they did not at first perceive. They have swept away the + privileges of some of their fellow-creatures which stood in their way, but + they have opened the door to universal competition: the barrier has + changed its shape rather than its position. When men are nearly alike, and + all follow the same track, it is very difficult for any one individual to + walk quick and cleave a way through the dense throng which surrounds and + presses him. This constant strife between the propensities springing from + the equality of conditions and the means it supplies to satisfy them, + harasses and wearies the mind. + </p> + <p> + It is possible to conceive men arrived at a degree of freedom which should + completely content them; they would then enjoy their independence without + anxiety and without impatience. But men will never establish any equality + with which they can be contented. Whatever efforts a people may make, they + will never succeed in reducing all the conditions of society to a perfect + level; and even if they unhappily attained that absolute and complete + depression, the inequality of minds would still remain, which, coming + directly from the hand of God, will forever escape the laws of man. + However democratic then the social state and the political constitution of + a people may be, it is certain that every member of the community will + always find out several points about him which command his own position; + and we may foresee that his looks will be doggedly fixed in that + direction. When inequality of conditions is the common law of society, the + most marked inequalities do not strike the eye: when everything is nearly + on the same level, the slightest are marked enough to hurt it. Hence the + desire of equality always becomes more insatiable in proportion as + equality is more complete. + </p> + <p> + Amongst democratic nations men easily attain a certain equality of + conditions: they can never attain the equality they desire. It perpetually + retires from before them, yet without hiding itself from their sight, and + in retiring draws them on. At every moment they think they are about to + grasp it; it escapes at every moment from their hold. They are near enough + to see its charms, but too far off to enjoy them; and before they have + fully tasted its delights they die. To these causes must be attributed + that strange melancholy which oftentimes will haunt the inhabitants of + democratic countries in the midst of their abundance, and that disgust at + life which sometimes seizes upon them in the midst of calm and easy + circumstances. Complaints are made in France that the number of suicides + increases; in America suicide is rare, but insanity is said to be more + common than anywhere else. These are all different symptoms of the same + disease. The Americans do not put an end to their lives, however + disquieted they may be, because their religion forbids it; and amongst + them materialism may be said hardly to exist, notwithstanding the general + passion for physical gratification. The will resists—reason + frequently gives way. In democratic ages enjoyments are more intense than + in the ages of aristocracy, and especially the number of those who partake + in them is larger: but, on the other hand, it must be admitted that man's + hopes and his desires are oftener blasted, the soul is more stricken and + perturbed, and care itself more keen. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0035" id="link2HCH0035"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XIV: Taste For Physical Gratifications United In America To Love + Of Freedom And Attention To Public Affairs + </h2> + <p> + When a democratic state turns to absolute monarchy, the activity which was + before directed to public and to private affairs is all at once centred + upon the latter: the immediate consequence is, for some time, great + physical prosperity; but this impulse soon slackens, and the amount of + productive industry is checked. I know not if a single trading or + manufacturing people can be cited, from the Tyrians down to the + Florentines and the English, who were not a free people also. There is + therefore a close bond and necessary relation between these two elements—freedom + and productive industry. This proposition is generally true of all + nations, but especially of democratic nations. I have already shown that + men who live in ages of equality continually require to form associations + in order to procure the things they covet; and, on the other hand, I have + shown how great political freedom improves and diffuses the art of + association. Freedom, in these ages, is therefore especially favorable to + the production of wealth; nor is it difficult to perceive that despotism + is especially adverse to the same result. The nature of despotic power in + democratic ages is not to be fierce or cruel, but minute and meddling. + Despotism of this kind, though it does not trample on humanity, is + directly opposed to the genius of commerce and the pursuits of industry. + </p> + <p> + Thus the men of democratic ages require to be free in order more readily + to procure those physical enjoyments for which they are always longing. It + sometimes happens, however, that the excessive taste they conceive for + these same enjoyments abandons them to the first master who appears. The + passion for worldly welfare then defeats itself, and, without perceiving + it, throws the object of their desires to a greater distance. + </p> + <p> + There is, indeed, a most dangerous passage in the history of a democratic + people. When the taste for physical gratifications amongst such a people + has grown more rapidly than their education and their experience of free + institutions, the time will come when men are carried away, and lose all + self-restraint, at the sight of the new possessions they are about to lay + hold upon. In their intense and exclusive anxiety to make a fortune, they + lose sight of the close connection which exists between the private + fortune of each of them and the prosperity of all. It is not necessary to + do violence to such a people in order to strip them of the rights they + enjoy; they themselves willingly loosen their hold. The discharge of + political duties appears to them to be a troublesome annoyance, which + diverts them from their occupations and business. If they be required to + elect representatives, to support the Government by personal service, to + meet on public business, they have no time—they cannot waste their + precious time in useless engagements: such idle amusements are unsuited to + serious men who are engaged with the more important interests of life. + These people think they are following the principle of self-interest, but + the idea they entertain of that principle is a very rude one; and the + better to look after what they call their business, they neglect their + chief business, which is to remain their own masters. + </p> + <p> + As the citizens who work do not care to attend to public business, and as + the class which might devote its leisure to these duties has ceased to + exist, the place of the Government is, as it were, unfilled. If at that + critical moment some able and ambitious man grasps the supreme power, he + will find the road to every kind of usurpation open before him. If he does + but attend for some time to the material prosperity of the country, no + more will be demanded of him. Above all he must insure public + tranquillity: men who are possessed by the passion of physical + gratification generally find out that the turmoil of freedom disturbs + their welfare, before they discover how freedom itself serves to promote + it. If the slightest rumor of public commotion intrudes into the petty + pleasures of private life, they are aroused and alarmed by it. The fear of + anarchy perpetually haunts them, and they are always ready to fling away + their freedom at the first disturbance. + </p> + <p> + I readily admit that public tranquillity is a great good; but at the same + time I cannot forget that all nations have been enslaved by being kept in + good order. Certainly it is not to be inferred that nations ought to + despise public tranquillity; but that state ought not to content them. A + nation which asks nothing of its government but the maintenance of order + is already a slave at heart—the slave of its own well-being, + awaiting but the hand that will bind it. By such a nation the despotism of + faction is not less to be dreaded than the despotism of an individual. + When the bulk of the community is engrossed by private concerns, the + smallest parties need not despair of getting the upper hand in public + affairs. At such times it is not rare to see upon the great stage of the + world, as we see at our theatres, a multitude represented by a few + players, who alone speak in the name of an absent or inattentive crowd: + they alone are in action whilst all are stationary; they regulate + everything by their own caprice; they change the laws, and tyrannize at + will over the manners of the country; and then men wonder to see into how + small a number of weak and worthless hands a great people may fall. + </p> + <p> + Hitherto the Americans have fortunately escaped all the perils which I + have just pointed out; and in this respect they are really deserving of + admiration. Perhaps there is no country in the world where fewer idle men + are to be met with than in America, or where all who work are more eager + to promote their own welfare. But if the passion of the Americans for + physical gratifications is vehement, at least it is not indiscriminating; + and reason, though unable to restrain it, still directs its course. An + American attends to his private concerns as if he were alone in the world, + and the next minute he gives himself up to the common weal as if he had + forgotten them. At one time he seems animated by the most selfish + cupidity, at another by the most lively patriotism. The human heart cannot + be thus divided. The inhabitants of the United States alternately display + so strong and so similar a passion for their own welfare and for their + freedom, that it may be supposed that these passions are united and + mingled in some part of their character. And indeed the Americans believe + their freedom to be the best instrument and surest safeguard of their + welfare: they are attached to the one by the other. They by no means think + that they are not called upon to take a part in the public weal; they + believe, on the contrary, that their chief business is to secure for + themselves a government which will allow them to acquire the things they + covet, and which will not debar them from the peaceful enjoyment of those + possessions which they have acquired. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0036" id="link2HCH0036"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XV: That Religious Belief Sometimes Turns The Thoughts Of The + Americans To Immaterial Pleasures + </h2> + <p> + In the United States, on the seventh day of every week, the trading and + working life of the nation seems suspended; all noises cease; a deep + tranquillity, say rather the solemn calm of meditation, succeeds the + turmoil of the week, and the soul resumes possession and contemplation of + itself. Upon this day the marts of traffic are deserted; every member of + the community, accompanied by his children, goes to church, where he + listens to strange language which would seem unsuited to his ear. He is + told of the countless evils caused by pride and covetousness: he is + reminded of the necessity of checking his desires, of the finer pleasures + which belong to virtue alone, and of the true happiness which attends it. + On his return home, he does not turn to the ledgers of his calling, but he + opens the book of Holy Scripture; there he meets with sublime or affecting + descriptions of the greatness and goodness of the Creator, of the infinite + magnificence of the handiwork of God, of the lofty destinies of man, of + his duties, and of his immortal privileges. Thus it is that the American + at times steals an hour from himself; and laying aside for a while the + petty passions which agitate his life, and the ephemeral interests which + engross it, he strays at once into an ideal world, where all is great, + eternal, and pure. + </p> + <p> + I have endeavored to point out in another part of this work the causes to + which the maintenance of the political institutions of the Americans is + attributable; and religion appeared to be one of the most prominent + amongst them. I am now treating of the Americans in an individual + capacity, and I again observe that religion is not less useful to each + citizen than to the whole State. The Americans show, by their practice, + that they feel the high necessity of imparting morality to democratic + communities by means of religion. What they think of themselves in this + respect is a truth of which every democratic nation ought to be thoroughly + persuaded. + </p> + <p> + I do not doubt that the social and political constitution of a people + predisposes them to adopt a certain belief and certain tastes, which + afterwards flourish without difficulty amongst them; whilst the same + causes may divert a people from certain opinions and propensities, without + any voluntary effort, and, as it were, without any distinct consciousness, + on their part. The whole art of the legislator is correctly to discern + beforehand these natural inclinations of communities of men, in order to + know whether they should be assisted, or whether it may not be necessary + to check them. For the duties incumbent on the legislator differ at + different times; the goal towards which the human race ought ever to be + tending is alone stationary; the means of reaching it are perpetually to + be varied. + </p> + <p> + If I had been born in an aristocratic age, in the midst of a nation where + the hereditary wealth of some, and the irremediable penury of others, + should equally divert men from the idea of bettering their condition, and + hold the soul as it were in a state of torpor fixed on the contemplation + of another world, I should then wish that it were possible for me to rouse + that people to a sense of their wants; I should seek to discover more + rapid and more easy means for satisfying the fresh desires which I might + have awakened; and, directing the most strenuous efforts of the human mind + to physical pursuits, I should endeavor to stimulate it to promote the + well-being of man. If it happened that some men were immoderately incited + to the pursuit of riches, and displayed an excessive liking for physical + gratifications, I should not be alarmed; these peculiar symptoms would + soon be absorbed in the general aspect of the people. + </p> + <p> + The attention of the legislators of democracies is called to other cares. + Give democratic nations education and freedom, and leave them alone. They + will soon learn to draw from this world all the benefits which it can + afford; they will improve each of the useful arts, and will day by day + render life more comfortable, more convenient, and more easy. Their social + condition naturally urges them in this direction; I do not fear that they + will slacken their course. + </p> + <p> + But whilst man takes delight in this honest and lawful pursuit of his + wellbeing, it is to be apprehended that he may in the end lose the use of + his sublimest faculties; and that whilst he is busied in improving all + around him, he may at length degrade himself. Here, and here only, does + the peril lie. It should therefore be the unceasing object of the + legislators of democracies, and of all the virtuous and enlightened men + who live there, to raise the souls of their fellow-citizens, and keep them + lifted up towards heaven. It is necessary that all who feel an interest in + the future destinies of democratic society should unite, and that all + should make joint and continual efforts to diffuse the love of the + infinite, a sense of greatness, and a love of pleasures not of earth. If + amongst the opinions of a democratic people any of those pernicious + theories exist which tend to inculcate that all perishes with the body, + let men by whom such theories are professed be marked as the natural foes + of such a people. + </p> + <p> + The materialists are offensive to me in many respects; their doctrines I + hold to be pernicious, and I am disgusted at their arrogance. If their + system could be of any utility to man, it would seem to be by giving him a + modest opinion of himself. But these reasoners show that it is not so; and + when they think they have said enough to establish that they are brutes, + they show themselves as proud as if they had demonstrated that they are + gods. Materialism is, amongst all nations, a dangerous disease of the + human mind; but it is more especially to be dreaded amongst a democratic + people, because it readily amalgamates with that vice which is most + familiar to the heart under such circumstances. Democracy encourages a + taste for physical gratification: this taste, if it become excessive, soon + disposes men to believe that all is matter only; and materialism, in turn, + hurries them back with mad impatience to these same delights: such is the + fatal circle within which democratic nations are driven round. It were + well that they should see the danger and hold back. + </p> + <p> + Most religions are only general, simple, and practical means of teaching + men the doctrine of the immortality of the soul. That is the greatest + benefit which a democratic people derives, from its belief, and hence + belief is more necessary to such a people than to all others. When + therefore any religion has struck its roots deep into a democracy, beware + lest you disturb them; but rather watch it carefully, as the most precious + bequest of aristocratic ages. Seek not to supersede the old religious + opinions of men by new ones; lest in the passage from one faith to + another, the soul being left for a while stripped of all belief, the love + of physical gratifications should grow upon it and fill it wholly. + </p> + <p> + The doctrine of metempsychosis is assuredly not more rational than that of + materialism; nevertheless if it were absolutely necessary that a democracy + should choose one of the two, I should not hesitate to decide that the + community would run less risk of being brutalized by believing that the + soul of man will pass into the carcass of a hog, than by believing that + the soul of man is nothing at all. The belief in a supersensual and + immortal principle, united for a time to matter, is so indispensable to + man's greatness, that its effects are striking even when it is not united + to the doctrine of future reward and punishment; and when it holds no more + than that after death the divine principle contained in man is absorbed in + the Deity, or transferred to animate the frame of some other creature. Men + holding so imperfect a belief will still consider the body as the + secondary and inferior portion of their nature, and they will despise it + even whilst they yield to its influence; whereas they have a natural + esteem and secret admiration for the immaterial part of man, even though + they sometimes refuse to submit to its dominion. That is enough to give a + lofty cast to their opinions and their tastes, and to bid them tend with + no interested motive, and as it were by impulse, to pure feelings and + elevated thoughts. + </p> + <p> + It is not certain that Socrates and his followers had very fixed opinions + as to what would befall man hereafter; but the sole point of belief on + which they were determined—that the soul has nothing in common with + the body, and survives it—was enough to give the Platonic philosophy + that sublime aspiration by which it is distinguished. It is clear from the + works of Plato, that many philosophical writers, his predecessors or + contemporaries, professed materialism. These writers have not reached us, + or have reached us in mere fragments. The same thing has happened in + almost all ages; the greater part of the most famous minds in literature + adhere to the doctrines of a supersensual philosophy. The instinct and the + taste of the human race maintain those doctrines; they save them + oftentimes in spite of men themselves, and raise the names of their + defenders above the tide of time. It must not then be supposed that at any + period or under any political condition, the passion for physical + gratifications, and the opinions which are superinduced by that passion, + can ever content a whole people. The heart of man is of a larger mould: it + can at once comprise a taste for the possessions of earth and the love of + those of heaven: at times it may seem to cling devotedly to the one, but + it will never be long without thinking of the other. + </p> + <p> + If it be easy to see that it is more particularly important in democratic + ages that spiritual opinions should prevail, it is not easy to say by what + means those who govern democratic nations may make them predominate. I am + no believer in the prosperity, any more than in the durability, of + official philosophies; and as to state religions, I have always held, that + if they be sometimes of momentary service to the interests of political + power, they always, sooner or later, become fatal to the Church. Nor do I + think with those who assert, that to raise religion in the eyes of the + people, and to make them do honor to her spiritual doctrines, it is + desirable indirectly to give her ministers a political influence which the + laws deny them. I am so much alive to the almost inevitable dangers which + beset religious belief whenever the clergy take part in public affairs, + and I am so convinced that Christianity must be maintained at any cost in + the bosom of modern democracies, that I had rather shut up the priesthood + within the sanctuary than allow them to step beyond it. + </p> + <p> + What means then remain in the hands of constituted authorities to bring + men back to spiritual opinions, or to hold them fast to the religion by + which those opinions are suggested? My answer will do me harm in the eyes + of politicians. I believe that the sole effectual means which governments + can employ in order to have the doctrine of the immortality of the soul + duly respected, is ever to act as if they believed in it themselves; and I + think that it is only by scrupulous conformity to religious morality in + great affairs that they can hope to teach the community at large to know, + to love, and to observe it in the lesser concerns of life. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0037" id="link2HCH0037"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XVI: That Excessive Care Of Worldly Welfare May Impair That + Welfare + </h2> + <p> + There is a closer tie than is commonly supposed between the improvement of + the soul and the amelioration of what belongs to the body. Man may leave + these two things apart, and consider each of them alternately; but he + cannot sever them entirely without at last losing sight of one and of the + other. The beasts have the same senses as ourselves, and very nearly the + same appetites. We have no sensual passions which are not common to our + race and theirs, and which are not to be found, at least in the germ, in a + dog as well as in a man. Whence is it then that the animals can only + provide for their first and lowest wants, whereas we can infinitely vary + and endlessly increase our enjoyments? + </p> + <p> + We are superior to the beasts in this, that we use our souls to find out + those material benefits to which they are only led by instinct. In man, + the angel teaches the brute the art of contenting its desires. It is + because man is capable of rising above the things of the body, and of + contemning life itself, of which the beasts have not the least notion, + that he can multiply these same things of the body to a degree which + inferior races are equally unable to conceive. Whatever elevates, + enlarges, and expands the soul, renders it more capable of succeeding in + those very undertakings which concern it not. Whatever, on the other hand, + enervates or lowers it, weakens it for all purposes, the chiefest, as well + as the least, and threatens to render it almost equally impotent for the + one and for the other. Hence the soul must remain great and strong, though + it were only to devote its strength and greatness from time to time to the + service of the body. If men were ever to content themselves with material + objects, it is probable that they would lose by degrees the art of + producing them; and they would enjoy them in the end, like the brutes, + without discernment and without improvement. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0038" id="link2HCH0038"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XVII: That In Times Marked By Equality Of Conditions And Sceptical + Opinions, It Is Important To Remove To A Distance The Objects Of Human + Actions + </h2> + <p> + In the ages of faith the final end of life is placed beyond life. The men + of those ages therefore naturally, and in a manner involuntarily, accustom + themselves to fix their gaze for a long course of years on some immovable + object, towards which they are constantly tending; and they learn by + insensible degrees to repress a multitude of petty passing desires, in + order to be the better able to content that great and lasting desire which + possesses them. When these same men engage in the affairs of this world, + the same habits may be traced in their conduct. They are apt to set up + some general and certain aim and end to their actions here below, towards + which all their efforts are directed: they do not turn from day to day to + chase some novel object of desire, but they have settled designs which + they are never weary of pursuing. This explains why religious nations have + so often achieved such lasting results: for whilst they were thinking only + of the other world, they had found out the great secret of success in + this. Religions give men a general habit of conducting themselves with a + view to futurity: in this respect they are not less useful to happiness in + this life than to felicity hereafter; and this is one of their chief + political characteristics. + </p> + <p> + But in proportion as the light of faith grows dim, the range of man's + sight is circumscribed, as if the end and aim of human actions appeared + every day to be more within his reach. When men have once allowed + themselves to think no more of what is to befall them after life, they + readily lapse into that complete and brutal indifference to futurity, + which is but too conformable to some propensities of mankind. As soon as + they have lost the habit of placing their chief hopes upon remote events, + they naturally seek to gratify without delay their smallest desires; and + no sooner do they despair of living forever, than they are disposed to act + as if they were to exist but for a single day. In sceptical ages it is + always therefore to be feared that men may perpetually give way to their + daily casual desires; and that, wholly renouncing whatever cannot be + acquired without protracted effort, they may establish nothing great, + permanent, and calm. + </p> + <p> + If the social condition of a people, under these circumstances, becomes + democratic, the danger which I here point out is thereby increased. When + everyone is constantly striving to change his position—when an + immense field for competition is thrown open to all—when wealth is + amassed or dissipated in the shortest possible space of time amidst the + turmoil of democracy, visions of sudden and easy fortunes—of great + possessions easily won and lost—of chance, under all its forms—haunt + the mind. The instability of society itself fosters the natural + instability of man's desires. In the midst of these perpetual fluctuations + of his lot, the present grows upon his mind, until it conceals futurity + from his sight, and his looks go no further than the morrow. + </p> + <p> + In those countries in which unhappily irreligion and democracy coexist, + the most important duty of philosophers and of those in power is to be + always striving to place the objects of human actions far beyond man's + immediate range. Circumscribed by the character of his country and his + age, the moralist must learn to vindicate his principles in that position. + He must constantly endeavor to show his contemporaries, that, even in the + midst of the perpetual commotion around them, it is easier than they think + to conceive and to execute protracted undertakings. He must teach them + that, although the aspect of mankind may have changed, the methods by + which men may provide for their prosperity in this world are still the + same; and that amongst democratic nations, as well as elsewhere, it is + only by resisting a thousand petty selfish passions of the hour that the + general and unquenchable passion for happiness can be satisfied. + </p> + <p> + The task of those in power is not less clearly marked out. At all times it + is important that those who govern nations should act with a view to the + future: but this is even more necessary in democratic and sceptical ages + than in any others. By acting thus, the leading men of democracies not + only make public affairs prosperous, but they also teach private + individuals, by their example, the art of managing private concerns. Above + all they must strive as much as possible to banish chance from the sphere + of politics. The sudden and undeserved promotion of a courtier produces + only a transient impression in an aristocratic country, because the + aggregate institutions and opinions of the nation habitually compel men to + advance slowly in tracks which they cannot get out of. But nothing is more + pernicious than similar instances of favor exhibited to the eyes of a + democratic people: they give the last impulse to the public mind in a + direction where everything hurries it onwards. At times of scepticism and + equality more especially, the favor of the people or of the prince, which + chance may confer or chance withhold, ought never to stand in lieu of + attainments or services. It is desirable that every advancement should + there appear to be the result of some effort; so that no greatness should + be of too easy acquirement, and that ambition should be obliged to fix its + gaze long upon an object before it is gratified. Governments must apply + themselves to restore to men that love of the future with which religion + and the state of society no longer inspire them; and, without saying so, + they must practically teach the community day by day that wealth, fame, + and power are the rewards of labor—that great success stands at the + utmost range of long desires, and that nothing lasting is obtained but + what is obtained by toil. When men have accustomed themselves to foresee + from afar what is likely to befall in the world and to feed upon hopes, + they can hardly confine their minds within the precise circumference of + life, and they are ready to break the boundary and cast their looks + beyond. I do not doubt that, by training the members of a community to + think of their future condition in this world, they would be gradually and + unconsciously brought nearer to religious convictions. Thus the means + which allow men, up to a certain point, to go without religion, are + perhaps after all the only means we still possess for bringing mankind + back by a long and roundabout path to a state of faith. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0039" id="link2HCH0039"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XVIII: That Amongst The Americans All Honest Callings Are + Honorable + </h2> + <p> + Amongst a democratic people, where there is no hereditary wealth, every + man works to earn a living, or has worked, or is born of parents who have + worked. The notion of labor is therefore presented to the mind on every + side as the necessary, natural, and honest condition of human existence. + Not only is labor not dishonorable amongst such a people, but it is held + in honor: the prejudice is not against it, but in its favor. In the United + States a wealthy man thinks that he owes it to public opinion to devote + his leisure to some kind of industrial or commercial pursuit, or to public + business. He would think himself in bad repute if he employed his life + solely in living. It is for the purpose of escaping this obligation to + work, that so many rich Americans come to Europe, where they find some + scattered remains of aristocratic society, amongst which idleness is still + held in honor. + </p> + <p> + Equality of conditions not only ennobles the notion of labor in men's + estimation, but it raises the notion of labor as a source of profit. In + aristocracies it is not exactly labor that is despised, but labor with a + view to profit. Labor is honorific in itself, when it is undertaken at the + sole bidding of ambition or of virtue. Yet in aristocratic society it + constantly happens that he who works for honor is not insensible to the + attractions of profit. But these two desires only intermingle in the + innermost depths of his soul: he carefully hides from every eye the point + at which they join; he would fain conceal it from himself. In aristocratic + countries there are few public officers who do not affect to serve their + country without interested motives. Their salary is an incident of which + they think but little, and of which they always affect not to think at + all. Thus the notion of profit is kept distinct from that of labor; + however they may be united in point of fact, they are not thought of + together. + </p> + <p> + In democratic communities these two notions are, on the contrary, always + palpably united. As the desire of well-being is universal—as + fortunes are slender or fluctuating—as everyone wants either to + increase his own resources, or to provide fresh ones for his progeny, men + clearly see that it is profit which, if not wholly, at least partially, + leads them to work. Even those who are principally actuated by the love of + fame are necessarily made familiar with the thought that they are not + exclusively actuated by that motive; and they discover that the desire of + getting a living is mingled in their minds with the desire of making life + illustrious. + </p> + <p> + As soon as, on the one hand, labor is held by the whole community to be an + honorable necessity of man's condition, and, on the other, as soon as + labor is always ostensibly performed, wholly or in part, for the purpose + of earning remuneration, the immense interval which separated different + callings in aristocratic societies disappears. If all are not alike, all + at least have one feature in common. No profession exists in which men do + not work for money; and the remuneration which is common to them all gives + them all an air of resemblance. This serves to explain the opinions which + the Americans entertain with respect to different callings. In America no + one is degraded because he works, for everyone about him works also; nor + is anyone humiliated by the notion of receiving pay, for the President of + the United States also works for pay. He is paid for commanding, other men + for obeying orders. In the United States professions are more or less + laborious, more or less profitable; but they are never either high or low: + every honest calling is honorable. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0040" id="link2HCH0040"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XIX: That Almost All The Americans Follow Industrial Callings + </h2> + <p> + Agriculture is, perhaps, of all the useful arts that which improves most + slowly amongst democratic nations. Frequently, indeed, it would seem to be + stationary, because other arts are making rapid strides towards + perfection. On the other hand, almost all the tastes and habits which the + equality of condition engenders naturally lead men to commercial and + industrial occupations. + </p> + <p> + Suppose an active, enlightened, and free man, enjoying a competency, but + full of desires: he is too poor to live in idleness; he is rich enough to + feel himself protected from the immediate fear of want, and he thinks how + he can better his condition. This man has conceived a taste for physical + gratifications, which thousands of his fellow-men indulge in around him; + he has himself begun to enjoy these pleasures, and he is eager to increase + his means of satisfying these tastes more completely. But life is slipping + away, time is urgent—to what is he to turn? The cultivation of the + ground promises an almost certain result to his exertions, but a slow one; + men are not enriched by it without patience and toil. Agriculture is + therefore only suited to those who have already large, superfluous wealth, + or to those whose penury bids them only seek a bare subsistence. The + choice of such a man as we have supposed is soon made; he sells his plot + of ground, leaves his dwelling, and embarks in some hazardous but + lucrative calling. Democratic communities abound in men of this kind; and + in proportion as the equality of conditions becomes greater, their + multitude increases. Thus democracy not only swells the number of + workingmen, but it leads men to prefer one kind of labor to another; and + whilst it diverts them from agriculture, it encourages their taste for + commerce and manufactures. *a + </p> + <p class="foot"> + a <br /> [ It has often been remarked that manufacturers and mercantile men + are inordinately addicted to physical gratifications, and this has been + attributed to commerce and manufactures; but that is, I apprehend, to take + the effect for the cause. The taste for physical gratifications is not + imparted to men by commerce or manufactures, but it is rather this taste + which leads men to embark in commerce and manufactures, as a means by + which they hope to satisfy themselves more promptly and more completely. + If commerce and manufactures increase the desire of well-being, it is + because every passion gathers strength in proportion as it is cultivated, + and is increased by all the efforts made to satiate it. All the causes + which make the love of worldly welfare predominate in the heart of man are + favorable to the growth of commerce and manufactures. Equality of + conditions is one of those causes; it encourages trade, not directly by + giving men a taste for business, but indirectly by strengthening and + expanding in their minds a taste for prosperity.] + </p> + <p> + This spirit may be observed even amongst the richest members of the + community. In democratic countries, however opulent a man is supposed to + be, he is almost always discontented with his fortune, because he finds + that he is less rich than his father was, and he fears that his sons will + be less rich than himself. Most rich men in democracies are therefore + constantly haunted by the desire of obtaining wealth, and they naturally + turn their attention to trade and manufactures, which appear to offer the + readiest and most powerful means of success. In this respect they share + the instincts of the poor, without feeling the same necessities; say + rather, they feel the most imperious of all necessities, that of not + sinking in the world. + </p> + <p> + In aristocracies the rich are at the same time those who govern. The + attention which they unceasingly devote to important public affairs + diverts them from the lesser cares which trade and manufactures demand. If + the will of an individual happens, nevertheless, to turn his attention to + business, the will of the body to which he belongs will immediately debar + him from pursuing it; for however men may declaim against the rule of + numbers, they cannot wholly escape their sway; and even amongst those + aristocratic bodies which most obstinately refuse to acknowledge the + rights of the majority of the nation, a private majority is formed which + governs the rest. *b + </p> + <p class="foot"> + b <br /> [ Some aristocracies, however, have devoted themselves eagerly to + commerce, and have cultivated manufactures with success. The history of + the world might furnish several conspicuous examples. But, generally + speaking, it may be affirmed that the aristocratic principle is not + favorable to the growth of trade and manufactures. Moneyed aristocracies + are the only exception to the rule. Amongst such aristocracies there are + hardly any desires which do not require wealth to satisfy them; the love + of riches becomes, so to speak, the high road of human passions, which is + crossed by or connected with all lesser tracks. The love of money and the + thirst for that distinction which attaches to power, are then so closely + intermixed in the same souls, that it becomes difficult to discover + whether men grow covetous from ambition, or whether they are ambitious + from covetousness. This is the case in England, where men seek to get rich + in order to arrive at distinction, and seek distinctions as a + manifestation of their wealth. The mind is then seized by both ends, and + hurried into trade and manufactures, which are the shortest roads that + lead to opulence. + </p> + <p> + This, however, strikes me as an exceptional and transitory circumstance. + When wealth is become the only symbol of aristocracy, it is very difficult + for the wealthy to maintain sole possession of political power, to the + exclusion of all other men. The aristocracy of birth and pure democracy + are at the two extremes of the social and political state of nations: + between them moneyed aristocracy finds its place. The latter approximates + to the aristocracy of birth by conferring great privileges on a small + number of persons; it so far belongs to the democratic element, that these + privileges may be successively acquired by all. It frequently forms a + natural transition between these two conditions of society, and it is + difficult to say whether it closes the reign of aristocratic institutions, + or whether it already opens the new era of democracy.] + </p> + <p> + In democratic countries, where money does not lead those who possess it to + political power, but often removes them from it, the rich do not know how + to spend their leisure. They are driven into active life by the inquietude + and the greatness of their desires, by the extent of their resources, and + by the taste for what is extraordinary, which is almost always felt by + those who rise, by whatsoever means, above the crowd. Trade is the only + road open to them. In democracies nothing is more great or more brilliant + than commerce: it attracts the attention of the public, and fills the + imagination of the multitude; all energetic passions are directed towards + it. Neither their own prejudices, nor those of anybody else, can prevent + the rich from devoting themselves to it. The wealthy members of + democracies never form a body which has manners and regulations of its + own; the opinions peculiar to their class do not restrain them, and the + common opinions of their country urge them on. Moreover, as all the large + fortunes which are to be met with in a democratic community are of + commercial growth, many generations must succeed each other before their + possessors can have entirely laid aside their habits of business. + </p> + <p> + Circumscribed within the narrow space which politics leave them, rich men + in democracies eagerly embark in commercial enterprise: there they can + extend and employ their natural advantages; and indeed it is even by the + boldness and the magnitude of their industrial speculations that we may + measure the slight esteem in which productive industry would have been + held by them, if they had been born amidst an aristocracy. + </p> + <p> + A similar observation is likewise applicable to all men living in + democracies, whether they be poor or rich. Those who live in the midst of + democratic fluctuations have always before their eyes the phantom of + chance; and they end by liking all undertakings in which chance plays a + part. They are therefore all led to engage in commerce, not only for the + sake of the profit it holds out to them, but for the love of the constant + excitement occasioned by that pursuit. + </p> + <p> + The United States of America have only been emancipated for half a century + [in 1840] from the state of colonial dependence in which they stood to + Great Britain; the number of large fortunes there is small, and capital is + still scarce. Yet no people in the world has made such rapid progress in + trade and manufactures as the Americans: they constitute at the present + day the second maritime nation in the world; and although their + manufactures have to struggle with almost insurmountable natural + impediments, they are not prevented from making great and daily advances. + In the United States the greatest undertakings and speculations are + executed without difficulty, because the whole population is engaged in + productive industry, and because the poorest as well as the most opulent + members of the commonwealth are ready to combine their efforts for these + purposes. The consequence is, that a stranger is constantly amazed by the + immense public works executed by a nation which contains, so to speak, no + rich men. The Americans arrived but as yesterday on the territory which + they inhabit, and they have already changed the whole order of nature for + their own advantage. They have joined the Hudson to the Mississippi, and + made the Atlantic Ocean communicate with the Gulf of Mexico, across a + continent of more than five hundred leagues in extent which separates the + two seas. The longest railroads which have been constructed up to the + present time are in America. But what most astonishes me in the United + States, is not so much the marvellous grandeur of some undertakings, as + the innumerable multitude of small ones. Almost all the farmers of the + United States combine some trade with agriculture; most of them make + agriculture itself a trade. It seldom happens that an American farmer + settles for good upon the land which he occupies: especially in the + districts of the Far West he brings land into tillage in order to sell it + again, and not to farm it: he builds a farmhouse on the speculation that, + as the state of the country will soon be changed by the increase of + population, a good price will be gotten for it. Every year a swarm of the + inhabitants of the North arrive in the Southern States, and settle in the + parts where the cotton plant and the sugar-cane grow. These men cultivate + the soil in order to make it produce in a few years enough to enrich them; + and they already look forward to the time when they may return home to + enjoy the competency thus acquired. Thus the Americans carry their + business-like qualities into agriculture; and their trading passions are + displayed in that as in their other pursuits. + </p> + <p> + The Americans make immense progress in productive industry, because they + all devote themselves to it at once; and for this same reason they are + exposed to very unexpected and formidable embarrassments. As they are all + engaged in commerce, their commercial affairs are affected by such various + and complex causes that it is impossible to foresee what difficulties may + arise. As they are all more or less engaged in productive industry, at the + least shock given to business all private fortunes are put in jeopardy at + the same time, and the State is shaken. I believe that the return of these + commercial panics is an endemic disease of the democratic nations of our + age. It may be rendered less dangerous, but it cannot be cured; because it + does not originate in accidental circumstances, but in the temperament of + these nations. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0041" id="link2HCH0041"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XX: That Aristocracy May Be Engendered By Manufactures + </h2> + <p> + I have shown that democracy is favorable to the growth of manufactures, + and that it increases without limit the numbers of the manufacturing + classes: we shall now see by what side road manufacturers may possibly in + their turn bring men back to aristocracy. It is acknowledged that when a + workman is engaged every day upon the same detail, the whole commodity is + produced with greater ease, promptitude, and economy. It is likewise + acknowledged that the cost of the production of manufactured goods is + diminished by the extent of the establishment in which they are made, and + by the amount of capital employed or of credit. These truths had long been + imperfectly discerned, but in our time they have been demonstrated. They + have been already applied to many very important kinds of manufactures, + and the humblest will gradually be governed by them. I know of nothing in + politics which deserves to fix the attention of the legislator more + closely than these two new axioms of the science of manufactures. + </p> + <p> + When a workman is unceasingly and exclusively engaged in the fabrication + of one thing, he ultimately does his work with singular dexterity; but at + the same time he loses the general faculty of applying his mind to the + direction of the work. He every day becomes more adroit and less + industrious; so that it may be said of him, that in proportion as the + workman improves the man is degraded. What can be expected of a man who + has spent twenty years of his life in making heads for pins? and to what + can that mighty human intelligence, which has so often stirred the world, + be applied in him, except it be to investigate the best method of making + pins' heads? When a workman has spent a considerable portion of his + existence in this manner, his thoughts are forever set upon the object of + his daily toil; his body has contracted certain fixed habits, which it can + never shake off: in a word, he no longer belongs to himself, but to the + calling which he has chosen. It is in vain that laws and manners have been + at the pains to level all barriers round such a man, and to open to him on + every side a thousand different paths to fortune; a theory of manufactures + more powerful than manners and laws binds him to a craft, and frequently + to a spot, which he cannot leave: it assigns to him a certain place in + society, beyond which he cannot go: in the midst of universal movement it + has rendered him stationary. + </p> + <p> + In proportion as the principle of the division of labor is more + extensively applied, the workman becomes more weak, more narrow-minded, + and more dependent. The art advances, the artisan recedes. On the other + hand, in proportion as it becomes more manifest that the productions of + manufactures are by so much the cheaper and better as the manufacture is + larger and the amount of capital employed more considerable, wealthy and + educated men come forward to embark in manufactures which were heretofore + abandoned to poor or ignorant handicraftsmen. The magnitude of the efforts + required, and the importance of the results to be obtained, attract them. + Thus at the very time at which the science of manufactures lowers the + class of workmen, it raises the class of masters. + </p> + <p> + Whereas the workman concentrates his faculties more and more upon the + study of a single detail, the master surveys a more extensive whole, and + the mind of the latter is enlarged in proportion as that of the former is + narrowed. In a short time the one will require nothing but physical + strength without intelligence; the other stands in need of science, and + almost of genius, to insure success. This man resembles more and more the + administrator of a vast empire—that man, a brute. The master and the + workman have then here no similarity, and their differences increase every + day. They are only connected as the two rings at the extremities of a long + chain. Each of them fills the station which is made for him, and out of + which he does not get: the one is continually, closely, and necessarily + dependent upon the other, and seems as much born to obey as that other is + to command. What is this but aristocracy? + </p> + <p> + As the conditions of men constituting the nation become more and more + equal, the demand for manufactured commodities becomes more general and + more extensive; and the cheapness which places these objects within the + reach of slender fortunes becomes a great element of success. Hence there + are every day more men of great opulence and education who devote their + wealth and knowledge to manufactures; and who seek, by opening large + establishments, and by a strict division of labor, to meet the fresh + demands which are made on all sides. Thus, in proportion as the mass of + the nation turns to democracy, that particular class which is engaged in + manufactures becomes more aristocratic. Men grow more alike in the one—more + different in the other; and inequality increases in the less numerous + class in the same ratio in which it decreases in the community. Hence it + would appear, on searching to the bottom, that aristocracy should + naturally spring out of the bosom of democracy. + </p> + <p> + But this kind of aristocracy by no means resembles those kinds which + preceded it. It will be observed at once, that as it applies exclusively + to manufactures and to some manufacturing callings, it is a monstrous + exception in the general aspect of society. The small aristocratic + societies which are formed by some manufacturers in the midst of the + immense democracy of our age, contain, like the great aristocratic + societies of former ages, some men who are very opulent, and a multitude + who are wretchedly poor. The poor have few means of escaping from their + condition and becoming rich; but the rich are constantly becoming poor, or + they give up business when they have realized a fortune. Thus the elements + of which the class of the poor is composed are fixed; but the elements of + which the class of the rich is composed are not so. To say the truth, + though there are rich men, the class of rich men does not exist; for these + rich individuals have no feelings or purposes in common, no mutual + traditions or mutual hopes; there are therefore members, but no body. + </p> + <p> + Not only are the rich not compactly united amongst themselves, but there + is no real bond between them and the poor. Their relative position is not + a permanent one; they are constantly drawn together or separated by their + interests. The workman is generally dependent on the master, but not on + any particular master; these two men meet in the factory, but know not + each other elsewhere; and whilst they come into contact on one point, they + stand very wide apart on all others. The manufacturer asks nothing of the + workman but his labor; the workman expects nothing from him but his wages. + The one contracts no obligation to protect, nor the other to defend; and + they are not permanently connected either by habit or by duty. The + aristocracy created by business rarely settles in the midst of the + manufacturing population which it directs; the object is not to govern + that population, but to use it. An aristocracy thus constituted can have + no great hold upon those whom it employs; and even if it succeed in + retaining them at one moment, they escape the next; it knows not how to + will, and it cannot act. The territorial aristocracy of former ages was + either bound by law, or thought itself bound by usage, to come to the + relief of its serving-men, and to succor their distresses. But the + manufacturing aristocracy of our age first impoverishes and debases the + men who serve it, and then abandons them to be supported by the charity of + the public. This is a natural consequence of what has been said before. + Between the workmen and the master there are frequent relations, but no + real partnership. + </p> + <p> + I am of opinion, upon the whole, that the manufacturing aristocracy which + is growing up under our eyes is one of the harshest which ever existed in + the world; but at the same time it is one of the most confined and least + dangerous. Nevertheless the friends of democracy should keep their eyes + anxiously fixed in this direction; for if ever a permanent inequality of + conditions and aristocracy again penetrate into the world, it may be + predicted that this is the channel by which they will enter. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0046" id="link2H_4_0046"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Book Three: Influence Of Democracy On Manners, Properly So Called + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0042" id="link2HCH0042"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter I: That Manners Are Softened As Social Conditions Become More + Equal + </h2> + <p> + We perceive that for several ages social conditions have tended to + equality, and we discover that in the course of the same period the + manners of society have been softened. Are these two things merely + contemporaneous, or does any secret link exist between them, so that the + one cannot go on without making the other advance? Several causes may + concur to render the manners of a people less rude; but, of all these + causes, the most powerful appears to me to be the equality of conditions. + Equality of conditions and growing civility in manners are, then, in my + eyes, not only contemporaneous occurrences, but correlative facts. When + the fabulists seek to interest us in the actions of beasts, they invest + them with human notions and passions; the poets who sing of spirits and + angels do the same; there is no wretchedness so deep, nor any happiness so + pure, as to fill the human mind and touch the heart, unless we are + ourselves held up to our own eyes under other features. + </p> + <p> + This is strictly applicable to the subject upon which we are at present + engaged. When all men are irrevocably marshalled in an aristocratic + community, according to their professions, their property, and their + birth, the members of each class, considering themselves as children of + the same family, cherish a constant and lively sympathy towards each + other, which can never be felt in an equal degree by the citizens of a + democracy. But the same feeling does not exist between the several classes + towards each other. Amongst an aristocratic people each caste has its own + opinions, feelings, rights, manners, and modes of living. Thus the men of + whom each caste is composed do not resemble the mass of their + fellow-citizens; they do not think or feel in the same manner, and they + scarcely believe that they belong to the same human race. They cannot, + therefore, thoroughly understand what others feel, nor judge of others by + themselves. Yet they are sometimes eager to lend each other mutual aid; + but this is not contrary to my previous observation. These aristocratic + institutions, which made the beings of one and the same race so different, + nevertheless bound them to each other by close political ties. Although + the serf had no natural interest in the fate of nobles, he did not the + less think himself obliged to devote his person to the service of that + noble who happened to be his lord; and although the noble held himself to + be of a different nature from that of his serfs, he nevertheless held that + his duty and his honor constrained him to defend, at the risk of his own + life, those who dwelt upon his domains. + </p> + <p> + It is evident that these mutual obligations did not originate in the law + of nature, but in the law of society; and that the claim of social duty + was more stringent than that of mere humanity. These services were not + supposed to be due from man to man, but to the vassal or to the lord. + Feudal institutions awakened a lively sympathy for the sufferings of + certain men, but none at all for the miseries of mankind. They infused + generosity rather than mildness into the manners of the time, and although + they prompted men to great acts of self-devotion, they engendered no real + sympathies; for real sympathies can only exist between those who are + alike; and in aristocratic ages men acknowledge none but the members of + their own caste to be like themselves. + </p> + <p> + When the chroniclers of the Middle Ages, who all belonged to the + aristocracy by birth or education, relate the tragical end of a noble, + their grief flows apace; whereas they tell you at a breath, and without + wincing, of massacres and tortures inflicted on the common sort of people. + Not that these writers felt habitual hatred or systematic disdain for the + people; war between the several classes of the community was not yet + declared. They were impelled by an instinct rather than by a passion; as + they had formed no clear notion of a poor man's sufferings, they cared but + little for his fate. The same feelings animated the lower orders whenever + the feudal tie was broken. The same ages which witnessed so many heroic + acts of self-devotion on the part of vassals for their lords, were stained + with atrocious barbarities, exercised from time to time by the lower + classes on the higher. It must not be supposed that this mutual + insensibility arose solely from the absence of public order and education; + for traces of it are to be found in the following centuries, which became + tranquil and enlightened whilst they remained aristocratic. In 1675 the + lower classes in Brittany revolted at the imposition of a new tax. These + disturbances were put down with unexampled atrocity. Observe the language + in which Madame de Sevigne, a witness of these horrors, relates them to + her daughter:— + </p> + <p> + "Aux Rochers, 30 Octobre, 1675. + </p> + <p> + "Mon Dieu, ma fille, que votre lettre d'Aix est plaisante! Au moins + relisez vos lettres avant que de les envoyer; laissez-vous surpendre a + leur agrement, et consolez-vous par ce plaisir de la peine que vous avez + d'en tant ecrire. Vous avez donc baise toute la Provence? il n'y aurait + pas satisfaction a baiser toute la Bretagne, a moins qu'on n'aimat a + sentir le vin. . . . Voulez-vous savoir des nouvelles de Rennes? On a fait + une taxe de cent mille ecus sur le bourgeois; et si on ne trouve point + cette somme dans vingt-quatre heures, elle sera doublee et exigible par + les soldats. On a chasse et banni toute une grand rue, et defendu de les + recueillir sous peine de la vie; de sorte qu'on voyait tous ces + miserables, veillards, femmes accouchees, enfans, errer en pleurs au + sortir de cette ville sans savoir ou aller. On roua avant-hier un violon, + qui avait commence la danse et la pillerie du papier timbre; il a ete + ecartele apres sa mort, et ses quatre quartiers exposes aux quatre coins + de la ville. On a pris soixante bourgeois, et on commence demain les + punitions. Cette province est un bel exemple pour les autres, et surtout + de respecter les gouverneurs et les gouvernantes, et de ne point jeter de + pierres dans leur jardin." *a + </p> + <p class="foot"> + a <br /> [ To feel the point of this joke the reader should recollect that + Madame de Grignan was Gouvernante de Provence.] "Madame de Tarente etait + hier dans ces bois par un temps enchante: il n'est question ni de chambre + ni de collation; elle entre par la barriere et s'en retourne de meme. . . + ." + </p> + <p> + In another letter she adds:— + </p> + <p> + "Vous me parlez bien plaisamment de nos miseres; nous ne sommes plus si + roues; un en huit jours, pour entretenir la justice. Il est vrai que la + penderie me parait maintenant un refraichissement. J'ai une tout autre + idee de la justice, depuis que je suis en ce pays. Vos galeriens me + paraissent une societe d'honnetes gens qui se sont retires du monde pour + mener une vie douce." + </p> + <p> + It would be a mistake to suppose that Madame de Sevigne, who wrote these + lines, was a selfish or cruel person; she was passionately attached to her + children, and very ready to sympathize in the sorrows of her friends; nay, + her letters show that she treated her vassals and servants with kindness + and indulgence. But Madame de Sevigne had no clear notion of suffering in + anyone who was not a person of quality. + </p> + <p> + In our time the harshest man writing to the most insensible person of his + acquaintance would not venture wantonly to indulge in the cruel jocularity + which I have quoted; and even if his own manners allowed him to do so, the + manners of society at large would forbid it. Whence does this arise? Have + we more sensibility than our forefathers? I know not that we have; but I + am sure that our insensibility is extended to a far greater range of + objects. When all the ranks of a community are nearly equal, as all men + think and feel in nearly the same manner, each of them may judge in a + moment of the sensations of all the others; he casts a rapid glance upon + himself, and that is enough. There is no wretchedness into which he cannot + readily enter, and a secret instinct reveals to him its extent. It + signifies not that strangers or foes be the sufferers; imagination puts + him in their place; something like a personal feeling is mingled with his + pity, and makes himself suffer whilst the body of his fellow-creature is + in torture. In democratic ages men rarely sacrifice themselves for one + another; but they display general compassion for the members of the human + race. They inflict no useless ills; and they are happy to relieve the + griefs of others, when they can do so without much hurting themselves; + they are not disinterested, but they are humane. + </p> + <p> + Although the Americans have, in a manner, reduced egotism to a social and + philosophical theory, they are nevertheless extremely open to compassion. + In no country is criminal justice administered with more mildness than in + the United States. Whilst the English seem disposed carefully to retain + the bloody traces of the dark ages in their penal legislation, the + Americans have almost expunged capital punishment from their codes. North + America is, I think, the only one country upon earth in which the life of + no one citizen has been taken for a political offence in the course of the + last fifty years. The circumstance which conclusively shows that this + singular mildness of the Americans arises chiefly from their social + condition, is the manner in which they treat their slaves. Perhaps there + is not, upon the whole, a single European colony in the New World in which + the physical condition of the blacks is less severe than in the United + States; yet the slaves still endure horrid sufferings there, and are + constantly exposed to barbarous punishments. It is easy to perceive that + the lot of these unhappy beings inspires their masters with but little + compassion, and that they look upon slavery, not only as an institution + which is profitable to them, but as an evil which does not affect them. + Thus the same man who is full of humanity towards his fellow-creatures + when they are at the same time his equals, becomes insensible to their + afflictions as soon as that equality ceases. His mildness should therefore + be attributed to the equality of conditions, rather than to civilization + and education. + </p> + <p> + What I have here remarked of individuals is, to a certain extent, + applicable to nations. When each nation has its distinct opinions, belief, + laws, and customs, it looks upon itself as the whole of mankind, and is + moved by no sorrows but its own. Should war break out between two nations + animated by this feeling, it is sure to be waged with great cruelty. At + the time of their highest culture, the Romans slaughtered the generals of + their enemies, after having dragged them in triumph behind a car; and they + flung their prisoners to the beasts of the Circus for the amusement of the + people. Cicero, who declaimed so vehemently at the notion of crucifying a + Roman citizen, had not a word to say against these horrible abuses of + victory. It is evident that in his eyes a barbarian did not belong to the + same human race as a Roman. On the contrary, in proportion as nations + become more like each other, they become reciprocally more compassionate, + and the law of nations is mitigated. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0043" id="link2HCH0043"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter II: That Democracy Renders The Habitual Intercourse Of The + Americans Simple And Easy + </h2> + <p> + Democracy does not attach men strongly to each other; but it places their + habitual intercourse upon an easier footing. If two Englishmen chance to + meet at the Antipodes, where they are surrounded by strangers whose + language and manners are almost unknown to them, they will first stare at + each other with much curiosity and a kind of secret uneasiness; they will + then turn away, or, if one accosts the other, they will take care only to + converse with a constrained and absent air upon very unimportant subjects. + Yet there is no enmity between these men; they have never seen each other + before, and each believes the other to be a respectable person. Why then + should they stand so cautiously apart? We must go back to England to learn + the reason. + </p> + <p> + When it is birth alone, independent of wealth, which classes men in + society, everyone knows exactly what his own position is upon the social + scale; he does not seek to rise, he does not fear to sink. In a community + thus organized, men of different castes communicate very little with each + other; but if accident brings them together, they are ready to converse + without hoping or fearing to lose their own position. Their intercourse is + not upon a footing of equality, but it is not constrained. When moneyed + aristocracy succeeds to aristocracy of birth, the case is altered. The + privileges of some are still extremely great, but the possibility of + acquiring those privileges is open to all: whence it follows that those + who possess them are constantly haunted by the apprehension of losing + them, or of other men's sharing them; those who do not yet enjoy them long + to possess them at any cost, or, if they fail to appear at least to + possess them—which is not impossible. As the social importance of + men is no longer ostensibly and permanently fixed by blood, and is + infinitely varied by wealth, ranks still exist, but it is not easy clearly + to distinguish at a glance those who respectively belong to them. Secret + hostilities then arise in the community; one set of men endeavor by + innumerable artifices to penetrate, or to appear to penetrate, amongst + those who are above them; another set are constantly in arms against these + usurpers of their rights; or rather the same individual does both at once, + and whilst he seeks to raise himself into a higher circle, he is always on + the defensive against the intrusion of those below him. + </p> + <p> + Such is the condition of England at the present time; and I am of opinion + that the peculiarity before adverted to is principally to be attributed to + this cause. As aristocratic pride is still extremely great amongst the + English, and as the limits of aristocracy are ill-defined, everybody lives + in constant dread lest advantage should be taken of his familiarity. + Unable to judge at once of the social position of those he meets, an + Englishman prudently avoids all contact with them. Men are afraid lest + some slight service rendered should draw them into an unsuitable + acquaintance; they dread civilities, and they avoid the obtrusive + gratitude of a stranger quite as much as his hatred. Many people attribute + these singular anti-social propensities, and the reserved and taciturn + bearing of the English, to purely physical causes. I may admit that there + is something of it in their race, but much more of it is attributable to + their social condition, as is proved by the contrast of the Americans. + </p> + <p> + In America, where the privileges of birth never existed, and where riches + confer no peculiar rights on their possessors, men unacquainted with each + other are very ready to frequent the same places, and find neither peril + nor advantage in the free interchange of their thoughts. If they meet by + accident, they neither seek nor avoid intercourse; their manner is + therefore natural, frank, and open: it is easy to see that they hardly + expect or apprehend anything from each other, and that they do not care to + display, any more than to conceal, their position in the world. If their + demeanor is often cold and serious, it is never haughty or constrained; + and if they do not converse, it is because they are not in a humor to + talk, not because they think it their interest to be silent. In a foreign + country two Americans are at once friends, simply because they are + Americans. They are repulsed by no prejudice; they are attracted by their + common country. For two Englishmen the same blood is not enough; they must + be brought together by the same rank. The Americans remark this unsociable + mood of the English as much as the French do, and they are not less + astonished by it. Yet the Americans are connected with England by their + origin, their religion, their language, and partially by their manners; + they only differ in their social condition. It may therefore be inferred + that the reserve of the English proceeds from the constitution of their + country much more than from that of its inhabitants. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0044" id="link2HCH0044"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter III: Why The Americans Show So Little Sensitiveness In Their Own + Country, And Are So Sensitive In Europe + </h2> + <p> + The temper of the Americans is vindictive, like that of all serious and + reflecting nations. They hardly ever forget an offence, but it is not easy + to offend them; and their resentment is as slow to kindle as it is to + abate. In aristocratic communities where a small number of persons manage + everything, the outward intercourse of men is subject to settled + conventional rules. Everyone then thinks he knows exactly what marks of + respect or of condescension he ought to display, and none are presumed to + be ignorant of the science of etiquette. These usages of the first class + in society afterwards serve as a model to all the others; besides which + each of the latter lays down a code of its own, to which all its members + are bound to conform. Thus the rules of politeness form a complex system + of legislation, which it is difficult to be perfectly master of, but from + which it is dangerous for anyone to deviate; so that men are constantly + exposed involuntarily to inflict or to receive bitter affronts. But as the + distinctions of rank are obliterated, as men differing in education and in + birth meet and mingle in the same places of resort, it is almost + impossible to agree upon the rules of good breeding. As its laws are + uncertain, to disobey them is not a crime, even in the eyes of those who + know what they are; men attach more importance to intentions than to + forms, and they grow less civil, but at the same time less quarrelsome. + There are many little attentions which an American does not care about; he + thinks they are not due to him, or he presumes that they are not known to + be due: he therefore either does not perceive a rudeness or he forgives + it; his manners become less courteous, and his character more plain and + masculine. + </p> + <p> + The mutual indulgence which the Americans display, and the manly + confidence with which they treat each other, also result from another + deeper and more general cause, which I have already adverted to in the + preceding chapter. In the United States the distinctions of rank in civil + society are slight, in political society they are null; an American, + therefore, does not think himself bound to pay particular attentions to + any of his fellow-citizens, nor does he require such attentions from them + towards himself. As he does not see that it is his interest eagerly to + seek the company of any of his countrymen, he is slow to fancy that his + own company is declined: despising no one on account of his station, he + does not imagine that anyone can despise him for that cause; and until he + has clearly perceived an insult, he does not suppose that an affront was + intended. The social condition of the Americans naturally accustoms them + not to take offence in small matters; and, on the other hand, the + democratic freedom which they enjoy transfuses this same mildness of + temper into the character of the nation. The political institutions of the + United States constantly bring citizens of all ranks into contact, and + compel them to pursue great undertakings in concert. People thus engaged + have scarcely time to attend to the details of etiquette, and they are + besides too strongly interested in living harmoniously for them to stick + at such things. They therefore soon acquire a habit of considering the + feelings and opinions of those whom they meet more than their manners, and + they do not allow themselves to be annoyed by trifles. + </p> + <p> + I have often remarked in the United States that it is not easy to make a + man understand that his presence may be dispensed with; hints will not + always suffice to shake him off. I contradict an American at every word he + says, to show him that his conversation bores me; he instantly labors with + fresh pertinacity to convince me; I preserve a dogged silence, and he + thinks I am meditating deeply on the truths which he is uttering; at last + I rush from his company, and he supposes that some urgent business hurries + me elsewhere. This man will never understand that he wearies me to + extinction unless I tell him so: and the only way to get rid of him is to + make him my enemy for life. + </p> + <p> + It appears surprising at first sight that the same man transported to + Europe suddenly becomes so sensitive and captious, that I often find it as + difficult to avoid offending him here as it was to put him out of + countenance. These two opposite effects proceed from the same cause. + Democratic institutions generally give men a lofty notion of their country + and of themselves. An American leaves his country with a heart swollen + with pride; on arriving in Europe he at once finds out that we are not so + engrossed by the United States and the great people which inhabits them as + he had supposed, and this begins to annoy him. He has been informed that + the conditions of society are not equal in our part of the globe, and he + observes that among the nations of Europe the traces of rank are not + wholly obliterated; that wealth and birth still retain some indeterminate + privileges, which force themselves upon his notice whilst they elude + definition. He is therefore profoundly ignorant of the place which he + ought to occupy in this half-ruined scale of classes, which are + sufficiently distinct to hate and despise each other, yet sufficiently + alike for him to be always confounding them. He is afraid of ranging + himself too high—still more is he afraid of being ranged too low; + this twofold peril keeps his mind constantly on the stretch, and + embarrasses all he says and does. He learns from tradition that in Europe + ceremonial observances were infinitely varied according to different + ranks; this recollection of former times completes his perplexity, and he + is the more afraid of not obtaining those marks of respect which are due + to him, as he does not exactly know in what they consist. He is like a man + surrounded by traps: society is not a recreation for him, but a serious + toil: he weighs your least actions, interrogates your looks, and + scrutinizes all you say, lest there should be some hidden allusion to + affront him. I doubt whether there was ever a provincial man of quality so + punctilious in breeding as he is: he endeavors to attend to the slightest + rules of etiquette, and does not allow one of them to be waived towards + himself: he is full of scruples and at the same time of pretensions; he + wishes to do enough, but fears to do too much; and as he does not very + well know the limits of the one or of the other, he keeps up a haughty and + embarrassed air of reserve. + </p> + <p> + But this is not all: here is yet another double of the human heart. An + American is forever talking of the admirable equality which prevails in + the United States; aloud he makes it the boast of his country, but in + secret he deplores it for himself; and he aspires to show that, for his + part, he is an exception to the general state of things which he vaunts. + There is hardly an American to be met with who does not claim some remote + kindred with the first founders of the colonies; and as for the scions of + the noble families of England, America seemed to me to be covered with + them. When an opulent American arrives in Europe, his first care is to + surround himself with all the luxuries of wealth: he is so afraid of being + taken for the plain citizen of a democracy, that he adopts a hundred + distorted ways of bringing some new instance of his wealth before you + every day. His house will be in the most fashionable part of the town: he + will always be surrounded by a host of servants. I have heard an American + complain, that in the best houses of Paris the society was rather mixed; + the taste which prevails there was not pure enough for him; and he + ventured to hint that, in his opinion, there was a want of elegance of + manner; he could not accustom himself to see wit concealed under such + unpretending forms. + </p> + <p> + These contrasts ought not to surprise us. If the vestiges of former + aristocratic distinctions were not so completely effaced in the United + States, the Americans would be less simple and less tolerant in their own + country—they would require less, and be less fond of borrowed + manners in ours. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0045" id="link2HCH0045"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter IV: Consequences Of The Three Preceding Chapters + </h2> + <p> + When men feel a natural compassion for their mutual sufferings—when + they are brought together by easy and frequent intercourse, and no + sensitive feelings keep them asunder—it may readily be supposed that + they will lend assistance to one another whenever it is needed. When an + American asks for the co-operation of his fellow-citizens it is seldom + refused, and I have often seen it afforded spontaneously and with great + goodwill. If an accident happens on the highway, everybody hastens to help + the sufferer; if some great and sudden calamity befalls a family, the + purses of a thousand strangers are at once willingly opened, and small but + numerous donations pour in to relieve their distress. It often happens + amongst the most civilized nations of the globe, that a poor wretch is as + friendless in the midst of a crowd as the savage in his wilds: this is + hardly ever the case in the United States. The Americans, who are always + cold and often coarse in their manners, seldom show insensibility; and if + they do not proffer services eagerly, yet they do not refuse to render + them. + </p> + <p> + All this is not in contradiction to what I have said before on the subject + of individualism. The two things are so far from combating each other, + that I can see how they agree. Equality of conditions, whilst it makes men + feel their independence, shows them their own weakness: they are free, but + exposed to a thousand accidents; and experience soon teaches them that, + although they do not habitually require the assistance of others, a time + almost always comes when they cannot do without it. We constantly see in + Europe that men of the same profession are ever ready to assist each + other; they are all exposed to the same ills, and that is enough to teach + them to seek mutual preservatives, however hard-hearted and selfish they + may otherwise be. When one of them falls into danger, from which the + others may save him by a slight transient sacrifice or a sudden effort, + they do not fail to make the attempt. Not that they are deeply interested + in his fate; for if, by chance, their exertions are unavailing, they + immediately forget the object of them, and return to their own business; + but a sort of tacit and almost involuntary agreement has been passed + between them, by which each one owes to the others a temporary support + which he may claim for himself in turn. Extend to a people the remark here + applied to a class, and you will understand my meaning. A similar covenant + exists in fact between all the citizens of a democracy: they all feel + themselves subject to the same weakness and the same dangers; and their + interest, as well as their sympathy, makes it a rule with them to lend + each other mutual assistance when required. The more equal social + conditions become, the more do men display this reciprocal disposition to + oblige each other. In democracies no great benefits are conferred, but + good offices are constantly rendered: a man seldom displays self-devotion, + but all men are ready to be of service to one another. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0046" id="link2HCH0046"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter V: How Democracy Affects the Relation Of Masters And Servants + </h2> + <p> + An American who had travelled for a long time in Europe once said to me, + "The English treat their servants with a stiffness and imperiousness of + manner which surprise us; but on the other hand the French sometimes treat + their attendants with a degree of familiarity or of politeness which we + cannot conceive. It looks as if they were afraid to give orders: the + posture of the superior and the inferior is ill-maintained." The remark + was a just one, and I have often made it myself. I have always considered + England as the country in the world where, in our time, the bond of + domestic service is drawn most tightly, and France as the country where it + is most relaxed. Nowhere have I seen masters stand so high or so low as in + these two countries. Between these two extremes the Americans are to be + placed. Such is the fact as it appears upon the surface of things: to + discover the causes of that fact, it is necessary to search the matter + thoroughly. + </p> + <p> + No communities have ever yet existed in which social conditions have been + so equal that there were neither rich nor poor, and consequently neither + masters nor servants. Democracy does not prevent the existence of these + two classes, but it changes their dispositions and modifies their mutual + relations. Amongst aristocratic nations servants form a distinct class, + not more variously composed than that of masters. A settled order is soon + established; in the former as well as in the latter class a scale is + formed, with numerous distinctions or marked gradations of rank, and + generations succeed each other thus without any change of position. These + two communities are superposed one above the other, always distinct, but + regulated by analogous principles. This aristocratic constitution does not + exert a less powerful influence on the notions and manners of servants + than on those of masters; and, although the effects are different, the + same cause may easily be traced. Both classes constitute small communities + in the heart of the nation, and certain permanent notions of right and + wrong are ultimately engendered amongst them. The different acts of human + life are viewed by one particular and unchanging light. In the society of + servants, as in that of masters, men exercise a great influence over each + other: they acknowledge settled rules, and in the absence of law they are + guided by a sort of public opinion: their habits are settled, and their + conduct is placed under a certain control. + </p> + <p> + These men, whose destiny is to obey, certainly do not understand fame, + virtue, honesty, and honor in the same manner as their masters; but they + have a pride, a virtue, and an honesty pertaining to their condition; and + they have a notion, if I may use the expression, of a sort of servile + honor. *a Because a class is mean, it must not be supposed that all who + belong to it are mean-hearted; to think so would be a great mistake. + However lowly it may be, he who is foremost there, and who has no notion + of quitting it, occupies an aristocratic position which inspires him with + lofty feelings, pride, and self-respect, that fit him for the higher + virtues and actions above the common. Amongst aristocratic nations it was + by no means rare to find men of noble and vigorous minds in the service of + the great, who felt not the servitude they bore, and who submitted to the + will of their masters without any fear of their displeasure. But this was + hardly ever the case amongst the inferior ranks of domestic servants. It + may be imagined that he who occupies the lowest stage of the order of + menials stands very low indeed. The French created a word on purpose to + designate the servants of the aristocracy—they called them lackeys. + This word "lackey" served as the strongest expression, when all others + were exhausted, to designate human meanness. Under the old French + monarchy, to denote by a single expression a low-spirited contemptible + fellow, it was usual to say that he had the "soul of a lackey"; the term + was enough to convey all that was intended. [Footnote a: If the principal + opinions by which men are guided are examined closely and in detail, the + analogy appears still more striking, and one is surprised to find amongst + them, just as much as amongst the haughtiest scions of a feudal race, + pride of birth, respect for their ancestry and their descendants, disdain + of their inferiors, a dread of contact, a taste for etiquette, precedents, + and antiquity.] + </p> + <p> + The permanent inequality of conditions not only gives servants certain + peculiar virtues and vices, but it places them in a peculiar relation with + respect to their masters. Amongst aristocratic nations the poor man is + familiarized from his childhood with the notion of being commanded: to + whichever side he turns his eyes the graduated structure of society and + the aspect of obedience meet his view. Hence in those countries the master + readily obtains prompt, complete, respectful, and easy obedience from his + servants, because they revere in him not only their master but the class + of masters. He weighs down their will by the whole weight of the + aristocracy. He orders their actions—to a certain extent he even + directs their thoughts. In aristocracies the master often exercises, even + without being aware of it, an amazing sway over the opinions, the habits, + and the manners of those who obey him, and his influence extends even + further than his authority. + </p> + <p> + In aristocratic communities there are not only hereditary families of + servants as well as of masters, but the same families of servants adhere + for several generations to the same families of masters (like two parallel + lines which neither meet nor separate); and this considerably modifies the + mutual relations of these two classes of persons. Thus, although in + aristocratic society the master and servant have no natural resemblance—although, + on the contrary, they are placed at an immense distance on the scale of + human beings by their fortune, education, and opinions—yet time + ultimately binds them together. They are connected by a long series of + common reminiscences, and however different they may be, they grow alike; + whilst in democracies, where they are naturally almost alike, they always + remain strangers to each other. Amongst an aristocratic people the master + gets to look upon his servants as an inferior and secondary part of + himself, and he often takes an interest in their lot by a last stretch of + egotism. + </p> + <p> + Servants, on their part, are not averse to regard themselves in the same + light; and they sometimes identify themselves with the person of the + master, so that they become an appendage to him in their own eyes as well + as in his. In aristocracies a servant fills a subordinate position which + he cannot get out of; above him is another man, holding a superior rank + which he cannot lose. On one side are obscurity, poverty, obedience for + life; on the other, and also for life, fame, wealth, and command. The two + conditions are always distinct and always in propinquity; the tie that + connects them is as lasting as they are themselves. In this predicament + the servant ultimately detaches his notion of interest from his own + person; he deserts himself, as it were, or rather he transports himself + into the character of his master, and thus assumes an imaginary + personality. He complacently invests himself with the wealth of those who + command him; he shares their fame, exalts himself by their rank, and feeds + his mind with borrowed greatness, to which he attaches more importance + than those who fully and really possess it. There is something touching, + and at the same time ridiculous, in this strange confusion of two + different states of being. These passions of masters, when they pass into + the souls of menials, assume the natural dimensions of the place they + occupy—they are contracted and lowered. What was pride in the former + becomes puerile vanity and paltry ostentation in the latter. The servants + of a great man are commonly most punctilious as to the marks of respect + due to him, and they attach more importance to his slightest privileges + than he does himself. In France a few of these old servants of the + aristocracy are still to be met with here and there; they have survived + their race, which will soon disappear with them altogether. In the United + States I never saw anyone at all like them. The Americans are not only + unacquainted with the kind of man, but it is hardly possible to make them + understand that such ever existed. It is scarcely less difficult for them + to conceive it, than for us to form a correct notion of what a slave was + amongst the Romans, or a serf in the Middle Ages. All these men were in + fact, though in different degrees, results of the same cause: they are all + retiring from our sight, and disappearing in the obscurity of the past, + together with the social condition to which they owed their origin. + </p> + <p> + Equality of conditions turns servants and masters into new beings, and + places them in new relative positions. When social conditions are nearly + equal, men are constantly changing their situations in life: there is + still a class of menials and a class of masters, but these classes are not + always composed of the same individuals, still less of the same families; + and those who command are not more secure of perpetuity than those who + obey. As servants do not form a separate people, they have no habits, + prejudices, or manners peculiar to themselves; they are not remarkable for + any particular turn of mind or moods of feeling. They know no vices or + virtues of their condition, but they partake of the education, the + opinions, the feelings, the virtues, and the vices of their + contemporaries; and they are honest men or scoundrels in the same way as + their masters are. The conditions of servants are not less equal than + those of masters. As no marked ranks or fixed subordination are to be + found amongst them, they will not display either the meanness or the + greatness which characterizes the aristocracy of menials as well as all + other aristocracies. I never saw a man in the United States who reminded + me of that class of confidential servants of which we still retain a + reminiscence in Europe, neither did I ever meet with such a thing as a + lackey: all traces of the one and of the other have disappeared. + </p> + <p> + In democracies servants are not only equal amongst themselves, but it may + be said that they are in some sort the equals of their masters. This + requires explanation in order to be rightly understood. At any moment a + servant may become a master, and he aspires to rise to that condition: the + servant is therefore not a different man from the master. Why then has the + former a right to command, and what compels the latter to obey?—the + free and temporary consent of both their wills. Neither of them is by + nature inferior to the other; they only become so for a time by covenant. + Within the terms of this covenant, the one is a servant, the other a + master; beyond it they are two citizens of the commonwealth—two men. + I beg the reader particularly to observe that this is not only the notion + which servants themselves entertain of their own condition; domestic + service is looked upon by masters in the same light; and the precise + limits of authority and obedience are as clearly settled in the mind of + the one as in that of the other. + </p> + <p> + When the greater part of the community have long attained a condition + nearly alike, and when equality is an old and acknowledged fact, the + public mind, which is never affected by exceptions, assigns certain + general limits to the value of man, above or below which no man can long + remain placed. It is in vain that wealth and poverty, authority and + obedience, accidentally interpose great distances between two men; public + opinion, founded upon the usual order of things, draws them to a common + level, and creates a species of imaginary equality between them, in spite + of the real inequality of their conditions. This all-powerful opinion + penetrates at length even into the hearts of those whose interest might + arm them to resist it; it affects their judgment whilst it subdues their + will. In their inmost convictions the master and the servant no longer + perceive any deep-seated difference between them, and they neither hope + nor fear to meet with any such at any time. They are therefore neither + subject to disdain nor to anger, and they discern in each other neither + humility nor pride. The master holds the contract of service to be the + only source of his power, and the servant regards it as the only cause of + his obedience. They do not quarrel about their reciprocal situations, but + each knows his own and keeps it. + </p> + <p> + In the French army the common soldier is taken from nearly the same + classes as the officer, and may hold the same commissions; out of the + ranks he considers himself entirely equal to his military superiors, and + in point of fact he is so; but when under arms he does not hesitate to + obey, and his obedience is not the less prompt, precise, and ready, for + being voluntary and defined. This example may give a notion of what takes + place between masters and servants in democratic communities. + </p> + <p> + It would be preposterous to suppose that those warm and deep-seated + affections, which are sometimes kindled in the domestic service of + aristocracy, will ever spring up between these two men, or that they will + exhibit strong instances of self-sacrifice. In aristocracies masters and + servants live apart, and frequently their only intercourse is through a + third person; yet they commonly stand firmly by one another. In democratic + countries the master and the servant are close together; they are in daily + personal contact, but their minds do not intermingle; they have common + occupations, hardly ever common interests. Amongst such a people the + servant always considers himself as a sojourner in the dwelling of his + masters. He knew nothing of their forefathers—he will see nothing of + their descendants—he has nothing lasting to expect from their hand. + Why then should he confound his life with theirs, and whence should so + strange a surrender of himself proceed? The reciprocal position of the two + men is changed—their mutual relations must be so too. + </p> + <p> + I would fain illustrate all these reflections by the example of the + Americans; but for this purpose the distinctions of persons and places + must be accurately traced. In the South of the Union, slavery exists; all + that I have just said is consequently inapplicable there. In the North, + the majority of servants are either freedmen or the children of freedmen; + these persons occupy a contested position in the public estimation; by the + laws they are brought up to the level of their masters—by the + manners of the country they are obstinately detruded from it. They do not + themselves clearly know their proper place, and they are almost always + either insolent or craven. But in the Northern States, especially in New + England, there are a certain number of whites, who agree, for wages, to + yield a temporary obedience to the will of their fellow-citizens. I have + heard that these servants commonly perform the duties of their situation + with punctuality and intelligence; and that without thinking themselves + naturally inferior to the person who orders them, they submit without + reluctance to obey him. They appear to me to carry into service some of + those manly habits which independence and equality engender. Having once + selected a hard way of life, they do not seek to escape from it by + indirect means; and they have sufficient respect for themselves, not to + refuse to their master that obedience which they have freely promised. On + their part, masters require nothing of their servants but the faithful and + rigorous performance of the covenant: they do not ask for marks of + respect, they do not claim their love or devoted attachment; it is enough + that, as servants, they are exact and honest. It would not then be true to + assert that, in democratic society, the relation of servants and masters + is disorganized: it is organized on another footing; the rule is + different, but there is a rule. + </p> + <p> + It is not my purpose to inquire whether the new state of things which I + have just described is inferior to that which preceded it, or simply + different. Enough for me that it is fixed and determined: for what is most + important to meet with among men is not any given ordering, but order. But + what shall I say of those sad and troubled times at which equality is + established in the midst of the tumult of revolution—when democracy, + after having been introduced into the state of society, still struggles + with difficulty against the prejudices and manners of the country? The + laws, and partially public opinion, already declare that no natural or + permanent inferiority exists between the servant and the master. But this + new belief has not yet reached the innermost convictions of the latter, or + rather his heart rejects it; in the secret persuasion of his mind the + master thinks that he belongs to a peculiar and superior race; he dares + not say so, but he shudders whilst he allows himself to be dragged to the + same level. His authority over his servants becomes timid and at the same + time harsh: he has already ceased to entertain for them the feelings of + patronizing kindness which long uncontested power always engenders, and he + is surprised that, being changed himself, his servant changes also. He + wants his attendants to form regular and permanent habits, in a condition + of domestic service which is only temporary: he requires that they should + appear contented with and proud of a servile condition, which they will + one day shake off—that they should sacrifice themselves to a man who + can neither protect nor ruin them—and in short that they should + contract an indissoluble engagement to a being like themselves, and one + who will last no longer than they will. + </p> + <p> + Amongst aristocratic nations it often happens that the condition of + domestic service does not degrade the character of those who enter upon + it, because they neither know nor imagine any other; and the amazing + inequality which is manifest between them and their master appears to be + the necessary and unavoidable consequence of some hidden law of + Providence. In democracies the condition of domestic service does not + degrade the character of those who enter upon it, because it is freely + chosen, and adopted for a time only; because it is not stigmatized by + public opinion, and creates no permanent inequality between the servant + and the master. But whilst the transition from one social condition to + another is going on, there is almost always a time when men's minds + fluctuate between the aristocratic notion of subjection and the democratic + notion of obedience. Obedience then loses its moral importance in the eyes + of him who obeys; he no longer considers it as a species of divine + obligation, and he does not yet view it under its purely human aspect; it + has to him no character of sanctity or of justice, and he submits to it as + to a degrading but profitable condition. At that moment a confused and + imperfect phantom of equality haunts the minds of servants; they do not at + once perceive whether the equality to which they are entitled is to be + found within or without the pale of domestic service; and they rebel in + their hearts against a subordination to which they have subjected + themselves, and from which they derive actual profit. They consent to + serve, and they blush to obey; they like the advantages of service, but + not the master; or rather, they are not sure that they ought not + themselves to be masters, and they are inclined to consider him who orders + them as an unjust usurper of their own rights. Then it is that the + dwelling of every citizen offers a spectacle somewhat analogous to the + gloomy aspect of political society. A secret and intestine warfare is + going on there between powers, ever rivals and suspicious of one another: + the master is ill-natured and weak, the servant ill-natured and + intractable; the one constantly attempts to evade by unfair restrictions + his obligation to protect and to remunerate—the other his obligation + to obey. The reins of domestic government dangle between them, to be + snatched at by one or the other. The lines which divide authority from + oppression, liberty from license, and right from might, are to their eyes + so jumbled together and confused, that no one knows exactly what he is, or + what he may be, or what he ought to be. Such a condition is not democracy, + but revolution. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0047" id="link2HCH0047"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter VI: That Democratic Institutions And Manners Tend To Raise Rents + And Shorten The Terms Of Leases + </h2> + <p> + What has been said of servants and masters is applicable, to a certain + extent, to landowners and farming tenants; but this subject deserves to be + considered by itself. In America there are, properly speaking, no tenant + farmers; every man owns the ground he tills. It must be admitted that + democratic laws tend greatly to increase the number of landowners, and to + diminish that of farming tenants. Yet what takes place in the United + States is much less attributable to the institutions of the country than + to the country itself. In America land is cheap, and anyone may easily + become a landowner; its returns are small, and its produce cannot well be + divided between a landowner and a farmer. America therefore stands alone + in this as well as in many other respects, and it would be a mistake to + take it as an example. + </p> + <p> + I believe that in democratic as well as in aristocratic countries there + will be landowners and tenants, but the connection existing between them + will be of a different kind. In aristocracies the hire of a farm is paid + to the landlord, not only in rent, but in respect, regard, and duty; in + democracies the whole is paid in cash. When estates are divided and passed + from hand to hand, and the permanent connection which existed between + families and the soil is dissolved, the landowner and the tenant are only + casually brought into contact. They meet for a moment to settle the + conditions of the agreement, and then lose sight of each other; they are + two strangers brought together by a common interest, and who keenly talk + over a matter of business, the sole object of which is to make money. + </p> + <p> + In proportion as property is subdivided and wealth distributed over the + country, the community is filled with people whose former opulence is + declining, and with others whose fortunes are of recent growth and whose + wants increase more rapidly than their resources. For all such persons the + smallest pecuniary profit is a matter of importance, and none of them feel + disposed to waive any of their claims, or to lose any portion of their + income. As ranks are intermingled, and as very large as well as very + scanty fortunes become more rare, every day brings the social condition of + the landowner nearer to that of the farmer; the one has not naturally any + uncontested superiority over the other; between two men who are equal, and + not at ease in their circumstances, the contract of hire is exclusively an + affair of money. A man whose estate extends over a whole district, and who + owns a hundred farms, is well aware of the importance of gaining at the + same time the affections of some thousands of men; this object appears to + call for his exertions, and to attain it he will readily make considerable + sacrifices. But he who owns a hundred acres is insensible to similar + considerations, and he cares but little to win the private regard of his + tenant. + </p> + <p> + An aristocracy does not expire like a man in a single day; the + aristocratic principle is slowly undermined in men's opinion, before it is + attacked in their laws. Long before open war is declared against it, the + tie which had hitherto united the higher classes to the lower may be seen + to be gradually relaxed. Indifference and contempt are betrayed by one + class, jealousy and hatred by the others; the intercourse between rich and + poor becomes less frequent and less kind, and rents are raised. This is + not the consequence of a democratic revolution, but its certain harbinger; + for an aristocracy which has lost the affections of the people, once and + forever, is like a tree dead at the root, which is the more easily torn up + by the winds the higher its branches have spread. + </p> + <p> + In the course of the last fifty years the rents of farms have amazingly + increased, not only in France but throughout the greater part of Europe. + The remarkable improvements which have taken place in agriculture and + manufactures within the same period do not suffice in my opinion to + explain this fact; recourse must be had to another cause more powerful and + more concealed. I believe that cause is to be found in the democratic + institutions which several European nations have adopted, and in the + democratic passions which more or less agitate all the rest. I have + frequently heard great English landowners congratulate themselves that, at + the present day, they derive a much larger income from their estates than + their fathers did. They have perhaps good reasons to be glad; but most + assuredly they know not what they are glad of. They think they are making + a clear gain, when it is in reality only an exchange; their influence is + what they are parting with for cash; and what they gain in money will ere + long be lost in power. + </p> + <p> + There is yet another sign by which it is easy to know that a great + democratic revolution is going on or approaching. In the Middle Ages + almost all lands were leased for lives, or for very long terms; the + domestic economy of that period shows that leases for ninety-nine years + were more frequent then than leases for twelve years are now. Men then + believed that families were immortal; men's conditions seemed settled + forever, and the whole of society appeared to be so fixed, that it was not + supposed that anything would ever be stirred or shaken in its structure. + In ages of equality, the human mind takes a different bent; the prevailing + notion is that nothing abides, and man is haunted by the thought of + mutability. Under this impression the landowner and the tenant himself are + instinctively averse to protracted terms of obligation; they are afraid of + being tied up to-morrow by the contract which benefits them today. They + have vague anticipations of some sudden and unforeseen change in their + conditions; they mistrust themselves; they fear lest their taste should + change, and lest they should lament that they cannot rid themselves of + what they coveted; nor are such fears unfounded, for in democratic ages + that which is most fluctuating amidst the fluctuation of all around is the + heart of man. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0048" id="link2HCH0048"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter VII: Influence Of Democracy On Wages + </h2> + <p> + Most of the remarks which I have already made in speaking of servants and + masters, may be applied to masters and workmen. As the gradations of the + social scale come to be less observed, whilst the great sink the humble + rise, and as poverty as well as opulence ceases to be hereditary, the + distance both in reality and in opinion, which heretofore separated the + workman from the master, is lessened every day. The workman conceives a + more lofty opinion of his rights, of his future, of himself; he is filled + with new ambition and with new desires, he is harassed by new wants. Every + instant he views with longing eyes the profits of his employer; and in + order to share them, he strives to dispose of his labor at a higher rate, + and he generally succeeds at length in the attempt. In democratic + countries, as well as elsewhere, most of the branches of productive + industry are carried on at a small cost, by men little removed by their + wealth or education above the level of those whom they employ. These + manufacturing speculators are extremely numerous; their interests differ; + they cannot therefore easily concert or combine their exertions. On the + other hand the workmen have almost always some sure resources, which + enable them to refuse to work when they cannot get what they conceive to + be the fair price of their labor. In the constant struggle for wages which + is going on between these two classes, their strength is divided, and + success alternates from one to the other. It is even probable that in the + end the interest of the working class must prevail; for the high wages + which they have already obtained make them every day less dependent on + their masters; and as they grow more independent, they have greater + facilities for obtaining a further increase of wages. + </p> + <p> + I shall take for example that branch of productive industry which is still + at the present day the most generally followed in France, and in almost + all the countries of the world—I mean the cultivation of the soil. + In France most of those who labor for hire in agriculture, are themselves + owners of certain plots of ground, which just enable them to subsist + without working for anyone else. When these laborers come to offer their + services to a neighboring landowner or farmer, if he refuses them a + certain rate of wages, they retire to their own small property and await + another opportunity. + </p> + <p> + I think that, upon the whole, it may be asserted that a slow and gradual + rise of wages is one of the general laws of democratic communities. In + proportion as social conditions become more equal, wages rise; and as + wages are higher, social conditions become more equal. But a great and + gloomy exception occurs in our own time. I have shown in a preceding + chapter that aristocracy, expelled from political society, has taken + refuge in certain departments of productive industry, and has established + its sway there under another form; this powerfully affects the rate of + wages. As a large capital is required to embark in the great manufacturing + speculations to which I allude, the number of persons who enter upon them + is exceedingly limited: as their number is small, they can easily concert + together, and fix the rate of wages as they please. Their workmen on the + contrary are exceedingly numerous, and the number of them is always + increasing; for, from time to time, an extraordinary run of business takes + place, during which wages are inordinately high, and they attract the + surrounding population to the factories. But, when once men have embraced + that line of life, we have already seen that they cannot quit it again, + because they soon contract habits of body and mind which unfit them for + any other sort of toil. These men have generally but little education and + industry, with but few resources; they stand therefore almost at the mercy + of the master. When competition, or other fortuitous circumstances, lessen + his profits, he can reduce the wages of his workmen almost at pleasure, + and make from them what he loses by the chances of business. Should the + workmen strike, the master, who is a rich man, can very well wait without + being ruined until necessity brings them back to him; but they must work + day by day or they die, for their only property is in their hands. They + have long been impoverished by oppression, and the poorer they become the + more easily may they be oppressed: they can never escape from this fatal + circle of cause and consequence. It is not then surprising that wages, + after having sometimes suddenly risen, are permanently lowered in this + branch of industry; whereas in other callings the price of labor, which + generally increases but little, is nevertheless constantly augmented. + </p> + <p> + This state of dependence and wretchedness, in which a part of the + manufacturing population of our time lives, forms an exception to the + general rule, contrary to the state of all the rest of the community; but, + for this very reason, no circumstance is more important or more deserving + of the especial consideration of the legislator; for when the whole of + society is in motion, it is difficult to keep any one class stationary; + and when the greater number of men are opening new paths to fortune, it is + no less difficult to make the few support in peace their wants and their + desires. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0049" id="link2HCH0049"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter VIII: Influence Of Democracy On Kindred + </h2> + <p> + I have just examined the changes which the equality of conditions produces + in the mutual relations of the several members of the community amongst + democratic nations, and amongst the Americans in particular. I would now + go deeper, and inquire into the closer ties of kindred: my object here is + not to seek for new truths, but to show in what manner facts already known + are connected with my subject. + </p> + <p> + It has been universally remarked, that in our time the several members of + a family stand upon an entirely new footing towards each other; that the + distance which formerly separated a father from his sons has been + lessened; and that paternal authority, if not destroyed, is at least + impaired. Something analogous to this, but even more striking, may be + observed in the United States. In America the family, in the Roman and + aristocratic signification of the word, does not exist. All that remains + of it are a few vestiges in the first years of childhood, when the father + exercises, without opposition, that absolute domestic authority, which the + feebleness of his children renders necessary, and which their interest, as + well as his own incontestable superiority, warrants. But as soon as the + young American approaches manhood, the ties of filial obedience are + relaxed day by day: master of his thoughts, he is soon master of his + conduct. In America there is, strictly speaking, no adolescence: at the + close of boyhood the man appears, and begins to trace out his own path. It + would be an error to suppose that this is preceded by a domestic struggle, + in which the son has obtained by a sort of moral violence the liberty that + his father refused him. The same habits, the same principles which impel + the one to assert his independence, predispose the other to consider the + use of that independence as an incontestable right. The former does not + exhibit any of those rancorous or irregular passions which disturb men + long after they have shaken off an established authority; the latter feels + none of that bitter and angry regret which is apt to survive a bygone + power. The father foresees the limits of his authority long beforehand, + and when the time arrives he surrenders it without a struggle: the son + looks forward to the exact period at which he will be his own master; and + he enters upon his freedom without precipitation and without effort, as a + possession which is his own and which no one seeks to wrest from him. *a + </p> + <p class="foot"> + a <br /> [ The Americans, however, have not yet thought fit to strip the + parent, as has been done in France, of one of the chief elements of + parental authority, by depriving him of the power of disposing of his + property at his death. In the United States there are no restrictions on + the powers of a testator. In this respect, as in almost all others, it is + easy to perceive, that if the political legislation of the Americans is + much more democratic than that of the French, the civil legislation of the + latter is infinitely more democratic than that of the former. This may + easily be accounted for. The civil legislation of France was the work of a + man who saw that it was his interest to satisfy the democratic passions of + his contemporaries in all that was not directly and immediately hostile to + his own power. He was willing to allow some popular principles to regulate + the distribution of property and the government of families, provided they + were not to be introduced into the administration of public affairs. + Whilst the torrent of democracy overwhelmed the civil laws of the country, + he hoped to find an easy shelter behind its political institutions. This + policy was at once both adroit and selfish; but a compromise of this kind + could not last; for in the end political institutions never fail to become + the image and expression of civil society; and in this sense it may be + said that nothing is more political in a nation than its civil + legislation.] + </p> + <p> + It may perhaps not be without utility to show how these changes which take + place in family relations, are closely connected with the social and + political revolution which is approaching its consummation under our own + observation. There are certain great social principles, which a people + either introduces everywhere, or tolerates nowhere. In countries which are + aristocratically constituted with all the gradations of rank, the + government never makes a direct appeal to the mass of the governed: as men + are united together, it is enough to lead the foremost, the rest will + follow. This is equally applicable to the family, as to all aristocracies + which have a head. Amongst aristocratic nations, social institutions + recognize, in truth, no one in the family but the father; children are + received by society at his hands; society governs him, he governs them. + Thus the parent has not only a natural right, but he acquires a political + right, to command them: he is the author and the support of his family; + but he is also its constituted ruler. In democracies, where the government + picks out every individual singly from the mass, to make him subservient + to the general laws of the community, no such intermediate person is + required: a father is there, in the eye of the law, only a member of the + community, older and richer than his sons. + </p> + <p> + When most of the conditions of life are extremely unequal, and the + inequality of these conditions is permanent, the notion of a superior + grows upon the imaginations of men: if the law invested him with no + privileges, custom and public opinion would concede them. When, on the + contrary, men differ but little from each other, and do not always remain + in dissimilar conditions of life, the general notion of a superior becomes + weaker and less distinct: it is vain for legislation to strive to place + him who obeys very much beneath him who commands; the manners of the time + bring the two men nearer to one another, and draw them daily towards the + same level. Although the legislation of an aristocratic people should + grant no peculiar privileges to the heads of families; I shall not be the + less convinced that their power is more respected and more extensive than + in a democracy; for I know that, whatsoever the laws may be, superiors + always appear higher and inferiors lower in aristocracies than amongst + democratic nations. + </p> + <p> + When men live more for the remembrance of what has been than for the care + of what is, and when they are more given to attend to what their ancestors + thought than to think themselves, the father is the natural and necessary + tie between the past and the present—the link by which the ends of + these two chains are connected. In aristocracies, then, the father is not + only the civil head of the family, but the oracle of its traditions, the + expounder of its customs, the arbiter of its manners. He is listened to + with deference, he is addressed with respect, and the love which is felt + for him is always tempered with fear. When the condition of society + becomes democratic, and men adopt as their general principle that it is + good and lawful to judge of all things for one's self, using former points + of belief not as a rule of faith but simply as a means of information, the + power which the opinions of a father exercise over those of his sons + diminishes as well as his legal power. + </p> + <p> + Perhaps the subdivision of estates which democracy brings with it + contributes more than anything else to change the relations existing + between a father and his children. When the property of the father of a + family is scanty, his son and himself constantly live in the same place, + and share the same occupations: habit and necessity bring them together, + and force them to hold constant communication: the inevitable consequence + is a sort of familiar intimacy, which renders authority less absolute, and + which can ill be reconciled with the external forms of respect. Now in + democratic countries the class of those who are possessed of small + fortunes is precisely that which gives strength to the notions, and a + particular direction to the manners, of the community. That class makes + its opinions preponderate as universally as its will, and even those who + are most inclined to resist its commands are carried away in the end by + its example. I have known eager opponents of democracy who allowed their + children to address them with perfect colloquial equality. + </p> + <p> + Thus, at the same time that the power of aristocracy is declining, the + austere, the conventional, and the legal part of parental authority + vanishes, and a species of equality prevails around the domestic hearth. I + know not, upon the whole, whether society loses by the change, but I am + inclined to believe that man individually is a gainer by it. I think that, + in proportion as manners and laws become more democratic, the relation of + father and son becomes more intimate and more affectionate; rules and + authority are less talked of; confidence and tenderness are oftentimes + increased, and it would seem that the natural bond is drawn closer in + proportion as the social bond is loosened. In a democratic family the + father exercises no other power than that with which men love to invest + the affection and the experience of age; his orders would perhaps be + disobeyed, but his advice is for the most part authoritative. Though he be + not hedged in with ceremonial respect, his sons at least accost him with + confidence; no settled form of speech is appropriated to the mode of + addressing him, but they speak to him constantly, and are ready to consult + him day by day; the master and the constituted ruler have vanished—the + father remains. Nothing more is needed, in order to judge of the + difference between the two states of society in this respect, than to + peruse the family correspondence of aristocratic ages. The style is always + correct, ceremonious, stiff, and so cold that the natural warmth of the + heart can hardly be felt in the language. The language, on the contrary, + addressed by a son to his father in democratic countries is always marked + by mingled freedom, familiarity and affection, which at once show that new + relations have sprung up in the bosom of the family. + </p> + <p> + A similar revolution takes place in the mutual relations of children. In + aristocratic families, as well as in aristocratic society, every place is + marked out beforehand. Not only does the father occupy a separate rank, in + which he enjoys extensive privileges, but even the children are not equal + amongst themselves. The age and sex of each irrevocably determine his + rank, and secure to him certain privileges: most of these distinctions are + abolished or diminished by democracy. In aristocratic families the eldest + son, inheriting the greater part of the property, and almost all the + rights of the family, becomes the chief, and, to a certain extent, the + master, of his brothers. Greatness and power are for him—for them, + mediocrity and dependence. Nevertheless it would be wrong to suppose that, + amongst aristocratic nations, the privileges of the eldest son are + advantageous to himself alone, or that they excite nothing but envy and + hatred in those around him. The eldest son commonly endeavors to procure + wealth and power for his brothers, because the general splendor of the + house is reflected back on him who represents it; the younger sons seek to + back the elder brother in all his undertakings, because the greatness and + power of the head of the family better enable him to provide for all its + branches. The different members of an aristocratic family are therefore + very closely bound together; their interests are connected, their minds + agree, but their hearts are seldom in harmony. + </p> + <p> + Democracy also binds brothers to each other, but by very different means. + Under democratic laws all the children are perfectly equal, and + consequently independent; nothing brings them forcibly together, but + nothing keeps them apart; and as they have the same origin, as they are + trained under the same roof, as they are treated with the same care, and + as no peculiar privilege distinguishes or divides them, the affectionate + and youthful intimacy of early years easily springs up between them. + Scarcely any opportunities occur to break the tie thus formed at the + outset of life; for their brotherhood brings them daily together, without + embarrassing them. It is not, then, by interest, but by common + associations and by the free sympathy of opinion and of taste, that + democracy unites brothers to each other. It divides their inheritance, but + it allows their hearts and minds to mingle together. Such is the charm of + these democratic manners, that even the partisans of aristocracy are + caught by it; and after having experienced it for some time, they are by + no means tempted to revert to the respectful and frigid observance of + aristocratic families. They would be glad to retain the domestic habits of + democracy, if they might throw off its social conditions and its laws; but + these elements are indissolubly united, and it is impossible to enjoy the + former without enduring the latter. The remarks I have made on filial love + and fraternal affection are applicable to all the passions which emanate + spontaneously from human nature itself. If a certain mode of thought or + feeling is the result of some peculiar condition of life, when that + condition is altered nothing whatever remains of the thought or feeling. + Thus a law may bind two members of the community very closely to one + another; but that law being abolished, they stand asunder. Nothing was + more strict than the tie which united the vassal to the lord under the + feudal system; at the present day the two men know not each other; the + fear, the gratitude, and the affection which formerly connected them have + vanished, and not a vestige of the tie remains. Such, however, is not the + case with those feelings which are natural to mankind. Whenever a law + attempts to tutor these feelings in any particular manner, it seldom fails + to weaken them; by attempting to add to their intensity, it robs them of + some of their elements, for they are never stronger than when left to + themselves. + </p> + <p> + Democracy, which destroys or obscures almost all the old conventional + rules of society, and which prevents men from readily assenting to new + ones, entirely effaces most of the feelings to which these conventional + rules have given rise; but it only modifies some others, and frequently + imparts to them a degree of energy and sweetness unknown before. Perhaps + it is not impossible to condense into a single proposition the whole + meaning of this chapter, and of several others that preceded it. Democracy + loosens social ties, but it draws the ties of nature more tight; it brings + kindred more closely together, whilst it places the various members of the + community more widely apart. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0050" id="link2HCH0050"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter IX: Education Of Young Women In The United States + </h2> + <p> + No free communities ever existed without morals; and, as I observed in the + former part of this work, morals are the work of woman. Consequently, + whatever affects the condition of women, their habits and their opinions, + has great political importance in my eyes. Amongst almost all Protestant + nations young women are far more the mistresses of their own actions than + they are in Catholic countries. This independence is still greater in + Protestant countries, like England, which have retained or acquired the + right of self-government; the spirit of freedom is then infused into the + domestic circle by political habits and by religious opinions. In the + United States the doctrines of Protestantism are combined with great + political freedom and a most democratic state of society; and nowhere are + young women surrendered so early or so completely to their own guidance. + Long before an American girl arrives at the age of marriage, her + emancipation from maternal control begins; she has scarcely ceased to be a + child when she already thinks for herself, speaks with freedom, and acts + on her own impulse. The great scene of the world is constantly open to her + view; far from seeking concealment, it is every day disclosed to her more + completely, and she is taught to survey it with a firm and calm gaze. Thus + the vices and dangers of society are early revealed to her; as she sees + them clearly, she views them without illusions, and braves them without + fear; for she is full of reliance on her own strength, and her reliance + seems to be shared by all who are about her. An American girl scarcely + ever displays that virginal bloom in the midst of young desires, or that + innocent and ingenuous grace which usually attends the European woman in + the transition from girlhood to youth. It is rarely that an American woman + at any age displays childish timidity or ignorance. Like the young women + of Europe, she seeks to please, but she knows precisely the cost of + pleasing. If she does not abandon herself to evil, at least she knows that + it exists; and she is remarkable rather for purity of manners than for + chastity of mind. I have been frequently surprised, and almost frightened, + at the singular address and happy boldness with which young women in + America contrive to manage their thoughts and their language amidst all + the difficulties of stimulating conversation; a philosopher would have + stumbled at every step along the narrow path which they trod without + accidents and without effort. It is easy indeed to perceive that, even + amidst the independence of early youth, an American woman is always + mistress of herself; she indulges in all permitted pleasures, without + yielding herself up to any of them; and her reason never allows the reins + of self-guidance to drop, though it often seems to hold them loosely. + </p> + <p> + In France, where remnants of every age are still so strangely mingled in + the opinions and tastes of the people, women commonly receive a reserved, + retired, and almost cloistral education, as they did in aristocratic + times; and then they are suddenly abandoned, without a guide and without + assistance, in the midst of all the irregularities inseparable from + democratic society. The Americans are more consistent. They have found out + that in a democracy the independence of individuals cannot fail to be very + great, youth premature, tastes ill-restrained, customs fleeting, public + opinion often unsettled and powerless, paternal authority weak, and + marital authority contested. Under these circumstances, believing that + they had little chance of repressing in woman the most vehement passions + of the human heart, they held that the surer way was to teach her the art + of combating those passions for herself. As they could not prevent her + virtue from being exposed to frequent danger, they determined that she + should know how best to defend it; and more reliance was placed on the + free vigor of her will than on safeguards which have been shaken or + overthrown. Instead, then, of inculcating mistrust of herself, they + constantly seek to enhance their confidence in her own strength of + character. As it is neither possible nor desirable to keep a young woman + in perpetual or complete ignorance, they hasten to give her a precocious + knowledge on all subjects. Far from hiding the corruptions of the world + from her, they prefer that she should see them at once and train herself + to shun them; and they hold it of more importance to protect her conduct + than to be over-scrupulous of her innocence. + </p> + <p> + Although the Americans are a very religious people, they do not rely on + religion alone to defend the virtue of woman; they seek to arm her reason + also. In this they have followed the same method as in several other + respects; they first make the most vigorous efforts to bring individual + independence to exercise a proper control over itself, and they do not + call in the aid of religion until they have reached the utmost limits of + human strength. I am aware that an education of this kind is not without + danger; I am sensible that it tends to invigorate the judgment at the + expense of the imagination, and to make cold and virtuous women instead of + affectionate wives and agreeable companions to man. Society may be more + tranquil and better regulated, but domestic life has often fewer charms. + These, however, are secondary evils, which may be braved for the sake of + higher interests. At the stage at which we are now arrived the time for + choosing is no longer within our control; a democratic education is + indispensable to protect women from the dangers with which democratic + institutions and manners surround them. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0051" id="link2HCH0051"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter X: The Young Woman In The Character Of A Wife + </h2> + <p> + In America the independence of woman is irrevocably lost in the bonds of + matrimony: if an unmarried woman is less constrained there than elsewhere, + a wife is subjected to stricter obligations. The former makes her father's + house an abode of freedom and of pleasure; the latter lives in the home of + her husband as if it were a cloister. Yet these two different conditions + of life are perhaps not so contrary as may be supposed, and it is natural + that the American women should pass through the one to arrive at the + other. + </p> + <p> + Religious peoples and trading nations entertain peculiarly serious notions + of marriage: the former consider the regularity of woman's life as the + best pledge and most certain sign of the purity of her morals; the latter + regard it as the highest security for the order and prosperity of the + household. The Americans are at the same time a puritanical people and a + commercial nation: their religious opinions, as well as their trading + habits, consequently lead them to require much abnegation on the part of + woman, and a constant sacrifice of her pleasures to her duties which is + seldom demanded of her in Europe. Thus in the United States the inexorable + opinion of the public carefully circumscribes woman within the narrow + circle of domestic interest and duties, and forbids her to step beyond it. + </p> + <p> + Upon her entrance into the world a young American woman finds these + notions firmly established; she sees the rules which are derived from + them; she is not slow to perceive that she cannot depart for an instant + from the established usages of her contemporaries, without putting in + jeopardy her peace of mind, her honor, nay even her social existence; and + she finds the energy required for such an act of submission in the + firmness of her understanding and in the virile habits which her education + has given her. It may be said that she has learned by the use of her + independence to surrender it without a struggle and without a murmur when + the time comes for making the sacrifice. But no American woman falls into + the toils of matrimony as into a snare held out to her simplicity and + ignorance. She has been taught beforehand what is expected of her, and + voluntarily and freely does she enter upon this engagement. She supports + her new condition with courage, because she chose it. As in America + paternal discipline is very relaxed and the conjugal tie very strict, a + young woman does not contract the latter without considerable + circumspection and apprehension. Precocious marriages are rare. Thus + American women do not marry until their understandings are exercised and + ripened; whereas in other countries most women generally only begin to + exercise and to ripen their understandings after marriage. + </p> + <p> + I by no means suppose, however, that the great change which takes place in + all the habits of women in the United States, as soon as they are married, + ought solely to be attributed to the constraint of public opinion: it is + frequently imposed upon themselves by the sole effort of their own will. + When the time for choosing a husband is arrived, that cold and stern + reasoning power which has been educated and invigorated by the free + observation of the world, teaches an American woman that a spirit of + levity and independence in the bonds of marriage is a constant subject of + annoyance, not of pleasure; it tells her that the amusements of the girl + cannot become the recreations of the wife, and that the sources of a + married woman's happiness are in the home of her husband. As she clearly + discerns beforehand the only road which can lead to domestic happiness, + she enters upon it at once, and follows it to the end without seeking to + turn back. + </p> + <p> + The same strength of purpose which the young wives of America display, in + bending themselves at once and without repining to the austere duties of + their new condition, is no less manifest in all the great trials of their + lives. In no country in the world are private fortunes more precarious + than in the United States. It is not uncommon for the same man, in the + course of his life, to rise and sink again through all the grades which + lead from opulence to poverty. American women support these vicissitudes + with calm and unquenchable energy: it would seem that their desires + contract, as easily as they expand, with their fortunes. *a + </p> + <p class="foot"> + a <br /> [ See Appendix S.] + </p> + <p> + The greater part of the adventurers who migrate every year to people the + western wilds, belong, as I observed in the former part of this work, to + the old Anglo-American race of the Northern States. Many of these men, who + rush so boldly onwards in pursuit of wealth, were already in the enjoyment + of a competency in their own part of the country. They take their wives + along with them, and make them share the countless perils and privations + which always attend the commencement of these expeditions. I have often + met, even on the verge of the wilderness, with young women, who after + having been brought up amidst all the comforts of the large towns of New + England, had passed, almost without any intermediate stage, from the + wealthy abode of their parents to a comfortless hovel in a forest. Fever, + solitude, and a tedious life had not broken the springs of their courage. + Their features were impaired and faded, but their looks were firm: they + appeared to be at once sad and resolute. I do not doubt that these young + American women had amassed, in the education of their early years, that + inward strength which they displayed under these circumstances. The early + culture of the girl may still therefore be traced, in the United States, + under the aspect of marriage: her part is changed, her habits are + different, but her character is the same. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0052" id="link2HCH0052"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XI: That The Equality Of Conditions Contributes To The Maintenance + Of Good Morals In America + </h2> + <p> + Some philosophers and historians have said, or have hinted, that the + strictness of female morality was increased or diminished simply by the + distance of a country from the equator. This solution of the difficulty + was an easy one; and nothing was required but a globe and a pair of + compasses to settle in an instant one of the most difficult problems in + the condition of mankind. But I am not aware that this principle of the + materialists is supported by facts. The same nations have been chaste or + dissolute at different periods of their history; the strictness or the + laxity of their morals depended therefore on some variable cause, not only + on the natural qualities of their country, which were invariable. I do not + deny that in certain climates the passions which are occasioned by the + mutual attraction of the sexes are peculiarly intense; but I am of opinion + that this natural intensity may always be excited or restrained by the + condition of society and by political institutions. + </p> + <p> + Although the travellers who have visited North America differ on a great + number of points, they all agree in remarking that morals are far more + strict there than elsewhere. It is evident that on this point the + Americans are very superior to their progenitors the English. A + superficial glance at the two nations will establish the fact. In England, + as in all other countries of Europe, public malice is constantly attacking + the frailties of women. Philosophers and statesmen are heard to deplore + that morals are not sufficiently strict, and the literary productions of + the country constantly lead one to suppose so. In America all books, + novels not excepted, suppose women to be chaste, and no one thinks of + relating affairs of gallantry. No doubt this great regularity of American + morals originates partly in the country, in the race of the people, and in + their religion: but all these causes, which operate elsewhere, do not + suffice to account for it; recourse must be had to some special reason. + This reason appears to me to be the principle of equality and the + institutions derived from it. Equality of conditions does not of itself + engender regularity of morals, but it unquestionably facilitates and + increases it. *a [Footnote a: See Appendix T.] + </p> + <p> + Amongst aristocratic nations birth and fortune frequently make two such + different beings of man and woman, that they can never be united to each + other. Their passions draw them together, but the condition of society, + and the notions suggested by it, prevent them from contracting a permanent + and ostensible tie. The necessary consequence is a great number of + transient and clandestine connections. Nature secretly avenges herself for + the constraint imposed upon her by the laws of man. This is not so much + the case when the equality of conditions has swept away all the imaginary, + or the real, barriers which separated man from woman. No girl then + believes that she cannot become the wife of the man who loves her; and + this renders all breaches of morality before marriage very uncommon: for, + whatever be the credulity of the passions, a woman will hardly be able to + persuade herself that she is beloved, when her lover is perfectly free to + marry her and does not. + </p> + <p> + The same cause operates, though more indirectly, on married life. Nothing + better serves to justify an illicit passion, either to the minds of those + who have conceived it or to the world which looks on, than compulsory or + accidental marriages. *b In a country in which a woman is always free to + exercise her power of choosing, and in which education has prepared her to + choose rightly, public opinion is inexorable to her faults. The rigor of + the Americans arises in part from this cause. They consider marriages as a + covenant which is often onerous, but every condition of which the parties + are strictly bound to fulfil, because they knew all those conditions + beforehand, and were perfectly free not to have contracted them. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + b <br /> [ The literature of Europe sufficiently corroborates this remark. + When a European author wishes to depict in a work of imagination any of + these great catastrophes in matrimony which so frequently occur amongst + us, he takes care to bespeak the compassion of the reader by bringing + before him ill-assorted or compulsory marriages. Although habitual + tolerance has long since relaxed our morals, an author could hardly + succeed in interesting us in the misfortunes of his characters, if he did + not first palliate their faults. This artifice seldom fails: the daily + scenes we witness prepare us long beforehand to be indulgent. But American + writers could never render these palliations probable to their readers; + their customs and laws are opposed to it; and as they despair of rendering + levity of conduct pleasing, they cease to depict it. This is one of the + causes to which must be attributed the small number of novels published in + the United States.] + </p> + <p> + The very circumstances which render matrimonial fidelity more obligatory + also render it more easy. In aristocratic countries the object of marriage + is rather to unite property than persons; hence the husband is sometimes + at school and the wife at nurse when they are betrothed. It cannot be + wondered at if the conjugal tie which holds the fortunes of the pair + united allows their hearts to rove; this is the natural result of the + nature of the contract. When, on the contrary, a man always chooses a wife + for himself, without any external coercion or even guidance, it is + generally a conformity of tastes and opinions which brings a man and a + woman together, and this same conformity keeps and fixes them in close + habits of intimacy. + </p> + <p> + Our forefathers had conceived a very strange notion on the subject of + marriage: as they had remarked that the small number of love-matches which + occurred in their time almost always turned out ill, they resolutely + inferred that it was exceedingly dangerous to listen to the dictates of + the heart on the subject. Accident appeared to them to be a better guide + than choice. Yet it was not very difficult to perceive that the examples + which they witnessed did in fact prove nothing at all. For in the first + place, if democratic nations leave a woman at liberty to choose her + husband, they take care to give her mind sufficient knowledge, and her + will sufficient strength, to make so important a choice: whereas the young + women who, amongst aristocratic nations, furtively elope from the + authority of their parents to throw themselves of their own accord into + the arms of men whom they have had neither time to know, nor ability to + judge of, are totally without those securities. It is not surprising that + they make a bad use of their freedom of action the first time they avail + themselves of it; nor that they fall into such cruel mistakes, when, not + having received a democratic education, they choose to marry in conformity + to democratic customs. But this is not all. When a man and woman are bent + upon marriage in spite of the differences of an aristocratic state of + society, the difficulties to be overcome are enormous. Having broken or + relaxed the bonds of filial obedience, they have then to emancipate + themselves by a final effort from the sway of custom and the tyranny of + opinion; and when at length they have succeeded in this arduous task, they + stand estranged from their natural friends and kinsmen: the prejudice they + have crossed separates them from all, and places them in a situation which + soon breaks their courage and sours their hearts. If, then, a couple + married in this manner are first unhappy and afterwards criminal, it ought + not to be attributed to the freedom of their choice, but rather to their + living in a community in which this freedom of choice is not admitted. + </p> + <p> + Moreover it should not be forgotten that the same effort which makes a man + violently shake off a prevailing error, commonly impels him beyond the + bounds of reason; that, to dare to declare war, in however just a cause, + against the opinion of one's age and country, a violent and adventurous + spirit is required, and that men of this character seldom arrive at + happiness or virtue, whatever be the path they follow. And this, it may be + observed by the way, is the reason why in the most necessary and righteous + revolutions, it is so rare to meet with virtuous or moderate revolutionary + characters. There is then no just ground for surprise if a man, who in an + age of aristocracy chooses to consult nothing but his own opinion and his + own taste in the choice of a wife, soon finds that infractions of morality + and domestic wretchedness invade his household: but when this same line of + action is in the natural and ordinary course of things, when it is + sanctioned by parental authority and backed by public opinion, it cannot + be doubted that the internal peace of families will be increased by it, + and conjugal fidelity more rigidly observed. + </p> + <p> + Almost all men in democracies are engaged in public or professional life; + and on the other hand the limited extent of common incomes obliges a wife + to confine herself to the house, in order to watch in person and very + closely over the details of domestic economy. All these distinct and + compulsory occupations are so many natural barriers, which, by keeping the + two sexes asunder, render the solicitations of the one less frequent and + less ardent—the resistance of the other more easy. + </p> + <p> + Not indeed that the equality of conditions can ever succeed in making men + chaste, but it may impart a less dangerous character to their breaches of + morality. As no one has then either sufficient time or opportunity to + assail a virtue armed in self-defence, there will be at the same time a + great number of courtesans and a great number of virtuous women. This + state of things causes lamentable cases of individual hardship, but it + does not prevent the body of society from being strong and alert: it does + not destroy family ties, or enervate the morals of the nation. Society is + endangered not by the great profligacy of a few, but by laxity of morals + amongst all. In the eyes of a legislator, prostitution is less to be + dreaded than intrigue. + </p> + <p> + The tumultuous and constantly harassed life which equality makes men lead, + not only distracts them from the passion of love, by denying them time to + indulge in it, but it diverts them from it by another more secret but more + certain road. All men who live in democratic ages more or less contract + the ways of thinking of the manufacturing and trading classes; their minds + take a serious, deliberate, and positive turn; they are apt to relinquish + the ideal, in order to pursue some visible and proximate object, which + appears to be the natural and necessary aim of their desires. Thus the + principle of equality does not destroy the imagination, but lowers its + flight to the level of the earth. No men are less addicted to reverie than + the citizens of a democracy; and few of them are ever known to give way to + those idle and solitary meditations which commonly precede and produce the + great emotions of the heart. It is true they attach great importance to + procuring for themselves that sort of deep, regular, and quiet affection + which constitutes the charm and safeguard of life, but they are not apt to + run after those violent and capricious sources of excitement which disturb + and abridge it. + </p> + <p> + I am aware that all this is only applicable in its full extent to America, + and cannot at present be extended to Europe. In the course of the last + half-century, whilst laws and customs have impelled several European + nations with unexampled force towards democracy, we have not had occasion + to observe that the relations of man and woman have become more orderly or + more chaste. In some places the very reverse may be detected: some classes + are more strict—the general morality of the people appears to be + more lax. I do not hesitate to make the remark, for I am as little + disposed to flatter my contemporaries as to malign them. This fact must + distress, but it ought not to surprise us. The propitious influence which + a democratic state of society may exercise upon orderly habits, is one of + those tendencies which can only be discovered after a time. If the + equality of conditions is favorable to purity of morals, the social + commotion by which conditions are rendered equal is adverse to it. In the + last fifty years, during which France has been undergoing this + transformation, that country has rarely had freedom, always disturbance. + Amidst this universal confusion of notions and this general stir of + opinions—amidst this incoherent mixture of the just and unjust, of + truth and falsehood, of right and might—public virtue has become + doubtful, and private morality wavering. But all revolutions, whatever may + have been their object or their agents, have at first produced similar + consequences; even those which have in the end drawn the bonds of morality + more tightly began by loosening them. The violations of morality which the + French frequently witness do not appear to me to have a permanent + character; and this is already betokened by some curious signs of the + times. + </p> + <p> + Nothing is more wretchedly corrupt than an aristocracy which retains its + wealth when it has lost its power, and which still enjoys a vast deal of + leisure after it is reduced to mere vulgar pastimes. The energetic + passions and great conceptions which animated it heretofore, leave it + then; and nothing remains to it but a host of petty consuming vices, which + cling about it like worms upon a carcass. No one denies that the French + aristocracy of the last century was extremely dissolute; whereas + established habits and ancient belief still preserved some respect for + morality amongst the other classes of society. Nor will it be contested + that at the present day the remnants of that same aristocracy exhibit a + certain severity of morals; whilst laxity of morals appears to have spread + amongst the middle and lower ranks. So that the same families which were + most profligate fifty years ago are nowadays the most exemplary, and + democracy seems only to have strengthened the morality of the aristocratic + classes. The French Revolution, by dividing the fortunes of the nobility, + by forcing them to attend assiduously to their affairs and to their + families, by making them live under the same roof with their children, and + in short by giving a more rational and serious turn to their minds, has + imparted to them, almost without their being aware of it, a reverence for + religious belief, a love of order, of tranquil pleasures, of domestic + endearments, and of comfort; whereas the rest of the nation, which had + naturally these same tastes, was carried away into excesses by the effort + which was required to overthrow the laws and political habits of the + country. The old French aristocracy has undergone the consequences of the + Revolution, but it neither felt the revolutionary passions nor shared in + the anarchical excitement which produced that crisis; it may easily be + conceived that this aristocracy feels the salutary influence of the + Revolution in its manners, before those who achieve it. It may therefore + be said, though at first it seems paradoxical, that, at the present day, + the most anti-democratic classes of the nation principally exhibit the + kind of morality which may reasonably be anticipated from democracy. I + cannot but think that when we shall have obtained all the effects of this + democratic Revolution, after having got rid of the tumult it has caused, + the observations which are now only applicable to the few will gradually + become true of the whole community. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0053" id="link2HCH0053"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XII: How The Americans Understand The Equality Of The Sexes + </h2> + <p> + I Have shown how democracy destroys or modifies the different inequalities + which originate in society; but is this all? or does it not ultimately + affect that great inequality of man and woman which has seemed, up to the + present day, to be eternally based in human nature? I believe that the + social changes which bring nearer to the same level the father and son, + the master and servant, and superiors and inferiors generally speaking, + will raise woman and make her more and more the equal of man. But here, + more than ever, I feel the necessity of making myself clearly understood; + for there is no subject on which the coarse and lawless fancies of our age + have taken a freer range. + </p> + <p> + There are people in Europe who, confounding together the different + characteristics of the sexes, would make of man and woman beings not only + equal but alike. They would give to both the same functions, impose on + both the same duties, and grant to both the same rights; they would mix + them in all things—their occupations, their pleasures, their + business. It may readily be conceived, that by thus attempting to make one + sex equal to the other, both are degraded; and from so preposterous a + medley of the works of nature nothing could ever result but weak men and + disorderly women. It is not thus that the Americans understand that + species of democratic equality which may be established between the sexes. + They admit, that as nature has appointed such wide differences between the + physical and moral constitution of man and woman, her manifest design was + to give a distinct employment to their various faculties; and they hold + that improvement does not consist in making beings so dissimilar do pretty + nearly the same things, but in getting each of them to fulfil their + respective tasks in the best possible manner. The Americans have applied + to the sexes the great principle of political economy which governs the + manufactures of our age, by carefully dividing the duties of man from + those of woman, in order that the great work of society may be the better + carried on. + </p> + <p> + In no country has such constant care been taken as in America to trace two + clearly distinct lines of action for the two sexes, and to make them keep + pace one with the other, but in two pathways which are always different. + American women never manage the outward concerns of the family, or conduct + a business, or take a part in political life; nor are they, on the other + hand, ever compelled to perform the rough labor of the fields, or to make + any of those laborious exertions which demand the exertion of physical + strength. No families are so poor as to form an exception to this rule. If + on the one hand an American woman cannot escape from the quiet circle of + domestic employments, on the other hand she is never forced to go beyond + it. Hence it is that the women of America, who often exhibit a masculine + strength of understanding and a manly energy, generally preserve great + delicacy of personal appearance and always retain the manners of women, + although they sometimes show that they have the hearts and minds of men. + </p> + <p> + Nor have the Americans ever supposed that one consequence of democratic + principles is the subversion of marital power, of the confusion of the + natural authorities in families. They hold that every association must + have a head in order to accomplish its object, and that the natural head + of the conjugal association is man. They do not therefore deny him the + right of directing his partner; and they maintain, that in the smaller + association of husband and wife, as well as in the great social community, + the object of democracy is to regulate and legalize the powers which are + necessary, not to subvert all power. This opinion is not peculiar to one + sex, and contested by the other: I never observed that the women of + America consider conjugal authority as a fortunate usurpation of their + rights, nor that they thought themselves degraded by submitting to it. It + appeared to me, on the contrary, that they attach a sort of pride to the + voluntary surrender of their own will, and make it their boast to bend + themselves to the yoke, not to shake it off. Such at least is the feeling + expressed by the most virtuous of their sex; the others are silent; and in + the United States it is not the practice for a guilty wife to clamor for + the rights of women, whilst she is trampling on her holiest duties. + </p> + <p> + It has often been remarked that in Europe a certain degree of contempt + lurks even in the flattery which men lavish upon women: although a + European frequently affects to be the slave of woman, it may be seen that + he never sincerely thinks her his equal. In the United States men seldom + compliment women, but they daily show how much they esteem them. They + constantly display an entire confidence in the understanding of a wife, + and a profound respect for her freedom; they have decided that her mind is + just as fitted as that of a man to discover the plain truth, and her heart + as firm to embrace it; and they have never sought to place her virtue, any + more than his, under the shelter of prejudice, ignorance, and fear. It + would seem that in Europe, where man so easily submits to the despotic + sway of women, they are nevertheless curtailed of some of the greatest + qualities of the human species, and considered as seductive but imperfect + beings; and (what may well provoke astonishment) women ultimately look + upon themselves in the same light, and almost consider it as a privilege + that they are entitled to show themselves futile, feeble, and timid. The + women of America claim no such privileges. + </p> + <p> + Again, it may be said that in our morals we have reserved strange + immunities to man; so that there is, as it were, one virtue for his use, + and another for the guidance of his partner; and that, according to the + opinion of the public, the very same act may be punished alternately as a + crime or only as a fault. The Americans know not this iniquitous division + of duties and rights; amongst them the seducer is as much dishonored as + his victim. It is true that the Americans rarely lavish upon women those + eager attentions which are commonly paid them in Europe; but their conduct + to women always implies that they suppose them to be virtuous and refined; + and such is the respect entertained for the moral freedom of the sex, that + in the presence of a woman the most guarded language is used, lest her ear + should be offended by an expression. In America a young unmarried woman + may, alone and without fear, undertake a long journey. + </p> + <p> + The legislators of the United States, who have mitigated almost all the + penalties of criminal law, still make rape a capital offence, and no crime + is visited with more inexorable severity by public opinion. This may be + accounted for; as the Americans can conceive nothing more precious than a + woman's honor, and nothing which ought so much to be respected as her + independence, they hold that no punishment is too severe for the man who + deprives her of them against her will. In France, where the same offence + is visited with far milder penalties, it is frequently difficult to get a + verdict from a jury against the prisoner. Is this a consequence of + contempt of decency or contempt of women? I cannot but believe that it is + a contempt of one and of the other. + </p> + <p> + Thus the Americans do not think that man and woman have either the duty or + the right to perform the same offices, but they show an equal regard for + both their respective parts; and though their lot is different, they + consider both of them as beings of equal value. They do not give to the + courage of woman the same form or the same direction as to that of man; + but they never doubt her courage: and if they hold that man and his + partner ought not always to exercise their intellect and understanding in + the same manner, they at least believe the understanding of the one to be + as sound as that of the other, and her intellect to be as clear. Thus, + then, whilst they have allowed the social inferiority of woman to subsist, + they have done all they could to raise her morally and intellectually to + the level of man; and in this respect they appear to me to have + excellently understood the true principle of democratic improvement. As + for myself, I do not hesitate to avow that, although the women of the + United States are confined within the narrow circle of domestic life, and + their situation is in some respects one of extreme dependence, I have + nowhere seen woman occupying a loftier position; and if I were asked, now + that I am drawing to the close of this work, in which I have spoken of so + many important things done by the Americans, to what the singular + prosperity and growing strength of that people ought mainly to be + attributed, I should reply—to the superiority of their women. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0054" id="link2HCH0054"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XIII: That The Principle Of Equality Naturally Divides The + Americans Into A Number Of Small Private Circles + </h2> + <p> + It may probably be supposed that the final consequence and necessary + effect of democratic institutions is to confound together all the members + of the community in private as well as in public life, and to compel them + all to live in common; but this would be to ascribe a very coarse and + oppressive form to the equality which originates in democracy. No state of + society or laws can render men so much alike, but that education, fortune, + and tastes will interpose some differences between them; and, though + different men may sometimes find it their interest to combine for the same + purposes, they will never make it their pleasure. They will therefore + always tend to evade the provisions of legislation, whatever they may be; + and departing in some one respect from the circle within which they were + to be bounded, they will set up, close by the great political community, + small private circles, united together by the similitude of their + conditions, habits, and manners. + </p> + <p> + In the United States the citizens have no sort of pre-eminence over each + other; they owe each other no mutual obedience or respect; they all meet + for the administration of justice, for the government of the State, and in + general to treat of the affairs which concern their common welfare; but I + never heard that attempts have been made to bring them all to follow the + same diversions, or to amuse themselves promiscuously in the same places + of recreation. The Americans, who mingle so readily in their political + assemblies and courts of justice, are wont on the contrary carefully to + separate into small distinct circles, in order to indulge by themselves in + the enjoyments of private life. Each of them is willing to acknowledge all + his fellow-citizens as his equals, but he will only receive a very limited + number of them amongst his friends or his guests. This appears to me to be + very natural. In proportion as the circle of public society is extended, + it may be anticipated that the sphere of private intercourse will be + contracted; far from supposing that the members of modern society will + ultimately live in common, I am afraid that they may end by forming + nothing but small coteries. + </p> + <p> + Amongst aristocratic nations the different classes are like vast chambers, + out of which it is impossible to get, into which it is impossible to + enter. These classes have no communication with each other, but within + their pale men necessarily live in daily contact; even though they would + not naturally suit, the general conformity of a similar condition brings + them nearer together. But when neither law nor custom professes to + establish frequent and habitual relations between certain men, their + intercourse originates in the accidental analogy of opinions and tastes; + hence private society is infinitely varied. In democracies, where the + members of the community never differ much from each other, and naturally + stand in such propinquity that they may all at any time be confounded in + one general mass, numerous artificial and arbitrary distinctions spring + up, by means of which every man hopes to keep himself aloof, lest he + should be carried away in the crowd against his will. This can never fail + to be the case; for human institutions may be changed, but not man: + whatever may be the general endeavor of a community to render its members + equal and alike, the personal pride of individuals will always seek to + rise above the line, and to form somewhere an inequality to their own + advantage. + </p> + <p> + In aristocracies men are separated from each other by lofty stationary + barriers; in democracies they are divided by a number of small and almost + invisible threads, which are constantly broken or moved from place to + place. Thus, whatever may be the progress of equality, in democratic + nations a great number of small private communities will always be formed + within the general pale of political society; but none of them will bear + any resemblance in its manners to the highest class in aristocracies. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0055" id="link2HCH0055"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XIV: Some Reflections On American Manners + </h2> + <p> + Nothing seems at first sight less important than the outward form of human + actions, yet there is nothing upon which men set more store: they grow + used to everything except to living in a society which has not their own + manners. The influence of the social and political state of a country upon + manners is therefore deserving of serious examination. Manners are, + generally, the product of the very basis of the character of a people, but + they are also sometimes the result of an arbitrary convention between + certain men; thus they are at once natural and acquired. When certain men + perceive that they are the foremost persons in society, without + contestation and without effort—when they are constantly engaged on + large objects, leaving the more minute details to others—and when + they live in the enjoyment of wealth which they did not amass and which + they do not fear to lose, it may be supposed that they feel a kind of + haughty disdain of the petty interests and practical cares of life, and + that their thoughts assume a natural greatness, which their language and + their manners denote. In democratic countries manners are generally devoid + of dignity, because private life is there extremely petty in its + character; and they are frequently low, because the mind has few + opportunities of rising above the engrossing cares of domestic interests. + True dignity in manners consists in always taking one's proper station, + neither too high nor too low; and this is as much within the reach of a + peasant as of a prince. In democracies all stations appear doubtful; hence + it is that the manners of democracies, though often full of arrogance, are + commonly wanting in dignity, and, moreover, they are never either well + disciplined or accomplished. + </p> + <p> + The men who live in democracies are too fluctuating for a certain number + of them ever to succeed in laying down a code of good breeding, and in + forcing people to follow it. Every man therefore behaves after his own + fashion, and there is always a certain incoherence in the manners of such + times, because they are moulded upon the feelings and notions of each + individual, rather than upon an ideal model proposed for general + imitation. This, however, is much more perceptible at the time when an + aristocracy has just been overthrown than after it has long been + destroyed. New political institutions and new social elements then bring + to the same places of resort, and frequently compel to live in common, men + whose education and habits are still amazingly dissimilar, and this + renders the motley composition of society peculiarly visible. The + existence of a former strict code of good breeding is still remembered, + but what it contained or where it is to be found is already forgotten. Men + have lost the common law of manners, and they have not yet made up their + minds to do without it; but everyone endeavors to make to himself some + sort of arbitrary and variable rule, from the remnant of former usages; so + that manners have neither the regularity and the dignity which they often + display amongst aristocratic nations, nor the simplicity and freedom which + they sometimes assume in democracies; they are at once constrained and + without constraint. + </p> + <p> + This, however, is not the normal state of things. When the equality of + conditions is long established and complete, as all men entertain nearly + the same notions and do nearly the same things, they do not require to + agree or to copy from one another in order to speak or act in the same + manner: their manners are constantly characterized by a number of lesser + diversities, but not by any great differences. They are never perfectly + alike, because they do not copy from the same pattern; they are never very + unlike, because their social condition is the same. At first sight a + traveller would observe that the manners of all the Americans are exactly + similar; it is only upon close examination that the peculiarities in which + they differ may be detected. + </p> + <p> + The English make game of the manners of the Americans; but it is singular + that most of the writers who have drawn these ludicrous delineations + belonged themselves to the middle classes in England, to whom the same + delineations are exceedingly applicable: so that these pitiless censors + for the most part furnish an example of the very thing they blame in the + United States; they do not perceive that they are deriding themselves, to + the great amusement of the aristocracy of their own country. + </p> + <p> + Nothing is more prejudicial to democracy than its outward forms of + behavior: many men would willingly endure its vices, who cannot support + its manners. I cannot, however, admit that there is nothing commendable in + the manners of a democratic people. Amongst aristocratic nations, all who + live within reach of the first class in society commonly strain to be like + it, which gives rise to ridiculous and insipid imitations. As a democratic + people does not possess any models of high breeding, at least it escapes + the daily necessity of seeing wretched copies of them. In democracies + manners are never so refined as amongst aristocratic nations, but on the + other hand they are never so coarse. Neither the coarse oaths of the + populace, nor the elegant and choice expressions of the nobility are to be + heard there: the manners of such a people are often vulgar, but they are + neither brutal nor mean. I have already observed that in democracies no + such thing as a regular code of good breeding can be laid down; this has + some inconveniences and some advantages. In aristocracies the rules of + propriety impose the same demeanor on everyone; they make all the members + of the same class appear alike, in spite of their private inclinations; + they adorn and they conceal the natural man. Amongst a democratic people + manners are neither so tutored nor so uniform, but they are frequently + more sincere. They form, as it were, a light and loosely woven veil, + through which the real feelings and private opinions of each individual + are easily discernible. The form and the substance of human actions often, + therefore, stand in closer relation; and if the great picture of human + life be less embellished, it is more true. Thus it may be said, in one + sense, that the effect of democracy is not exactly to give men any + particular manners, but to prevent them from having manners at all. + </p> + <p> + The feelings, the passions, the virtues, and the vices of an aristocracy + may sometimes reappear in a democracy, but not its manners; they are lost, + and vanish forever, as soon as the democratic revolution is completed. It + would seem that nothing is more lasting than the manners of an + aristocratic class, for they are preserved by that class for some time + after it has lost its wealth and its power—nor so fleeting, for no + sooner have they disappeared than not a trace of them is to be found; and + it is scarcely possible to say what they have been as soon as they have + ceased to be. A change in the state of society works this miracle, and a + few generations suffice to consummate it. The principal characteristics of + aristocracy are handed down by history after an aristocracy is destroyed, + but the light and exquisite touches of manners are effaced from men's + memories almost immediately after its fall. Men can no longer conceive + what these manners were when they have ceased to witness them; they are + gone, and their departure was unseen, unfelt; for in order to feel that + refined enjoyment which is derived from choice and distinguished manners, + habit and education must have prepared the heart, and the taste for them + is lost almost as easily as the practice of them. Thus not only a + democratic people cannot have aristocratic manners, but they neither + comprehend nor desire them; and as they never have thought of them, it is + to their minds as if such things had never been. Too much importance + should not be attached to this loss, but it may well be regretted. + </p> + <p> + I am aware that it has not unfrequently happened that the same men have + had very high-bred manners and very low-born feelings: the interior of + courts has sufficiently shown what imposing externals may conceal the + meanest hearts. But though the manners of aristocracy did not constitute + virtue, they sometimes embellish virtue itself. It was no ordinary sight + to see a numerous and powerful class of men, whose every outward action + seemed constantly to be dictated by a natural elevation of thought and + feeling, by delicacy and regularity of taste, and by urbanity of manners. + Those manners threw a pleasing illusory charm over human nature; and + though the picture was often a false one, it could not be viewed without a + noble satisfaction. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0056" id="link2HCH0056"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XV: Of The Gravity Of The Americans, And Why It Does Not Prevent + Them From Often Committing Inconsiderate Actions + </h2> + <p> + Men who live in democratic countries do not value the simple, turbulent, + or coarse diversions in which the people indulge in aristocratic + communities: such diversions are thought by them to be puerile or insipid. + Nor have they a greater inclination for the intellectual and refined + amusements of the aristocratic classes. They want something productive and + substantial in their pleasures; they want to mix actual fruition with + their joy. In aristocratic communities the people readily give themselves + up to bursts of tumultuous and boisterous gayety, which shake off at once + the recollection of their privations: the natives of democracies are not + fond of being thus violently broken in upon, and they never lose sight of + their own selves without regret. They prefer to these frivolous delights + those more serious and silent amusements which are like business, and + which do not drive business wholly from their minds. An American, instead + of going in a leisure hour to dance merrily at some place of public + resort, as the fellows of his calling continue to do throughout the + greater part of Europe, shuts himself up at home to drink. He thus enjoys + two pleasures; he can go on thinking of his business, and he can get drunk + decently by his own fireside. + </p> + <p> + I thought that the English constituted the most serious nation on the face + of the earth, but I have since seen the Americans and have changed my + opinion. I do not mean to say that temperament has not a great deal to do + with the character of the inhabitants of the United States, but I think + that their political institutions are a still more influential cause. I + believe the seriousness of the Americans arises partly from their pride. + In democratic countries even poor men entertain a lofty notion of their + personal importance: they look upon themselves with complacency, and are + apt to suppose that others are looking at them, too. With this disposition + they watch their language and their actions with care, and do not lay + themselves open so as to betray their deficiencies; to preserve their + dignity they think it necessary to retain their gravity. + </p> + <p> + But I detect another more deep-seated and powerful cause which + instinctively produces amongst the Americans this astonishing gravity. + Under a despotism communities give way at times to bursts of vehement joy; + but they are generally gloomy and moody, because they are afraid. Under + absolute monarchies tempered by the customs and manners of the country, + their spirits are often cheerful and even, because as they have some + freedom and a good deal of security, they are exempted from the most + important cares of life; but all free peoples are serious, because their + minds are habitually absorbed by the contemplation of some dangerous or + difficult purpose. This is more especially the case amongst those free + nations which form democratic communities. Then there are in all classes a + very large number of men constantly occupied with the serious affairs of + the government; and those whose thoughts are not engaged in the direction + of the commonwealth are wholly engrossed by the acquisition of a private + fortune. Amongst such a people a serious demeanor ceases to be peculiar to + certain men, and becomes a habit of the nation. + </p> + <p> + We are told of small democracies in the days of antiquity, in which the + citizens met upon the public places with garlands of roses, and spent + almost all their time in dancing and theatrical amusements. I do not + believe in such republics any more than in that of Plato; or, if the + things we read of really happened, I do not hesitate to affirm that these + supposed democracies were composed of very different elements from ours, + and that they had nothing in common with the latter except their name. But + it must not be supposed that, in the midst of all their toils, the people + who live in democracies think themselves to be pitied; the contrary is + remarked to be the case. No men are fonder of their own condition. Life + would have no relish for them if they were delivered from the anxieties + which harass them, and they show more attachment to their cares than + aristocratic nations to their pleasures. + </p> + <p> + I am next led to inquire how it is that these same democratic nations, + which are so serious, sometimes act in so inconsiderate a manner. The + Americans, who almost always preserve a staid demeanor and a frigid air, + nevertheless frequently allow themselves to be borne away, far beyond the + bound of reason, by a sudden passion or a hasty opinion, and they + sometimes gravely commit strange absurdities. This contrast ought not to + surprise us. There is one sort of ignorance which originates in extreme + publicity. In despotic States men know not how to act, because they are + told nothing; in democratic nations they often act at random, because + nothing is to be left untold. The former do not know—the latter + forget; and the chief features of each picture are lost to them in a + bewilderment of details. + </p> + <p> + It is astonishing what imprudent language a public man may sometimes use + in free countries, and especially in democratic States, without being + compromised; whereas in absolute monarchies a few words dropped by + accident are enough to unmask him forever, and ruin him without hope of + redemption. This is explained by what goes before. When a man speaks in + the midst of a great crowd, many of his words are not heard, or are + forthwith obliterated from the memories of those who hear them; but amidst + the silence of a mute and motionless throng the slightest whisper strikes + the ear. + </p> + <p> + In democracies men are never stationary; a thousand chances waft them to + and fro, and their life is always the sport of unforeseen or (so to speak) + extemporaneous circumstances. Thus they are often obliged to do things + which they have imperfectly learned, to say things they imperfectly + understand, and to devote themselves to work for which they are unprepared + by long apprenticeship. In aristocracies every man has one sole object + which he unceasingly pursues, but amongst democratic nations the existence + of man is more complex; the same mind will almost always embrace several + objects at the same time, and these objects are frequently wholly foreign + to each other: as it cannot know them all well, the mind is readily + satisfied with imperfect notions of each. + </p> + <p> + When the inhabitant of democracies is not urged by his wants, he is so at + least by his desires; for of all the possessions which he sees around him, + none are wholly beyond his reach. He therefore does everything in a hurry, + he is always satisfied with "pretty well," and never pauses more than an + instant to consider what he has been doing. His curiosity is at once + insatiable and cheaply satisfied; for he cares more to know a great deal + quickly than to know anything well: he has no time and but little taste to + search things to the bottom. Thus then democratic peoples are grave, + because their social and political condition constantly leads them to + engage in serious occupations; and they act inconsiderately, because they + give but little time and attention to each of these occupations. The habit + of inattention must be considered as the greatest bane of the democratic + character. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0057" id="link2HCH0057"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XVI: Why The National Vanity Of The Americans Is More Restless And + Captious Than That Of The English + </h2> + <p> + All free nations are vainglorious, but national pride is not displayed by + all in the same manner. The Americans in their intercourse with strangers + appear impatient of the smallest censure and insatiable of praise. The + most slender eulogium is acceptable to them; the most exalted seldom + contents them; they unceasingly harass you to extort praise, and if you + resist their entreaties they fall to praising themselves. It would seem as + if, doubting their own merit, they wished to have it constantly exhibited + before their eyes. Their vanity is not only greedy, but restless and + jealous; it will grant nothing, whilst it demands everything, but is ready + to beg and to quarrel at the same time. If I say to an American that the + country he lives in is a fine one, "Ay," he replies, "there is not its + fellow in the world." If I applaud the freedom which its inhabitants + enjoy, he answers, "Freedom is a fine thing, but few nations are worthy to + enjoy it." If I remark the purity of morals which distinguishes the United + States, "I can imagine," says he, "that a stranger, who has been struck by + the corruption of all other nations, is astonished at the difference." At + length I leave him to the contemplation of himself; but he returns to the + charge, and does not desist till he has got me to repeat all I had just + been saying. It is impossible to conceive a more troublesome or more + garrulous patriotism; it wearies even those who are disposed to respect + it. *a + </p> + <p class="foot"> + a <br /> [ See Appendix U.] + </p> + <p> + Such is not the case with the English. An Englishman calmly enjoys the + real or imaginary advantages which in his opinion his country possesses. + If he grants nothing to other nations, neither does he solicit anything + for his own. The censure of foreigners does not affect him, and their + praise hardly flatters him; his position with regard to the rest of the + world is one of disdainful and ignorant reserve: his pride requires no + sustenance, it nourishes itself. It is remarkable that two nations, so + recently sprung from the same stock, should be so opposite to one another + in their manner of feeling and conversing. + </p> + <p> + In aristocratic countries the great possess immense privileges, upon which + their pride rests, without seeking to rely upon the lesser advantages + which accrue to them. As these privileges came to them by inheritance, + they regard them in some sort as a portion of themselves, or at least as a + natural right inherent in their own persons. They therefore entertain a + calm sense of their superiority; they do not dream of vaunting privileges + which everyone perceives and no one contests, and these things are not + sufficiently new to them to be made topics of conversation. They stand + unmoved in their solitary greatness, well assured that they are seen of + all the world without any effort to show themselves off, and that no one + will attempt to drive them from that position. When an aristocracy carries + on the public affairs, its national pride naturally assumes this reserved, + indifferent, and haughty form, which is imitated by all the other classes + of the nation. + </p> + <p> + When, on the contrary, social conditions differ but little, the slightest + privileges are of some importance; as every man sees around himself a + million of people enjoying precisely similar or analogous advantages, his + pride becomes craving and jealous, he clings to mere trifles, and doggedly + defends them. In democracies, as the conditions of life are very + fluctuating, men have almost always recently acquired the advantages which + they possess; the consequence is that they feel extreme pleasure in + exhibiting them, to show others and convince themselves that they really + enjoy them. As at any instant these same advantages may be lost, their + possessors are constantly on the alert, and make a point of showing that + they still retain them. Men living in democracies love their country just + as they love themselves, and they transfer the habits of their private + vanity to their vanity as a nation. The restless and insatiable vanity of + a democratic people originates so entirely in the equality and + precariousness of social conditions, that the members of the haughtiest + nobility display the very same passion in those lesser portions of their + existence in which there is anything fluctuating or contested. An + aristocratic class always differs greatly from the other classes of the + nation, by the extent and perpetuity of its privileges; but it often + happens that the only differences between the members who belong to it + consist in small transient advantages, which may any day be lost or + acquired. The members of a powerful aristocracy, collected in a capital or + a court, have been known to contest with virulence those frivolous + privileges which depend on the caprice of fashion or the will of their + master. These persons then displayed towards each other precisely the same + puerile jealousies which animate the men of democracies, the same + eagerness to snatch the smallest advantages which their equals contested, + and the same desire to parade ostentatiously those of which they were in + possession. If national pride ever entered into the minds of courtiers, I + do not question that they would display it in the same manner as the + members of a democratic community. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0058" id="link2HCH0058"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XVII: That The Aspect Of Society In The United States Is At Once + Excited And Monotonous + </h2> + <p> + It would seem that nothing can be more adapted to stimulate and to feed + curiosity than the aspect of the United States. Fortunes, opinions, and + laws are there in ceaseless variation: it is as if immutable nature + herself were mutable, such are the changes worked upon her by the hand of + man. Yet in the end the sight of this excited community becomes + monotonous, and after having watched the moving pageant for a time the + spectator is tired of it. Amongst aristocratic nations every man is pretty + nearly stationary in his own sphere; but men are astonishingly unlike each + other—their passions, their notions, their habits, and their tastes + are essentially different: nothing changey, but everything differs. In + democracies, on the contrary, all men are alike and do things pretty + nearly alike. It is true that they are subject to great and frequent + vicissitudes; but as the same events of good or adverse fortune are + continually recurring, the name of the actors only is changed, the piece + is always the same. The aspect of American society is animated, because + men and things are always changing; but it is monotonous, because all + these changes are alike. + </p> + <p> + Men living in democratic ages have many passions, but most of their + passions either end in the love of riches or proceed from it. The cause of + this is, not that their souls are narrower, but that the importance of + money is really greater at such times. When all the members of a community + are independent of or indifferent to each other, the co-operation of each + of them can only be obtained by paying for it: this infinitely multiplies + the purposes to which wealth may be applied, and increases its value. When + the reverence which belonged to what is old has vanished, birth, + condition, and profession no longer distinguish men, or scarcely + distinguish them at all: hardly anything but money remains to create + strongly marked differences between them, and to raise some of them above + the common level. The distinction originating in wealth is increased by + the disappearance and diminution of all other distinctions. Amongst + aristocratic nations money only reaches to a few points on the vast circle + of man's desires—in democracies it seems to lead to all. The love of + wealth is therefore to be traced, either as a principal or an accessory + motive, at the bottom of all that the Americans do: this gives to all + their passions a sort of family likeness, and soon renders the survey of + them exceedingly wearisome. This perpetual recurrence of the same passion + is monotonous; the peculiar methods by which this passion seeks its own + gratification are no less so. + </p> + <p> + In an orderly and constituted democracy like the United States, where men + cannot enrich themselves by war, by public office, or by political + confiscation, the love of wealth mainly drives them into business and + manufactures. Although these pursuits often bring about great commotions + and disasters, they cannot prosper without strictly regular habits and a + long routine of petty uniform acts. The stronger the passion is, the more + regular are these habits, and the more uniform are these acts. It may be + said that it is the vehemence of their desires which makes the Americans + so methodical; it perturbs their minds, but it disciplines their lives. + </p> + <p> + The remark I here apply to America may indeed be addressed to almost all + our contemporaries. Variety is disappearing from the human race; the same + ways of acting, thinking, and feeling are to be met with all over the + world. This is not only because nations work more upon each other, and are + more faithful in their mutual imitation; but as the men of each country + relinquish more and more the peculiar opinions and feelings of a caste, a + profession, or a family, they simultaneously arrive at something nearer to + the constitution of man, which is everywhere the same. Thus they become + more alike, even without having imitated each other. Like travellers + scattered about some large wood, which is intersected by paths converging + to one point, if all of them keep, their eyes fixed upon that point and + advance towards it, they insensibly draw nearer together—though they + seek not, though they see not, though they know not each other; and they + will be surprised at length to find themselves all collected on the same + spot. All the nations which take, not any particular man, but man himself, + as the object of their researches and their imitations, are tending in the + end to a similar state of society, like these travellers converging to the + central plot of the forest. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0059" id="link2HCH0059"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XVIII: Of Honor In The United States And In Democratic Communities + </h2> + <p> + It would seem that men employ two very distinct methods in the public + estimation *a of the actions of their fellowmen; at one time they judge + them by those simple notions of right and wrong which are diffused all + over the world; at another they refer their decision to a few very special + notions which belong exclusively to some particular age and country. It + often happens that these two rules differ; they sometimes conflict: but + they are never either entirely identified or entirely annulled by one + another. Honor, at the periods of its greatest power, sways the will more + than the belief of men; and even whilst they yield without hesitation and + without a murmur to its dictates, they feel notwithstanding, by a dim but + mighty instinct, the existence of a more general, more ancient, and more + holy law, which they sometimes disobey although they cease not to + acknowledge it. Some actions have been held to be at the same time + virtuous and dishonorable—a refusal to fight a duel is a case in + point. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + a <br /> [ The word "honor" is not always used in the same sense either in + French or English. I. It first signifies the dignity, glory, or reverence + which a man receives from his kind; and in this sense a man is said to + acquire honor. 2. Honor signifies the aggregate of those rules by the + assistance of which this dignity, glory, or reverence is obtained. Thus we + say that a man has always strictly obeyed the laws of honor; or a man has + violated his honor. In this chapter the word is always used in the latter + sense.] + </p> + <p> + I think these peculiarities may be otherwise explained than by the mere + caprices of certain individuals and nations, as has hitherto been the + customary mode of reasoning on the subject. Mankind is subject to general + and lasting wants that have engendered moral laws, to the neglect of which + men have ever and in all places attached the notion of censure and shame: + to infringe them was "to do ill"—"to do well" was to conform to + them. Within the bosom of this vast association of the human race, lesser + associations have been formed which are called nations; and amidst these + nations further subdivisions have assumed the names of classes or castes. + Each of these associations forms, as it were, a separate species of the + human race; and though it has no essential difference from the mass of + mankind, to a certain extent it stands apart and has certain wants + peculiar to itself. To these special wants must be attributed the + modifications which affect in various degrees and in different countries + the mode of considering human actions, and the estimate which ought to be + formed of them. It is the general and permanent interest of mankind that + men should not kill each other: but it may happen to be the peculiar and + temporary interest of a people or a class to justify, or even to honor, + homicide. + </p> + <p> + Honor is simply that peculiar rule, founded upon a peculiar state of + society, by the application of which a people or a class allot praise or + blame. Nothing is more unproductive to the mind than an abstract idea; I + therefore hasten to call in the aid of facts and examples to illustrate my + meaning. + </p> + <p> + I select the most extraordinary kind of honor which was ever known in the + world, and that which we are best acquainted with, viz., aristocratic + honor springing out of feudal society. I shall explain it by means of the + principle already laid down, and I shall explain the principle by means of + the illustration. I am not here led to inquire when and how the + aristocracy of the Middle Ages came into existence, why it was so deeply + severed from the remainder of the nation, or what founded and consolidated + its power. I take its existence as an established fact, and I am + endeavoring to account for the peculiar view which it took of the greater + part of human actions. The first thing that strikes me is, that in the + feudal world actions were not always praised or blamed with reference to + their intrinsic worth, but that they were sometimes appreciated + exclusively with reference to the person who was the actor or the object + of them, which is repugnant to the general conscience of mankind. Thus + some of the actions which were indifferent on the part of a man in humble + life, dishonored a noble; others changed their whole character according + as the person aggrieved by them belonged or did not belong to the + aristocracy. When these different notions first arose, the nobility formed + a distinct body amidst the people, which it commanded from the + inaccessible heights where it was ensconced. To maintain this peculiar + position, which constituted its strength, it not only required political + privileges, but it required a standard of right and wrong for its own + especial use. That some particular virtue or vice belonged to the nobility + rather than to the humble classes—that certain actions were + guiltless when they affected the villain, which were criminal when they + touched the noble—these were often arbitrary matters; but that honor + or shame should be attached to a man's actions according to his condition, + was a result of the internal constitution of an aristocratic community. + This has been actually the case in all the countries which have had an + aristocracy; as long as a trace of the principle remains, these + peculiarities will still exist; to debauch a woman of color scarcely + injures the reputation of an American—to marry her dishonors him. + </p> + <p> + In some cases feudal honor enjoined revenge, and stigmatized the + forgiveness of insults; in others it imperiously commanded men to conquer + their own passions, and imposed forgetfulness of self. It did not make + humanity or kindness its law, but it extolled generosity; it set more + store on liberality than on benevolence; it allowed men to enrich + themselves by gambling or by war, but not by labor; it preferred great + crimes to small earnings; cupidity was less distasteful to it than + avarice; violence it often sanctioned, but cunning and treachery it + invariably reprobated as contemptible. These fantastical notions did not + proceed exclusively from the caprices of those who entertained them. A + class which has succeeded in placing itself at the head of and above all + others, and which makes perpetual exertions to maintain this lofty + position, must especially honor those virtues which are conspicuous for + their dignity and splendor, and which may be easily combined with pride + and the love of power. Such men would not hesitate to invert the natural + order of the conscience in order to give those virtues precedence before + all others. It may even be conceived that some of the more bold and + brilliant vices would readily be set above the quiet, unpretending + virtues. The very existence of such a class in society renders these + things unavoidable. + </p> + <p> + The nobles of the Middle Ages placed military courage foremost amongst + virtues, and in lieu of many of them. This was again a peculiar opinion + which arose necessarily from the peculiarity of the state of society. + Feudal aristocracy existed by war and for war; its power had been founded + by arms, and by arms that power was maintained; it therefore required + nothing more than military courage, and that quality was naturally exalted + above all others; whatever denoted it, even at the expense of reason and + humanity, was therefore approved and frequently enjoined by the manners of + the time. Such was the main principle; the caprice of man was only to be + traced in minuter details. That a man should regard a tap on the cheek as + an unbearable insult, and should be obliged to kill in single combat the + person who struck him thus lightly, is an arbitrary rule; but that a noble + could not tranquilly receive an insult, and was dishonored if he allowed + himself to take a blow without fighting, were direct consequences of the + fundamental principles and the wants of military aristocracy. + </p> + <p> + Thus it was true to a certain extent to assert that the laws of honor were + capricious; but these caprices of honor were always confined within + certain necessary limits. The peculiar rule, which was called honor by our + forefathers, is so far from being an arbitrary law in my eyes, that I + would readily engage to ascribe its most incoherent and fantastical + injunctions to a small number of fixed and invariable wants inherent in + feudal society. + </p> + <p> + If I were to trace the notion of feudal honor into the domain of politics, + I should not find it more difficult to explain its dictates. The state of + society and the political institutions of the Middle Ages were such, that + the supreme power of the nation never governed the community directly. + That power did not exist in the eyes of the people: every man looked up to + a certain individual whom he was bound to obey; by that intermediate + personage he was connected with all the others. Thus in feudal society the + whole system of the commonwealth rested upon the sentiment of fidelity to + the person of the lord: to destroy that sentiment was to open the sluices + of anarchy. Fidelity to a political superior was, moreover, a sentiment of + which all the members of the aristocracy had constant opportunities of + estimating the importance; for every one of them was a vassal as well as a + lord, and had to command as well as to obey. To remain faithful to the + lord, to sacrifice one's self for him if called upon, to share his good or + evil fortunes, to stand by him in his undertakings whatever they might be—such + were the first injunctions of feudal honor in relation to the political + institutions of those times. The treachery of a vassal was branded with + extraordinary severity by public opinion, and a name of peculiar infamy + was invented for the offence which was called "felony." + </p> + <p> + On the contrary, few traces are to be found in the Middle Ages of the + passion which constituted the life of the nations of antiquity—I + mean patriotism; the word itself is not of very ancient date in the + language. *b Feudal institutions concealed the country at large from men's + sight, and rendered the love of it less necessary. The nation was + forgotten in the passions which attached men to persons. Hence it was no + part of the strict law of feudal honor to remain faithful to one's + country. Not indeed that the love of their country did not exist in the + hearts of our forefathers; but it constituted a dim and feeble instinct, + which has grown more clear and strong in proportion as aristocratic + classes have been abolished, and the supreme power of the nation + centralized. This may be clearly seen from the contrary judgments which + European nations have passed upon the various events of their histories, + according to the generations by which such judgments have been formed. The + circumstance which most dishonored the Constable de Bourbon in the eyes of + his contemporaries was that he bore arms against his king: that which most + dishonors him in our eyes, is that he made war against his country; we + brand him as deeply as our forefathers did, but for different reasons. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + b <br /> [ Even the word "patrie" was not used by the French writers until + the sixteenth century.] + </p> + <p> + I have chosen the honor of feudal times by way of illustration of my + meaning, because its characteristics are more distinctly marked and more + familiar to us than those of any other period; but I might have taken an + example elsewhere, and I should have reached the same conclusion by a + different road. Although we are less perfectly acquainted with the Romans + than with our own ancestors, yet we know that certain peculiar notions of + glory and disgrace obtained amongst them, which were not solely derived + from the general principles of right and wrong. Many human actions were + judged differently, according as they affected a Roman citizen or a + stranger, a freeman or a slave; certain vices were blazoned abroad, + certain virtues were extolled above all others. "In that age," says + Plutarch in the life of Coriolanus, "martial prowess was more honored and + prized in Rome than all the other virtues, insomuch that it was called + virtus, the name of virtue itself, by applying the name of the kind to + this particular species; so that virtue in Latin was as much as to say + valor." Can anyone fail to recognize the peculiar want of that singular + community which was formed for the conquest of the world? + </p> + <p> + Any nation would furnish us with similar grounds of observation; for, as I + have already remarked, whenever men collect together as a distinct + community, the notion of honor instantly grows up amongst them; that is to + say, a system of opinions peculiar to themselves as to what is blamable or + commendable; and these peculiar rules always originate in the special + habits and special interests of the community. This is applicable to a + certain extent to democratic communities as well as to others, as we shall + now proceed to prove by the example of the Americans. *c Some loose + notions of the old aristocratic honor of Europe are still to be found + scattered amongst the opinions of the Americans; but these traditional + opinions are few in number, they have but little root in the country, and + but little power. They are like a religion which has still some temples + left standing, though men have ceased to believe in it. But amidst these + half-obliterated notions of exotic honor, some new opinions have sprung + up, which constitute what may be termed in our days American honor. I have + shown how the Americans are constantly driven to engage in commerce and + industry. Their origin, their social condition, their political + institutions, and even the spot they inhabit, urge them irresistibly in + this direction. Their present condition is then that of an almost + exclusively manufacturing and commercial association, placed in the midst + of a new and boundless country, which their principal object is to explore + for purposes of profit. This is the characteristic which most peculiarly + distinguishes the American people from all others at the present time. All + those quiet virtues which tend to give a regular movement to the + community, and to encourage business, will therefore be held in peculiar + honor by that people, and to neglect those virtues will be to incur public + contempt. All the more turbulent virtues, which often dazzle, but more + frequently disturb society, will on the contrary occupy a subordinate rank + in the estimation of this same people: they may be neglected without + forfeiting the esteem of the community—to acquire them would perhaps + be to run a risk of losing it. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + c <br /> [ I speak here of the Americans inhabiting those States where + slavery does not exist; they alone can be said to present a complete + picture of democratic society.] + </p> + <p> + The Americans make a no less arbitrary classification of men's vices. + There are certain propensities which appear censurable to the general + reason and the universal conscience of mankind, but which happen to agree + with the peculiar and temporary wants of the American community: these + propensities are lightly reproved, sometimes even encouraged; for + instance, the love of wealth and the secondary propensities connected with + it may be more particularly cited. To clear, to till, and to transform the + vast uninhabited continent which is his domain, the American requires the + daily support of an energetic passion; that passion can only be the love + of wealth; the passion for wealth is therefore not reprobated in America, + and provided it does not go beyond the bounds assigned to it for public + security, it is held in honor. The American lauds as a noble and + praiseworthy ambition what our own forefathers in the Middle Ages + stigmatized as servile cupidity, just as he treats as a blind and + barbarous frenzy that ardor of conquest and martial temper which bore them + to battle. In the United States fortunes are lost and regained without + difficulty; the country is boundless, and its resources inexhaustible. The + people have all the wants and cravings of a growing creature; and whatever + be their efforts, they are always surrounded by more than they can + appropriate. It is not the ruin of a few individuals which may be soon + repaired, but the inactivity and sloth of the community at large which + would be fatal to such a people. Boldness of enterprise is the foremost + cause of its rapid progress, its strength, and its greatness. Commercial + business is there like a vast lottery, by which a small number of men + continually lose, but the State is always a gainer; such a people ought + therefore to encourage and do honor to boldness in commercial + speculations. But any bold speculation risks the fortune of the speculator + and of all those who put their trust in him. The Americans, who make a + virtue of commercial temerity, have no right in any case to brand with + disgrace those who practise it. Hence arises the strange indulgence which + is shown to bankrupts in the United States; their honor does not suffer by + such an accident. In this respect the Americans differ, not only from the + nations of Europe, but from all the commercial nations of our time, and + accordingly they resemble none of them in their position or their wants. + </p> + <p> + In America all those vices which tend to impair the purity of morals, and + to destroy the conjugal tie, are treated with a degree of severity which + is unknown in the rest of the world. At first sight this seems strangely + at variance with the tolerance shown there on other subjects, and one is + surprised to meet with a morality so relaxed and so austere amongst the + selfsame people. But these things are less incoherent than they seem to + be. Public opinion in the United States very gently represses that love of + wealth which promotes the commercial greatness and the prosperity of the + nation, and it especially condemns that laxity of morals which diverts the + human mind from the pursuit of well-being, and disturbs the internal order + of domestic life which is so necessary to success in business. To earn the + esteem of their countrymen, the Americans are therefore constrained to + adapt themselves to orderly habits—and it may be said in this sense + that they make it a matter of honor to live chastely. + </p> + <p> + On one point American honor accords with the notions of honor acknowledged + in Europe; it places courage as the highest virtue, and treats it as the + greatest of the moral necessities of man; but the notion of courage itself + assumes a different aspect. In the United States martial valor is but + little prized; the courage which is best known and most esteemed is that + which emboldens men to brave the dangers of the ocean, in order to arrive + earlier in port—to support the privations of the wilderness without + complaint, and solitude more cruel than privations—the courage which + renders them almost insensible to the loss of a fortune laboriously + acquired, and instantly prompts to fresh exertions to make another. + Courage of this kind is peculiarly necessary to the maintenance and + prosperity of the American communities, and it is held by them in peculiar + honor and estimation; to betray a want of it is to incur certain disgrace. + </p> + <p> + I have yet another characteristic point which may serve to place the idea + of this chapter in stronger relief. In a democratic society like that of + the United States, where fortunes are scanty and insecure, everybody + works, and work opens a way to everything: this has changed the point of + honor quite round, and has turned it against idleness. I have sometimes + met in America with young men of wealth, personally disinclined to all + laborious exertion, but who had been compelled to embrace a profession. + Their disposition and their fortune allowed them to remain without + employment; public opinion forbade it, too imperiously to be disobeyed. In + the European countries, on the contrary, where aristocracy is still + struggling with the flood which overwhelms it, I have often seen men, + constantly spurred on by their wants and desires, remain in idleness, in + order not to lose the esteem of their equals; and I have known them submit + to ennui and privations rather than to work. No one can fail to perceive + that these opposite obligations are two different rules of conduct, both + nevertheless originating in the notion of honor. + </p> + <p> + What our forefathers designated as honor absolutely was in reality only + one of its forms; they gave a generic name to what was only a species. + Honor therefore is to be found in democratic as well as in aristocratic + ages, but it will not be difficult to show that it assumes a different + aspect in the former. Not only are its injunctions different, but we shall + shortly see that they are less numerous, less precise, and that its + dictates are less rigorously obeyed. The position of a caste is always + much more peculiar than that of a people. Nothing is so much out of the + way of the world as a small community invariably composed of the same + families (as was for instance the aristocracy of the Middle Ages), whose + object is to concentrate and to retain, exclusively and hereditarily, + education, wealth, and power amongst its own members. But the more out of + the way the position of a community happens to be, the more numerous are + its special wants, and the more extensive are its notions of honor + corresponding to those wants. The rules of honor will therefore always be + less numerous amongst a people not divided into castes than amongst any + other. If ever any nations are constituted in which it may even be + difficult to find any peculiar classes of society, the notion of honor + will be confined to a small number of precepts, which will be more and + more in accordance with the moral laws adopted by the mass of mankind. + Thus the laws of honor will be less peculiar and less multifarious amongst + a democratic people than in an aristocracy. They will also be more + obscure; and this is a necessary consequence of what goes before; for as + the distinguishing marks of honor are less numerous and less peculiar, it + must often be difficult to distinguish them. To this, other reasons may be + added. Amongst the aristocratic nations of the Middle Ages, generation + succeeded generation in vain; each family was like a never-dying, + ever-stationary man, and the state of opinions was hardly more changeable + than that of conditions. Everyone then had always the same objects before + his eyes, which he contemplated from the same point; his eyes gradually + detected the smallest details, and his discernment could not fail to + become in the end clear and accurate. Thus not only had the men of feudal + times very extraordinary opinions in matters of honor, but each of those + opinions was present to their minds under a clear and precise form. + </p> + <p> + This can never be the case in America, where all men are in constant + motion; and where society, transformed daily by its own operations, + changes its opinions together with its wants. In such a country men have + glimpses of the rules of honor, but they have seldom time to fix attention + upon them. + </p> + <p> + But even if society were motionless, it would still be difficult to + determine the meaning which ought to be attached to the word "honor." In + the Middle Ages, as each class had its own honor, the same opinion was + never received at the same time by a large number of men; and this + rendered it possible to give it a determined and accurate form, which was + the more easy, as all those by whom it was received, having a perfectly + identical and most peculiar position, were naturally disposed to agree + upon the points of a law which was made for themselves alone. Thus the + code of honor became a complete and detailed system, in which everything + was anticipated and provided for beforehand, and a fixed and always + palpable standard was applied to human actions. Amongst a democratic + nation, like the Americans, in which ranks are identified, and the whole + of society forms one single mass, composed of elements which are all + analogous though not entirely similar, it is impossible ever to agree + beforehand on what shall or shall not be allowed by the laws of honor. + Amongst that people, indeed, some national wants do exist which give rise + to opinions common to the whole nation on points of honor; but these + opinions never occur at the same time, in the same manner, or with the + same intensity to the minds of the whole community; the law of honor + exists, but it has no organs to promulgate it. + </p> + <p> + The confusion is far greater still in a democratic country like France, + where the different classes of which the former fabric of society was + composed, being brought together but not yet mingled, import day by day + into each other's circles various and sometimes conflicting notions of + honor—where every man, at his own will and pleasure, forsakes one + portion of his forefathers' creed, and retains another; so that, amidst so + many arbitrary measures, no common rule can ever be established, and it is + almost impossible to predict which actions will be held in honor and which + will be thought disgraceful. Such times are wretched, but they are of + short duration. + </p> + <p> + As honor, amongst democratic nations, is imperfectly defined, its + influence is of course less powerful; for it is difficult to apply with + certainty and firmness a law which is not distinctly known. Public + opinion, the natural and supreme interpreter of the laws of honor, not + clearly discerning to which side censure or approval ought to lean, can + only pronounce a hesitating judgment. Sometimes the opinion of the public + may contradict itself; more frequently it does not act, and lets things + pass. + </p> + <p> + The weakness of the sense of honor in democracies also arises from several + other causes. In aristocratic countries, the same notions of honor are + always entertained by only a few persons, always limited in number, often + separated from the rest of their fellow-citizens. Honor is easily mingled + and identified in their minds with the idea of all that distinguishes + their own position; it appears to them as the chief characteristic of + their own rank; they apply its different rules with all the warmth of + personal interest, and they feel (if I may use the expression) a passion + for complying with its dictates. This truth is extremely obvious in the + old black-letter lawbooks on the subject of "trial by battel." The nobles, + in their disputes, were bound to use the lance and sword; whereas the + villains used only sticks amongst themselves, "inasmuch as," to use the + words of the old books, "villains have no honor." This did not mean, as it + may be imagined at the present day, that these people were contemptible; + but simply that their actions were not to be judged by the same rules + which were applied to the actions of the aristocracy. + </p> + <p> + It is surprising, at first sight, that when the sense of honor is most + predominant, its injunctions are usually most strange; so that the further + it is removed from common reason the better it is obeyed; whence it has + sometimes been inferred that the laws of honor were strengthened by their + own extravagance. The two things indeed originate from the same source, + but the one is not derived from the other. Honor becomes fantastical in + proportion to the peculiarity of the wants which it denotes, and the + paucity of the men by whom those wants are felt; and it is because it + denotes wants of this kind that its influence is great. Thus the notion of + honor is not the stronger for being fantastical, but it is fantastical and + strong from the selfsame cause. + </p> + <p> + Further, amongst aristocratic nations each rank is different, but all + ranks are fixed; every man occupies a place in his own sphere which he + cannot relinquish, and he lives there amidst other men who are bound by + the same ties. Amongst these nations no man can either hope or fear to + escape being seen; no man is placed so low but that he has a stage of his + own, and none can avoid censure or applause by his obscurity. In + democratic States on the contrary, where all the members of the community + are mingled in the same crowd and in constant agitation, public opinion + has no hold on men; they disappear at every instant, and elude its power. + Consequently the dictates of honor will be there less imperious and less + stringent; for honor acts solely for the public eye—differing in + this respect from mere virtue, which lives upon itself contented with its + own approval. + </p> + <p> + If the reader has distinctly apprehended all that goes before, he will + understand that there is a close and necessary relation between the + inequality of social conditions and what has here been styled honor—a + relation which, if I am not mistaken, had not before been clearly pointed + out. I shall therefore make one more attempt to illustrate it + satisfactorily. Suppose a nation stands apart from the rest of mankind: + independently of certain general wants inherent in the human race, it will + also have wants and interests peculiar to itself: certain opinions of + censure or approbation forthwith arise in the community, which are + peculiar to itself, and which are styled honor by the members of that + community. Now suppose that in this same nation a caste arises, which, in + its turn, stands apart from all the other classes, and contracts certain + peculiar wants, which give rise in their turn to special opinions. The + honor of this caste, composed of a medley of the peculiar notions of the + nation, and the still more peculiar notions of the caste, will be as + remote as it is possible to conceive from the simple and general opinions + of men. + </p> + <p> + Having reached this extreme point of the argument, I now return. When + ranks are commingled and privileges abolished, the men of whom a nation is + composed being once more equal and alike, their interests and wants become + identical, and all the peculiar notions which each caste styled honor + successively disappear: the notion of honor no longer proceeds from any + other source than the wants peculiar to the nation at large, and it + denotes the individual character of that nation to the world. Lastly, if + it be allowable to suppose that all the races of mankind should be + commingled, and that all the peoples of earth should ultimately come to + have the same interests, the same wants, undistinguished from each other + by any characteristic peculiarities, no conventional value whatever would + then be attached to men's actions; they would all be regarded by all in + the same light; the general necessities of mankind, revealed by conscience + to every man, would become the common standard. The simple and general + notions of right and wrong only would then be recognized in the world, to + which, by a natural and necessary tie, the idea of censure or approbation + would be attached. Thus, to comprise all my meaning in a single + proposition, the dissimilarities and inequalities of men gave rise to the + notion of honor; that notion is weakened in proportion as these + differences are obliterated, and with them it would disappear. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0060" id="link2HCH0060"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XIX: Why So Many Ambitious Men And So Little Lofty Ambition Are To + Be Found In The United States + </h2> + <p> + The first thing which strikes a traveller in the United States is the + innumerable multitude of those who seek to throw off their original + condition; and the second is the rarity of lofty ambition to be observed + in the midst of the universally ambitious stir of society. No Americans + are devoid of a yearning desire to rise; but hardly any appear to + entertain hopes of great magnitude, or to drive at very lofty aims. All + are constantly seeking to acquire property, power, and reputation—few + contemplate these things upon a great scale; and this is the more + surprising, as nothing is to be discerned in the manners or laws of + America to limit desire, or to prevent it from spreading its impulses in + every direction. It seems difficult to attribute this singular state of + things to the equality of social conditions; for at the instant when that + same equality was established in France, the flight of ambition became + unbounded. Nevertheless, I think that the principal cause which may be + assigned to this fact is to be found in the social condition and + democratic manners of the Americans. + </p> + <p> + All revolutions enlarge the ambition of men: this proposition is more + peculiarly true of those revolutions which overthrow an aristocracy. When + the former barriers which kept back the multitude from fame and power are + suddenly thrown down, a violent and universal rise takes place towards + that eminence so long coveted and at length to be enjoyed. In this first + burst of triumph nothing seems impossible to anyone: not only are desires + boundless, but the power of satisfying them seems almost boundless, too. + Amidst the general and sudden renewal of laws and customs, in this vast + confusion of all men and all ordinances, the various members of the + community rise and sink again with excessive rapidity; and power passes so + quickly from hand to hand that none need despair of catching it in turn. + It must be recollected, moreover, that the people who destroy an + aristocracy have lived under its laws; they have witnessed its splendor, + and they have unconsciously imbibed the feelings and notions which it + entertained. Thus at the moment when an aristocracy is dissolved, its + spirit still pervades the mass of the community, and its tendencies are + retained long after it has been defeated. Ambition is therefore always + extremely great as long as a democratic revolution lasts, and it will + remain so for some time after the revolution is consummated. The + reminiscence of the extraordinary events which men have witnessed is not + obliterated from their memory in a day. The passions which a revolution + has roused do not disappear at its close. A sense of instability remains + in the midst of re-established order: a notion of easy success survives + the strange vicissitudes which gave it birth; desires still remain + extremely enlarged, when the means of satisfying them are diminished day + by day. The taste for large fortunes subsists, though large fortunes are + rare: and on every side we trace the ravages of inordinate and hapless + ambition kindled in hearts which they consume in secret and in vain. + </p> + <p> + At length, however, the last vestiges of the struggle are effaced; the + remains of aristocracy completely disappear; the great events by which its + fall was attended are forgotten; peace succeeds to war, and the sway of + order is restored in the new realm; desires are again adapted to the means + by which they may be fulfilled; the wants, the opinions, and the feelings + of men cohere once more; the level of the community is permanently + determined, and democratic society established. A democratic nation, + arrived at this permanent and regular state of things, will present a very + different spectacle from that which we have just described; and we may + readily conclude that, if ambition becomes great whilst the conditions of + society are growing equal, it loses that quality when they have grown so. + As wealth is subdivided and knowledge diffused, no one is entirely + destitute of education or of property; the privileges and + disqualifications of caste being abolished, and men having shattered the + bonds which held them fixed, the notion of advancement suggests itself to + every mind, the desire to rise swells in every heart, and all men want to + mount above their station: ambition is the universal feeling. + </p> + <p> + But if the equality of conditions gives some resources to all the members + of the community, it also prevents any of them from having resources of + great extent, which necessarily circumscribes their desires within + somewhat narrow limits. Thus amongst democratic nations ambition is ardent + and continual, but its aim is not habitually lofty; and life is generally + spent in eagerly coveting small objects which are within reach. What + chiefly diverts the men of democracies from lofty ambition is not the + scantiness of their fortunes, but the vehemence of the exertions they + daily make to improve them. They strain their faculties to the utmost to + achieve paltry results, and this cannot fail speedily to limit their + discernment and to circumscribe their powers. They might be much poorer + and still be greater. The small number of opulent citizens who are to be + found amidst a democracy do not constitute an exception to this rule. A + man who raises himself by degrees to wealth and power, contracts, in the + course of this protracted labor, habits of prudence and restraint which he + cannot afterwards shake off. A man cannot enlarge his mind as he would his + house. The same observation is applicable to the sons of such a man; they + are born, it is true, in a lofty position, but their parents were humble; + they have grown up amidst feelings and notions which they cannot + afterwards easily get rid of; and it may be presumed that they will + inherit the propensities of their father as well as his wealth. It may + happen, on the contrary, that the poorest scion of a powerful aristocracy + may display vast ambition, because the traditional opinions of his race + and the general spirit of his order still buoy him up for some time above + his fortune. Another thing which prevents the men of democratic periods + from easily indulging in the pursuit of lofty objects, is the lapse of + time which they foresee must take place before they can be ready to + approach them. "It is a great advantage," says Pascal, "to be a man of + quality, since it brings one man as forward at eighteen or twenty as + another man would be at fifty, which is a clear gain of thirty years." + Those thirty years are commonly wanting to the ambitious characters of + democracies. The principle of equality, which allows every man to arrive + at everything, prevents all men from rapid advancement. + </p> + <p> + In a democratic society, as well as elsewhere, there are only a certain + number of great fortunes to be made; and as the paths which lead to them + are indiscriminately open to all, the progress of all must necessarily be + slackened. As the candidates appear to be nearly alike, and as it is + difficult to make a selection without infringing the principle of + equality, which is the supreme law of democratic societies, the first idea + which suggests itself is to make them all advance at the same rate and + submit to the same probation. Thus in proportion as men become more alike, + and the principle of equality is more peaceably and deeply infused into + the institutions and manners of the country, the rules of advancement + become more inflexible, advancement itself slower, the difficulty of + arriving quickly at a certain height far greater. From hatred of privilege + and from the embarrassment of choosing, all men are at last constrained, + whatever may be their standard, to pass the same ordeal; all are + indiscriminately subjected to a multitude of petty preliminary exercises, + in which their youth is wasted and their imagination quenched, so that + they despair of ever fully attaining what is held out to them; and when at + length they are in a condition to perform any extraordinary acts, the + taste for such things has forsaken them. + </p> + <p> + In China, where the equality of conditions is exceedingly great and very + ancient, no man passes from one public office to another without + undergoing a probationary trial. This probation occurs afresh at every + stage of his career; and the notion is now so rooted in the manners of the + people that I remember to have read a Chinese novel, in which the hero, + after numberless crosses, succeeds at length in touching the heart of his + mistress by taking honors. A lofty ambition breathes with difficulty in + such an atmosphere. + </p> + <p> + The remark I apply to politics extends to everything; equality everywhere + produces the same effects; where the laws of a country do not regulate and + retard the advancement of men by positive enactment, competition attains + the same end. In a well-established democratic community great and rapid + elevation is therefore rare; it forms an exception to the common rule; and + it is the singularity of such occurrences that makes men forget how rarely + they happen. Men living in democracies ultimately discover these things; + they find out at last that the laws of their country open a boundless + field of action before them, but that no one can hope to hasten across it. + Between them and the final object of their desires, they perceive a + multitude of small intermediate impediments, which must be slowly + surmounted: this prospect wearies and discourages their ambition at once. + They therefore give up hopes so doubtful and remote, to search nearer to + themselves for less lofty and more easy enjoyments. Their horizon is not + bounded by the laws but narrowed by themselves. + </p> + <p> + I have remarked that lofty ambitions are more rare in the ages of + democracy than in times of aristocracy: I may add that when, in spite of + these natural obstacles, they do spring into existence, their character is + different. In aristocracies the career of ambition is often wide, but its + boundaries are determined. In democracies ambition commonly ranges in a + narrower field, but if once it gets beyond that, hardly any limits can be + assigned to it. As men are individually weak—as they live asunder, + and in constant motion—as precedents are of little authority and + laws but of short duration, resistance to novelty is languid, and the + fabric of society never appears perfectly erect or firmly consolidated. So + that, when once an ambitious man has the power in his grasp, there is + nothing he may noted are; and when it is gone from him, he meditates the + overthrow of the State to regain it. This gives to great political + ambition a character of revolutionary violence, which it seldom exhibits + to an equal degree in aristocratic communities. The common aspect of + democratic nations will present a great number of small and very rational + objects of ambition, from amongst which a few ill-controlled desires of a + larger growth will at intervals break out: but no such a thing as ambition + conceived and contrived on a vast scale is to be met with there. + </p> + <p> + I have shown elsewhere by what secret influence the principle of equality + makes the passion for physical gratifications and the exclusive love of + the present predominate in the human heart: these different propensities + mingle with the sentiment of ambition, and tinge it, as it were, with + their hues. I believe that ambitious men in democracies are less engrossed + than any others with the interests and the judgment of posterity; the + present moment alone engages and absorbs them. They are more apt to + complete a number of undertakings with rapidity than to raise lasting + monuments of their achievements; and they care much more for success than + for fame. What they most ask of men is obedience—what they most + covet is empire. Their manners have in almost all cases remained below the + height of their station; the consequence is that they frequently carry + very low tastes into their extraordinary fortunes, and that they seem to + have acquired the supreme power only to minister to their coarse or paltry + pleasures. + </p> + <p> + I think that in our time it is very necessary to cleanse, to regulate, and + to adapt the feeling of ambition, but that it would be extremely dangerous + to seek to impoverish and to repress it over-much. We should attempt to + lay down certain extreme limits, which it should never be allowed to + outstep; but its range within those established limits should not be too + much checked. I confess that I apprehend much less for democratic society + from the boldness than from the mediocrity of desires. What appears to me + most to be dreaded is that, in the midst of the small incessant + occupations of private life, ambition should lose its vigor and its + greatness—that the passions of man should abate, but at the same + time be lowered, so that the march of society should every day become more + tranquil and less aspiring. I think then that the leaders of modern + society would be wrong to seek to lull the community by a state of too + uniform and too peaceful happiness; and that it is well to expose it from + time to time to matters of difficulty and danger, in order to raise + ambition and to give it a field of action. Moralists are constantly + complaining that the ruling vice of the present time is pride. This is + true in one sense, for indeed no one thinks that he is not better than his + neighbor, or consents to obey his superior: but it is extremely false in + another; for the same man who cannot endure subordination or equality, has + so contemptible an opinion of himself that he thinks he is only born to + indulge in vulgar pleasures. He willingly takes up with low desires, + without daring to embark in lofty enterprises, of which he scarcely + dreams. Thus, far from thinking that humility ought to be preached to our + contemporaries, I would have endeavors made to give them a more enlarged + idea of themselves and of their kind. Humility is unwholesome to them; + what they most want is, in my opinion, pride. I would willingly exchange + several of our small virtues for this one vice. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0061" id="link2HCH0061"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XX: The Trade Of Place-Hunting In Certain Democratic Countries + </h2> + <p> + In the United States as soon as a man has acquired some education and + pecuniary resources, he either endeavors to get rich by commerce or + industry, or he buys land in the bush and turns pioneer. All that he asks + of the State is not to be disturbed in his toil, and to be secure of his + earnings. Amongst the greater part of European nations, when a man begins + to feel his strength and to extend his desires, the first thing that + occurs to him is to get some public employment. These opposite effects, + originating in the same cause, deserve our passing notice. + </p> + <p> + When public employments are few in number, ill-paid and precarious, whilst + the different lines of business are numerous and lucrative, it is to + business, and not to official duties, that the new and eager desires + engendered by the principle of equality turn from every side. But if, + whilst the ranks of society are becoming more equal, the education of the + people remains incomplete, or their spirit the reverse of bold—if + commerce and industry, checked in their growth, afford only slow and + arduous means of making a fortune—the various members of the + community, despairing of ameliorating their own condition, rush to the + head of the State and demand its assistance. To relieve their own + necessities at the cost of the public treasury, appears to them to be the + easiest and most open, if not the only, way they have to rise above a + condition which no longer contents them; place-hunting becomes the most + generally followed of all trades. This must especially be the case, in + those great centralized monarchies in which the number of paid offices is + immense, and the tenure of them tolerably secure, so that no one despairs + of obtaining a place, and of enjoying it as undisturbedly as a hereditary + fortune. + </p> + <p> + I shall not remark that the universal and inordinate desire for place is a + great social evil; that it destroys the spirit of independence in the + citizen, and diffuses a venal and servile humor throughout the frame of + society; that it stifles the manlier virtues: nor shall I be at the pains + to demonstrate that this kind of traffic only creates an unproductive + activity, which agitates the country without adding to its resources: all + these things are obvious. But I would observe, that a government which + encourages this tendency risks its own tranquillity, and places its very + existence in great jeopardy. I am aware that at a time like our own, when + the love and respect which formerly clung to authority are seen gradually + to decline, it may appear necessary to those in power to lay a closer hold + on every man by his own interest, and it may seem convenient to use his + own passions to keep him in order and in silence; but this cannot be so + long, and what may appear to be a source of strength for a certain time + will assuredly become in the end a great cause of embarrassment and + weakness. + </p> + <p> + Amongst democratic nations, as well as elsewhere, the number of official + appointments has in the end some limits; but amongst those nations, the + number of aspirants is unlimited; it perpetually increases, with a gradual + and irresistible rise in proportion as social conditions become more + equal, and is only checked by the limits of the population. Thus, when + public employments afford the only outlet for ambition, the government + necessarily meets with a permanent opposition at last; for it is tasked to + satisfy with limited means unlimited desires. It is very certain that of + all people in the world the most difficult to restrain and to manage are a + people of solicitants. Whatever endeavors are made by rulers, such a + people can never be contented; and it is always to be apprehended that + they will ultimately overturn the constitution of the country, and change + the aspect of the State, for the sole purpose of making a clearance of + places. The sovereigns of the present age, who strive to fix upon + themselves alone all those novel desires which are aroused by equality, + and to satisfy them, will repent in the end, if I am not mistaken, that + they ever embarked in this policy: they will one day discover that they + have hazarded their own power, by making it so necessary; and that the + more safe and honest course would have been to teach their subjects the + art of providing for themselves. *a + </p> + <p class="foot"> + a <br /> [ As a matter of fact, more recent experience has shown that + place-hunting is quite as intense in the United States as in any country + in Europe. It is regarded by the Americans themselves as one of the great + evils of their social condition, and it powerfully affects their political + institutions. But the American who seeks a place seeks not so much a means + of subsistence as the distinction which office and public employment + confer. In the absence of any true aristocracy, the public service creates + a spurious one, which is as much an object of ambition as the distinctions + of rank in aristocratic countries.—Translator's Note.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0062" id="link2HCH0062"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XXI: Why Great Revolutions Will Become More Rare + </h2> + <p> + A people which has existed for centuries under a system of castes and + classes can only arrive at a democratic state of society by passing + through a long series of more or less critical transformations, + accomplished by violent efforts, and after numerous vicissitudes; in the + course of which, property, opinions, and power are rapidly transferred + from one hand to another. Even after this great revolution is consummated, + the revolutionary habits engendered by it may long be traced, and it will + be followed by deep commotion. As all this takes place at the very time at + which social conditions are becoming more equal, it is inferred that some + concealed relation and secret tie exist between the principle of equality + itself and revolution, insomuch that the one cannot exist without giving + rise to the other. + </p> + <p> + On this point reasoning may seem to lead to the same result as experience. + Amongst a people whose ranks are nearly equal, no ostensible bond connects + men together, or keeps them settled in their station. None of them have + either a permanent right or power to command—none are forced by + their condition to obey; but every man, finding himself possessed of some + education and some resources, may choose his won path and proceed apart + from all his fellow-men. The same causes which make the members of the + community independent of each other, continually impel them to new and + restless desires, and constantly spur them onwards. It therefore seems + natural that, in a democratic community, men, things, and opinions should + be forever changing their form and place, and that democratic ages should + be times of rapid and incessant transformation. + </p> + <p> + But is this really the case? does the equality of social conditions + habitually and permanently lead men to revolution? does that state of + society contain some perturbing principle which prevents the community + from ever subsiding into calm, and disposes the citizens to alter + incessantly their laws, their principles, and their manners? I do not + believe it; and as the subject is important, I beg for the reader's close + attention. Almost all the revolutions which have changed the aspect of + nations have been made to consolidate or to destroy social inequality. + Remove the secondary causes which have produced the great convulsions of + the world, and you will almost always find the principle of inequality at + the bottom. Either the poor have attempted to plunder the rich, or the + rich to enslave the poor. If then a state of society can ever be founded + in which every man shall have something to keep, and little to take from + others, much will have been done for the peace of the world. I am aware + that amongst a great democratic people there will always be some members + of the community in great poverty, and others in great opulence; but the + poor, instead of forming the immense majority of the nation, as is always + the case in aristocratic communities, are comparatively few in number, and + the laws do not bind them together by the ties of irremediable and + hereditary penury. The wealthy, on their side, are scarce and powerless; + they have no privileges which attract public observation; even their + wealth, as it is no longer incorporated and bound up with the soil, is + impalpable, and as it were invisible. As there is no longer a race of poor + men, so there is no longer a race of rich men; the latter spring up daily + from the multitude, and relapse into it again. Hence they do not form a + distinct class, which may be easily marked out and plundered; and, + moreover, as they are connected with the mass of their fellow-citizens by + a thousand secret ties, the people cannot assail them without inflicting + an injury upon itself. Between these two extremes of democratic + communities stand an innumerable multitude of men almost alike, who, + without being exactly either rich or poor, are possessed of sufficient + property to desire the maintenance of order, yet not enough to excite + envy. Such men are the natural enemies of violent commotions: their + stillness keeps all beneath them and above them still, and secures the + balance of the fabric of society. Not indeed that even these men are + contented with what they have gotten, or that they feel a natural + abhorrence for a revolution in which they might share the spoil without + sharing the calamity; on the contrary, they desire, with unexampled ardor, + to get rich, but the difficulty is to know from whom riches can be taken. + The same state of society which constantly prompts desires, restrains + these desires within necessary limits: it gives men more liberty of + changing and less interest in change. + </p> + <p> + Not only are the men of democracies not naturally desirous of revolutions, + but they are afraid of them. All revolutions more or less threaten the + tenure of property: but most of those who live in democratic countries are + possessed of property—not only are they possessed of property, but + they live in the condition of men who set the greatest store upon their + property. If we attentively consider each of the classes of which society + is composed, it is easy to see that the passions engendered by property + are keenest and most tenacious amongst the middle classes. The poor often + care but little for what they possess, because they suffer much more from + the want of what they have not, than they enjoy the little they have. The + rich have many other passions besides that of riches to satisfy; and, + besides, the long and arduous enjoyment of a great fortune sometimes makes + them in the end insensible to its charms. But the men who have a + competency, alike removed from opulence and from penury, attach an + enormous value to their possessions. As they are still almost within the + reach of poverty, they see its privations near at hand, and dread them; + between poverty and themselves there is nothing but a scanty fortune, upon + which they immediately fix their apprehensions and their hopes. Every day + increases the interest they take in it, by the constant cares which it + occasions; and they are the more attached to it by their continual + exertions to increase the amount. The notion of surrendering the smallest + part of it is insupportable to them, and they consider its total loss as + the worst of misfortunes. Now these eager and apprehensive men of small + property constitute the class which is constantly increased by the + equality of conditions. Hence, in democratic communities, the majority of + the people do not clearly see what they have to gain by a revolution, but + they continually and in a thousand ways feel that they might lose by one. + </p> + <p> + I have shown in another part of this work that the equality of conditions + naturally urges men to embark in commercial and industrial pursuits, and + that it tends to increase and to distribute real property: I have also + pointed out the means by which it inspires every man with an eager and + constant desire to increase his welfare. Nothing is more opposed to + revolutionary passions than these things. It may happen that the final + result of a revolution is favorable to commerce and manufactures; but its + first consequence will almost always be the ruin of manufactures and + mercantile men, because it must always change at once the general + principles of consumption, and temporarily upset the existing proportion + between supply and demand. I know of nothing more opposite to + revolutionary manners than commercial manners. Commerce is naturally + adverse to all the violent passions; it loves to temporize, takes delight + in compromise, and studiously avoids irritation. It is patient, + insinuating, flexible, and never has recourse to extreme measures until + obliged by the most absolute necessity. Commerce renders men independent + of each other, gives them a lofty notion of their personal importance, + leads them to seek to conduct their own affairs, and teaches how to + conduct them well; it therefore prepares men for freedom, but preserves + them from revolutions. In a revolution the owners of personal property + have more to fear than all others; for on the one hand their property is + often easy to seize, and on the other it may totally disappear at any + moment—a subject of alarm to which the owners of real property are + less exposed, since, although they may lose the income of their estates, + they may hope to preserve the land itself through the greatest + vicissitudes. Hence the former are much more alarmed at the symptoms of + revolutionary commotion than the latter. Thus nations are less disposed to + make revolutions in proportion as personal property is augmented and + distributed amongst them, and as the number of those possessing it + increases. Moreover, whatever profession men may embrace, and whatever + species of property they may possess, one characteristic is common to them + all. No one is fully contented with his present fortune—all are + perpetually striving in a thousand ways to improve it. Consider any one of + them at any period of his life, and he will be found engaged with some new + project for the purpose of increasing what he has; talk not to him of the + interests and the rights of mankind: this small domestic concern absorbs + for the time all his thoughts, and inclines him to defer political + excitement to some other season. This not only prevents men from making + revolutions, but deters men from desiring them. Violent political passions + have but little hold on those who have devoted all their faculties to the + pursuit of their well-being. The ardor which they display in small matters + calms their zeal for momentous undertakings. + </p> + <p> + From time to time indeed, enterprising and ambitious men will arise in + democratic communities, whose unbounded aspirations cannot be contented by + following the beaten track. Such men like revolutions and hail their + approach; but they have great difficulty in bringing them about, unless + unwonted events come to their assistance. No man can struggle with + advantage against the spirit of his age and country; and, however powerful + he may be supposed to be, he will find it difficult to make his + contemporaries share in feelings and opinions which are repugnant to t all + their feelings and desires. + </p> + <p> + It is a mistake to believe that, when once the equality of conditions has + become the old and uncontested state of society, and has imparted its + characteristics to the manners of a nation, men will easily allow + themselves to be thrust into perilous risks by an imprudent leader or a + bold innovator. Not indeed that they will resist him openly, by + well-contrived schemes, or even by a premeditated plan of resistance. They + will not struggle energetically against him, sometimes they will even + applaud him—but they do not follow him. To his vehemence they + secretly oppose their inertia; to his revolutionary tendencies their + conservative interests; their homely tastes to his adventurous passions; + their good sense to the flights of his genius; to his poetry their prose. + With immense exertion he raises them for an instant, but they speedily + escape from him, and fall back, as it were, by their own weight. He + strains himself to rouse the indifferent and distracted multitude, and + finds at last that he is reduced to impotence, not because he is + conquered, but because he is alone. + </p> + <p> + I do not assert that men living in democratic communities are naturally + stationary; I think, on the contrary, that a perpetual stir prevails in + the bosom of those societies, and that rest is unknown there; but I think + that men bestir themselves within certain limits beyond which they hardly + ever go. They are forever varying, altering, and restoring secondary + matters; but they carefully abstain from touching what is fundamental. + They love change, but they dread revolutions. Although the Americans are + constantly modifying or abrogating some of their laws, they by no means + display revolutionary passions. It may be easily seen, from the + promptitude with which they check and calm themselves when public + excitement begins to grow alarming, and at the very moment when passions + seem most roused, that they dread a revolution as the worst of + misfortunes, and that every one of them is inwardly resolved to make great + sacrifices to avoid such a catastrophe. In no country in the world is the + love of property more active and more anxious than in the United States; + nowhere does the majority display less inclination for those principles + which threaten to alter, in whatever manner, the laws of property. I have + often remarked that theories which are of a revolutionary nature, since + they cannot be put in practice without a complete and sometimes a sudden + change in the state of property and persons, are much less favorably + viewed in the United States than in the great monarchical countries of + Europe: if some men profess them, the bulk of the people reject them with + instinctive abhorrence. I do not hesitate to say that most of the maxims + commonly called democratic in France would be proscribed by the democracy + of the United States. This may easily be understood: in America men have + the opinions and passions of democracy, in Europe we have still the + passions and opinions of revolution. If ever America undergoes great + revolutions, they will be brought about by the presence of the black race + on the soil of the United States—that is to say, they will owe their + origin, not to the equality, but to the inequality, of conditions. + </p> + <p> + When social conditions are equal, every man is apt to live apart, centred + in himself and forgetful of the public. If the rulers of democratic + nations were either to neglect to correct this fatal tendency, or to + encourage it from a notion that it weans men from political passions and + thus wards off revolutions, they might eventually produce the evil they + seek to avoid, and a time might come when the inordinate passions of a few + men, aided by the unintelligent selfishness or the pusillanimity of the + greater number, would ultimately compel society to pass through strange + vicissitudes. In democratic communities revolutions are seldom desired + except by a minority; but a minority may sometimes effect them. I do not + assert that democratic nations are secure from revolutions; I merely say + that the state of society in those nations does not lead to revolutions, + but rather wards them off. A democratic people left to itself will not + easily embark in great hazards; it is only led to revolutions unawares; it + may sometimes undergo them, but it does not make them; and I will add + that, when such a people has been allowed to acquire sufficient knowledge + and experience, it will not suffer them to be made. I am well aware that + it this respect public institutions may themselves do much; they may + encourage or repress the tendencies which originate in the state of + society. I therefore do not maintain, I repeat, that a people is secure + from revolutions simply because conditions are equal in the community; but + I think that, whatever the institutions of such a people may be, great + revolutions will always be far less violent and less frequent than is + supposed; and I can easily discern a state of polity, which, when combined + with the principle of equality, would render society more stationary than + it has ever been in our western apart of the world. + </p> + <p> + The observations I have here made on events may also be applied in part to + opinions. Two things are surprising in the United States—the + mutability of the greater part of human actions, and the singular + stability of certain principles. Men are in constant motion; the mind of + man appears almost unmoved. When once an opinion has spread over the + country and struck root there, it would seem that no power on earth is + strong enough to eradicate it. In the United States, general principles in + religion, philosophy, morality, and even politics, do not vary, or at + least are only modified by a hidden and often an imperceptible process: + even the grossest prejudices are obliterated with incredible slowness, + amidst the continual friction of men and things. I hear it said that it is + in the nature and the habits of democracies to be constantly changing + their opinions and feelings. This may be true of small democratic nations, + like those of the ancient world, in which the whole community could be + assembled in a public place and then excited at will by an orator. But I + saw nothing of the kind amongst the great democratic people which dwells + upon the opposite shores of the Atlantic Ocean. What struck me in the + United States was the difficulty in shaking the majority in an opinion + once conceived, or of drawing it off from a leader once adopted. Neither + speaking nor writing can accomplish it; nothing but experience will avail, + and even experience must be repeated. This is surprising at first sight, + but a more attentive investigation explains the fact. I do not think that + it is as easy as is supposed to uproot the prejudices of a democratic + people—to change its belief—to supersede principles once + established, by new principles in religion, politics, and morals—in + a word, to make great and frequent changes in men's minds. Not that the + human mind is there at rest—it is in constant agitation; but it is + engaged in infinitely varying the consequences of known principles, and in + seeking for new consequences, rather than in seeking for new principles. + Its motion is one of rapid circumvolution, rather than of straightforward + impulse by rapid and direct effort; it extends its orbit by small + continual and hasty movements, but it does not suddenly alter its + position. + </p> + <p> + Men who are equal in rights, in education, in fortune, or, to comprise all + in one word, in their social condition, have necessarily wants, habits, + and tastes which are hardly dissimilar. As they look at objects under the + same aspect, their minds naturally tend to analogous conclusions; and, + though each of them may deviate from his contemporaries and from opinions + of his own, they will involuntarily and unconsciously concur in a certain + number of received opinions. The more attentively I consider the effects + of equality upon the mind, the more am I persuaded that the intellectual + anarchy which we witness about us is not, as many men suppose, the natural + state of democratic nations. I think it is rather to be regarded as an + accident peculiar to their youth, and that it only breaks out at that + period of transition when men have already snapped the former ties which + bound them together, but are still amazingly different in origin, + education, and manners; so that, having retained opinions, propensities + and tastes of great diversity, nothing any longer prevents men from + avowing them openly. The leading opinions of men become similar in + proportion as their conditions assimilate; such appears to me to be the + general and permanent law—the rest is casual and transient. + </p> + <p> + I believe that it will rarely happen to any man amongst a democratic + community, suddenly to frame a system of notions very remote from that + which his contemporaries have adopted; and if some such innovator + appeared, I apprehend that he would have great difficulty in finding + listeners, still more in finding believers. When the conditions of men are + almost equal, they do not easily allow themselves to be persuaded by each + other. As they all live in close intercourse, as they have learned the + same things together, and as they lead the same life, they are not + naturally disposed to take one of themselves for a guide, and to follow + him implicitly. Men seldom take the opinion of their equal, or of a man + like themselves, upon trust. Not only is confidence in the superior + attainments of certain individuals weakened amongst democratic nations, as + I have elsewhere remarked, but the general notion of the intellectual + superiority which any man whatsoever may acquire in relation to the rest + of the community is soon overshadowed. As men grow more like each other, + the doctrine of the equality of the intellect gradually infuses itself + into their opinions; and it becomes more difficult for any innovator to + acquire or to exert much influence over the minds of a people. In such + communities sudden intellectual revolutions will therefore be rare; for, + if we read aright the history of the world, we shall find that great and + rapid changes in human opinions have been produced far less by the force + of reasoning than by the authority of a name. Observe, too, that as the + men who live in democratic societies are not connected with each other by + any tie, each of them must be convinced individually; whilst in + aristocratic society it is enough to convince a few—the rest follow. + If Luther had lived in an age of equality, and had not had princes and + potentates for his audience, he would perhaps have found it more difficult + to change the aspect of Europe. Not indeed that the men of democracies are + naturally strongly persuaded of the certainty of their opinions, or are + unwavering in belief; they frequently entertain doubts which no one, in + their eyes, can remove. It sometimes happens at such times that the human + mind would willingly change its position; but as nothing urges or guides + it forwards, it oscillates to and fro without progressive motion. *a + </p> + <p class="foot"> + a <br /> [ If I inquire what state of society is most favorable to the + great revolutions of the mind, I find that it occurs somewhere between the + complete equality of the whole community and the absolute separation of + ranks. Under a system of castes generations succeed each other without + altering men's positions; some have nothing more, others nothing better, + to hope for. The imagination slumbers amidst this universal silence and + stillness, and the very idea of change fades from the human mind. When + ranks have been abolished and social conditions are almost equalized, all + men are in ceaseless excitement, but each of them stands alone, + independent and weak. This latter state of things is excessively different + from the former one; yet it has one point of analogy—great + revolutions of the human mind seldom occur in it. But between these two + extremes of the history of nations is an intermediate period—a + period as glorious as it is agitated—when the conditions of men are + not sufficiently settled for the mind to be lulled in torpor, when they + are sufficiently unequal for men to exercise a vast power on the minds of + one another, and when some few may modify the convictions of all. It is at + such times that great reformers start up, and new opinions suddenly change + the face of the world.] + </p> + <p> + Even when the reliance of a democratic people has been won, it is still no + easy matter to gain their attention. It is extremely difficult to obtain a + hearing from men living in democracies, unless it be to speak to them of + themselves. They do not attend to the things said to them, because they + are always fully engrossed with the things they are doing. For indeed few + men are idle in democratic nations; life is passed in the midst of noise + and excitement, and men are so engaged in acting that little remains to + them for thinking. I would especially remark that they are not only + employed, but that they are passionately devoted to their employments. + They are always in action, and each of their actions absorbs their + faculties: the zeal which they display in business puts out the enthusiasm + they might otherwise entertain for idea. I think that it is extremely + difficult to excite the enthusiasm of a democratic people for any theory + which has not a palpable, direct, and immediate connection with the daily + occupations of life: therefore they will not easily forsake their old + opinions; for it is enthusiasm which flings the minds of men out of the + beaten track, and effects the great revolutions of the intellect as well + as the great revolutions of the political world. Thus democratic nations + have neither time nor taste to go in search of novel opinions. Even when + those they possess become doubtful, they still retain them, because it + would take too much time and inquiry to change them—they retain + them, not as certain, but as established. + </p> + <p> + There are yet other and more cogent reasons which prevent any great change + from being easily effected in the principles of a democratic people. I + have already adverted to them at the commencement of this part of my work. + If the influence of individuals is weak and hardly perceptible amongst + such a people, the power exercised by the mass upon the mind of each + individual is extremely great—I have already shown for what reasons. + I would now observe that it is wrong to suppose that this depends solely + upon the form of government, and that the majority would lose its + intellectual supremacy if it were to lose its political power. In + aristocracies men have often much greatness and strength of their own: + when they find themselves at variance with the greater number of their + fellow-countrymen, they withdraw to their own circle, where they support + and console themselves. Such is not the case in a democratic country; + there public favor seems as necessary as the air we breathe, and to live + at variance with the multitude is, as it were, not to live. The multitude + requires no laws to coerce those who think not like itself: public + disapprobation is enough; a sense of their loneliness and impotence + overtakes them and drives them to despair. + </p> + <p> + Whenever social conditions are equal, public opinion presses with enormous + weight upon the mind of each individual; it surrounds, directs, and + oppresses him; and this arises from the very constitution of society, much + more than from its political laws. As men grow more alike, each man feels + himself weaker in regard to all the rest; as he discerns nothing by which + he is considerably raised above them, or distinguished from them, he + mistrusts himself as soon as they assail him. Not only does he mistrust + his strength, but he even doubts of his right; and he is very near + acknowledging that he is in the wrong, when the greater number of his + countrymen assert that he is so. The majority do not need to constrain him—they + convince him. In whatever way then the powers of a democratic community + may be organized and balanced, it will always be extremely difficult to + believe what the bulk of the people reject, or to profess what they + condemn. + </p> + <p> + This circumstance is extraordinarily favorable to the stability of + opinions. When an opinion has taken root amongst a democratic people, and + established itself in the minds of the bulk of the community, it + afterwards subsists by itself and is maintained without effort, because no + one attacks it. Those who at first rejected it as false, ultimately + receive it as the general impression; and those who still dispute it in + their hearts, conceal their dissent; they are careful not to engage in a + dangerous and useless conflict. It is true, that when the majority of a + democratic people change their opinions, they may suddenly and arbitrarily + effect strange revolutions in men's minds; but their opinions do not + change without much difficulty, and it is almost as difficult to show that + they are changed. + </p> + <p> + Time, events, or the unaided individual action of the mind, will sometimes + undermine or destroy an opinion, without any outward sign of the change. + It has not been openly assailed, no conspiracy has been formed to make war + on it, but its followers one by one noiselessly secede—day by day a + few of them abandon it, until last it is only professed by a minority. In + this state it will still continue to prevail. As its enemies remain mute, + or only interchange their thoughts by stealth, they are themselves unaware + for a long period that a great revolution has actually been effected; and + in this state of uncertainly they take no steps—they observe each + other and are silent. The majority have ceased to believe what they + believed before; but they still affect to believe, and this empty phantom + of public opinion in strong enough to chill innovators, and to keep them + silent and at respectful distance. We live at a time which has witnessed + the most rapid changes of opinion in the minds of men; nevertheless it may + be that the leading opinions of society will ere long be more settled than + they have been for several centuries in our history: that time is not yet + come, but it may perhaps be approaching. As I examine more closely the + natural wants and tendencies of democratic nations, I grow persuaded that + if ever social equality is generally and permanently established in the + world, great intellectual and political revolutions will become more + difficult and less frequent than is supposed. Because the men of + democracies appear always excited, uncertain, eager, changeable in their + wills and in their positions, it is imagined that they are suddenly to + abrogate their laws, to adopt new opinions, and to assume new manners. But + if the principle of equality predisposes men to change, it also suggests + to them certain interests and tastes which cannot be satisfied without a + settled order of things; equality urges them on, but at the same time it + holds them back; it spurs them, but fastens them to earth;—it + kindles their desires, but limits their powers. This, however, is not + perceived at first; the passions which tend to sever the citizens of a + democracy are obvious enough; but the hidden force which restrains and + unites them is not discernible at a glance. + </p> + <p> + Amidst the ruins which surround me, shall I dare to say that revolutions + are not what I most fear coming generations? If men continue to shut + themselves more closely within the narrow circle of domestic interests and + to live upon that kind of excitement, it is to be apprehended that they + may ultimately become inaccessible to those great and powerful public + emotions which perturb nations—but which enlarge them and recruit + them. When property becomes so fluctuating, and the love of property so + restless and so ardent, I cannot but fear that men may arrive at such a + state as to regard every new theory as a peril, every innovation as an + irksome toil, every social improvement as a stepping-stone to revolution, + and so refuse to move altogether for fear of being moved too far. I dread, + and I confess it, lest they should at last so entirely give way to a + cowardly love of present enjoyment, as to lose sight of the interests of + their future selves and of those of their descendants; and to prefer to + glide along the easy current of life, rather than to make, when it is + necessary, a strong and sudden effort to a higher purpose. It is believed + by some that modern society will be ever changing its aspect; for myself, + I fear that it will ultimately be too invariably fixed in the same + institutions, the same prejudices, the same manners, so that mankind will + be stopped and circumscribed; that the mind will swing backwards and + forwards forever, without begetting fresh ideas; that man will waste his + strength in bootless and solitary trifling; and, though in continual + motion, that humanity will cease to advance. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0063" id="link2HCH0063"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XXII: Why Democratic Nations Are Naturally Desirous Of Peace, And + Democratic Armies Of War + </h2> + <p> + The same interests, the same fears, the same passions which deter + democratic nations from revolutions, deter them also from war; the spirit + of military glory and the spirit of revolution are weakened at the same + time and by the same causes. The ever-increasing numbers of men of + property—lovers of peace, the growth of personal wealth which war so + rapidly consumes, the mildness of manners, the gentleness of heart, those + tendencies to pity which are engendered by the equality of conditions, + that coolness of understanding which renders men comparatively insensible + to the violent and poetical excitement of arms—all these causes + concur to quench the military spirit. I think it may be admitted as a + general and constant rule, that, amongst civilized nations, the warlike + passions will become more rare and less intense in proportion as social + conditions shall be more equal. War is nevertheless an occurrence to which + all nations are subject, democratic nations as well as others. Whatever + taste they may have for peace, they must hold themselves in readiness to + repel aggression, or in other words they must have an army. + </p> + <p> + Fortune, which has conferred so many peculiar benefits upon the + inhabitants of the United States, has placed them in the midst of a + wilderness, where they have, so to speak, no neighbors: a few thousand + soldiers are sufficient for their wants; but this is peculiar to America, + not to democracy. The equality of conditions, and the manners as well as + the institutions resulting from it, do not exempt a democratic people from + the necessity of standing armies, and their armies always exercise a + powerful influence over their fate. It is therefore of singular importance + to inquire what are the natural propensities of the men of whom these + armies are composed. + </p> + <p> + Amongst aristocratic nations, especially amongst those in which birth is + the only source of rank, the same inequality exists in the army as in the + nation; the officer is noble, the soldier is a serf; the one is naturally + called upon to command, the other to obey. In aristocratic armies, the + private soldier's ambition is therefore circumscribed within very narrow + limits. Nor has the ambition of the officer an unlimited range. An + aristocratic body not only forms a part of the scale of ranks in the + nation, but it contains a scale of ranks within itself: the members of + whom it is composed are placed one above another, in a particular and + unvarying manner. Thus one man is born to the command of a regiment, + another to that of a company; when once they have reached the utmost + object of their hopes, they stop of their own accord, and remain contented + with their lot. There is, besides, a strong cause, which, in + aristocracies, weakens the officer's desire of promotion. Amongst + aristocratic nations, an officer, independently of his rank in the army, + also occupies an elevated rank in society; the former is almost always in + his eyes only an appendage to the latter. A nobleman who embraces the + profession of arms follows it less from motives of ambition than from a + sense of the duties imposed on him by his birth. He enters the army in + order to find an honorable employment for the idle years of his youth, and + to be able to bring back to his home and his peers some honorable + recollections of military life; but his principal object is not to obtain + by that profession either property, distinction, or power, for he + possesses these advantages in his own right, and enjoys them without + leaving his home. + </p> + <p> + In democratic armies all the soldiers may become officers, which makes the + desire of promotion general, and immeasurably extends the bounds of + military ambition. The officer, on his part, sees nothing which naturally + and necessarily stops him at one grade more than at another; and each + grade has immense importance in his eyes, because his rank in society + almost always depends on his rank in the army. Amongst democratic nations + it often happens that an officer has no property but his pay, and no + distinction but that of military honors: consequently as often as his + duties change, his fortune changes, and he becomes, as it were, a new man. + What was only an appendage to his position in aristocratic armies, has + thus become the main point, the basis of his whole condition. Under the + old French monarchy officers were always called by their titles of + nobility; they are now always called by the title of their military rank. + This little change in the forms of language suffices to show that a great + revolution has taken place in the constitution of society and in that of + the army. In democratic armies the desire of advancement is almost + universal: it is ardent, tenacious, perpetual; it is strengthened by all + other desires, and only extinguished with life itself. But it is easy to + see, that of all armies in the world, those in which advancement must be + slowest in time of peace are the armies of democratic countries. As the + number of commissions is naturally limited, whilst the number of + competitors is almost unlimited, and as the strict law of equality is over + all alike, none can make rapid progress—many can make no progress at + all. Thus the desire of advancement is greater, and the opportunities of + advancement fewer, there than elsewhere. All the ambitious spirits of a + democratic army are consequently ardently desirous of war, because war + makes vacancies, and warrants the violation of that law of seniority which + is the sole privilege natural to democracy. + </p> + <p> + We thus arrive at this singular consequence, that of all armies those most + ardently desirous of war are democratic armies, and of all nations those + most fond of peace are democratic nations: and, what makes these facts + still more extraordinary, is that these contrary effects are produced at + the same time by the principle of equality. + </p> + <p> + All the members of the community, being alike, constantly harbor the wish, + and discover the possibility, of changing their condition and improving + their welfare: this makes them fond of peace, which is favorable to + industry, and allows every man to pursue his own little undertakings to + their completion. On the other hand, this same equality makes soldiers + dream of fields of battle, by increasing the value of military honors in + the eyes of those who follow the profession of arms, and by rendering + those honors accessible to all. In either case the inquietude of the heart + is the same, the taste for enjoyment as insatiable, the ambition of + success as great—the means of gratifying it are alone different. + </p> + <p> + These opposite tendencies of the nation and the army expose democratic + communities to great dangers. When a military spirit forsakes a people, + the profession of arms immediately ceases to be held in honor, and + military men fall to the lowest rank of the public servants: they are + little esteemed, and no longer understood. The reverse of what takes place + in aristocratic ages then occurs; the men who enter the army are no longer + those of the highest, but of the lowest rank. Military ambition is only + indulged in when no other is possible. Hence arises a circle of cause and + consequence from which it is difficult to escape: the best part of the + nation shuns the military profession because that profession is not + honored, and the profession is not honored because the best part of the + nation has ceased to follow it. It is then no matter of surprise that + democratic armies are often restless, ill-tempered, and dissatisfied with + their lot, although their physical condition is commonly far better, and + their discipline less strict than in other countries. The soldier feels + that he occupies an inferior position, and his wounded pride either + stimulates his taste for hostilities which would render his services + necessary, or gives him a turn for revolutions, during which he may hope + to win by force of arms the political influence and personal importance + now denied him. The composition of democratic armies makes this + last-mentioned danger much to be feared. In democratic communities almost + every man has some property to preserve; but democratic armies are + generally led by men without property, most of whom have little to lose in + civil broils. The bulk of the nation is naturally much more afraid of + revolutions than in the ages of aristocracy, but the leaders of the army + much less so. + </p> + <p> + Moreover, as amongst democratic nations (to repeat what I have just + remarked) the wealthiest, the best educated, and the most able men seldom + adopt the military profession, the army, taken collectively, eventually + forms a small nation by itself, where the mind is less enlarged, and + habits are more rude than in the nation at large. Now, this small + uncivilized nation has arms in its possession, and alone knows how to use + them: for, indeed, the pacific temper of the community increases the + danger to which a democratic people is exposed from the military and + turbulent spirit of the army. Nothing is so dangerous as an army amidst an + unwarlike nation; the excessive love of the whole community for quiet + continually puts its constitution at the mercy of the soldiery. It may + therefore be asserted, generally speaking, that if democratic nations are + naturally prone to peace from their interests and their propensities, they + are constantly drawn to war and revolutions by their armies. Military + revolutions, which are scarcely ever to be apprehended in aristocracies, + are always to be dreaded amongst democratic nations. These perils must be + reckoned amongst the most formidable which beset their future fate, and + the attention of statesmen should be sedulously applied to find a remedy + for the evil. + </p> + <p> + When a nation perceives that it is inwardly affected by the restless + ambition of its army, the first thought which occurs is to give this + inconvenient ambition an object by going to war. I speak no ill of war: + war almost always enlarges the mind of a people, and raises their + character. In some cases it is the only check to the excessive growth of + certain propensities which naturally spring out of the equality of + conditions, and it must be considered as a necessary corrective to certain + inveterate diseases to which democratic communities are liable. War has + great advantages, but we must not flatter ourselves that it can diminish + the danger I have just pointed out. That peril is only suspended by it, to + return more fiercely when the war is over; for armies are much more + impatient of peace after having tasted military exploits. War could only + be a remedy for a people which should always be athirst for military + glory. I foresee that all the military rulers who may rise up in great + democratic nations, will find it easier to conquer with their armies, than + to make their armies live at peace after conquest. There are two things + which a democratic people will always find very difficult—to begin a + war, and to end it. + </p> + <p> + Again, if war has some peculiar advantages for democratic nations, on the + other hand it exposes them to certain dangers which aristocracies have no + cause to dread to an equal extent. I shall only point out two of these. + Although war gratifies the army, it embarrasses and often exasperates that + countless multitude of men whose minor passions every day require peace in + order to be satisfied. Thus there is some risk of its causing, under + another form, the disturbance it is intended to prevent. No protracted war + can fail to endanger the freedom of a democratic country. Not indeed that + after every victory it is to be apprehended that the victorious generals + will possess themselves by force of the supreme power, after the manner of + Sylla and Caesar: the danger is of another kind. War does not always give + over democratic communities to military government, but it must invariably + and immeasurably increase the powers of civil government; it must almost + compulsorily concentrate the direction of all men and the management of + all things in the hands of the administration. If it lead not to despotism + by sudden violence, it prepares men for it more gently by their habits. + All those who seek to destroy the liberties of a democratic nation ought + to know that war is the surest and the shortest means to accomplish it. + This is the first axiom of the science. + </p> + <p> + One remedy, which appears to be obvious when the ambition of soldiers and + officers becomes the subject of alarm, is to augment the number of + commissions to be distributed by increasing the army. This affords + temporary relief, but it plunges the country into deeper difficulties at + some future period. To increase the army may produce a lasting effect in + an aristocratic community, because military ambition is there confined to + one class of men, and the ambition of each individual stops, as it were, + at a certain limit; so that it may be possible to satisfy all who feel its + influence. But nothing is gained by increasing the army amongst a + democratic people, because the number of aspirants always rises in exactly + the same ratio as the army itself. Those whose claims have been satisfied + by the creation of new commissions are instantly succeeded by a fresh + multitude beyond all power of satisfaction; and even those who were but + now satisfied soon begin to crave more advancement; for the same + excitement prevails in the ranks of the army as in the civil classes of + democratic society, and what men want is not to reach a certain grade, but + to have constant promotion. Though these wants may not be very vast, they + are perpetually recurring. Thus a democratic nation, by augmenting its + army, only allays for a time the ambition of the military profession, + which soon becomes even more formidable, because the number of those who + feel it is increased. I am of opinion that a restless and turbulent spirit + is an evil inherent in the very constitution of democratic armies, and + beyond hope of cure. The legislators of democracies must not expect to + devise any military organization capable by its influence of calming and + restraining the military profession: their efforts would exhaust their + powers, before the object is attained. + </p> + <p> + The remedy for the vices of the army is not to be found in the army + itself, but in the country. Democratic nations are naturally afraid of + disturbance and of despotism; the object is to turn these natural + instincts into well-digested, deliberate, and lasting tastes. When men + have at last learned to make a peaceful and profitable use of freedom, and + have felt its blessings—when they have conceived a manly love of + order, and have freely submitted themselves to discipline—these same + men, if they follow the profession of arms, bring into it, unconsciously + and almost against their will, these same habits and manners. The general + spirit of the nation being infused into the spirit peculiar to the army, + tempers the opinions and desires engendered by military life, or represses + them by the mighty force of public opinion. Teach but the citizens to be + educated, orderly, firm, and free, the soldiers will be disciplined and + obedient. Any law which, in repressing the turbulent spirit of the army, + should tend to diminish the spirit of freedom in the nation, and to + overshadow the notion of law and right, would defeat its object: it would + do much more to favor, than to defeat, the establishment of military + tyranny. + </p> + <p> + After all, and in spite of all precautions, a large army amidst a + democratic people will always be a source of great danger; the most + effectual means of diminishing that danger would be to reduce the army, + but this is a remedy which all nations have it not in their power to use. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0064" id="link2HCH0064"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XXIII: Which Is The Most Warlike And Most Revolutionary Class In + Democratic Armies? + </h2> + <p> + It is a part of the essence of a democratic army to be very numerous in + proportion to the people to which it belongs, as I shall hereafter show. + On the other hand, men living in democratic times seldom choose a military + life. Democratic nations are therefore soon led to give up the system of + voluntary recruiting for that of compulsory enlistment. The necessity of + their social condition compels them to resort to the latter means, and it + may easily be foreseen that they will all eventually adopt it. When + military service is compulsory, the burden is indiscriminately and equally + borne by the whole community. This is another necessary consequence of the + social condition of these nations, and of their notions. The government + may do almost whatever it pleases, provided it appeals to the whole + community at once: it is the unequal distribution of the weight, not the + weight itself, which commonly occasions resistance. But as military + service is common to all the citizens, the evident consequence is that + each of them remains but for a few years on active duty. Thus it is in the + nature of things that the soldier in democracies only passes through the + army, whilst among most aristocratic nations the military profession is + one which the soldier adopts, or which is imposed upon him, for life. + </p> + <p> + This has important consequences. Amongst the soldiers of a democratic + army, some acquire a taste for military life, but the majority, being + enlisted against their will, and ever ready to go back to their homes, do + not consider themselves as seriously engaged in the military profession, + and are always thinking of quitting it. Such men do not contract the + wants, and only half partake in the passions, which that mode of life + engenders. They adapt themselves to their military duties, but their minds + are still attached to the interests and the duties which engaged them in + civil life. They do not therefore imbibe the spirit of the army—or + rather, they infuse the spirit of the community at large into the army, + and retain it there. Amongst democratic nations the private soldiers + remain most like civilians: upon them the habits of the nation have the + firmest hold, and public opinion most influence. It is by the + instrumentality of the private soldiers especially that it may be possible + to infuse into a democratic army the love of freedom and the respect of + rights, if these principles have once been successfully inculcated on the + people at large. The reverse happens amongst aristocratic nations, where + the soldiery have eventually nothing in common with their fellow-citizens, + and where they live amongst them as strangers, and often as enemies. In + aristocratic armies the officers are the conservative element, because the + officers alone have retained a strict connection with civil society, and + never forego their purpose of resuming their place in it sooner or later: + in democratic armies the private soldiers stand in this position, and from + the same cause. + </p> + <p> + It often happens, on the contrary, that in these same democratic armies + the officers contract tastes and wants wholly distinct from those of the + nation—a fact which may be thus accounted for. Amongst democratic + nations, the man who becomes an officer severs all the ties which bound + him to civil life; he leaves it forever; he has no interest to resume it. + His true country is the army, since he owes all he has to the rank he has + attained in it; he therefore follows the fortunes of the army, rises or + sinks with it, and henceforward directs all his hopes to that quarter + only. As the wants of an officer are distinct from those of the country, + he may perhaps ardently desire war, or labor to bring about a revolution + at the very moment when the nation is most desirous of stability and + peace. There are, nevertheless, some causes which allay this restless and + warlike spirit. Though ambition is universal and continual amongst + democratic nations, we have seen that it is seldom great. A man who, being + born in the lower classes of the community, has risen from the ranks to be + an officer, has already taken a prodigious step. He has gained a footing + in a sphere above that which he filled in civil life, and he has acquired + rights which most democratic nations will ever consider as inalienable. *a + He is willing to pause after so great an effort, and to enjoy what he has + won. The fear of risking what he has already obtained damps the desire of + acquiring what he has not got. Having conquered the first and greatest + impediment which opposed his advancement, he resigns himself with less + impatience to the slowness of his progress. His ambition will be more and + more cooled in proportion as the increasing distinction of his rank + teaches him that he has more to put in jeopardy. If I am not mistaken, the + least warlike, and also the least revolutionary part, of a democratic + army, will always be its chief commanders. [Footnote a: The position of + officers is indeed much more secure amongst democratic nations than + elsewhere; the lower the personal standing of the man, the greater is the + comparative importance of his military grade, and the more just and + necessary is it that the enjoyment of that rank should be secured by the + laws.] + </p> + <p> + But the remarks I have just made on officers and soldiers are not + applicable to a numerous class which in all armies fills the intermediate + space between them—I mean the class of non-commissioned officers. + This class of non-commissioned officers which have never acted a part in + history until the present century, is henceforward destined, I think, to + play one of some importance. Like the officers, non-commissioned officers + have broken, in their minds, all the ties which bound them to civil life; + like the former, they devote themselves permanently to the service, and + perhaps make it even more exclusively the object of all their desires: but + non-commissioned officers are men who have not yet reached a firm and + lofty post at which they may pause and breathe more freely, ere they can + attain further promotion. By the very nature of his duties, which is + invariable, a non-commissioned officer is doomed to lead an obscure, + confined, comfortless, and precarious existence; as yet he sees nothing of + military life but its dangers; he knows nothing but its privations and its + discipline—more difficult to support than dangers: he suffers the + more from his present miseries, from knowing that the constitution of + society and of the army allow him to rise above them; he may, indeed, at + any time obtain his commission, and enter at once upon command, honors, + independence, rights, and enjoyments. Not only does this object of his + hopes appear to him of immense importance, but he is never sure of + reaching it till it is actually his own; the grade he fills is by no means + irrevocable; he is always entirely abandoned to the arbitrary pleasure of + his commanding officer, for this is imperiously required by the necessity + of discipline: a slight fault, a whim, may always deprive him in an + instant of the fruits of many years of toil and endeavor; until he has + reached the grade to which he aspires he has accomplished nothing; not + till he reaches that grade does his career seem to begin. A desperate + ambition cannot fail to be kindled in a man thus incessantly goaded on by + his youth, his wants, his passions, the spirit of his age, his hopes, and + his age, his hopes, and his fears. Non-commissioned officers are therefore + bent on war—on war always, and at any cost; but if war be denied + them, then they desire revolutions to suspend the authority of established + regulations, and to enable them, aided by the general confusion and the + political passions of the time, to get rid of their superior officers and + to take their places. Nor is it impossible for them to bring about such a + crisis, because their common origin and habits give them much influence + over the soldiers, however different may be their passions and their + desires. + </p> + <p> + It would be an error to suppose that these various characteristics of + officers, non-commissioned officers, and men, belong to any particular + time or country; they will always occur at all times, and amongst all + democratic nations. In every democratic army the non-commissioned officers + will be the worst representatives of the pacific and orderly spirit of the + country, and the private soldiers will be the best. The latter will carry + with them into military life the strength or weakness of the manners of + the nation; they will display a faithful reflection of the community: if + that community is ignorant and weak, they will allow themselves to be + drawn by their leaders into disturbances, either unconsciously or against + their will; if it is enlightened and energetic, the community will itself + keep them within the bounds of order. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0065" id="link2HCH0065"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XXIV: Causes Which Render Democratic Armies Weaker Than Other + Armies At The Outset Of A Campaign, And More Formidable In Protracted + Warfare + </h2> + <p> + Any army is in danger of being conquered at the outset of a campaign, + after a long peace; any army which has long been engaged in warfare has + strong chances of victory: this truth is peculiarly applicable to + democratic armies. In aristocracies the military profession, being a + privileged career, is held in honor even in time of peace. Men of great + talents, great attainments, and great ambition embrace it; the army is in + all respects on a level with the nation, and frequently above it. We have + seen, on the contrary, that amongst a democratic people the choicer minds + of the nation are gradually drawn away from the military profession, to + seek by other paths, distinction, power, and especially wealth. After a + long peace—and in democratic ages the periods of peace are long—the + army is always inferior to the country itself. In this state it is called + into active service; and until war has altered it, there is danger for the + country as well as for the army. + </p> + <p> + I have shown that in democratic armies, and in time of peace, the rule of + seniority is the supreme and inflexible law of advancement. This is not + only a consequence, as I have before observed, of the constitution of + these armies, but of the constitution of the people, and it will always + occur. Again, as amongst these nations the officer derives his position in + the country solely from his position in the army, and as he draws all the + distinction and the competency he enjoys from the same source, he does not + retire from his profession, or is not super-annuated, till towards the + extreme close of life. The consequence of these two causes is, that when a + democratic people goes to war after a long interval of peace all the + leading officers of the army are old men. I speak not only of the + generals, but of the non-commissioned officers, who have most of them been + stationary, or have only advanced step by step. It may be remarked with + surprise, that in a democratic army after a long peace all the soldiers + are mere boys, and all the superior officers in declining years; so that + the former are wanting in experience, the latter in vigor. This is a + strong element of defeat, for the first condition of successful + generalship is youth: I should not have ventured to say so if the greatest + captain of modern times had not made the observation. These two causes do + not act in the same manner upon aristocratic armies: as men are promoted + in them by right of birth much more than by right of seniority, there are + in all ranks a certain number of young men, who bring to their profession + all the early vigor of body and mind. Again, as the men who seek for + military honors amongst an aristocratic people, enjoy a settled position + in civil society, they seldom continue in the army until old age overtakes + them. After having devoted the most vigorous years of youth to the career + of arms, they voluntarily retire, and spend at home the remainder of their + maturer years. + </p> + <p> + A long peace not only fills democratic armies with elderly officers, but + it also gives to all the officers habits both of body and mind which + render them unfit for actual service. The man who has long lived amidst + the calm and lukewarm atmosphere of democratic manners can at first ill + adapt himself to the harder toils and sterner duties of warfare; and if he + has not absolutely lost the taste for arms, at least he has assumed a mode + of life which unfits him for conquest. + </p> + <p> + Amongst aristocratic nations, the ease of civil life exercises less + influence on the manners of the army, because amongst those nations the + aristocracy commands the army: and an aristocracy, however plunged in + luxurious pleasures, has always many other passions besides that of its + own well-being, and to satisfy those passions more thoroughly its + well-being will be readily sacrificed. *a + </p> + <p class="foot"> + a <br /> [ See Appendix V.] + </p> + <p> + I have shown that in democratic armies, in time of peace, promotion is + extremely slow. The officers at first support this state of things with + impatience, they grow excited, restless, exasperated, but in the end most + of them make up their minds to it. Those who have the largest share of + ambition and of resources quit the army; others, adapting their tastes and + their desires to their scanty fortunes, ultimately look upon the military + profession in a civil point of view. The quality they value most in it is + the competency and security which attend it: their whole notion of the + future rests upon the certainty of this little provision, and all they + require is peaceably to enjoy it. Thus not only does a long peace fill an + army with old men, but it is frequently imparts the views of old men to + those who are still in the prime of life. + </p> + <p> + I have also shown that amongst democratic nations in time of peace the + military profession is held in little honor and indifferently followed. + This want of public favor is a heavy discouragement to the army; it weighs + down the minds of the troops, and when war breaks out at last, they cannot + immediately resume their spring and vigor. No similar cause of moral + weakness occurs in aristocratic armies: there the officers are never + lowered either in their own eyes or in those of their countrymen, because, + independently of their military greatness, they are personally great. But + even if the influence of peace operated on the two kinds of armies in the + same manner, the results would still be different. When the officers of an + aristocratic army have lost their warlike spirit and the desire of raising + themselves by service, they still retain a certain respect for the honor + of their class, and an old habit of being foremost to set an example. But + when the officers of a democratic army have no longer the love of war and + the ambition of arms, nothing whatever remains to them. + </p> + <p> + I am therefore of opinion that, when a democratic people engages in a war + after a long peace, it incurs much more risk of defeat than any other + nation; but it ought not easily to be cast down by its reverses, for the + chances of success for such an army are increased by the duration of the + war. When a war has at length, by its long continuance, roused the whole + community from their peaceful occupations and ruined their minor + undertakings, the same passions which made them attach so much importance + to the maintenance of peace will be turned to arms. War, after it has + destroyed all modes of speculation, becomes itself the great and sole + speculation, to which all the ardent and ambitious desires which equality + engenders are exclusively directed. Hence it is that the selfsame + democratic nations which are so reluctant to engage in hostilities, + sometimes perform prodigious achievements when once they have taken the + field. As the war attracts more and more of public attention, and is seen + to create high reputations and great fortunes in a short space of time, + the choicest spirits of the nation enter the military profession: all the + enterprising, proud, and martial minds, no longer of the aristocracy + solely, but of the whole country, are drawn in this direction. As the + number of competitors for military honors is immense, and war drives every + man to his proper level, great generals are always sure to spring up. A + long war produces upon a democratic army the same effects that a + revolution produces upon a people; it breaks through regulations, and + allows extraordinary men to rise above the common level. Those officers + whose bodies and minds have grown old in peace, are removed, or + superannuated, or they die. In their stead a host of young men are + pressing on, whose frames are already hardened, whose desires are extended + and inflamed by active service. They are bent on advancement at all + hazards, and perpetual advancement; they are followed by others with the + same passions and desires, and after these are others yet unlimited by + aught but the size of the army. The principle of equality opens the door + of ambition to all, and death provides chances for ambition. Death is + constantly thinning the ranks, making vacancies, closing and opening the + career of arms. + </p> + <p> + There is moreover a secret connection between the military character and + the character of democracies, which war brings to light. The men of + democracies are naturally passionately eager to acquire what they covet, + and to enjoy it on easy conditions. They for the most part worship chance, + and are much less afraid of death than of difficulty. This is the spirit + which they bring to commerce and manufactures; and this same spirit, + carried with them to the field of battle, induces them willingly to expose + their lives in order to secure in a moment the rewards of victory. No kind + of greatness is more pleasing to the imagination of a democratic people + than military greatness—a greatness of vivid and sudden lustre, + obtained without toil, by nothing but the risk of life. Thus, whilst the + interests and the tastes of the members of a democratic community divert + them from war, their habits of mind fit them for carrying on war well; + they soon make good soldiers, when they are roused from their business and + their enjoyments. If peace is peculiarly hurtful to democratic armies, war + secures to them advantages which no other armies ever possess; and these + advantages, however little felt at first, cannot fail in the end to give + them the victory. An aristocratic nation, which in a contest with a + democratic people does not succeed in ruining the latter at the outset of + the war, always runs a great risk of being conquered by it. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0066" id="link2HCH0066"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XXV: Of Discipline In Democratic Armies + </h2> + <p> + It is a very general opinion, especially in aristocratic countries, that + the great social equality which prevails in democracies ultimately renders + the private soldier independent of the officer, and thus destroys the bond + of discipline. This is a mistake, for there are two kinds of discipline, + which it is important not to confound. When the officer is noble and the + soldier a serf—one rich, the other poor—the former educated + and strong, the latter ignorant and weak—the strictest bond of + obedience may easily be established between the two men. The soldier is + broken in to military discipline, as it were, before he enters the army; + or rather, military discipline is nothing but an enhancement of social + servitude. In aristocratic armies the soldier will soon become insensible + to everything but the orders of his superior officers; he acts without + reflection, triumphs without enthusiasm, and dies without complaint: in + this state he is no longer a man, but he is still a most formidable animal + trained for war. + </p> + <p> + A democratic people must despair of ever obtaining from soldiers that + blind, minute, submissive, and invariable obedience which an aristocratic + people may impose on them without difficulty. The state of society does + not prepare them for it, and the nation might be in danger of losing its + natural advantages if it sought artificially to acquire advantages of this + particular kind. Amongst democratic communities, military discipline ought + not to attempt to annihilate the free spring of the faculties; all that + can be done by discipline is to direct it; the obedience thus inculcated + is less exact, but it is more eager and more intelligent. It has its root + in the will of him who obeys: it rests not only on his instinct, but on + his reason; and consequently it will often spontaneously become more + strict as danger requires it. The discipline of an aristocratic army is + apt to be relaxed in war, because that discipline is founded upon habits, + and war disturbs those habits. The discipline of a democratic army on the + contrary is strengthened in sight of the enemy, because every soldier then + clearly perceives that he must be silent and obedient in order to conquer. + </p> + <p> + The nations which have performed the greatest warlike achievements knew no + other discipline than that which I speak of. Amongst the ancients none + were admitted into the armies but freemen and citizens, who differed but + little from one another, and were accustomed to treat each other as + equals. In this respect it may be said that the armies of antiquity were + democratic, although they came out of the bosom of aristocracy; the + consequence was that in those armies a sort of fraternal familiarity + prevailed between the officers and the men. Plutarch's lives of great + commanders furnish convincing instances of the fact: the soldiers were in + the constant habit of freely addressing their general, and the general + listened to and answered whatever the soldiers had to say: they were kept + in order by language and by example, far more than by constraint or + punishment; the general was as much their companion as their chief. I know + not whether the soldiers of Greece and Rome ever carried the minutiae of + military discipline to the same degree of perfection as the Russians have + done; but this did not prevent Alexander from conquering Asia—and + Rome, the world. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0067" id="link2HCH0067"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter XXVI: Some Considerations On War In Democratic Communities + </h2> + <p> + When the principle of equality is in growth, not only amongst a single + nation, but amongst several neighboring nations at the same time, as is + now the case in Europe, the inhabitants of these different countries, + notwithstanding the dissimilarity of language, of customs, and of laws, + nevertheless resemble each other in their equal dread of war and their + common love of peace. *a It is in vain that ambition or anger puts arms in + the hands of princes; they are appeased in spite of themselves by a + species of general apathy and goodwill, which makes the sword drop from + their grasp, and wars become more rare. As the spread of equality, taking + place in several countries at once, simultaneously impels their various + inhabitants to follow manufactures and commerce, not only do their tastes + grow alike, but their interests are so mixed and entangled with one + another that no nation can inflict evils on other nations without those + evils falling back upon itself; and all nations ultimately regard war as a + calamity, almost as severe to the conqueror as to the conquered. Thus, on + the one hand, it is extremely difficult in democratic ages to draw nations + into hostilities; but on the other hand, it is almost impossible that any + two of them should go to war without embroiling the rest. The interests of + all are so interlaced, their opinions and their wants so much alike, that + none can remain quiet when the others stir. Wars therefore become more + rare, but when they break out they spread over a larger field. Neighboring + democratic nations not only become alike in some respects, but they + eventually grow to resemble each other in almost all. *b This similitude + of nations has consequences of great importance in relation to war. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + a <br /> [ It is scarcely necessary for me to observe that the dread of war + displayed by the nations of Europe is not solely attributable to the + progress made by the principle of equality amongst them; independently of + this permanent cause several other accidental causes of great weight might + be pointed out, and I may mention before all the rest the extreme + lassitude which the wars of the Revolution and the Empire have left behind + them.] + </p> + <p class="foot"> + b <br /> [ This is not only because these nations have the same social + condition, but it arises from the very nature of that social condition + which leads men to imitate and identify themselves with each other. When + the members of a community are divided into castes and classes, they not + only differ from one another, but they have no taste and no desire to be + alike; on the contrary, everyone endeavors, more and more, to keep his own + opinions undisturbed, to retain his own peculiar habits, and to remain + himself. The characteristics of individuals are very strongly marked. When + the state of society amongst a people is democratic—that is to say, + when there are no longer any castes or classes in the community, and all + its members are nearly equal in education and in property—the human + mind follows the opposite direction. Men are much alike, and they are + annoyed, as it were, by any deviation from that likeness: far from seeking + to preserve their own distinguishing singularities, they endeavor to shake + them off, in order to identify themselves with the general mass of the + people, which is the sole representative of right and of might to their + eyes. The characteristics of individuals are nearly obliterated. In the + ages of aristocracy even those who are naturally alike strive to create + imaginary differences between themselves: in the ages of democracy even + those who are not alike seek only to become so, and to copy each other—so + strongly is the mind of every man always carried away by the general + impulse of mankind. Something of the same kind may be observed between + nations: two nations having the same aristocratic social condition, might + remain thoroughly distinct and extremely different, because the spirit of + aristocracy is to retain strong individual characteristics; but if two + neighboring nations have the same democratic social condition, they cannot + fail to adopt similar opinions and manners, because the spirit of + democracy tends to assimilate men to each other.] + </p> + <p> + If I inquire why it is that the Helvetic Confederacy made the greatest and + most powerful nations of Europe tremble in the fifteenth century, whilst + at the present day the power of that country is exactly proportioned to + its population, I perceive that the Swiss are become like all the + surrounding communities, and those surrounding communities like the Swiss: + so that as numerical strength now forms the only difference between them, + victory necessarily attends the largest army. Thus one of the consequences + of the democratic revolution which is going on in Europe is to make + numerical strength preponderate on all fields of battle, and to constrain + all small nations to incorporate themselves with large States, or at least + to adopt the policy of the latter. As numbers are the determining cause of + victory, each people ought of course to strive by all the means in its + power to bring the greatest possible number of men into the field. When it + was possible to enlist a kind of troops superior to all others, such as + the Swiss infantry or the French horse of the sixteenth century, it was + not thought necessary to raise very large armies; but the case is altered + when one soldier is as efficient as another. + </p> + <p> + The same cause which begets this new want also supplies means of + satisfying it; for, as I have already observed, when men are all alike, + they are all weak, and the supreme power of the State is naturally much + stronger amongst democratic nations than elsewhere. Hence, whilst these + nations are desirous of enrolling the whole male population in the ranks + of the army, they have the power of effecting this object: the consequence + is, that in democratic ages armies seem to grow larger in proportion as + the love of war declines. In the same ages, too, the manner of carrying on + war is likewise altered by the same causes. Machiavelli observes in "The + Prince," "that it is much more difficult to subdue a people which has a + prince and his barons for its leaders, than a nation which is commanded by + a prince and his slaves." To avoid offence, let us read public + functionaries for slaves, and this important truth will be strictly + applicable to our own time. + </p> + <p> + A great aristocratic people cannot either conquer its neighbors, or be + conquered by them, without great difficulty. It cannot conquer them, + because all its forces can never be collected and held together for a + considerable period: it cannot be conquered, because an enemy meets at + every step small centres of resistance by which invasion is arrested. War + against an aristocracy may be compared to war in a mountainous country; + the defeated party has constant opportunities of rallying its forces to + make a stand in a new position. Exactly the reverse occurs amongst + democratic nations: they easily bring their whole disposable force into + the field, and when the nation is wealthy and populous it soon becomes + victorious; but if ever it is conquered, and its territory invaded, it has + few resources at command; and if the enemy takes the capital, the nation + is lost. This may very well be explained: as each member of the community + is individually isolated and extremely powerless, no one of the whole body + can either defend himself or present a rallying point to others. Nothing + is strong in a democratic country except the State; as the military + strength of the State is destroyed by the destruction of the army, and its + civil power paralyzed by the capture of the chief city, all that remains + is only a multitude without strength or government, unable to resist the + organized power by which it is assailed. I am aware that this danger may + be lessened by the creation of provincial liberties, and consequently of + provincial powers, but this remedy will always be insufficient. For after + such a catastrophe, not only is the population unable to carry on + hostilities, but it may be apprehended that they will not be inclined to + attempt it. In accordance with the law of nations adopted in civilized + countries, the object of wars is not to seize the property of private + individuals, but simply to get possession of political power. The + destruction of private property is only occasionally resorted to for the + purpose of attaining the latter object. When an aristocratic country is + invaded after the defeat of its army, the nobles, although they are at the + same time the wealthiest members of the community, will continue to defend + themselves individually rather than submit; for if the conqueror remained + master of the country, he would deprive them of their political power, to + which they cling even more closely than to their property. They therefore + prefer fighting to subjection, which is to them the greatest of all + misfortunes; and they readily carry the people along with them because the + people has long been used to follow and obey them, and besides has but + little to risk in the war. Amongst a nation in which equality of + conditions prevails, each citizen, on the contrary, has but slender share + of political power, and often has no share at all; on the other hand, all + are independent, and all have something to lose; so that they are much + less afraid of being conquered, and much more afraid of war, than an + aristocratic people. It will always be extremely difficult to decide a + democratic population to take up arms, when hostilities have reached its + own territory. Hence the necessity of giving to such a people the rights + and the political character which may impart to every citizen some of + those interests that cause the nobles to act for the public welfare in + aristocratic countries. + </p> + <p> + It should never be forgotten by the princes and other leaders of + democratic nations, that nothing but the passion and the habit of freedom + can maintain an advantageous contest with the passion and the habit of + physical well-being. I can conceive nothing better prepared for + subjection, in case of defeat, than a democratic people without free + institutions. + </p> + <p> + Formerly it was customary to take the field with a small body of troops, + to fight in small engagements, and to make long, regular sieges: modern + tactics consist in fighting decisive battles, and, as soon as a line of + march is open before the army, in rushing upon the capital city, in order + to terminate the war at a single blow. Napoleon, it is said, was the + inventor of this new system; but the invention of such a system did not + depend on any individual man, whoever he might be. The mode in which + Napoleon carried on war was suggested to him by the state of society in + his time; that mode was successful, because it was eminently adapted to + that state of society, and because he was the first to employ it. Napoleon + was the first commander who marched at the head of an army from capital to + capital, but the road was opened for him by the ruin of feudal society. It + may fairly be believed that, if that extraordinary man had been born three + hundred years ago, he would not have derived the same results from his + method of warfare, or, rather, that he would have had a different method. + </p> + <p> + I shall add but a few words on civil wars, for fear of exhausting the + patience of the reader. Most of the remarks which I have made respecting + foreign wars are applicable a fortiori to civil wars. Men living in + democracies are not naturally prone to the military character; they + sometimes assume it, when they have been dragged by compulsion to the + field; but to rise in a body and voluntarily to expose themselves to the + horrors of war, and especially of civil war, is a course which the men of + democracies are not apt to adopt. None but the most adventurous members of + the community consent to run into such risks; the bulk of the population + remains motionless. But even if the population were inclined to act, + considerable obstacles would stand in their way; for they can resort to no + old and well-established influence which they are willing to obey—no + well-known leaders to rally the discontented, as well as to discipline and + to lead them—no political powers subordinate to the supreme power of + the nation, which afford an effectual support to the resistance directed + against the government. In democratic countries the moral power of the + majority is immense, and the physical resources which it has at its + command are out of all proportion to the physical resources which may be + combined against it. Therefore the party which occupies the seat of the + majority, which speaks in its name and wields its power, triumphs + instantaneously and irresistibly over all private resistance; it does not + even give such opposition time to exist, but nips it in the bud. Those who + in such nations seek to effect a revolution by force of arms have no other + resource than suddenly to seize upon the whole engine of government as it + stands, which can better be done by a single blow than by a war; for as + soon as there is a regular war, the party which represents the State is + always certain to conquer. The only case in which a civil war could arise + is, if the army should divide itself into two factions, the one raising + the standard of rebellion, the other remaining true to its allegiance. An + army constitutes a small community, very closely united together, endowed + with great powers of vitality, and able to supply its own wants for some + time. Such a war might be bloody, but it could not be long; for either the + rebellious army would gain over the government by the sole display of its + resources, or by its first victory, and then the war would be over; or the + struggle would take place, and then that portion of the army which should + not be supported by the organized powers of the State would speedily + either disband itself or be destroyed. It may therefore be admitted as a + general truth, that in ages of equality civil wars will become much less + frequent and less protracted. *c + </p> + <p class="foot"> + c <br /> [ It should be borne in mind that I speak here of sovereign and + independent democratic nations, not of confederate democracies; in + confederacies, as the preponderating power always resides, in spite of all + political fictions, in the state governments, and not in the federal + government, civil wars are in fact nothing but foreign wars in disguise.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0073" id="link2H_4_0073"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Book Four: Influence Of Democratic Opinions On Political Society + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0068" id="link2HCH0068"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter I: That Equality Naturally Gives Men A Taste For Free Institutions + </h2> + <p> + I should imperfectly fulfil the purpose of this book, if, after having + shown what opinions and sentiments are suggested by the principle of + equality, I did not point out, ere I conclude, the general influence which + these same opinions and sentiments may exercise upon the government of + human societies. To succeed in this object I shall frequently have to + retrace my steps; but I trust the reader will not refuse to follow me + through paths already known to him, which may lead to some new truth. + </p> + <p> + The principle of equality, which makes men independent of each other, + gives them a habit and a taste for following, in their private actions, no + other guide but their own will. This complete independence, which they + constantly enjoy towards their equals and in the intercourse of private + life, tends to make them look upon all authority with a jealous eye, and + speedily suggests to them the notion and the love of political freedom. + Men living at such times have a natural bias to free institutions. Take + any one of them at a venture, and search if you can his most deep-seated + instincts; you will find that of all governments he will soonest conceive + and most highly value that government, whose head he has himself elected, + and whose administration he may control. Of all the political effects + produced by the equality of conditions, this love of independence is the + first to strike the observing, and to alarm the timid; nor can it be said + that their alarm is wholly misplaced, for anarchy has a more formidable + aspect in democratic countries than elsewhere. As the citizens have no + direct influence on each other, as soon as the supreme power of the nation + fails, which kept them all in their several stations, it would seem that + disorder must instantly reach its utmost pitch, and that, every man + drawing aside in a different direction, the fabric of society must at once + crumble away. + </p> + <p> + I am, however, persuaded that anarchy is not the principal evil which + democratic ages have to fear, but the least. For the principle of equality + begets two tendencies; the one leads men straight to independence, and may + suddenly drive them into anarchy; the other conducts them by a longer, + more secret, but more certain road, to servitude. Nations readily discern + the former tendency, and are prepared to resist it; they are led away by + the latter, without perceiving its drift; hence it is peculiarly important + to point it out. For myself, I am so far from urging as a reproach to the + principle of equality that it renders men untractable, that this very + circumstance principally calls forth my approbation. I admire to see how + it deposits in the mind and heart of man the dim conception and + instinctive love of political independence, thus preparing the remedy for + the evil which it engenders; it is on this very account that I am attached + to it. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0069" id="link2HCH0069"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter II: That The Notions Of Democratic Nations On Government Are + Naturally Favorable To The Concentration Of Power + </h2> + <p> + The notion of secondary powers, placed between the sovereign and his + subjects, occurred naturally to the imagination of aristocratic nations, + because those communities contained individuals or families raised above + the common level, and apparently destined to command by their birth, their + education, and their wealth. This same notion is naturally wanting in the + minds of men in democratic ages, for converse reasons: it can only be + introduced artificially, it can only be kept there with difficulty; + whereas they conceive, as it were, without thinking upon the subject, the + notion of a sole and central power which governs the whole community by + its direct influence. Moreover in politics, as well as in philosophy and + in religion, the intellect of democratic nations is peculiarly open to + simple and general notions. Complicated systems are repugnant to it, and + its favorite conception is that of a great nation composed of citizens all + resembling the same pattern, and all governed by a single power. + </p> + <p> + The very next notion to that of a sole and central power, which presents + itself to the minds of men in the ages of equality, is the notion of + uniformity of legislation. As every man sees that he differs but little + from those about him, he cannot understand why a rule which is applicable + to one man should not be equally applicable to all others. Hence the + slightest privileges are repugnant to his reason; the faintest + dissimilarities in the political institutions of the same people offend + him, and uniformity of legislation appears to him to be the first + condition of good government. I find, on the contrary, that this same + notion of a uniform rule, equally binding on all the members of the + community, was almost unknown to the human mind in aristocratic ages; it + was either never entertained, or it was rejected. These contrary + tendencies of opinion ultimately turn on either side to such blind + instincts and such ungovernable habits that they still direct the actions + of men, in spite of particular exceptions. Notwithstanding the immense + variety of conditions in the Middle Ages, a certain number of persons + existed at that period in precisely similar circumstances; but this did + not prevent the laws then in force from assigning to each of them distinct + duties and different rights. On the contrary, at the present time all the + powers of government are exerted to impose the same customs and the same + laws on populations which have as yet but few points of resemblance. As + the conditions of men become equal amongst a people, individuals seem of + less importance, and society of greater dimensions; or rather, every + citizen, being assimilated to all the rest, is lost in the crowd, and + nothing stands conspicuous but the great and imposing image of the people + at large. This naturally gives the men of democratic periods a lofty + opinion of the privileges of society, and a very humble notion of the + rights of individuals; they are ready to admit that the interests of the + former are everything, and those of the latter nothing. They are willing + to acknowledge that the power which represents the community has far more + information and wisdom than any of the members of that community; and that + it is the duty, as well as the right, of that power to guide as well as + govern each private citizen. + </p> + <p> + If we closely scrutinize our contemporaries, and penetrate to the root of + their political opinions, we shall detect some of the notions which I have + just pointed out, and we shall perhaps be surprised to find so much + accordance between men who are so often at variance. The Americans hold, + that in every State the supreme power ought to emanate from the people; + but when once that power is constituted, they can conceive, as it were, no + limits to it, and they are ready to admit that it has the right to do + whatever it pleases. They have not the slightest notion of peculiar + privileges granted to cities, families, or persons: their minds appear + never to have foreseen that it might be possible not to apply with strict + uniformity the same laws to every part, and to all the inhabitants. These + same opinions are more and more diffused in Europe; they even insinuate + themselves amongst those nations which most vehemently reject the + principle of the sovereignty of the people. Such nations assign a + different origin to the supreme power, but they ascribe to that power the + same characteristics. Amongst them all, the idea of intermediate powers is + weakened and obliterated: the idea of rights inherent in certain + individuals is rapidly disappearing from the minds of men; the idea of the + omnipotence and sole authority of society at large rises to fill its + place. These ideas take root and spread in proportion as social conditions + become more equal, and men more alike; they are engendered by equality, + and in turn they hasten the progress of equality. + </p> + <p> + In France, where the revolution of which I am speaking has gone further + than in any other European country, these opinions have got complete hold + of the public mind. If we listen attentively to the language of the + various parties in France, we shall find that there is not one which has + not adopted them. Most of these parties censure the conduct of the + government, but they all hold that the government ought perpetually to act + and interfere in everything that is done. Even those which are most at + variance are nevertheless agreed upon this head. The unity, the ubiquity, + the omnipotence of the supreme power, and the uniformity of its rules, + constitute the principal characteristics of all the political systems + which have been put forward in our age. They recur even in the wildest + visions of political regeneration: the human mind pursues them in its + dreams. If these notions spontaneously arise in the minds of private + individuals, they suggest themselves still more forcibly to the minds of + princes. Whilst the ancient fabric of European society is altered and + dissolved, sovereigns acquire new conceptions of their opportunities and + their duties; they learn for the first time that the central power which + they represent may and ought to administer by its own agency, and on a + uniform plan, all the concerns of the whole community. This opinion, + which, I will venture to say, was never conceived before our time by the + monarchs of Europe, now sinks deeply into the minds of kings, and abides + there amidst all the agitation of more unsettled thoughts. + </p> + <p> + Our contemporaries are therefore much less divided than is commonly + supposed; they are constantly disputing as to the hands in which supremacy + is to be vested, but they readily agree upon the duties and the rights of + that supremacy. The notion they all form of government is that of a sole, + simple, providential, and creative power. All secondary opinions in + politics are unsettled; this one remains fixed, invariable, and + consistent. It is adopted by statesmen and political philosophers; it is + eagerly laid hold of by the multitude; those who govern and those who are + governed agree to pursue it with equal ardor: it is the foremost notion of + their minds, it seems inborn. It originates therefore in no caprice of the + human intellect, but it is a necessary condition of the present state of + mankind. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0070" id="link2HCH0070"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter III: That The Sentiments Of Democratic Nations Accord With Their + Opinions In Leading Them To Concentrate Political Power + </h2> + <p> + If it be true that, in ages of equality, men readily adopt the notion of a + great central power, it cannot be doubted on the other hand that their + habits and sentiments predispose them to recognize such a power and to + give it their support. This may be demonstrated in a few words, as the + greater part of the reasons, to which the fact may be attributed, have + been previously stated. *a As the men who inhabit democratic countries + have no superiors, no inferiors, and no habitual or necessary partners in + their undertakings, they readily fall back upon themselves and consider + themselves as beings apart. I had occasion to point this out at + considerable length in treating of individualism. Hence such men can + never, without an effort, tear themselves from their private affairs to + engage in public business; their natural bias leads them to abandon the + latter to the sole visible and permanent representative of the interests + of the community, that is to say, to the State. Not only are they + naturally wanting in a taste for public business, but they have frequently + no time to attend to it. Private life is so busy in democratic periods, so + excited, so full of wishes and of work, that hardly any energy or leisure + remains to each individual for public life. I am the last man to contend + that these propensities are unconquerable, since my chief object in + writing this book has been to combat them. I only maintain that at the + present day a secret power is fostering them in the human heart, and that + if they are not checked they will wholly overgrow it. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + a <br /> [ See Appendix W.] + </p> + <p> + I have also had occasion to show how the increasing love of well-being, + and the fluctuating character of property, cause democratic nations to + dread all violent disturbance. The love of public tranquillity is + frequently the only passion which these nations retain, and it becomes + more active and powerful amongst them in proportion as all other passions + droop and die. This naturally disposes the members of the community + constantly to give or to surrender additional rights to the central power, + which alone seems to be interested in defending them by the same means + that it uses to defend itself. As in ages of equality no man is compelled + to lend his assistance to his fellow-men, and none has any right to expect + much support from them, everyone is at once independent and powerless. + These two conditions, which must never be either separately considered or + confounded together, inspire the citizen of a democratic country with very + contrary propensities. His independence fills him with self-reliance and + pride amongst his equals; his debility makes him feel from time to time + the want of some outward assistance, which he cannot expect from any of + them, because they are all impotent and unsympathizing. In this + predicament he naturally turns his eyes to that imposing power which alone + rises above the level of universal depression. Of that power his wants and + especially his desires continually remind him, until he ultimately views + it as the sole and necessary support of his own weakness. *b This may more + completely explain what frequently takes place in democratic countries, + where the very men who are so impatient of superiors patiently submit to a + master, exhibiting at once their pride and their servility. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + b <br /> [ In democratic communities nothing but the central power has any + stability in its position or any permanence in its undertakings. All the + members of society are in ceaseless stir and transformation. Now it is in + the nature of all governments to seek constantly to enlarge their sphere + of action; hence it is almost impossible that such a government should not + ultimately succeed, because it acts with a fixed principle and a constant + will, upon men, whose position, whose notions, and whose desires are in + continual vacillation. It frequently happens that the members of the + community promote the influence of the central power without intending it. + Democratic ages are periods of experiment, innovation, and adventure. At + such times there are always a multitude of men engaged in difficult or + novel undertakings, which they follow alone, without caring for their + fellowmen. Such persons may be ready to admit, as a general principle, + that the public authority ought not to interfere in private concerns; but, + by an exception to that rule, each of them craves for its assistance in + the particular concern on which he is engaged, and seeks to draw upon the + influence of the government for his own benefit, though he would restrict + it on all other occasions. If a large number of men apply this particular + exception to a great variety of different purposes, the sphere of the + central power extends insensibly in all directions, although each of them + wishes it to be circumscribed. Thus a democratic government increases its + power simply by the fact of its permanence. Time is on its side; every + incident befriends it; the passions of individuals unconsciously promote + it; and it may be asserted, that the older a democratic community is, the + more centralized will its government become.] + </p> + <p> + The hatred which men bear to privilege increases in proportion as + privileges become more scarce and less considerable, so that democratic + passions would seem to burn most fiercely at the very time when they have + least fuel. I have already given the reason of this phenomenon. When all + conditions are unequal, no inequality is so great as to offend the eye; + whereas the slightest dissimilarity is odious in the midst of general + uniformity: the more complete is this uniformity, the more insupportable + does the sight of such a difference become. Hence it is natural that the + love of equality should constantly increase together with equality itself, + and that it should grow by what it feeds upon. This never-dying, + ever-kindling hatred, which sets a democratic people against the smallest + privileges, is peculiarly favorable to the gradual concentration of all + political rights in the hands of the representative of the State alone. + The sovereign, being necessarily and incontestably above all the citizens, + excites not their envy, and each of them thinks that he strips his equals + of the prerogative which he concedes to the crown. The man of a democratic + age is extremely reluctant to obey his neighbor who is his equal; he + refuses to acknowledge in such a person ability superior to his own; he + mistrusts his justice, and is jealous of his power; he fears and he + contemns him; and he loves continually to remind him of the common + dependence in which both of them stand to the same master. Every central + power which follows its natural tendencies courts and encourages the + principle of equality; for equality singularly facilitates, extends, and + secures the influence of a central power. + </p> + <p> + In like manner it may be said that every central government worships + uniformity: uniformity relieves it from inquiry into an infinite number of + small details which must be attended to if rules were to be adapted to + men, instead of indiscriminately subjecting men to rules: thus the + government likes what the citizens like, and naturally hates what they + hate. These common sentiments, which, in democratic nations, constantly + unite the sovereign and every member of the community in one and the same + conviction, establish a secret and lasting sympathy between them. The + faults of the government are pardoned for the sake of its tastes; public + confidence is only reluctantly withdrawn in the midst even of its excesses + and its errors, and it is restored at the first call. Democratic nations + often hate those in whose hands the central power is vested; but they + always love that power itself. + </p> + <p> + Thus, by two separate paths, I have reached the same conclusion. I have + shown that the principle of equality suggests to men the notion of a sole, + uniform, and strong government: I have now shown that the principle of + equality imparts to them a taste for it. To governments of this kind the + nations of our age are therefore tending. They are drawn thither by the + natural inclination of mind and heart; and in order to reach that result, + it is enough that they do not check themselves in their course. I am of + opinion, that, in the democratic ages which are opening upon us, + individual independence and local liberties will ever be the produce of + artificial contrivance; that centralization will be the natural form of + government. *c + </p> + <p class="foot"> + c <br /> [ See Appendix X.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0071" id="link2HCH0071"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter IV: Of Certain Peculiar And Accidental Causes Which Either Lead A + People To Complete Centralization Of Government, Or Which Divert Them From + It + </h2> + <p> + If all democratic nations are instinctively led to the centralization of + government, they tend to this result in an unequal manner. This depends on + the particular circumstances which may promote or prevent the natural + consequences of that state of society—circumstances which are + exceedingly numerous; but I shall only advert to a few of them. Amongst + men who have lived free long before they became equal, the tendencies + derived from free institutions combat, to a certain extent, the + propensities superinduced by the principle of equality; and although the + central power may increase its privileges amongst such a people, the + private members of such a community will never entirely forfeit their + independence. But when the equality of conditions grows up amongst a + people which has never known, or has long ceased to know, what freedom is + (and such is the case upon the Continent of Europe), as the former habits + of the nation are suddenly combined, by some sort of natural attraction, + with the novel habits and principles engendered by the state of society, + all powers seem spontaneously to rush to the centre. These powers + accumulate there with astonishing rapidity, and the State instantly + attains the utmost limits of its strength, whilst private persons allow + themselves to sink as suddenly to the lowest degree of weakness. + </p> + <p> + The English who emigrated three hundred years ago to found a democratic + commonwealth on the shores of the New World, had all learned to take a + part in public affairs in their mother-country; they were conversant with + trial by jury; they were accustomed to liberty of speech and of the press—to + personal freedom, to the notion of rights and the practice of asserting + them. They carried with them to America these free institutions and manly + customs, and these institutions preserved them against the encroachments + of the State. Thus amongst the Americans it is freedom which is old—equality + is of comparatively modern date. The reverse is occurring in Europe, where + equality, introduced by absolute power and under the rule of kings, was + already infused into the habits of nations long before freedom had entered + into their conceptions. + </p> + <p> + I have said that amongst democratic nations the notion of government + naturally presents itself to the mind under the form of a sole and central + power, and that the notion of intermediate powers is not familiar to them. + This is peculiarly applicable to the democratic nations which have + witnessed the triumph of the principle of equality by means of a violent + revolution. As the classes which managed local affairs have been suddenly + swept away by the storm, and as the confused mass which remains has as yet + neither the organization nor the habits which fit it to assume the + administration of these same affairs, the State alone seems capable of + taking upon itself all the details of government, and centralization + becomes, as it were, the unavoidable state of the country. Napoleon + deserves neither praise nor censure for having centred in his own hands + almost all the administrative power of France; for, after the abrupt + disappearance of the nobility and the higher rank of the middle classes, + these powers devolved on him of course: it would have been almost as + difficult for him to reject as to assume them. But no necessity of this + kind has ever been felt by the Americans, who, having passed through no + revolution, and having governed themselves from the first, never had to + call upon the State to act for a time as their guardian. Thus the progress + of centralization amongst a democratic people depends not only on the + progress of equality, but on the manner in which this equality has been + established. + </p> + <p> + At the commencement of a great democratic revolution, when hostilities + have but just broken out between the different classes of society, the + people endeavors to centralize the public administration in the hands of + the government, in order to wrest the management of local affairs from the + aristocracy. Towards the close of such a revolution, on the contrary, it + is usually the conquered aristocracy that endeavors to make over the + management of all affairs to the State, because such an aristocracy dreads + the tyranny of a people which has become its equal, and not unfrequently + its master. Thus it is not always the same class of the community which + strives to increase the prerogative of the government; but as long as the + democratic revolution lasts there is always one class in the nation, + powerful in numbers or in wealth, which is induced, by peculiar passions + or interests, to centralize the public administration, independently of + that hatred of being governed by one's neighbor, which is a general and + permanent feeling amongst democratic nations. It may be remarked, that at + the present day the lower orders in England are striving with all their + might to destroy local independence, and to transfer the administration + from all points of the circumference to the centre; whereas the higher + classes are endeavoring to retain this administration within its ancient + boundaries. I venture to predict that a time will come when the very + reverse will happen. + </p> + <p> + These observations explain why the supreme power is always stronger, and + private individuals weaker, amongst a democratic people which has passed + through a long and arduous struggle to reach a state of equality than + amongst a democratic community in which the citizens have been equal from + the first. The example of the Americans completely demonstrates the fact. + The inhabitants of the United States were never divided by any privileges; + they have never known the mutual relation of master and inferior, and as + they neither dread nor hate each other, they have never known the + necessity of calling in the supreme power to manage their affairs. The lot + of the Americans is singular: they have derived from the aristocracy of + England the notion of private rights and the taste for local freedom; and + they have been able to retain both the one and the other, because they + have had no aristocracy to combat. + </p> + <p> + If at all times education enables men to defend their independence, this + is most especially true in democratic ages. When all men are alike, it is + easy to found a sole and all-powerful government, by the aid of mere + instinct. But men require much intelligence, knowledge, and art to + organize and to maintain secondary powers under similar circumstances, and + to create amidst the independence and individual weakness of the citizens + such free associations as may be in a condition to struggle against + tyranny without destroying public order. + </p> + <p> + Hence the concentration of power and the subjection of individuals will + increase amongst democratic nations, not only in the same proportion as + their equality, but in the same proportion as their ignorance. It is true, + that in ages of imperfect civilization the government is frequently as + wanting in the knowledge required to impose a despotism upon the people as + the people are wanting in the knowledge required to shake it off; but the + effect is not the same on both sides. However rude a democratic people may + be, the central power which rules it is never completely devoid of + cultivation, because it readily draws to its own uses what little + cultivation is to be found in the country, and, if necessary, may seek + assistance elsewhere. Hence, amongst a nation which is ignorant as well as + democratic, an amazing difference cannot fail speedily to arise between + the intellectual capacity of the ruler and that of each of his subjects. + This completes the easy concentration of all power in his hands: the + administrative function of the State is perpetually extended, because the + State alone is competent to administer the affairs of the country. + Aristocratic nations, however unenlightened they may be, never afford the + same spectacle, because in them instruction is nearly equally diffused + between the monarch and the leading members of the community. + </p> + <p> + The pacha who now rules in Egypt found the population of that country + composed of men exceedingly ignorant and equal, and he has borrowed the + science and ability of Europe to govern that people. As the personal + attainments of the sovereign are thus combined with the ignorance and + democratic weakness of his subjects, the utmost centralization has been + established without impediment, and the pacha has made the country his + manufactory, and the inhabitants his workmen. + </p> + <p> + I think that extreme centralization of government ultimately enervates + society, and thus after a length of time weakens the government itself; + but I do not deny that a centralized social power may be able to execute + great undertakings with facility in a given time and on a particular + point. This is more especially true of war, in which success depends much + more on the means of transferring all the resources of a nation to one + single point, than on the extent of those resources. Hence it is chiefly + in war that nations desire and frequently require to increase the powers + of the central government. All men of military genius are fond of + centralization, which increases their strength; and all men of + centralizing genius are fond of war, which compels nations to combine all + their powers in the hands of the government. Thus the democratic tendency + which leads men unceasingly to multiply the privileges of the State, and + to circumscribe the rights of private persons, is much more rapid and + constant amongst those democratic nations which are exposed by their + position to great and frequent wars, than amongst all others. + </p> + <p> + I have shown how the dread of disturbance and the love of well-being + insensibly lead democratic nations to increase the functions of central + government, as the only power which appears to be intrinsically + sufficiently strong, enlightened, and secure, to protect them from + anarchy. I would now add, that all the particular circumstances which tend + to make the state of a democratic community agitated and precarious, + enhance this general propensity, and lead private persons more and more to + sacrifice their rights to their tranquility. A people is therefore never + so disposed to increase the functions of central government as at the + close of a long and bloody revolution, which, after having wrested + property from the hands of its former possessors, has shaken all belief, + and filled the nation with fierce hatreds, conflicting interests, and + contending factions. The love of public tranquillity becomes at such times + an indiscriminating passion, and the members of the community are apt to + conceive a most inordinate devotion to order. + </p> + <p> + I have already examined several of the incidents which may concur to + promote the centralization of power, but the principal cause still remains + to be noticed. The foremost of the incidental causes which may draw the + management of all affairs into the hands of the ruler in democratic + countries, is the origin of that ruler himself, and his own propensities. + Men who live in the ages of equality are naturally fond of central power, + and are willing to extend its privileges; but if it happens that this same + power faithfully represents their own interests, and exactly copies their + own inclinations, the confidence they place in it knows no bounds, and + they think that whatever they bestow upon it is bestowed upon themselves. + </p> + <p> + The attraction of administrative powers to the centre will always be less + easy and less rapid under the reign of kings who are still in some way + connected with the old aristocratic order, than under new princes, the + children of their own achievements, whose birth, prejudices, propensities, + and habits appear to bind them indissolubly to the cause of equality. I do + not mean that princes of aristocratic origin who live in democratic ages + do not attempt to centralize; I believe they apply themselves to that + object as diligently as any others. For them, the sole advantages of + equality lie in that direction; but their opportunities are less great, + because the community, instead of volunteering compliance with their + desires, frequently obeys them with reluctance. In democratic communities + the rule is that centralization must increase in proportion as the + sovereign is less aristocratic. When an ancient race of kings stands at + the head of an aristocracy, as the natural prejudices of the sovereign + perfectly accord with the natural prejudices of the nobility, the vices + inherent in aristocratic communities have a free course, and meet with no + corrective. The reverse is the case when the scion of a feudal stock is + placed at the head of a democratic people. The sovereign is constantly + led, by his education, his habits, and his associations, to adopt + sentiments suggested by the inequality of conditions, and the people tend + as constantly, by their social condition, to those manners which are + engendered by equality. At such times it often happens that the citizens + seek to control the central power far less as a tyrannical than as an + aristocratical power, and that they persist in the firm defence of their + independence, not only because they would remain free, but especially + because they are determined to remain equal. A revolution which overthrows + an ancient regal family, in order to place men of more recent growth at + the head of a democratic people, may temporarily weaken the central power; + but however anarchical such a revolution may appear at first, we need not + hesitate to predict that its final and certain consequence will be to + extend and to secure the prerogatives of that power. The foremost or + indeed the sole condition which is required in order to succeed in + centralizing the supreme power in a democratic community, is to love + equality, or to get men to believe you love it. Thus the science of + despotism, which was once so complex, is simplified, and reduced as it + were to a single principle. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0072" id="link2HCH0072"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter V: That Amongst The European Nations Of Our Time The Power Of + Governments Is Increasing, Although The Persons Who Govern Are Less Stable + </h2> + <p> + On reflecting upon what has already been said, the reader will be startled + and alarmed to find that in Europe everything seems to conduce to the + indefinite extension of the prerogatives of government, and to render all + that enjoyed the rights of private independence more weak, more + subordinate, and more precarious. The democratic nations of Europe have + all the general and permanent tendencies which urge the Americans to the + centralization of government, and they are moreover exposed to a number of + secondary and incidental causes with which the Americans are unacquainted. + It would seem as if every step they make towards equality brings them + nearer to despotism. And indeed if we do but cast our looks around, we + shall be convinced that such is the fact. During the aristocratic ages + which preceded the present time, the sovereigns of Europe had been + deprived of, or had relinquished, many of the rights inherent in their + power. Not a hundred years ago, amongst the greater part of European + nations, numerous private persons and corporations were sufficiently + independent to administer justice, to raise and maintain troops, to levy + taxes, and frequently even to make or interpret the law. The State has + everywhere resumed to itself alone these natural attributes of sovereign + power; in all matters of government the State tolerates no intermediate + agent between itself and the people, and in general business it directs + the people by its own immediate influence. I am far from blaming this + concentration of power, I simply point it out. + </p> + <p> + At the same period a great number of secondary powers existed in Europe, + which represented local interests and administered local affairs. Most of + these local authorities have already disappeared; all are speedily tending + to disappear, or to fall into the most complete dependence. From one end + of Europe to the other the privileges of the nobility, the liberties of + cities, and the powers of provincial bodies, are either destroyed or upon + the verge of destruction. Europe has endured, in the course of the last + half-century, many revolutions and counter-revolutions which have agitated + it in opposite directions: but all these perturbations resemble each other + in one respect—they have all shaken or destroyed the secondary + powers of government. The local privileges which the French did not + abolish in the countries they conquered, have finally succumbed to the + policy of the princes who conquered the French. Those princes rejected all + the innovations of the French Revolution except centralization: that is + the only principle they consented to receive from such a source. My object + is to remark, that all these various rights, which have been successively + wrested, in our time, from classes, corporations, and individuals, have + not served to raise new secondary powers on a more democratic basis, but + have uniformly been concentrated in the hands of the sovereign. Everywhere + the State acquires more and more direct control over the humblest members + of the community, and a more exclusive power of governing each of them in + his smallest concerns. *a Almost all the charitable establishments of + Europe were formerly in the hands of private persons or of corporations; + they are now almost all dependent on the supreme government, and in many + countries are actually administered by that power. The State almost + exclusively undertakes to supply bread to the hungry, assistance and + shelter to the sick, work to the idle, and to act as the sole reliever of + all kinds of misery. Education, as well as charity, is become in most + countries at the present day a national concern. The State receives, and + often takes, the child from the arms of the mother, to hand it over to + official agents: the State undertakes to train the heart and to instruct + the mind of each generation. Uniformity prevails in the courses of public + instruction as in everything else; diversity, as well as freedom, is + disappearing day by day. Nor do I hesitate to affirm, that amongst almost + all the Christian nations of our days, Catholic as well as Protestant, + religion is in danger of falling into the hands of the government. Not + that rulers are over-jealous of the right of settling points of doctrine, + but they get more and more hold upon the will of those by whom doctrines + are expounded; they deprive the clergy of their property, and pay them by + salaries; they divert to their own use the influence of the priesthood, + they make them their own ministers—often their own servants—and + by this alliance with religion they reach the inner depths of the soul of + man. *b + </p> + <p class="foot"> + a <br /> [ This gradual weakening of individuals in relation to society at + large may be traced in a thousand ways. I shall select from amongst these + examples one derived from the law of wills. In aristocracies it is common + to profess the greatest reverence for the last testamentary dispositions + of a man; this feeling sometimes even became superstitious amongst the + older nations of Europe: the power of the State, far from interfering with + the caprices of a dying man, gave full force to the very least of them, + and insured to him a perpetual power. When all living men are enfeebled, + the will of the dead is less respected: it is circumscribed within a + narrow range, beyond which it is annulled or checked by the supreme power + of the laws. In the Middle Ages, testamentary power had, so to speak, no + limits: amongst the French at the present day, a man cannot distribute his + fortune amongst his children without the interference of the State; after + having domineered over a whole life, the law insists upon regulating the + very last act of it.] + </p> + <p class="foot"> + b <br /> [ In proportion as the duties of the central power are augmented, + the number of public officers by whom that power is represented must + increase also. They form a nation in each nation; and as they share the + stability of the government, they more and more fill up the place of an + aristocracy. + </p> + <p> + In almost every part of Europe the government rules in two ways; it rules + one portion of the community by the fear which they entertain of its + agents, and the other by the hope they have of becoming its agents.] + </p> + <p> + But this is as yet only one side of the picture. The authority of + government has not only spread, as we have just seen, throughout the + sphere of all existing powers, till that sphere can no longer contain it, + but it goes further, and invades the domain heretofore reserved to private + independence. A multitude of actions, which were formerly entirely beyond + the control of the public administration, have been subjected to that + control in our time, and the number of them is constantly increasing. + Amongst aristocratic nations the supreme government usually contented + itself with managing and superintending the community in whatever directly + and ostensibly concerned the national honor; but in all other respects the + people were left to work out their own free will. Amongst these nations + the government often seemed to forget that there is a point at which the + faults and the sufferings of private persons involve the general + prosperity, and that to prevent the ruin of a private individual must + sometimes be a matter of public importance. The democratic nations of our + time lean to the opposite extreme. It is evident that most of our rulers + will not content themselves with governing the people collectively: it + would seem as if they thought themselves responsible for the actions and + private condition of their subjects—as if they had undertaken to + guide and to instruct each of them in the various incidents of life, and + to secure their happiness quite independently of their own consent. On the + other hand private individuals grow more and more apt to look upon the + supreme power in the same light; they invoke its assistance in all their + necessities, and they fix their eyes upon the administration as their + mentor or their guide. + </p> + <p> + I assert that there is no country in Europe in which the public + administration has not become, not only more centralized, but more + inquisitive and more minute it everywhere interferes in private concerns + more than it did; it regulates more undertakings, and undertakings of a + lesser kind; and it gains a firmer footing every day about, above, and + around all private persons, to assist, to advise, and to coerce them. + Formerly a sovereign lived upon the income of his lands, or the revenue of + his taxes; this is no longer the case now that his wants have increased as + well as his power. Under the same circumstances which formerly compelled a + prince to put on a new tax, he now has recourse to a loan. Thus the State + gradually becomes the debtor of most of the wealthier members of the + community, and centralizes the largest amounts of capital in its own + hands. Small capital is drawn into its keeping by another method. As men + are intermingled and conditions become more equal, the poor have more + resources, more education, and more desires; they conceive the notion of + bettering their condition, and this teaches them to save. These savings + are daily producing an infinite number of small capitals, the slow and + gradual produce of labor, which are always increasing. But the greater + part of this money would be unproductive if it remained scattered in the + hands of its owners. This circumstance has given rise to a philanthropic + institution, which will soon become, if I am not mistaken, one of our most + important political institutions. Some charitable persons conceived the + notion of collecting the savings of the poor and placing them out at + interest. In some countries these benevolent associations are still + completely distinct from the State; but in almost all they manifestly tend + to identify themselves with the government; and in some of them the + government has superseded them, taking upon itself the enormous task of + centralizing in one place, and putting out at interest on its own + responsibility, the daily savings of many millions of the working classes. + Thus the State draws to itself the wealth of the rich by loans, and has + the poor man's mite at its disposal in the savings banks. The wealth of + the country is perpetually flowing around the government and passing + through its hands; the accumulation increases in the same proportion as + the equality of conditions; for in a democratic country the State alone + inspires private individuals with confidence, because the State alone + appears to be endowed with strength and durability. *c Thus the sovereign + does not confine himself to the management of the public treasury; he + interferes in private money matters; he is the superior, and often the + master, of all the members of the community; and, in addition to this, he + assumes the part of their steward and paymaster. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + c <br /> [ On the one hand the taste for worldly welfare is perpetually + increasing, and on the other the government gets more and more complete + possession of the sources of that welfare. Thus men are following two + separate roads to servitude: the taste for their own welfare withholds + them from taking a part in the government, and their love of that welfare + places them in closer dependence upon those who govern.] + </p> + <p> + The central power not only fulfils of itself the whole of the duties + formerly discharged by various authorities—extending those duties, + and surpassing those authorities—but it performs them with more + alertness, strength, and independence than it displayed before. All the + governments of Europe have in our time singularly improved the science of + administration: they do more things, and they do everything with more + order, more celerity, and at less expense; they seem to be constantly + enriched by all the experience of which they have stripped private + persons. From day to day the princes of Europe hold their subordinate + officers under stricter control, and they invent new methods for guiding + them more closely, and inspecting them with less trouble. Not content with + managing everything by their agents, they undertake to manage the conduct + of their agents in everything; so that the public administration not only + depends upon one and the same power, but it is more and more confined to + one spot and concentrated in the same hands. The government centralizes + its agency whilst it increases its prerogative—hence a twofold + increase of strength. + </p> + <p> + In examining the ancient constitution of the judicial power, amongst most + European nations, two things strike the mind—the independence of + that power, and the extent of its functions. Not only did the courts of + justice decide almost all differences between private persons, but in very + many cases they acted as arbiters between private persons and the State. I + do not here allude to the political and administrative offices which + courts of judicature had in some countries usurped, but the judicial + office common to them all. In most of the countries of Europe, there were, + and there still are, many private rights, connected for the most part with + the general right of property, which stood under the protection of the + courts of justice, and which the State could not violate without their + sanction. It was this semi-political power which mainly distinguished the + European courts of judicature from all others; for all nations have had + judges, but all have not invested their judges with the same privileges. + Upon examining what is now occurring amongst the democratic nations of + Europe which are called free, as well as amongst the others, it will be + observed that new and more dependent courts are everywhere springing up by + the side of the old ones, for the express purpose of deciding, by an + extraordinary jurisdiction, such litigated matters as may arise between + the government and private persons. The elder judicial power retains its + independence, but its jurisdiction is narrowed; and there is a growing + tendency to reduce it to be exclusively the arbiter between private + interests. The number of these special courts of justice is continually + increasing, and their functions increase likewise. Thus the government is + more and more absolved from the necessity of subjecting its policy and its + rights to the sanction of another power. As judges cannot be dispensed + with, at least the State is to select them, and always to hold them under + its control; so that, between the government and private individuals, they + place the effigy of justice rather than justice itself. The State is not + satisfied with drawing all concerns to itself, but it acquires an + ever-increasing power of deciding on them all without restriction and + without appeal. *d + </p> + <p class="foot"> + d <br /> [ A strange sophism has been made on this head in France. When a + suit arises between the government and a private person, it is not to be + tried before an ordinary judge—in order, they say, not to mix the + administrative and the judicial powers; as if it were not to mix those + powers, and to mix them in the most dangerous and oppressive manner, to + invest the government with the office of judging and administering at the + same time.] + </p> + <p> + There exists amongst the modern nations of Europe one great cause, + independent of all those which have already been pointed out, which + perpetually contributes to extend the agency or to strengthen the + prerogative of the supreme power, though it has not been sufficiently + attended to: I mean the growth of manufactures, which is fostered by the + progress of social equality. Manufactures generally collect a multitude of + men of the same spot, amongst whom new and complex relations spring up. + These men are exposed by their calling to great and sudden alternations of + plenty and want, during which public tranquillity is endangered. It may + also happen that these employments sacrifice the health, and even the + life, of those who gain by them, or of those who live by them. Thus the + manufacturing classes require more regulation, superintendence, and + restraint than the other classes of society, and it is natural that the + powers of government should increase in the same proportion as those + classes. + </p> + <p> + This is a truth of general application; what follows more especially + concerns the nations of Europe. In the centuries which preceded that in + which we live, the aristocracy was in possession of the soil, and was + competent to defend it: landed property was therefore surrounded by ample + securities, and its possessors enjoyed great independence. This gave rise + to laws and customs which have been perpetuated, notwithstanding the + subdivision of lands and the ruin of the nobility; and, at the present + time, landowners and agriculturists are still those amongst the community + who must easily escape from the control of the supreme power. In these + same aristocratic ages, in which all the sources of our history are to be + traced, personal property was of small importance, and those who possessed + it were despised and weak: the manufacturing class formed an exception in + the midst of those aristocratic communities; as it had no certain + patronage, it was not outwardly protected, and was often unable to protect + itself. + </p> + <p> + Hence a habit sprung up of considering manufacturing property as something + of a peculiar nature, not entitled to the same deference, and not worthy + of the same securities as property in general; and manufacturers were + looked upon as a small class in the bulk of the people, whose independence + was of small importance, and who might with propriety be abandoned to the + disciplinary passions of princes. On glancing over the codes of the middle + ages, one is surprised to see, in those periods of personal independence, + with what incessant royal regulations manufactures were hampered, even in + their smallest details: on this point centralization was as active and as + minute as it can ever be. Since that time a great revolution has taken + place in the world; manufacturing property, which was then only in the + germ, has spread till it covers Europe: the manufacturing class has been + multiplied and enriched by the remnants of all other ranks; it has grown + and is still perpetually growing in number, in importance, in wealth. + Almost all those who do not belong to it are connected with it at least on + some one point; after having been an exception in society, it threatens to + become the chief, if not the only, class; nevertheless the notions and + political precedents engendered by it of old still cling about it. These + notions and these precedents remain unchanged, because they are old, and + also because they happen to be in perfect accordance with the new notions + and general habits of our contemporaries. Manufacturing property then does + not extend its rights in the same ratio as its importance. The + manufacturing classes do not become less dependent, whilst they become + more numerous; but, on the contrary, it would seem as if despotism lurked + within them, and naturally grew with their growth. *e As a nation becomes + more engaged in manufactures, the want of roads, canals, harbors, and + other works of a semi-public nature, which facilitate the acquisition of + wealth, is more strongly felt; and as a nation becomes more democratic, + private individuals are less able, and the State more able, to execute + works of such magnitude. I do not hesitate to assert that the manifest + tendency of all governments at the present time is to take upon themselves + alone the execution of these undertakings; by which means they daily hold + in closer dependence the population which they govern. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + e <br /> [ I shall quote a few facts in corroboration of this remark. Mines + are the natural sources of manufacturing wealth: as manufactures have + grown up in Europe, as the produce of mines has become of more general + importance, and good mining more difficult from the subdivision of + property which is a consequence of the equality of conditions, most + governments have asserted a right of owning the soil in which the mines + lie, and of inspecting the works; which has never been the case with any + other kind of property. Thus mines, which were private property, liable to + the same obligations and sheltered by the same guarantees as all other + landed property, have fallen under the control of the State. The State + either works them or farms them; the owners of them are mere tenants, + deriving their rights from the State; and, moreover, the State almost + everywhere claims the power of directing their operations: it lays down + rules, enforces the adoption of particular methods, subjects the mining + adventurers to constant superintendence, and, if refractory, they are + ousted by a government court of justice, and the government transfers + their contract to other hands; so that the government not only possesses + the mines, but has all the adventurers in its power. Nevertheless, as + manufactures increase, the working of old mines increases also; new ones + are opened, the mining population extends and grows up; day by day + governments augment their subterranean dominions, and people them with + their agents.] + </p> + <p> + On the other hand, in proportion as the power of a State increases, and + its necessities are augmented, the State consumption of manufactured + produce is always growing larger, and these commodities are generally made + in the arsenals or establishments of the government. Thus, in every + kingdom, the ruler becomes the principal manufacturer; he collects and + retains in his service a vast number of engineers, architects, mechanics, + and handicraftsmen. Not only is he the principal manufacturer, but he + tends more and more to become the chief, or rather the master of all other + manufacturers. As private persons become more powerless by becoming more + equal, they can effect nothing in manufactures without combination; but + the government naturally seeks to place these combinations under its own + control. + </p> + <p> + It must be admitted that these collective beings, which are called + combinations, are stronger and more formidable than a private individual + can ever be, and that they have less of the responsibility of their own + actions; whence it seems reasonable that they should not be allowed to + retain so great an independence of the supreme government as might be + conceded to a private individual. + </p> + <p> + Rulers are the more apt to follow this line of policy, as their own + inclinations invite them to it. Amongst democratic nations it is only by + association that the resistance of the people to the government can ever + display itself: hence the latter always looks with ill-favor on those + associations which are not in its own power; and it is well worthy of + remark, that amongst democratic nations, the people themselves often + entertain a secret feeling of fear and jealousy against these very + associations, which prevents the citizens from defending the institutions + of which they stand so much in need. The power and the duration of these + small private bodies, in the midst of the weakness and instability of the + whole community, astonish and alarm the people; and the free use which + each association makes of its natural powers is almost regarded as a + dangerous privilege. All the associations which spring up in our age are, + moreover, new corporate powers, whose rights have not been sanctioned by + time; they come into existence at a time when the notion of private rights + is weak, and when the power of government is unbounded; hence it is not + surprising that they lose their freedom at their birth. Amongst all + European nations there are some kinds of associations which cannot be + formed until the State has examined their by-laws, and authorized their + existence. In several others, attempts are made to extend this rule to all + associations; the consequences of such a policy, if it were successful, + may easily be foreseen. If once the sovereign had a general right of + authorizing associations of all kinds upon certain conditions, he would + not be long without claiming the right of superintending and managing + them, in order to prevent them from departing from the rules laid down by + himself. In this manner, the State, after having reduced all who are + desirous of forming associations into dependence, would proceed to reduce + into the same condition all who belong to associations already formed—that + is to say, almost all the men who are now in existence. Governments thus + appropriate to themselves, and convert to their own purposes, the greater + part of this new power which manufacturing interests have in our time + brought into the world. Manufacturers govern us—they govern + manufactures. + </p> + <p> + I attach so much importance to all that I have just been saying, that I am + tormented by the fear of having impaired my meaning in seeking to render + it more clear. If the reader thinks that the examples I have adduced to + support my observations are insufficient or ill-chosen—if he + imagines that I have anywhere exaggerated the encroachments of the supreme + power, and, on the other hand, that I have underrated the extent of the + sphere which still remains open to the exertions of individual + independence, I entreat him to lay down the book for a moment, and to turn + his mind to reflect for himself upon the subjects I have attempted to + explain. Let him attentively examine what is taking place in France and in + other countries—let him inquire of those about him—let him + search himself, and I am much mistaken if he does not arrive, without my + guidance, and by other paths, at the point to which I have sought to lead + him. He will perceive that for the last half-century, centralization has + everywhere been growing up in a thousand different ways. Wars, + revolutions, conquests, have served to promote it: all men have labored to + increase it. In the course of the same period, during which men have + succeeded each other with singular rapidity at the head of affairs, their + notions, interests, and passions have been infinitely diversified; but all + have by some means or other sought to centralize. This instinctive + centralization has been the only settled point amidst the extreme + mutability of their lives and of their thoughts. + </p> + <p> + If the reader, after having investigated these details of human affairs, + will seek to survey the wide prospect as a whole, he will be struck by the + result. On the one hand the most settled dynasties shaken or overthrown—the + people everywhere escaping by violence from the sway of their laws—abolishing + or limiting the authority of their rulers or their princes—the + nations, which are not in open revolution, restless at least, and excited—all + of them animated by the same spirit of revolt: and on the other hand, at + this very period of anarchy, and amongst these untractable nations, the + incessant increase of the prerogative of the supreme government, becoming + more centralized, more adventurous, more absolute, more extensive—the + people perpetually falling under the control of the public administration—led + insensibly to surrender to it some further portion of their individual + independence, till the very men, who from time to time upset a throne and + trample on a race of kings, bend more and more obsequiously to the + slightest dictate of a clerk. Thus two contrary revolutions appear in our + days to be going on; the one continually weakening the supreme power, the + other as continually strengthening it: at no other period in our history + has it appeared so weak or so strong. But upon a more attentive + examination of the state of the world, it appears that these two + revolutions are intimately connected together, that they originate in the + same source, and that after having followed a separate course, they lead + men at last to the same result. I may venture once more to repeat what I + have already said or implied in several parts of this book: great care + must be taken not to confound the principle of equality itself with the + revolution which finally establishes that principle in the social + condition and the laws of a nation: here lies the reason of almost all the + phenomena which occasion our astonishment. All the old political powers of + Europe, the greatest as well as the least, were founded in ages of + aristocracy, and they more or less represented or defended the principles + of inequality and of privilege. To make the novel wants and interests, + which the growing principle of equality introduced, preponderate in + government, our contemporaries had to overturn or to coerce the + established powers. This led them to make revolutions, and breathed into + many of them, that fierce love of disturbance and independence, which all + revolutions, whatever be their object, always engender. I do not believe + that there is a single country in Europe in which the progress of equality + has not been preceded or followed by some violent changes in the state of + property and persons; and almost all these changes have been attended with + much anarchy and license, because they have been made by the least + civilized portion of the nation against that which is most civilized. + Hence proceeded the two-fold contrary tendencies which I have just pointed + out. As long as the democratic revolution was glowing with heat, the men + who were bent upon the destruction of old aristocratic powers hostile to + that revolution, displayed a strong spirit of independence; but as the + victory or the principle of equality became more complete, they gradually + surrendered themselves to the propensities natural to that condition of + equality, and they strengthened and centralized their governments. They + had sought to be free in order to make themselves equal; but in proportion + as equality was more established by the aid of freedom, freedom itself was + thereby rendered of more difficult attainment. + </p> + <p> + These two states of a nation have sometimes been contemporaneous: the last + generation in France showed how a people might organize a stupendous + tyranny in the community, at the very time when they were baffling the + authority of the nobility and braving the power of all kings—at once + teaching the world the way to win freedom, and the way to lose it. In our + days men see that constituted powers are dilapidated on every side—they + see all ancient authority gasping away, all ancient barriers tottering to + their fall, and the judgment of the wisest is troubled at the sight: they + attend only to the amazing revolution which is taking place before their + eyes, and they imagine that mankind is about to fall into perpetual + anarchy: if they looked to the final consequences of this revolution, + their fears would perhaps assume a different shape. For myself, I confess + that I put no trust in the spirit of freedom which appears to animate my + contemporaries. I see well enough that the nations of this age are + turbulent, but I do not clearly perceive that they are liberal; and I fear + lest, at the close of those perturbations which rock the base of thrones, + the domination of sovereigns may prove more powerful than it ever was + before. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0073" id="link2HCH0073"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter VI: What Sort Of Despotism Democratic Nations Have To Fear + </h2> + <p> + I had remarked during my stay in the United States, that a democratic + state of society, similar to that of the Americans, might offer singular + facilities for the establishment of despotism; and I perceived, upon my + return to Europe, how much use had already been made by most of our + rulers, of the notions, the sentiments, and the wants engendered by this + same social condition, for the purpose of extending the circle of their + power. This led me to think that the nations of Christendom would perhaps + eventually undergo some sort of oppression like that which hung over + several of the nations of the ancient world. A more accurate examination + of the subject, and five years of further meditations, have not diminished + my apprehensions, but they have changed the object of them. No sovereign + ever lived in former ages so absolute or so powerful as to undertake to + administer by his own agency, and without the assistance of intermediate + powers, all the parts of a great empire: none ever attempted to subject + all his subjects indiscriminately to strict uniformity of regulation, and + personally to tutor and direct every member of the community. The notion + of such an undertaking never occurred to the human mind; and if any man + had conceived it, the want of information, the imperfection of the + administrative system, and above all, the natural obstacles caused by the + inequality of conditions, would speedily have checked the execution of so + vast a design. When the Roman emperors were at the height of their power, + the different nations of the empire still preserved manners and customs of + great diversity; although they were subject to the same monarch, most of + the provinces were separately administered; they abounded in powerful and + active municipalities; and although the whole government of the empire was + centred in the hands of the emperor alone, and he always remained, upon + occasions, the supreme arbiter in all matters, yet the details of social + life and private occupations lay for the most part beyond his control. The + emperors possessed, it is true, an immense and unchecked power, which + allowed them to gratify all their whimsical tastes, and to employ for that + purpose the whole strength of the State. They frequently abused that power + arbitrarily to deprive their subjects of property or of life: their + tyranny was extremely onerous to the few, but it did not reach the greater + number; it was fixed to some few main objects, and neglected the rest; it + was violent, but its range was limited. + </p> + <p> + But it would seem that if despotism were to be established amongst the + democratic nations of our days, it might assume a different character; it + would be more extensive and more mild; it would degrade men without + tormenting them. I do not question, that in an age of instruction and + equality like our own, sovereigns might more easily succeed in collecting + all political power into their own hands, and might interfere more + habitually and decidedly within the circle of private interests, than any + sovereign of antiquity could ever do. But this same principle of equality + which facilitates despotism, tempers its rigor. We have seen how the + manners of society become more humane and gentle in proportion as men + become more equal and alike. When no member of the community has much + power or much wealth, tyranny is, as it were, without opportunities and a + field of action. As all fortunes are scanty, the passions of men are + naturally circumscribed—their imagination limited, their pleasures + simple. This universal moderation moderates the sovereign himself, and + checks within certain limits the inordinate extent of his desires. + </p> + <p> + Independently of these reasons drawn from the nature of the state of + society itself, I might add many others arising from causes beyond my + subject; but I shall keep within the limits I have laid down to myself. + Democratic governments may become violent and even cruel at certain + periods of extreme effervescence or of great danger: but these crises will + be rare and brief. When I consider the petty passions of our + contemporaries, the mildness of their manners, the extent of their + education, the purity of their religion, the gentleness of their morality, + their regular and industrious habits, and the restraint which they almost + all observe in their vices no less than in their virtues, I have no fear + that they will meet with tyrants in their rulers, but rather guardians. *a + I think then that the species of oppression by which democratic nations + are menaced is unlike anything which ever before existed in the world: our + contemporaries will find no prototype of it in their memories. I am trying + myself to choose an expression which will accurately convey the whole of + the idea I have formed of it, but in vain; the old words "despotism" and + "tyranny" are inappropriate: the thing itself is new; and since I cannot + name it, I must attempt to define it. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + a <br /> [ See Appendix Y.] + </p> + <p> + I seek to trace the novel features under which despotism may appear in the + world. The first thing that strikes the observation is an innumerable + multitude of men all equal and alike, incessantly endeavoring to procure + the petty and paltry pleasures with which they glut their lives. Each of + them, living apart, is as a stranger to the fate of all the rest—his + children and his private friends constitute to him the whole of mankind; + as for the rest of his fellow-citizens, he is close to them, but he sees + them not—he touches them, but he feels them not; he exists but in + himself and for himself alone; and if his kindred still remain to him, he + may be said at any rate to have lost his country. Above this race of men + stands an immense and tutelary power, which takes upon itself alone to + secure their gratifications, and to watch over their fate. That power is + absolute, minute, regular, provident, and mild. It would be like the + authority of a parent, if, like that authority, its object was to prepare + men for manhood; but it seeks on the contrary to keep them in perpetual + childhood: it is well content that the people should rejoice, provided + they think of nothing but rejoicing. For their happiness such a government + willingly labors, but it chooses to be the sole agent and the only arbiter + of that happiness: it provides for their security, foresees and supplies + their necessities, facilitates their pleasures, manages their principal + concerns, directs their industry, regulates the descent of property, and + subdivides their inheritances—what remains, but to spare them all + the care of thinking and all the trouble of living? Thus it every day + renders the exercise of the free agency of man less useful and less + frequent; it circumscribes the will within a narrower range, and gradually + robs a man of all the uses of himself. The principle of equality has + prepared men for these things: it has predisposed men to endure them, and + oftentimes to look on them as benefits. + </p> + <p> + After having thus successively taken each member of the community in its + powerful grasp, and fashioned them at will, the supreme power then extends + its arm over the whole community. It covers the surface of society with a + net-work of small complicated rules, minute and uniform, through which the + most original minds and the most energetic characters cannot penetrate, to + rise above the crowd. The will of man is not shattered, but softened, + bent, and guided: men are seldom forced by it to act, but they are + constantly restrained from acting: such a power does not destroy, but it + prevents existence; it does not tyrannize, but it compresses, enervates, + extinguishes, and stupefies a people, till each nation is reduced to be + nothing better than a flock of timid and industrious animals, of which the + government is the shepherd. I have always thought that servitude of the + regular, quiet, and gentle kind which I have just described, might be + combined more easily than is commonly believed with some of the outward + forms of freedom; and that it might even establish itself under the wing + of the sovereignty of the people. Our contemporaries are constantly + excited by two conflicting passions; they want to be led, and they wish to + remain free: as they cannot destroy either one or the other of these + contrary propensities, they strive to satisfy them both at once. They + devise a sole, tutelary, and all-powerful form of government, but elected + by the people. They combine the principle of centralization and that of + popular sovereignty; this gives them a respite; they console themselves + for being in tutelage by the reflection that they have chosen their own + guardians. Every man allows himself to be put in leading-strings, because + he sees that it is not a person or a class of persons, but the people at + large that holds the end of his chain. By this system the people shake off + their state of dependence just long enough to select their master, and + then relapse into it again. A great many persons at the present day are + quite contented with this sort of compromise between administrative + despotism and the sovereignty of the people; and they think they have done + enough for the protection of individual freedom when they have surrendered + it to the power of the nation at large. This does not satisfy me: the + nature of him I am to obey signifies less to me than the fact of extorted + obedience. + </p> + <p> + I do not however deny that a constitution of this kind appears to me to be + infinitely preferable to one, which, after having concentrated all the + powers of government, should vest them in the hands of an irresponsible + person or body of persons. Of all the forms which democratic despotism + could assume, the latter would assuredly be the worst. When the sovereign + is elective, or narrowly watched by a legislature which is really elective + and independent, the oppression which he exercises over individuals is + sometimes greater, but it is always less degrading; because every man, + when he is oppressed and disarmed, may still imagine, that whilst he + yields obedience it is to himself he yields it, and that it is to one of + his own inclinations that all the rest give way. In like manner I can + understand that when the sovereign represents the nation, and is dependent + upon the people, the rights and the power of which every citizen is + deprived, not only serve the head of the State, but the State itself; and + that private persons derive some return from the sacrifice of their + independence which they have made to the public. To create a + representation of the people in every centralized country, is therefore, + to diminish the evil which extreme centralization may produce, but not to + get rid of it. I admit that by this means room is left for the + intervention of individuals in the more important affairs; but it is not + the less suppressed in the smaller and more private ones. It must not be + forgotten that it is especially dangerous to enslave men in the minor + details of life. For my own part, I should be inclined to think freedom + less necessary in great things than in little ones, if it were possible to + be secure of the one without possessing the other. Subjection in minor + affairs breaks out every day, and is felt by the whole community + indiscriminately. It does not drive men to resistance, but it crosses them + at every turn, till they are led to surrender the exercise of their will. + Thus their spirit is gradually broken and their character enervated; + whereas that obedience, which is exacted on a few important but rare + occasions, only exhibits servitude at certain intervals, and throws the + burden of it upon a small number of men. It is in vain to summon a people, + which has been rendered so dependent on the central power, to choose from + time to time the representatives of that power; this rare and brief + exercise of their free choice, however important it may be, will not + prevent them from gradually losing the faculties of thinking, feeling, and + acting for themselves, and thus gradually falling below the level of + humanity. *b I add that they will soon become incapable of exercising the + great and only privilege which remains to them. The democratic nations + which have introduced freedom into their political constitution, at the + very time when they were augmenting the despotism of their administrative + constitution, have been led into strange paradoxes. To manage those minor + affairs in which good sense is all that is wanted—the people are + held to be unequal to the task, but when the government of the country is + at stake, the people are invested with immense powers; they are + alternately made the playthings of their ruler, and his masters—more + than kings, and less than men. After having exhausted all the different + modes of election, without finding one to suit their purpose, they are + still amazed, and still bent on seeking further; as if the evil they + remark did not originate in the constitution of the country far more than + in that of the electoral body. It is, indeed, difficult to conceive how + men who have entirely given up the habit of self-government should succeed + in making a proper choice of those by whom they are to be governed; and no + one will ever believe that a liberal, wise, and energetic government can + spring from the suffrages of a subservient people. A constitution, which + should be republican in its head and ultra-monarchical in all its other + parts, has ever appeared to me to be a short-lived monster. The vices of + rulers and the ineptitude of the people would speedily bring about its + ruin; and the nation, weary of its representatives and of itself, would + create freer institutions, or soon return to stretch itself at the feet of + a single master. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + b <br /> [ See Appendix Z.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0074" id="link2HCH0074"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter VII: Continuation Of The Preceding Chapters + </h2> + <p> + I believe that it is easier to establish an absolute and despotic + government amongst a people in which the conditions of society are equal, + than amongst any other; and I think that if such a government were once + established amongst such a people, it would not only oppress men, but + would eventually strip each of them of several of the highest qualities of + humanity. Despotism therefore appears to me peculiarly to be dreaded in + democratic ages. I should have loved freedom, I believe, at all times, but + in the time in which we live I am ready to worship it. On the other hand, + I am persuaded that all who shall attempt, in the ages upon which we are + entering, to base freedom upon aristocratic privilege, will fail—that + all who shall attempt to draw and to retain authority within a single + class, will fail. At the present day no ruler is skilful or strong enough + to found a despotism, by re-establishing permanent distinctions of rank + amongst his subjects: no legislator is wise or powerful enough to preserve + free institutions, if he does not take equality for his first principle + and his watchword. All those of our contemporaries who would establish or + secure the independence and the dignity of their fellow-men, must show + themselves the friends of equality; and the only worthy means of showing + themselves as such, is to be so: upon this depends the success of their + holy enterprise. Thus the question is not how to reconstruct aristocratic + society, but how to make liberty proceed out of that democratic state of + society in which God has placed us. + </p> + <p> + These two truths appear to me simple, clear, and fertile in consequences; + and they naturally lead me to consider what kind of free government can be + established amongst a people in which social conditions are equal. It + results from the very constitution of democratic nations and from their + necessities, that the power of government amongst them must be more + uniform, more centralized, more extensive, more searching, and more + efficient than in other countries. Society at large is naturally stronger + and more active, individuals more subordinate and weak; the former does + more, the latter less; and this is inevitably the case. It is not + therefore to be expected that the range of private independence will ever + be as extensive in democratic as in aristocratic countries—nor is + this to be desired; for, amongst aristocratic nations, the mass is often + sacrificed to the individual, and the prosperity of the greater number to + the greatness of the few. It is both necessary and desirable that the + government of a democratic people should be active and powerful: and our + object should not be to render it weak or indolent, but solely to prevent + it from abusing its aptitude and its strength. + </p> + <p> + The circumstance which most contributed to secure the independence of + private persons in aristocratic ages, was, that the supreme power did not + affect to take upon itself alone the government and administration of the + community; those functions were necessarily partially left to the members + of the aristocracy: so that as the supreme power was always divided, it + never weighed with its whole weight and in the same manner on each + individual. Not only did the government not perform everything by its + immediate agency; but as most of the agents who discharged its duties + derived their power not from the State, but from the circumstance of their + birth, they were not perpetually under its control. The government could + not make or unmake them in an instant, at pleasure, nor bend them in + strict uniformity to its slightest caprice—this was an additional + guarantee of private independence. I readily admit that recourse cannot be + had to the same means at the present time: but I discover certain + democratic expedients which may be substituted for them. Instead of + vesting in the government alone all the administrative powers of which + corporations and nobles have been deprived, a portion of them may be + entrusted to secondary public bodies, temporarily composed of private + citizens: thus the liberty of private persons will be more secure, and + their equality will not be diminished. + </p> + <p> + The Americans, who care less for words than the French, still designate by + the name of "county" the largest of their administrative districts: but + the duties of the count or lord-lieutenant are in part performed by a + provincial assembly. At a period of equality like our own it would be + unjust and unreasonable to institute hereditary officers; but there is + nothing to prevent us from substituting elective public officers to a + certain extent. Election is a democratic expedient which insures the + independence of the public officer in relation to the government, as much + and even more than hereditary rank can insure it amongst aristocratic + nations. Aristocratic countries abound in wealthy and influential persons + who are competent to provide for themselves, and who cannot be easily or + secretly oppressed: such persons restrain a government within general + habits of moderation and reserve. I am very well aware that democratic + countries contain no such persons naturally; but something analogous to + them may be created by artificial means. I firmly believe that an + aristocracy cannot again be founded in the world; but I think that private + citizens, by combining together, may constitute bodies of great wealth, + influence, and strength, corresponding to the persons of an aristocracy. + By this means many of the greatest political advantages of aristocracy + would be obtained without its injustice or its dangers. An association for + political, commercial, or manufacturing purposes, or even for those of + science and literature, is a powerful and enlightened member of the + community, which cannot be disposed of at pleasure, or oppressed without + remonstrance; and which, by defending its own rights against the + encroachments of the government, saves the common liberties of the + country. + </p> + <p> + In periods of aristocracy every man is always bound so closely to many of + his fellow-citizens, that he cannot be assailed without their coming to + his assistance. In ages of equality every man naturally stands alone; he + has no hereditary friends whose co-operation he may demand—no class + upon whose sympathy he may rely: he is easily got rid of, and he is + trampled on with impunity. At the present time, an oppressed member of the + community has therefore only one method of self-defence—he may + appeal to the whole nation; and if the whole nation is deaf to his + complaint, he may appeal to mankind: the only means he has of making this + appeal is by the press. Thus the liberty of the press is infinitely more + valuable amongst democratic nations than amongst all others; it is the + only cure for the evils which equality may produce. Equality sets men + apart and weakens them; but the press places a powerful weapon within + every man's reach, which the weakest and loneliest of them all may use. + Equality deprives a man of the support of his connections; but the press + enables him to summon all his fellow-countrymen and all his fellow-men to + his assistance. Printing has accelerated the progress of equality, and it + is also one of its best correctives. + </p> + <p> + I think that men living in aristocracies may, strictly speaking, do + without the liberty of the press: but such is not the case with those who + live in democratic countries. To protect their personal independence I + trust not to great political assemblies, to parliamentary privilege, or to + the assertion of popular sovereignty. All these things may, to a certain + extent, be reconciled with personal servitude—but that servitude + cannot be complete if the press is free: the press is the chiefest + democratic instrument of freedom. + </p> + <p> + Something analogous may be said of the judicial power. It is a part of the + essence of judicial power to attend to private interests, and to fix + itself with predilection on minute objects submitted to its observation; + another essential quality of judicial power is never to volunteer its + assistance to the oppressed, but always to be at the disposal of the + humblest of those who solicit it; their complaint, however feeble they may + themselves be, will force itself upon the ear of justice and claim + redress, for this is inherent in the very constitution of the courts of + justice. A power of this kind is therefore peculiarly adapted to the wants + of freedom, at a time when the eye and finger of the government are + constantly intruding into the minutest details of human actions, and when + private persons are at once too weak to protect themselves, and too much + isolated for them to reckon upon the assistance of their fellows. The + strength of the courts of law has ever been the greatest security which + can be offered to personal independence; but this is more especially the + case in democratic ages: private rights and interests are in constant + danger, if the judicial power does not grow more extensive and more strong + to keep pace with the growing equality of conditions. + </p> + <p> + Equality awakens in men several propensities extremely dangerous to + freedom, to which the attention of the legislator ought constantly to be + directed. I shall only remind the reader of the most important amongst + them. Men living in democratic ages do not readily comprehend the utility + of forms: they feel an instinctive contempt for them—I have + elsewhere shown for what reasons. Forms excite their contempt and often + their hatred; as they commonly aspire to none but easy and present + gratifications, they rush onwards to the object of their desires, and the + slightest delay exasperates them. This same temper, carried with them into + political life, renders them hostile to forms, which perpetually retard or + arrest them in some of their projects. Yet this objection which the men of + democracies make to forms is the very thing which renders forms so useful + to freedom; for their chief merit is to serve as a barrier between the + strong and the weak, the ruler and the people, to retard the one, and give + the other time to look about him. Forms become more necessary in + proportion as the government becomes more active and more powerful, whilst + private persons are becoming more indolent and more feeble. Thus + democratic nations naturally stand more in need of forms than other + nations, and they naturally respect them less. This deserves most serious + attention. Nothing is more pitiful than the arrogant disdain of most of + our contemporaries for questions of form; for the smallest questions of + form have acquired in our time an importance which they never had before: + many of the greatest interests of mankind depend upon them. I think that + if the statesmen of aristocratic ages could sometimes contemn forms with + impunity, and frequently rise above them, the statesmen to whom the + government of nations is now confided ought to treat the very least among + them with respect, and not neglect them without imperious necessity. In + aristocracies the observance of forms was superstitious; amongst us they + ought to be kept with a deliberate and enlightened deference. + </p> + <p> + Another tendency, which is extremely natural to democratic nations and + extremely dangerous, is that which leads them ta despise and undervalue + the rights of private persons. The attachment which men feel to a right, + and the respect which they display for it, is generally proportioned to + its importance, or to the length of time during which they have enjoyed + it. The rights of private persons amongst democratic nations are commonly + of small importance, of recent growth, and extremely precarious—the + consequence is that they are often sacrificed without regret, and almost + always violated without remorse. But it happens that at the same period + and amongst the same nations in which men conceive a natural contempt for + the rights of private persons, the rights of society at large are + naturally extended and consolidated: in other words, men become less + attached to private rights at the very time at which it would be most + necessary to retain and to defend what little remains of them. It is + therefore most especially in the present democratic ages, that the true + friends of the liberty and the greatness of man ought constantly to be on + the alert to prevent the power of government from lightly sacrificing the + private rights of individuals to the general execution of its designs. At + such times no citizen is so obscure that it is not very dangerous to allow + him to be oppressed—no private rights are so unimportant that they + can be surrendered with impunity to the caprices of a government. The + reason is plain:—if the private right of an individual is violated + at a time when the human mind is fully impressed with the importance and + the sanctity of such rights, the injury done is confined to the individual + whose right is infringed; but to violate such a right, at the present day, + is deeply to corrupt the manners of the nation and to put the whole + community in jeopardy, because the very notion of this kind of right + constantly tends amongst us to be impaired and lost. + </p> + <p> + There are certain habits, certain notions, and certain vices which are + peculiar to a state of revolution, and which a protracted revolution + cannot fail to engender and to propagate, whatever be, in other respects, + its character, its purpose, and the scene on which it takes place. When + any nation has, within a short space of time, repeatedly varied its + rulers, its opinions, and its laws, the men of whom it is composed + eventually contract a taste for change, and grow accustomed to see all + changes effected by sudden violence. Thus they naturally conceive a + contempt for forms which daily prove ineffectual; and they do not support + without impatience the dominion of rules which they have so often seen + infringed. As the ordinary notions of equity and morality no longer + suffice to explain and justify all the innovations daily begotten by a + revolution, the principle of public utility is called in, the doctrine of + political necessity is conjured up, and men accustom themselves to + sacrifice private interests without scruple, and to trample on the rights + of individuals in order more speedily to accomplish any public purpose. + </p> + <p> + These habits and notions, which I shall call revolutionary, because all + revolutions produce them, occur in aristocracies just as much as amongst + democratic nations; but amongst the former they are often less powerful + and always less lasting, because there they meet with habits, notions, + defects, and impediments, which counteract them: they consequently + disappear as soon as the revolution is terminated, and the nation reverts + to its former political courses. This is not always the case in democratic + countries, in which it is ever to be feared that revolutionary tendencies, + becoming more gentle and more regular, without entirely disappearing from + society, will be gradually transformed into habits of subjection to the + administrative authority of the government. I know of no countries in + which revolutions re more dangerous than in democratic countries; because, + independently of the accidental and transient evils which must always + attend them, they may always create some evils which are permanent and + unending. I believe that there are such things as justifiable resistance + and legitimate rebellion: I do not therefore assert, as an absolute + proposition, that the men of democratic ages ought never to make + revolutions; but I think that they have especial reason to hesitate before + they embark in them, and that it is far better to endure many grievances + in their present condition than to have recourse to so perilous a remedy. + </p> + <p> + I shall conclude by one general idea, which comprises not only all the + particular ideas which have been expressed in the present chapter, but + also most of those which it is the object of this book to treat of. In the + ages of aristocracy which preceded our own, there were private persons of + great power, and a social authority of extreme weakness. The outline of + society itself was not easily discernible, and constantly confounded with + the different powers by which the community was ruled. The principal + efforts of the men of those times were required to strengthen, aggrandize, + and secure the supreme power; and on the other hand, to circumscribe + individual independence within narrower limits, and to subject private + interests to the interests of the public. Other perils and other cares + await the men of our age. Amongst the greater part of modern nations, the + government, whatever may be its origin, its constitution, or its name, has + become almost omnipotent, and private persons are falling, more and more, + into the lowest stage of weakness and dependence. In olden society + everything was different; unity and uniformity were nowhere to be met + with. In modern society everything threatens to become so much alike, that + the peculiar characteristics of each individual will soon be entirely lost + in the general aspect of the world. Our forefathers were ever prone to + make an improper use of the notion, that private rights ought to be + respected; and we are naturally prone on the other hand to exaggerate the + idea that the interest of a private individual ought always to bend to the + interest of the many. The political world is metamorphosed: new remedies + must henceforth be sought for new disorders. To lay down extensive, but + distinct and settled limits, to the action of the government; to confer + certain rights on private persons, and to secure to them the undisputed + enjoyment of those rights; to enable individual man to maintain whatever + independence, strength, and original power he still possesses; to raise + him by the side of society at large, and uphold him in that position—these + appear to me the main objects of legislators in the ages upon which we are + now entering. It would seem as if the rulers of our time sought only to + use men in order to make things great; I wish that they would try a little + more to make great men; that they would set less value on the work, and + more upon the workman; that they would never forget that a nation cannot + long remain strong when every man belonging to it is individually weak, + and that no form or combination of social polity has yet been devised, to + make an energetic people out of a community of pusillanimous and enfeebled + citizens. + </p> + <p> + I trace amongst our contemporaries two contrary notions which are equally + injurious. One set of men can perceive nothing in the principle of + equality but the anarchical tendencies which it engenders: they dread + their own free agency—they fear themselves. Other thinkers, less + numerous but more enlightened, take a different view: besides that track + which starts from the principle of equality to terminate in anarchy, they + have at last discovered the road which seems to lead men to inevitable + servitude. They shape their souls beforehand to this necessary condition; + and, despairing of remaining free, they already do obeisance in their + hearts to the master who is soon to appear. The former abandon freedom, + because they think it dangerous; the latter, because they hold it to be + impossible. If I had entertained the latter conviction, I should not have + written this book, but I should have confined myself to deploring in + secret the destiny of mankind. I have sought to point out the dangers to + which the principle of equality exposes the independence of man, because I + firmly believe that these dangers are the most formidable, as well as the + least foreseen, of all those which futurity holds in store: but I do not + think that they are insurmountable. The men who live in the democratic + ages upon which we are entering have naturally a taste for independence: + they are naturally impatient of regulation, and they are wearied by the + permanence even of the condition they themselves prefer. They are fond of + power; but they are prone to despise and hate those who wield it, and they + easily elude its grasp by their own mobility and insignificance. These + propensities will always manifest themselves, because they originate in + the groundwork of society, which will undergo no change: for a long time + they will prevent the establishment of any despotism, and they will + furnish fresh weapons to each succeeding generation which shall struggle + in favor of the liberty of mankind. Let us then look forward to the future + with that salutary fear which makes men keep watch and ward for freedom, + not with that faint and idle terror which depresses and enervates the + heart. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2HCH0075" id="link2HCH0075"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Chapter VIII: General Survey Of The Subject + </h2> + <p> + Before I close forever the theme that has detained me so long, I would + fain take a parting survey of all the various characteristics of modern + society, and appreciate at last the general influence to be exercised by + the principle of equality upon the fate of mankind; but I am stopped by + the difficulty of the task, and in presence of so great an object my sight + is troubled, and my reason fails. The society of the modern world which I + have sought to delineate, and which I seek to judge, has but just come + into existence. Time has not yet shaped it into perfect form: the great + revolution by which it has been created is not yet over: and amidst the + occurrences of our time, it is almost impossible to discern what will pass + away with the revolution itself, and what will survive its close. The + world which is rising into existence is still half encumbered by the + remains of the world which is waning into decay; and amidst the vast + perplexity of human affairs, none can say how much of ancient institutions + and former manners will remain, or how much will completely disappear. + Although the revolution which is taking place in the social condition, the + laws, the opinions, and the feelings of men, is still very far from being + terminated, yet its results already admit of no comparison with anything + that the world has ever before witnessed. I go back from age to age up to + the remotest antiquity; but I find no parallel to what is occurring before + my eyes: as the past has ceased to throw its light upon the future, the + mind of man wanders in obscurity. Nevertheless, in the midst of a prospect + so wide, so novel and so confused, some of the more prominent + characteristics may already be discerned and pointed out. The good things + and the evils of life are more equally distributed in the world: great + wealth tends to disappear, the number of small fortunes to increase; + desires and gratifications are multiplied, but extraordinary prosperity + and irremediable penury are alike unknown. The sentiment of ambition is + universal, but the scope of ambition is seldom vast. Each individual + stands apart in solitary weakness; but society at large is active, + provident, and powerful: the performances of private persons are + insignificant, those of the State immense. There is little energy of + character; but manners are mild, and laws humane. If there be few + instances of exalted heroism or of virtues of the highest, brightest, and + purest temper, men's habits are regular, violence is rare, and cruelty + almost unknown. Human existence becomes longer, and property more secure: + life is not adorned with brilliant trophies, but it is extremely easy and + tranquil. Few pleasures are either very refined or very coarse; and highly + polished manners are as uncommon as great brutality of tastes. Neither men + of great learning, nor extremely ignorant communities, are to be met with; + genius becomes more rare, information more diffused. The human mind is + impelled by the small efforts of all mankind combined together, not by the + strenuous activity of certain men. There is less perfection, but more + abundance, in all the productions of the arts. The ties of race, of rank, + and of country are relaxed; the great bond of humanity is strengthened. If + I endeavor to find out the most general and the most prominent of all + these different characteristics, I shall have occasion to perceive, that + what is taking place in men's fortunes manifests itself under a thousand + other forms. Almost all extremes are softened or blunted: all that was + most prominent is superseded by some mean term, at once less lofty and + less low, less brilliant and less obscure, than what before existed in the + world. + </p> + <p> + When I survey this countless multitude of beings, shaped in each other's + likeness, amidst whom nothing rises and nothing falls, the sight of such + universal uniformity saddens and chills me, and I am tempted to regret + that state of society which has ceased to be. When the world was full of + men of great importance and extreme insignificance, of great wealth and + extreme poverty, of great learning and extreme ignorance, I turned aside + from the latter to fix my observation on the former alone, who gratified + my sympathies. But I admit that this gratification arose from my own + weakness: it is because I am unable to see at once all that is around me, + that I am allowed thus to select and separate the objects of my + predilection from among so many others. Such is not the case with that + almighty and eternal Being whose gaze necessarily includes the whole of + created things, and who surveys distinctly, though at once, mankind and + man. We may naturally believe that it is not the singular prosperity of + the few, but the greater well-being of all, which is most pleasing in the + sight of the Creator and Preserver of men. What appears to me to be man's + decline, is to His eye advancement; what afflicts me is acceptable to Him. + A state of equality is perhaps less elevated, but it is more just; and its + justice constitutes its greatness and its beauty. I would strive then to + raise myself to this point of the divine contemplation, and thence to view + and to judge the concerns of men. + </p> + <p> + No man, upon the earth, can as yet affirm absolutely and generally, that + the new state of the world is better than its former one; but it is + already easy to perceive that this state is different. Some vices and some + virtues were so inherent in the constitution of an aristocratic nation, + and are so opposite to the character of a modern people, that they can + never be infused into it; some good tendencies and some bad propensities + which were unknown to the former, are natural to the latter; some ideas + suggest themselves spontaneously to the imagination of the one, which are + utterly repugnant to the mind of the other. They are like two distinct + orders of human beings, each of which has its own merits and defects, its + own advantages and its own evils. Care must therefore be taken not to + judge the state of society, which is now coming into existence, by notions + derived from a state of society which no longer exists; for as these + states of society are exceedingly different in their structure, they + cannot be submitted to a just or fair comparison. It would be scarcely + more reasonable to require of our own contemporaries the peculiar virtues + which originated in the social condition of their forefathers, since that + social condition is itself fallen, and has drawn into one promiscuous ruin + the good and evil which belonged to it. + </p> + <p> + But as yet these things are imperfectly understood. I find that a great + number of my contemporaries undertake to make a certain selection from + amongst the institutions, the opinions, and the ideas which originated in + the aristocratic constitution of society as it was: a portion of these + elements they would willingly relinquish, but they would keep the + remainder and transplant them into their new world. I apprehend that such + men are wasting their time and their strength in virtuous but unprofitable + efforts. The object is not to retain the peculiar advantages which the + inequality of conditions bestows upon mankind, but to secure the new + benefits which equality may supply. We have not to seek to make ourselves + like our progenitors, but to strive to work out that species of greatness + and happiness which is our own. For myself, who now look back from this + extreme limit of my task, and discover from afar, but at once, the various + objects which have attracted my more attentive investigation upon my way, + I am full of apprehensions and of hopes. I perceive mighty dangers which + it is possible to ward off—mighty evils which may be avoided or + alleviated; and I cling with a firmer hold to the belief, that for + democratic nations to be virtuous and prosperous they require but to will + it. I am aware that many of my contemporaries maintain that nations are + never their own masters here below, and that they necessarily obey some + insurmountable and unintelligent power, arising from anterior events, from + their race, or from the soil and climate of their country. Such principles + are false and cowardly; such principles can never produce aught but feeble + men and pusillanimous nations. Providence has not created mankind entirely + independent or entirely free. It is true that around every man a fatal + circle is traced, beyond which he cannot pass; but within the wide verge + of that circle he is powerful and free: as it is with man, so with + communities. The nations of our time cannot prevent the conditions of men + from becoming equal; but it depends upon themselves whether the principle + of equality is to lead them to servitude or freedom, to knowledge or + barbarism, to prosperity or to wretchedness. + </p> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <a name="linkappendix" id="linkappendix"></a> <br /> <br /> + </p> + <h2> + APPENDIX TO PARTS I. AND II. + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_PART" id="link2H_PART"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Part I. + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEa" id="link2H_APPEa"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix A + </h2> + <p> + For information concerning all the countries of the West which have not + been visited by Europeans, consult the account of two expeditions + undertaken at the expense of Congress by Major Long. This traveller + particularly mentions, on the subject of the great American desert, that a + line may be drawn nearly parallel to the 20th degree of longitude *a + (meridian of Washington), beginning from the Red River and ending at the + River Platte. From this imaginary line to the Rocky Mountains, which bound + the valley of the Mississippi on the west, lie immense plains, which are + almost entirely covered with sand, incapable of cultivation, or scattered + over with masses of granite. In summer, these plains are quite destitute + of water, and nothing is to be seen on them but herds of buffaloes and + wild horses. Some hordes of Indians are also found there, but in no great + numbers. Major Long was told that in travelling northwards from the River + Platte you find the same desert lying constantly on the left; but he was + unable to ascertain the truth of this report. However worthy of confidence + may be the narrative of Major Long, it must be remembered that he only + passed through the country of which he speaks, without deviating widely + from the line which he had traced out for his journey. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + a <br /> [ The 20th degree of longitude, according to the meridian of + Washington, agrees very nearly with the 97th degree on the meridian of + Greenwich.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEb" id="link2H_APPEb"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix B + </h2> + <p> + South America, in the region between the tropics, produces an incredible + profusion of climbing plants, of which the flora of the Antilles alone + presents us with forty different species. Among the most graceful of these + shrubs is the passion-flower, which, according to Descourtiz, grows with + such luxuriance in the Antilles, as to climb trees by means of the + tendrils with which it is provided, and form moving bowers of rich and + elegant festoons, decorated with blue and purple flowers, and fragrant + with perfume. The Mimosa scandens (Acacia a grandes gousses) is a creeper + of enormous and rapid growth, which climbs from tree to tree, and + sometimes covers more than half a league. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEc" id="link2H_APPEc"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix C + </h2> + <p> + The languages which are spoken by the Indians of America, from the Pole to + Cape Horn, are said to be all formed upon the same model, and subject to + the same grammatical rules; whence it may fairly be concluded that all the + Indian nations sprang from the same stock. Each tribe of the American + continent speaks a different dialect; but the number of languages, + properly so called, is very small, a fact which tends to prove that the + nations of the New World had not a very remote origin. Moreover, the + languages of America have a great degree of regularity, from which it + seems probable that the tribes which employ them had not undergone any + great revolutions, or been incorporated voluntarily or by constraint, with + foreign nations. For it is generally the union of several languages into + one which produces grammatical irregularities. It is not long since the + American languages, especially those of the North, first attracted the + serious attention of philologists, when the discovery was made that this + idiom of a barbarous people was the product of a complicated system of + ideas and very learned combinations. These languages were found to be very + rich, and great pains had been taken at their formation to render them + agreeable to the ear. The grammatical system of the Americans differs from + all others in several points, but especially in the following:—Some + nations of Europe, amongst others the Germans, have the power of combining + at pleasure different expressions, and thus giving a complex sense to + certain words. The Indians have given a most surprising extension to this + power, so as to arrive at the means of connecting a great number of ideas + with a single term. This will be easily understood with the help of an + example quoted by Mr. Duponceau, in the "Memoirs of the Philosophical + Society of America": A Delaware woman playing with a cat or a young dog, + says this writer, is heard to pronounce the word kuligatschis, which is + thus composed: k is the sign of the second person, and signifies "thou" or + "thy"; uli is a part of the word wulit, which signifies "beautiful," + "pretty"; gat is another fragment, of the word wichgat, which means "paw"; + and, lastly, schis is a diminutive giving the idea of smallness. Thus in + one word the Indian woman has expressed "Thy pretty little paw." Take + another example of the felicity with which the savages of America have + composed their words. A young man of Delaware is called pilape. This word + is formed from pilsit, "chaste," "innocent"; and lenape, "man"; viz., "man + in his purity and innocence." This facility of combining words is most + remarkable in the strange formation of their verbs. The most complex + action is often expressed by a single verb, which serves to convey all the + shades of an idea by the modification of its construction. Those who may + wish to examine more in detail this subject, which I have only glanced at + superficially, should read:— + </p> + <p> + 1. The correspondence of Mr. Duponceau and the Rev. Mr. Hecwelder relative + to the Indian languages, which is to be found in the first volume of the + "Memoirs of the Philosophical Society of America," published at + Philadelphia, 1819, by Abraham Small; vol. i. p. 356-464. + </p> + <p> + 2. The "Grammar of the Delaware or the Lenape Language," by Geiberger, and + the preface of Mr. Duponceau. All these are in the same collection, vol. + iii. + </p> + <p> + 3. An excellent account of these works, which is at the end of the sixth + volume of the American Encyclopaedia. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEd" id="link2H_APPEd"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix D + </h2> + <p> + See in Charlevoix, vol. i. p. 235, the history of the first war which the + French inhabitants of Canada carried on, in 1610, against the Iroquois. + The latter, armed with bows and arrows, offered a desperate resistance to + the French and their allies. Charlevoix is not a great painter, yet he + exhibits clearly enough, in this narrative, the contrast between the + European manners and those of savages, as well as the different way in + which the two races of men understood the sense of honor. When the French, + says he, seized upon the beaver-skins which covered the Indians who had + fallen, the Hurons, their allies, were greatly offended at this + proceeding; but without hesitation they set to work in their usual manner, + inflicting horrid cruelties upon the prisoners, and devouring one of those + who had been killed, which made the Frenchmen shudder. The barbarians + prided themselves upon a scrupulousness which they were surprised at not + finding in our nation, and could not understand that there was less to + reprehend in the stripping of dead bodies than in the devouring of their + flesh like wild beasts. Charlevoix, in another place (vol. i. p. 230), + thus describes the first torture of which Champlain was an eyewitness, and + the return of the Hurons into their own village. Having proceeded about + eight leagues, says he, our allies halted; and having singled out one of + their captives, they reproached him with all the cruelties which he had + practised upon the warriors of their nation who had fallen into his hands, + and told him that he might expect to be treated in like manner; adding, + that if he had any spirit he would prove it by singing. He immediately + chanted forth his death-song, and then his war-song, and all the songs he + knew, "but in a very mournful strain," says Champlain, who was not then + aware that all savage music has a melancholy character. The tortures which + succeeded, accompanied by all the horrors which we shall mention + hereafter, terrified the French, who made every effort to put a stop to + them, but in vain. The following night, one of the Hurons having dreamt + that they were pursued, the retreat was changed to a real flight, and the + savages never stopped until they were out of the reach of danger. The + moment they perceived the cabins of their own village, they cut themselves + long sticks, to which they fastened the scalps which had fallen to their + share, and carried them in triumph. At this sight, the women swam to the + canoes, where they received the bloody scalps from the hands of their + husbands, and tied them round their necks. The warriors offered one of + these horrible trophies to Champlain; they also presented him with some + bows and arrows—the only spoils of the Iroquois which they had + ventured to seize—entreating him to show them to the King of France. + Champlain lived a whole winter quite alone among these barbarians, without + being under any alarm for his person or property. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEe" id="link2H_APPEe"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix E + </h2> + <p> + Although the Puritanical strictness which presided over the establishment + of the English colonies in America is now much relaxed, remarkable traces + of it are still found in their habits and their laws. In 1792, at the very + time when the anti-Christian republic of France began its ephemeral + existence, the legislative body of Massachusetts promulgated the following + law, to compel the citizens to observe the Sabbath. We give the preamble + and the principal articles of this law, which is worthy of the reader's + attention: "Whereas," says the legislator, "the observation of the Sunday + is an affair of public interest; inasmuch as it produces a necessary + suspension of labor, leads men to reflect upon the duties of life, and the + errors to which human nature is liable, and provides for the public and + private worship of God, the creator and governor of the universe, and for + the performance of such acts of charity as are the ornament and comfort of + Christian societies:—Whereas irreligious or light-minded persons, + forgetting the duties which the Sabbath imposes, and the benefits which + these duties confer on society, are known to profane its sanctity, by + following their pleasures or their affairs; this way of acting being + contrary to their own interest as Christians, and calculated to annoy + those who do not follow their example; being also of great injury to + society at large, by spreading a taste for dissipation and dissolute + manners; Be it enacted and ordained by the Governor, Council, and + Representatives convened in General Court of Assembly, that all and every + person and persons shall on that day carefully apply themselves to the + duties of religion and piety, that no tradesman or labourer shall exercise + his ordinary calling, and that no game or recreation shall be used on the + Lord's Day, upon pain of forfeiting ten shillings. + </p> + <p> + "That no one shall travel on that day, or any part thereof, under pain of + forfeiting twenty shillings; that no vessel shall leave a harbour of the + colony; that no persons shall keep outside the meeting-house during the + time of public worship, or profane the time by playing or talking, on + penalty of five shillings. + </p> + <p> + "Public-houses shall not entertain any other than strangers or lodgers, + under penalty of five shillings for every person found drinking and + abiding therein. + </p> + <p> + "Any person in health, who, without sufficient reason, shall omit to + worship God in public during three months, shall be condemned to a fine of + ten shillings. + </p> + <p> + "Any person guilty of misbehaviour in a place of public worship, shall be + fined from five to forty shillings. + </p> + <p> + "These laws are to be enforced by the tything-men of each township, who + have authority to visit public-houses on the Sunday. The innkeeper who + shall refuse them admittance, shall be fined forty shillings for such + offence. + </p> + <p> + "The tything-men are to stop travellers, and require of them their reason + for being on the road on Sunday; anyone refusing to answer, shall be + sentenced to pay a fine not exceeding five pounds sterling. If the reason + given by the traveller be not deemed by the tything-man sufficient, he may + bring the traveller before the justice of the peace of the district." (Law + of March 8, 1792; General Laws of Massachusetts, vol. i. p. 410.) + </p> + <p> + On March 11, 1797, a new law increased the amount of fines, half of which + was to be given to the informer. (Same collection, vol. ii. p. 525.) On + February 16, 1816, a new law confirmed these same measures. (Same + collection, vol. ii. p. 405.) Similar enactments exist in the laws of the + State of New York, revised in 1827 and 1828. (See Revised Statutes, Part + I. chapter 20, p. 675.) In these it is declared that no one is allowed on + the Sabbath to sport, to fish, to play at games, or to frequent houses + where liquor is sold. No one can travel, except in case of necessity. And + this is not the only trace which the religious strictness and austere + manners of the first emigrants have left behind them in the American laws. + In the Revised Statutes of the State of New York, vol. i. p. 662, is the + following clause:— + </p> + <p> + "Whoever shall win or lose in the space of twenty-four hours, by gaming or + betting, the sum of twenty-five dollars, shall be found guilty of a + misdemeanour, and upon conviction shall be condemned to pay a fine equal + to at least five times the value of the sum lost or won; which shall be + paid to the inspector of the poor of the township. He that loses + twenty-five dollars or more may bring an action to recover them; and if he + neglects to do so the inspector of the poor may prosecute the winner, and + oblige him to pay into the poor's box both the sum he has gained and three + times as much besides." + </p> + <p> + The laws we quote from are of recent date; but they are unintelligible + without going back to the very origin of the colonies. I have no doubt + that in our days the penal part of these laws is very rarely applied. Laws + preserve their inflexibility, long after the manners of a nation have + yielded to the influence of time. It is still true, however, that nothing + strikes a foreigner on his arrival in America more forcibly than the + regard paid to the Sabbath. There is one, in particular, of the large + American cities, in which all social movements begin to be suspended even + on Saturday evening. You traverse its streets at the hour at which you + expect men in the middle of life to be engaged in business, and young + people in pleasure; and you meet with solitude and silence. Not only have + all ceased to work, but they appear to have ceased to exist. Neither the + movements of industry are heard, nor the accents of joy, nor even the + confused murmur which arises from the midst of a great city. Chains are + hung across the streets in the neighborhood of the churches; the + half-closed shutters of the houses scarcely admit a ray of sun into the + dwellings of the citizens. Now and then you perceive a solitary individual + who glides silently along the deserted streets and lanes. Next day, at + early dawn, the rolling of carriages, the noise of hammers, the cries of + the population, begin to make themselves heard again. The city is awake. + An eager crowd hastens towards the resort of commerce and industry; + everything around you bespeaks motion, bustle, hurry. A feverish activity + succeeds to the lethargic stupor of yesterday; you might almost suppose + that they had but one day to acquire wealth and to enjoy it. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEf" id="link2H_APPEf"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix F + </h2> + <p> + It is unnecessary for me to say, that in the chapter which has just been + read, I have not had the intention of giving a history of America. My only + object was to enable the reader to appreciate the influence which the + opinions and manners of the first emigrants had exercised upon the fate of + the different colonies, and of the Union in general. I have therefore + confined myself to the quotation of a few detached fragments. I do not + know whether I am deceived, but it appears to me that, by pursuing the + path which I have merely pointed out, it would be easy to present such + pictures of the American republics as would not be unworthy the attention + of the public, and could not fail to suggest to the statesman matter for + reflection. Not being able to devote myself to this labor, I am anxious to + render it easy to others; and, for this purpose, I subjoin a short + catalogue and analysis of the works which seem to me the most important to + consult. + </p> + <p> + At the head of the general documents which it would be advantageous to + examine I place the work entitled "An Historical Collection of State + Papers, and other authentic Documents, intended as Materials for a History + of the United States of America," by Ebenezer Hasard. The first volume of + this compilation, which was printed at Philadelphia in 1792, contains a + literal copy of all the charters granted by the Crown of England to the + emigrants, as well as the principal acts of the colonial governments, + during the commencement of their existence. Amongst other authentic + documents, we here find a great many relating to the affairs of New + England and Virginia during this period. The second volume is almost + entirely devoted to the acts of the Confederation of 1643. This federal + compact, which was entered into by the colonies of New England with the + view of resisting the Indians, was the first instance of union afforded by + the Anglo-Americans. There were besides many other confederations of the + same nature, before the famous one of 1776, which brought about the + independence of the colonies. + </p> + <p> + Each colony has, besides, its own historic monuments, some of which are + extremely curious; beginning with Virginia, the State which was first + peopled. The earliest historian of Virginia was its founder, Captain John + Smith. Captain Smith has left us an octavo volume, entitled "The generall + Historie of Virginia and New England, by Captain John Smith, sometymes + Governor in those Countryes, and Admirall of New England"; printed at + London in 1627. The work is adorned with curious maps and engravings of + the time when it appeared; the narrative extends from the year 1584 to + 1626. Smith's work is highly and deservedly esteemed. The author was one + of the most celebrated adventurers of a period of remarkable adventure; + his book breathes that ardor for discovery, that spirit of enterprise, + which characterized the men of his time, when the manners of chivalry were + united to zeal for commerce, and made subservient to the acquisition of + wealth. But Captain Smith is most remarkable for uniting to the virtues + which characterized his contemporaries several qualities to which they + were generally strangers; his style is simple and concise, his narratives + bear the stamp of truth, and his descriptions are free from false + ornament. This author throws most valuable light upon the state and + condition of the Indians at the time when North America was first + discovered. + </p> + <p> + The second historian to consult is Beverley, who commences his narrative + with the year 1585, and ends it with 1700. The first part of his book + contains historical documents, properly so called, relative to the infancy + of the colony. The second affords a most curious picture of the state of + the Indians at this remote period. The third conveys very clear ideas + concerning the manners, social conditions, laws, and political customs of + the Virginians in the author's lifetime. Beverley was a native of + Virginia, which occasions him to say at the beginning of his book, that he + entreats his readers not to exercise their critical severity upon it, + since, having been born in the Indies, he does not aspire to purity of + language. Notwithstanding this colonial modesty, the author shows + throughout his book the impatience with which he endures the supremacy of + the mother-country. In this work of Beverley are also found numerous + traces of that spirit of civil liberty which animated the English colonies + of America at the time when he wrote. He also shows the dissensions which + existed among them, and retarded their independence. Beverley detests his + Catholic neighbors of Maryland even more than he hates the English + government: his style is simple, his narrative interesting, and apparently + trustworthy. + </p> + <p> + I saw in America another work which ought to be consulted, entitled "The + History of Virginia," by William Stith. This book affords some curious + details, but I thought it long and diffuse. The most ancient as well as + the best document to be consulted on the history of Carolina, is a work in + small quarto, entitled "The History of Carolina," by John Lawson, printed + at London in 1718. This work contains, in the first part, a journey of + discovery in the west of Carolina; the account of which, given in the form + of a journal, is in general confused and superficial; but it contains a + very striking description of the mortality caused among the savages of + that time both by the smallpox and the immoderate use of brandy; with a + curious picture of the corruption of manners prevalent amongst them, which + was increased by the presence of Europeans. The second part of Lawson's + book is taken up with a description of the physical condition of Carolina, + and its productions. In the third part, the author gives an interesting + account of the manners, customs, and government of the Indians at that + period. There is a good deal of talent and originality in this part of the + work. Lawson concludes his history with a copy of the charter granted to + the Carolinas in the reign of Charles II. The general tone of this work is + light, and often licentious, forming a perfect contrast to the solemn + style of the works published at the same period in New England. Lawson's + history is extremely scarce in America, and cannot be procured in Europe. + There is, however, a copy of it in the Royal Library at Paris. + </p> + <p> + From the southern extremity of the United States, I pass at once to the + northern limit; as the intermediate space was not peopled till a later + period. I must first point out a very curious compilation, entitled + "Collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society," printed for the + first time at Boston in 1792, and reprinted in 1806. The collection of + which I speak, and which is continued to the present day, contains a great + number of very valuable documents relating to the history of the different + States in New England. Among them are letters which have never been + published, and authentic pieces which had been buried in provincial + archives. The whole work of Gookin, concerning the Indians, is inserted + there. + </p> + <p> + I have mentioned several times in the chapter to which this note relates, + the work of Nathaniel Norton entitled "New England's Memorial"; + sufficiently, perhaps, to prove that it deserves the attention of those + who would be conversant with the history of New England. This book is in + octavo, and was reprinted at Boston in 1826. + </p> + <p> + The most valuable and important authority which exists upon the history of + New England, is the work of the Rev. Cotton Mather, entitled "Magnalia + Christi Americana, or the Ecclesiastical History of New England, + 1620-1698, 2 vols. 8vo, reprinted at Hartford, United States, in 1820." *b + The author divided his work into seven books. The first presents the + history of the events which prepared and brought about the establishment + of New England. The second contains the lives of the first governors and + chief magistrates who presided over the country. The third is devoted to + the lives and labors of the evangelical ministers who, during the same + period, had the care of souls. In the fourth the author relates the + institution and progress of the University of Cambridge (Massachusetts). + In the fifth he describes the principles and the discipline of the Church + of New England. The sixth is taken up in retracing certain facts, which, + in the opinion of Mather, prove the merciful interposition of Providence + in behalf of the inhabitants of New England. Lastly, in the seventh, the + author gives an account of the heresies and the troubles to which the + Church of New England was exposed. Cotton Mather was an evangelical + minister who was born at Boston, and passed his life there. His narratives + are distinguished by the same ardor and religious zeal which led to the + foundation of the colonies of New England. Traces of bad taste sometimes + occur in his manner of writing; but he interests, because he is full of + enthusiasm. He is often intolerant, still oftener credulous, but he never + betrays an intention to deceive. Sometimes his book contains fine + passages, and true and profound reflections, such as the following:— + </p> + <p> + "Before the arrival of the Puritans," says he (vol. i. chap. iv.), "there + were more than a few attempts of the English to people and improve the + parts of New England which were to the northward of New Plymouth; but the + designs of those attempts being aimed no higher than the advancement of + some worldly interests, a constant series of disasters has confounded + them, until there was a plantation erected upon the nobler designs of + Christianity: and that plantation though it has had more adversaries than + perhaps any one upon earth, yet, having obtained help from God, it + continues to this day." Mather occasionally relieves the austerity of his + descriptions with images full of tender feeling: after having spoken of an + English lady whose religious ardor had brought her to America with her + husband, and who soon after sank under the fatigues and privations of + exile, he adds, "As for her virtuous husband, Isaac Johnson, + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + He tryed + To live without her, liked it not, and dyed." +</pre> + <p class="foot"> + b <br /> [ A folio edition of this work was published in London in 1702.] + </p> + <p> + Mather's work gives an admirable picture of the time and country which he + describes. In his account of the motives which led the Puritans to seek an + asylum beyond seas, he says:—"The God of Heaven served, as it were, + a summons upon the spirits of his people in the English nation, stirring + up the spirits of thousands which never saw the faces of each other, with + a most unanimous inclination to leave all the pleasant accommodations of + their native country, and go over a terrible ocean, into a more terrible + desert, for the pure enjoyment of all his ordinances. It is now reasonable + that, before we pass any further, the reasons of his undertaking should be + more exactly made known unto posterity, especially unto the posterity of + those that were the undertakers, lest they come at length to forget and + neglect the true interest of New England. Wherefore I shall now transcribe + some of them from a manuscript, wherein they were then tendered unto + consideration: + </p> + <p> + "General Considerations for the Plantation of New England + </p> + <p> + "First, It will be a service unto the Church of great consequence, to + carry the Gospel unto those parts of the world, and raise a bulwark + against the kingdom of Antichrist, which the Jesuits labour to rear up in + all parts of the world. + </p> + <p> + "Secondly, All other Churches of Europe have been brought under + desolations; and it may be feared that the like judgments are coming upon + us; and who knows but God hath provided this place to be a refuge for many + whom he means to save out of the general destruction? + </p> + <p> + "Thirdly, The land grows weary of her inhabitants, insomuch that man, + which is the most precious of all creatures, is here more vile and base + than the earth he treads upon; children, neighbours, and friends, + especially the poor, are counted the greatest burdens, which, if things + were right, would be the chiefest of earthly blessings. + </p> + <p> + "Fourthly, We are grown to that intemperance in all excess of riot, as no + mean estate almost will suffice a man to keep sail with his equals, and he + that fails in it must live in scorn and contempt: hence it comes to pass, + that all arts and trades are carried in that deceitful manner and + unrighteous course, as it is almost impossible for a good upright man to + maintain his constant charge and live comfortably in them. + </p> + <p> + "Fifthly, The schools of learning and religion are so corrupted, as + (besides the unsupportable charge of education) most children, even the + best, wittiest, and of the fairest hopes, are perverted, corrupted, and + utterly overthrown by the multitude of evil examples and licentious + behaviours in these seminaries. + </p> + <p> + "Sixthly, The whole earth is the Lord's garden, and he hath given it to + the sons of Adam, to be tilled and improved by them: why, then, should we + stand starving here for places of habitation, and in the meantime suffer + whole countries, as profitable for the use of man, to lie waste without + any improvement? + </p> + <p> + "Seventhly, What can be a better or nobler work, and more worthy of a + Christian, than to erect and support a reformed particular Church in its + infancy, and unite our forces with such a company of faithful people, as + by timely assistance may grow stronger and prosper; but for want of it, + may be put to great hazards, if not be wholly ruined? + </p> + <p> + "Eighthly, If any such as are known to be godly, and live in wealth and + prosperity here, shall forsake all this to join with this reformed Church, + and with it run the hazard of an hard and mean condition, it will be an + example of great use, both for the removing of scandal and to give more + life unto the faith of God's people in their prayers for the plantation, + and also to encourage others to join the more willingly in it." + </p> + <p> + Further on, when he declares the principles of the Church of New England + with respect to morals, Mather inveighs with violence against the custom + of drinking healths at table, which he denounces as a pagan and abominable + practice. He proscribes with the same rigor all ornaments for the hair + used by the female sex, as well as their custom of having the arms and + neck uncovered. In another part of his work he relates several instances + of witchcraft which had alarmed New England. It is plain that the visible + action of the devil in the affairs of this world appeared to him an + incontestable and evident fact. + </p> + <p> + This work of Cotton Mather displays, in many places, the spirit of civil + liberty and political independence which characterized the times in which + he lived. Their principles respecting government are discoverable at every + page. Thus, for instance, the inhabitants of Massachusetts, in the year + 1630, ten years after the foundation of Plymouth, are found to have + devoted Pound 400 sterling to the establishment of the University of + Cambridge. In passing from the general documents relative to the history + of New England to those which describe the several States comprised within + its limits, I ought first to notice "The History of the Colony of + Massachusetts," by Hutchinson, Lieutenant-Governor of the Massachusetts + Province, 2 vols. 8vo. The history of Hutchinson, which I have several + times quoted in the chapter to which this note relates, commences in the + year 1628, and ends in 1750. Throughout the work there is a striking air + of truth and the greatest simplicity of style: it is full of minute + details. The best history to consult concerning Connecticut is that of + Benjamin Trumbull, entitled "A Complete History of Connecticut, Civil and + Ecclesiastical," 1630-1764, 2 vols. 8vo, printed in 1818 at New Haven. + This history contains a clear and calm account of all the events which + happened in Connecticut during the period given in the title. The author + drew from the best sources, and his narrative bears the stamp of truth. + All that he says of the early days of Connecticut is extremely curious. + See especially the Constitution of 1639, vol. i. ch. vi. p. 100; and also + the Penal Laws of Connecticut, vol. i. ch. vii. p. 123. + </p> + <p> + "The History of New Hampshire," by Jeremy Belknap, is a work held in + merited estimation. It was printed at Boston in 1792, in 2 vols. 8vo. The + third chapter of the first volume is particularly worthy of attention for + the valuable details it affords on the political and religious principles + of the Puritans, on the causes of their emigration, and on their laws. The + following curious quotation is given from a sermon delivered in 1663:—"It + concerneth New England always to remember that they are a plantation + religious, not a plantation of trade. The profession of the purity of + doctrine, worship, and discipline, is written upon her forehead. Let + merchants, and such as are increasing cent. per cent., remember this, that + worldly gain was not the end and design of the people of New England, but + religion. And if any man among us make religion as twelve, and the world + as thirteen, such an one hath not the spirit of a true New Englishman." + The reader of Belknap will find in his work more general ideas, and more + strength of thought, than are to be met with in the American historians + even to the present day. + </p> + <p> + Among the Central States which deserve our attention for their remote + origin, New York and Pennsylvania are the foremost. The best history we + have of the former is entitled "A History of New York," by William Smith, + printed at London in 1757. Smith gives us important details of the wars + between the French and English in America. His is the best account of the + famous confederation of the Iroquois. + </p> + <p> + With respect to Pennsylvania, I cannot do better than point out the work + of Proud, entitled "The History of Pennsylvania, from the original + Institution and Settlement of that Province, under the first Proprietor + and Governor, William Penn, in 1681, till after the year 1742," by Robert + Proud, 2 vols. 8vo, printed at Philadelphia in 1797. This work is + deserving of the especial attention of the reader; it contains a mass of + curious documents concerning Penn, the doctrine of the Quakers, and the + character, manners, and customs of the first inhabitants of Pennsylvania. + I need not add that among the most important documents relating to this + State are the works of Penn himself, and those of Franklin. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_PART2" id="link2H_PART2"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Part II. + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEg" id="link2H_APPEg"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix G + </h2> + <h3> + We read in Jefferson's "Memoirs" as follows:— + </h3> + <p> + "At the time of the first settlement of the English in Virginia, when land + was to be had for little or nothing, some provident persons having + obtained large grants of it, and being desirous of maintaining the + splendor of their families, entailed their property upon their + descendants. The transmission of these estates from generation to + generation, to men who bore the same name, had the effect of raising up a + distinct class of families, who, possessing by law the privilege of + perpetuating their wealth, formed by these means a sort of patrician + order, distinguished by the grandeur and luxury of their establishments. + From this order it was that the King usually chose his councillors of + state." *c + </p> + <p class="foot"> + c <br /> [ This passage is extracted and translated from M. Conseil's work + upon the life of Jefferson, entitled "Melanges Politiques et + Philosophiques de Jefferson."] + </p> + <p> + In the United States, the principal clauses of the English law respecting + descent have been universally rejected. The first rule that we follow, + says Mr. Kent, touching inheritance, is the following:—If a man dies + intestate, his property goes to his heirs in a direct line. If he has but + one heir or heiress, he or she succeeds to the whole. If there are several + heirs of the same degree, they divide the inheritance equally amongst + them, without distinction of sex. This rule was prescribed for the first + time in the State of New York by a statute of February 23, 1786. (See + Revised Statutes, vol. iii. Appendix, p. 48.) It has since then been + adopted in the Revised Statutes of the same State. At the present day this + law holds good throughout the whole of the United States, with the + exception of the State of Vermont, where the male heir inherits a double + portion. (Kent's "Commentaries," vol. iv. p. 370.) Mr. Kent, in the same + work, vol. iv. p. 1-22, gives a historical account of American legislation + on the subject of entail: by this we learn that, previous to the + Revolution, the colonies followed the English law of entail. Estates tail + were abolished in Virginia in 1776, on a motion of Mr. Jefferson. They + were suppressed in New York in 1786, and have since been abolished in + North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Georgia, and Missouri. In Vermont, + Indiana, Illinois, South Carolina, and Louisiana, entail was never + introduced. Those States which thought proper to preserve the English law + of entail, modified it in such a way as to deprive it of its most + aristocratic tendencies. "Our general principles on the subject of + government," says Mr. Kent, "tend to favor the free circulation of + property." + </p> + <p> + It cannot fail to strike the French reader who studies the law of + inheritance, that on these questions the French legislation is infinitely + more democratic even than the American. The American law makes an equal + division of the father's property, but only in the case of his will not + being known; "for every man," says the law, "in the State of New York + (Revised Statutes, vol. iii. Appendix, p. 51), has entire liberty, power, + and authority, to dispose of his property by will, to leave it entire, or + divided in favor of any persons he chooses as his heirs, provided he do + not leave it to a political body or any corporation." The French law + obliges the testator to divide his property equally, or nearly so, among + his heirs. Most of the American republics still admit of entails, under + certain restrictions; but the French law prohibits entail in all cases. If + the social condition of the Americans is more democratic than that of the + French, the laws of the latter are the most democratic of the two. This + may be explained more easily than at first appears to be the case. In + France, democracy is still occupied in the work of destruction; in + America, it reigns quietly over the ruins it has made. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEh" id="link2H_APPEh"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix H + </h2> + <p> + Summary Of The Qualifications Of Voters In The United States As They + Existed In 1832 + </p> + <p> + All the States agree in granting the right of voting at the age of + twenty-one. In all of them it is necessary to have resided for a certain + time in the district where the vote is given. This period varies from + three months to two years. + </p> + <p> + As to the qualification: in the State of Massachusetts it is necessary to + have an income of Pound 3 or a capital of Pound 60. In Rhode Island, a man + must possess landed property to the amount of $133. + </p> + <p> + In Connecticut, he must have a property which gives an income of $17. A + year of service in the militia also gives the elective privilege. + </p> + <p> + In New Jersey, an elector must have a property of Pound 50 a year. + </p> + <p> + In South Carolina and Maryland, the elector must possess fifty acres of + land. + </p> + <p> + In Tennessee, he must possess some property. + </p> + <p> + In the States of Mississippi, Ohio, Georgia, Virginia, Pennsylvania, + Delaware, New York, the only necessary qualification for voting is that of + paying the taxes; and in most of the States, to serve in the militia is + equivalent to the payment of taxes. In Maine and New Hampshire any man can + vote who is not on the pauper list. + </p> + <p> + Lastly, in the States of Missouri, Alabama, Illinois, Louisiana, Indiana, + Kentucky, and Vermont, the conditions of voting have no reference to the + property of the elector. + </p> + <p> + I believe there is no other State besides that of North Carolina in which + different conditions are applied to the voting for the Senate and the + electing the House of Representatives. The electors of the former, in this + case, should possess in property fifty acres of land; to vote for the + latter, nothing more is required than to pay taxes. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEi" id="link2H_APPEi"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix I + </h2> + <p> + The small number of custom-house officers employed in the United States, + compared with the extent of the coast, renders smuggling very easy; + notwithstanding which, it is less practised than elsewhere, because + everybody endeavors to repress it. In America there is no police for the + prevention of fires, and such accidents are more frequent than in Europe; + but in general they are more speedily extinguished, because the + surrounding population is prompt in lending assistance. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEk" id="link2H_APPEk"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix K + </h2> + <p> + It is incorrect to assert that centralization was produced by the French + Revolution; the revolution brought it to perfection, but did not create + it. The mania for centralization and government regulations dates from the + time when jurists began to take a share in the government, in the time of + Philippele-Bel; ever since which period they have been on the increase. In + the year 1775, M. de Malesherbes, speaking in the name of the Cour des + Aides, said to Louis XIV:— *d + </p> + <p class="foot"> + d <br /> [ See "Memoires pour servir a l'Histoire du Droit Public de la + France en matiere d'impots," p. 654, printed at Brussels in 1779.] + </p> + <p> + ". . . Every corporation and every community of citizens retained the + right of administering its own affairs; a right which not only forms part + of the primitive constitution of the kingdom, but has a still higher + origin; for it is the right of nature, and of reason. Nevertheless, your + subjects, Sire, have been deprived of it; and we cannot refrain from + saying that in this respect your government has fallen into puerile + extremes. From the time when powerful ministers made it a political + principle to prevent the convocation of a national assembly, one + consequence has succeeded another, until the deliberations of the + inhabitants of a village are declared null when they have not been + authorized by the Intendant. Of course, if the community has an expensive + undertaking to carry through, it must remain under the control of the + sub-delegate of the Intendant, and, consequently, follow the plan he + proposes, employ his favorite workmen, pay them according to his pleasure; + and if an action at law is deemed necessary, the Intendant's permission + must be obtained. The cause must be pleaded before this first tribunal, + previous to its being carried into a public court; and if the opinion of + the Intendant is opposed to that of the inhabitants, or if their adversary + enjoys his favor, the community is deprived of the power of defending its + rights. Such are the means, Sire, which have been exerted to extinguish + the municipal spirit in France; and to stifle, if possible, the opinions + of the citizens. The nation may be said to lie under an interdict, and to + be in wardship under guardians." What could be said more to the purpose at + the present day, when the Revolution has achieved what are called its + victories in centralization? + </p> + <p> + In 1789, Jefferson wrote from Paris to one of his friends:—"There is + no country where the mania for over-governing has taken deeper root than + in France, or been the source of greater mischief." (Letter to Madison, + August 28, 1789.) The fact is, that for several centuries past the central + power of France has done everything it could to extend central + administration; it has acknowledged no other limits than its own strength. + The central power to which the Revolution gave birth made more rapid + advances than any of its predecessors, because it was stronger and wiser + than they had been; Louis XIV committed the welfare of such communities to + the caprice of an intendant; Napoleon left them to that of the Minister. + The same principle governed both, though its consequences were more or + less remote. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEl" id="link2H_APPEl"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix L + </h2> + <p> + The immutability of the constitution of France is a necessary consequence + of the laws of that country. To begin with the most important of all the + laws, that which decides the order of succession to the throne; what can + be more immutable in its principle than a political order founded upon the + natural succession of father to son? In 1814, Louis XVIII had established + the perpetual law of hereditary succession in favor of his own family. The + individuals who regulated the consequences of the Revolution of 1830 + followed his example; they merely established the perpetuity of the law in + favor of another family. In this respect they imitated the Chancellor + Meaupou, who, when he erected the new Parliament upon the ruins of the + old, took care to declare in the same ordinance that the rights of the new + magistrates should be as inalienable as those of their predecessors had + been. The laws of 1830, like those of 1814, point out no way of changing + the constitution: and it is evident that the ordinary means of legislation + are insufficient for this purpose. As the King, the Peers, and the + Deputies, all derive their authority from the constitution, these three + powers united cannot alter a law by virtue of which alone they govern. Out + of the pale of the constitution they are nothing: where, when, could they + take their stand to effect a change in its provisions? The alternative is + clear: either their efforts are powerless against the charter, which + continues to exist in spite of them, in which case they only reign in the + name of the charter; or they succeed in changing the charter, and then, + the law by which they existed being annulled, they themselves cease to exist. + By destroying the charter, they destroy themselves. This is much more + evident in the laws of 1830 than in those of 1814. In 1814, the royal + prerogative took its stand above and beyond the constitution; but in 1830, + it was avowedly created by, and dependent on, the constitution. A part, + therefore, of the French constitution is immutable, because it is united + to the destiny of a family; and the body of the constitution is equally + immutable, because there appear to be no legal means of changing it. These + remarks are not applicable to England. That country having no written + constitution, who can assert when its constitution is changed? + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEm" id="link2H_APPEm"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix M + </h2> + <p> + The most esteemed authors who have written upon the English Constitution + agree with each other in establishing the omnipotence of the Parliament. + Delolme says: "It is a fundamental principle with the English lawyers, + that Parliament can do everything except making a woman a man, or a man a + woman." Blackstone expresses himself more in detail, if not more + energetically, than Delolme, in the following terms:—"The power and + jurisdiction of Parliament, says Sir Edward Coke (4 Inst. 36), 'is so + transcendent and absolute that it cannot be confined, either for causes or + persons, within any bounds.' And of this High Court, he adds, may be truly + said, 'Si antiquitatem spectes, est vetustissima; si dignitatem, est + honoratissima; si jurisdictionem, est capacissima.' It hath sovereign and + uncontrollable authority in the making, confirming, enlarging, + restraining, abrogating, repealing, reviving, and expounding of laws, + concerning matters of all possible denominations; ecclesiastical or + temporal; civil, military, maritime, or criminal; this being the place + where that absolute despotic power which must, in all governments, reside + somewhere, is intrusted by the constitution of these kingdoms. All + mischiefs and grievances, operations and remedies, that transcend the + ordinary course of the laws, are within the reach of this extraordinary + tribunal. It can regulate or new-model the succession to the Crown; as was + done in the reign of Henry VIII and William III. It can alter the + established religion of the land; as was done in a variety of instances in + the reigns of King Henry VIII and his three children. It can change and + create afresh even the constitution of the kingdom, and of parliaments + themselves; as was done by the Act of Union and the several statutes for + triennial and septennial elections. It can, in short, do everything that + is not naturally impossible to be done; and, therefore some have not + scrupled to call its power, by a figure rather too bold, the omnipotence + of Parliament." + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEn" id="link2H_APPEn"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix N + </h2> + <p> + There is no question upon which the American constitutions agree more + fully than upon that of political jurisdiction. All the constitutions + which take cognizance of this matter, give to the House of Delegates the + exclusive right of impeachment; excepting only the constitution of North + Carolina, which grants the same privilege to grand juries. (Article 23.) + Almost all the constitutions give the exclusive right of pronouncing + sentence to the Senate, or to the Assembly which occupies its place. + </p> + <p> + The only punishments which the political tribunals can inflict are + removal, or the interdiction of public functions for the future. There is + no other constitution but that of Virginia (p. 152), which enables them to + inflict every kind of punishment. The crimes which are subject to + political jurisdiction are, in the federal constitution (Section 4, Art. + 1); in that of Indiana (Art. 3, paragraphs 23 and 24); of New York (Art. + 5); of Delaware (Art. 5), high treason, bribery, and other high crimes or + offences. In the Constitution of Massachusetts (Chap. I, Section 2); that + of North Carolina (Art. 23); of Virginia (p. 252), misconduct and + maladministration. In the constitution of New Hampshire (p. 105), + corruption, intrigue, and maladministration. In Vermont (Chap. 2, Art. + 24), maladministration. In South Carolina (Art. 5); Kentucky (Art. 5); + Tennessee (Art. 4); Ohio (Art. 1, 23, 24); Louisiana (Art. 5); Mississippi + (Art. 5); Alabama (Art. 6); Pennsylvania (Art. 4), crimes committed in the + non-performance of official duties. In the States of Illinois, Georgia, + Maine, and Connecticut, no particular offences are specified. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEo" id="link2H_APPEo"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix O + </h2> + <p> + It is true that the powers of Europe may carry on maritime wars with the + Union; but there is always greater facility and less danger in supporting + a maritime than a continental war. Maritime warfare only requires one + species of effort. A commercial people which consents to furnish its + government with the necessary funds, is sure to possess a fleet. And it is + far easier to induce a nation to part with its money, almost + unconsciously, than to reconcile it to sacrifices of men and personal + efforts. Moreover, defeat by sea rarely compromises the existence or + independence of the people which endures it. As for continental wars, it + is evident that the nations of Europe cannot be formidable in this way to + the American Union. It would be very difficult to transport and maintain + in America more than 25,000 soldiers; an army which may be considered to + represent a nation of about 2,000,000 of men. The most populous nation of + Europe contending in this way against the Union, is in the position of a + nation of 2,000,000 of inhabitants at war with one of 12,000,000. Add to + this, that America has all its resources within reach, whilst the European + is at 4,000 miles distance from his; and that the immensity of the + American continent would of itself present an insurmountable obstacle to + its conquest. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEp" id="link2H_APPEp"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix P + </h2> + <p> + The first American journal appeared in April, 1704, and was published at + Boston. See "Collection of the Historical Society of Massachusetts," vol. + vi. p. 66. It would be a mistake to suppose that the periodical press has + always been entirely free in the American colonies: an attempt was made to + establish something analogous to a censorship and preliminary security. + Consult the Legislative Documents of Massachusetts of January 14, 1722. + The Committee appointed by the General Assembly (the legislative body of + the province) for the purpose of examining into circumstances connected + with a paper entitled "The New England Courier," expresses its opinion + that "the tendency of the said journal is to turn religion into derision + and bring it into contempt; that it mentions the sacred writers in a + profane and irreligious manner; that it puts malicious interpretations + upon the conduct of the ministers of the Gospel; and that the Government + of his Majesty is insulted, and the peace and tranquillity of the province + disturbed by the said journal. The Committee is consequently of opinion + that the printer and publisher, James Franklin, should be forbidden to + print and publish the said journal or any other work in future, without + having previously submitted it to the Secretary of the province; and that + the justices of the peace for the county of Suffolk should be commissioned + to require bail of the said James Franklin for his good conduct during the + ensuing year." The suggestion of the Committee was adopted and passed into + a law, but the effect of it was null, for the journal eluded the + prohibition by putting the name of Benjamin Franklin instead of James + Franklin at the bottom of its columns, and this manoeuvre was supported by + public opinion. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEq" id="link2H_APPEq"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix Q + </h2> + <p> + The Federal Constitution has introduced the jury into the tribunals of the + Union in the same way as the States had introduced it into their own + several courts; but as it has not established any fixed rules for the + choice of jurors, the federal courts select them from the ordinary jury + list which each State makes for itself. The laws of the States must + therefore be examined for the theory of the formation of juries. See + Story's "Commentaries on the Constitution," B. iii. chap. 38, p. 654-659; + Sergeant's "Constitutional Law," p. 165. See also the Federal Laws of the + years 1789, 1800, and 1802, upon the subject. For the purpose of + thoroughly understanding the American principles with respect to the + formation of juries, I examined the laws of States at a distance from one + another, and the following observations were the result of my inquiries. + In America, all the citizens who exercise the elective franchise have the + right of serving upon a jury. The great State of New York, however, has + made a slight difference between the two privileges, but in a spirit quite + contrary to that of the laws of France; for in the State of New York there + are fewer persons eligible as jurymen than there are electors. It may be + said in general that the right of forming part of a jury, like the right + of electing representatives, is open to all the citizens: the exercise of + this right, however, is not put indiscriminately into any hands. Every + year a body of municipal or county magistrates—called "selectmen" in + New England, "supervisors" in New York, "trustees" in Ohio, and "sheriffs + of the parish" in Louisiana—choose for each county a certain number + of citizens who have the right of serving as jurymen, and who are supposed + to be capable of exercising their functions. These magistrates, being + themselves elective, excite no distrust; their powers, like those of most + republican magistrates, are very extensive and very arbitrary, and they + frequently make use of them to remove unworthy or incompetent jurymen. The + names of the jurymen thus chosen are transmitted to the County Court; and + the jury who have to decide any affair are drawn by lot from the whole + list of names. The Americans have contrived in every way to make the + common people eligible to the jury, and to render the service as little + onerous as possible. The sessions are held in the chief town of every + county, and the jury are indemnified for their attendance either by the + State or the parties concerned. They receive in general a dollar per day, + besides their travelling expenses. In America, the being placed upon the + jury is looked upon as a burden, but it is a burden which is very + supportable. See Brevard's "Digest of the Public Statute Law of South + Carolina," vol. i. pp. 446 and 454, vol. ii. pp. 218 and 338; "The General + Laws of Massachusetts, revised and published by authority of the + Legislature," vol. ii. pp. 187 and 331; "The Revised Statutes of the State + of New York," vol. ii. pp. 411, 643, 717, 720; "The Statute Law of the + State of Tennessee," vol. i. p. 209; "Acts of the State of Ohio," pp. 95 + and 210; and "Digeste general des Actes de la Legislature de la + Louisiane." + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEr" id="link2H_APPEr"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix R + </h2> + <p> + If we attentively examine the constitution of the jury as introduced into + civil proceedings in England, we shall readily perceive that the jurors + are under the immediate control of the judge. It is true that the verdict + of the jury, in civil as well as in criminal cases, comprises the question + of fact and the question of right in the same reply; thus—a house is + claimed by Peter as having been purchased by him: this is the fact to be + decided. The defendant puts in a plea of incompetency on the part of the + vendor: this is the legal question to be resolved. But the jury do not + enjoy the same character of infallibility in civil cases, according to the + practice of the English courts, as they do in criminal cases. The judge + may refuse to receive the verdict; and even after the first trial has + taken place, a second or new trial may be awarded by the Court. See + Blackstone's "Commentaries," book iii. ch. 24. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEs" id="link2H_APPEs"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix S + </h2> + <p> + I find in my travelling journal a passage which may serve to convey a more + complete notion of the trials to which the women of America, who consent + to follow their husbands into the wilds, are often subjected. This + description has nothing to recommend it to the reader but its strict + accuracy: + </p> + <p> + ". . . From time to time we come to fresh clearings; all these places are + alike; I shall describe the one at which we have halted to-night, for it + will serve to remind me of all the others. + </p> + <p> + "The bell which the pioneers hang round the necks of their cattle, in + order to find them again in the woods, announced our approach to a + clearing, when we were yet a long way off; and we soon afterwards heard + the stroke of the hatchet, hewing down the trees of the forest. As we came + nearer, traces of destruction marked the presence of civilized man; the + road was strewn with shattered boughs; trunks of trees, half consumed by + fire, or cleft by the wedge, were still standing in the track we were + following. We continued to proceed till we reached a wood in which all the + trees seemed to have been suddenly struck dead; in the height of summer + their boughs were as leafless as in winter; and upon closer examination we + found that a deep circle had been cut round the bark, which, by stopping + the circulation of the sap, soon kills the tree. We were informed that + this is commonly the first thing a pioneer does; as he cannot in the first + year cut down all the trees which cover his new parcel of land, he sows + Indian corn under their branches, and puts the trees to death in order to + prevent them from injuring his crop. Beyond this field, at present + imperfectly traced out, we suddenly came upon the cabin of its owner, + situated in the centre of a plot of ground more carefully cultivated than + the rest, but where man was still waging unequal warfare with the forest; + there the trees were cut down, but their roots were not removed, and the + trunks still encumbered the ground which they so recently shaded. Around + these dry blocks, wheat, suckers of trees, and plants of every kind, grow + and intertwine in all the luxuriance of wild, untutored nature. Amidst + this vigorous and various vegetation stands the house of the pioneer, or, + as they call it, the log house. Like the ground about it, this rustic + dwelling bore marks of recent and hasty labor; its length seemed not to + exceed thirty feet, its height fifteen; the walls as well as the roof were + formed of rough trunks of trees, between which a little moss and clay had + been inserted to keep out the cold and rain. + </p> + <p> + "As night was coming on, we determined to ask the master of the log house + for a lodging. At the sound of our footsteps, the children who were + playing amongst the scattered branches sprang up and ran towards the + house, as if they were frightened at the sight of man; whilst two large + dogs, almost wild, with ears erect and outstretched nose, came growling + out of their hut, to cover the retreat of their young masters. The pioneer + himself made his appearance at the door of his dwelling; he looked at us + with a rapid and inquisitive glance, made a sign to the dogs to go into + the house, and set them the example, without betraying either curiosity or + apprehension at our arrival. + </p> + <p> + "We entered the log house: the inside is quite unlike that of the cottages + of the peasantry of Europe: it contains more than is superfluous, less + than is necessary. A single window with a muslin blind; on a hearth of + trodden clay an immense fire, which lights the whole structure; above the + hearth a good rifle, a deer's skin, and plumes of eagles' feathers; on the + right hand of the chimney a map of the United States, raised and shaken by + the wind through the crannies in the wall; near the map, upon a shelf + formed of a roughly hewn plank, a few volumes of books—a Bible, the + six first books of Milton, and two of Shakespeare's plays; along the wall, + trunks instead of closets; in the centre of the room a rude table, with + legs of green wood, and with the bark still upon them, looking as if they + grew out of the ground on which they stood; but on this table a tea-pot of + British ware, silver spoons, cracked tea-cups, and some newspapers. + </p> + <p> + "The master of this dwelling has the strong angular features and lank + limbs peculiar to the native of New England. It is evident that this man + was not born in the solitude in which we have met with him: his physical + constitution suffices to show that his earlier years were spent in the + midst of civilized society, and that he belongs to that restless, + calculating, and adventurous race of men, who do with the utmost coolness + things only to be accounted for by the ardor of the passions, and who + endure the life of savages for a time, in order to conquer and civilize + the backwoods. + </p> + <p> + "When the pioneer perceived that we were crossing his threshold, he came + to meet us and shake hands, as is their custom; but his face was quite + unmoved; he opened the conversation by inquiring what was going on in the + world; and when his curiosity was satisfied, he held his peace, as if he + were tired by the noise and importunity of mankind. When we questioned him + in our turn, he gave us all the information we required; he then attended + sedulously, but without eagerness, to our personal wants. Whilst he was + engaged in providing thus kindly for us, how came it that in spit of + ourselves we felt our gratitude die upon our lips? It is that our host + whilst he performs the duties of hospitality, seems to be obeying an + irksome necessity of his condition: he treats it as a duty imposed upon + him by his situation, not as a pleasure. By the side of the hearth sits a + woman with a baby on her lap: she nods to us without disturbing herself. + Like the pioneer, this woman is in the prime of life; her appearance would + seem superior to her condition, and her apparel even betrays a lingering + taste for dress; but her delicate limbs appear shrunken, her features are + drawn in, her eye is mild and melancholy; her whole physiognomy bears + marks of a degree of religious resignation, a deep quiet of all passions, + and some sort of natural and tranquil firmness, ready to meet all the ills + of life, without fearing and without braving them. Her children cluster + about her, full of health, turbulence, and energy: they are true children + of the wilderness; their mother watches them from time to time with + mingled melancholy and joy: to look at their strength and her languor, one + might imagine that the life she has given them has exhausted her own, and + still she regrets not what they have cost her. The house inhabited by + these emigrants has no internal partition or loft. In the one chamber of + which it consists, the whole family is gathered for the night. The + dwelling is itself a little world—an ark of civilization amidst an + ocean of foliage: a hundred steps beyond it the primeval forest spreads + its shades, and solitude resumes its sway." + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEt" id="link2H_APPEt"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix T + </h2> + <p> + It is not the equality of conditions which makes men immoral and + irreligious; but when men, being equal, are at the same time immoral and + irreligious, the effects of immorality and irreligion easily manifest + themselves outwardly, because men have but little influence upon each + other, and no class exists which can undertake to keep society in order. + Equality of conditions never engenders profligacy of morals, but it + sometimes allows that profligacy to show itself. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEu" id="link2H_APPEu"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix U + </h2> + <p> + Setting aside all those who do not think at all, and those who dare not + say what they think, the immense majority of the Americans will still be + found to appear satisfied with the political institutions by which they + are governed; and, I believe, really to be so. I look upon this state of + public opinion as an indication, but not as a demonstration, of the + absolute excellence of American laws. The pride of a nation, the + gratification of certain ruling passions by the law, a concourse of + circumstances, defects which escape notice, and more than all the rest, + the influence of a majority which shuts the mouth of all cavillers, may + long perpetuate the delusions of a people as well as those of a man. Look + at England throughout the eighteenth century. No nation was ever more + prodigal of self-applause, no people was ever more self-satisfied; then + every part of its constitution was right—everything, even to its + most obvious defects, was irreproachable: at the present day a vast number + of Englishmen seem to have nothing better to do than to prove that this + constitution was faulty in many respects. Which was right?—the + English people of the last century, or the English people of the present + day? + </p> + <p> + The same thing has occurred in France. It is certain that during the reign + of Louis XIV the great bulk of the nation was devotedly attached to the + form of government which, at that time, governed the community. But it is + a vast error to suppose that there was anything degraded in the character + of the French of that age. There might be some sort of servitude in France + at that time, but assuredly there was no servile spirit among the people. + The writers of that age felt a species of genuine enthusiasm in extolling + the power of their king; and there was no peasant so obscure in his hovel + as not to take a pride in the glory of his sovereign, and to die + cheerfully with the cry "Vive le Roi!" upon his lips. These very same + forms of loyalty are now odious to the French people. Which are wrong?—the + French of the age of Louis XIV, or their descendants of the present day? + </p> + <p> + Our judgment of the laws of a people must not then be founded Future + Condition Of Three Races In The United States exclusively upon its + inclinations, since those inclinations change from age to age; but upon + more elevated principles and a more general experience. The love which a + people may show for its law proves only this:—that we should not be + in too great a hurry to change them. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEv" id="link2H_APPEv"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix V + </h2> + <p> + In the chapter to which this note relates I have pointed out one source of + danger: I am now about to point out another kind of peril, more rare + indeed, but far more formidable if it were ever to make its appearance. If + the love of physical gratification and the taste for well-being, which are + naturally suggested to men by a state of equality, were to get entire + possession of the mind of a democratic people, and to fill it completely, + the manners of the nation would become so totally opposed to military + tastes, that perhaps even the army would eventually acquire a love of + peace, in spite of the peculiar interest which leads it to desire war. + Living in the midst of a state of general relaxation, the troops would + ultimately think it better to rise without efforts, by the slow but + commodious advancement of a peace establishment, than to purchase more + rapid promotion at the cost of all the toils and privations of the field. + With these feelings, they would take up arms without enthusiasm, and use + them without energy; they would allow themselves to be led to meet the + foe, instead of marching to attack him. It must not be supposed that this + pacific state of the army would render it adverse to revolutions; for + revolutions, and especially military revolutions, which are generally very + rapid, are attended indeed with great dangers, but not with protracted + toil; they gratify ambition at less cost than war; life only is at stake, + and the men of democracies care less for their lives than for their + comforts. Nothing is more dangerous for the freedom and the tranquillity + of a people than an army afraid of war, because, as such an army no longer + seeks to maintain its importance and its influence on the field of battle, + it seeks to assert them elsewhere. Thus it might happen that the men of + whom a democratic army consists should lose the interests of citizens + without acquiring the virtues of soldiers; and that the army should cease + to be fit for war without ceasing to be turbulent. I shall here repeat + what I have said in the text: the remedy for these dangers is not to be + found in the army, but in the country: a democratic people which has + preserved the manliness of its character will never be at a loss for + military prowess in its soldiers. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEw" id="link2H_APPEw"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix W + </h2> + <p> + Men connect the greatness of their idea of unity with means, God with + ends: hence this idea of greatness, as men conceive it, leads us into + infinite littleness. To compel all men to follow the same course towards + the same object is a human notion;—to introduce infinite variety of + action, but so combined that all these acts lead by a multitude of + different courses to the accomplishment of one great design, is a + conception of the Deity. The human idea of unity is almost always barren; + the divine idea pregnant with abundant results. Men think they manifest + their greatness by simplifying the means they use; but it is the purpose + of God which is simple—his means are infinitely varied. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEx" id="link2H_APPEx"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix X + </h2> + <p> + A democratic people is not only led by its own tastes to centralize its + government, but the passions of all the men by whom it is governed + constantly urge it in the same direction. It may easily be foreseen that + almost all the able and ambitious members of a democratic community will + labor without 2 ceasing to extend the powers of government, because they + all hope at some time or other to wield those powers. It is a waste of + time to attempt to prove to them that extreme centralization may be + injurious to the State, since they are centralizing for their own benefit. + Amongst the public men of democracies there are hardly any but men of + great disinterestedness or extreme mediocrity who seek to oppose the + centralization of government: the former are scarce, the latter powerless. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEy" id="link2H_APPEy"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix Y + </h2> + <p> + I have often asked myself what would happen if, amidst the relaxation of + democratic manners, and as a consequence of the restless spirit of the + army, a military government were ever to be founded amongst any of the + nations of the present age. I think that even such a government would not + differ very much from the outline I have drawn in the chapter to which + this note belongs, and that it would retain none of the fierce + characteristics of a military oligarchy. I am persuaded that, in such a + case, a sort of fusion would take place between the habits of official men + and those of the military service. The administration would assume + something of a military character, and the army some of the usages of the + civil administration. The result would be a regular, clear, exact, and + absolute system of government; the people would become the reflection of + the army, and the community be drilled like a garrison. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_APPEz" id="link2H_APPEz"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Appendix Z + </h2> + <p> + It cannot be absolutely or generally affirmed that the greatest danger of + the present age is license or tyranny, anarchy or despotism. Both are + equally to be feared; and the one may as easily proceed as the other from + the selfsame cause, namely, that "general apathy," which is the + consequence of what I have termed "individualism": it is because this + apathy exists, that the executive government, having mustered a few + troops, is able to commit acts of oppression one day, and the next day a + party, which has mustered some thirty men in its ranks, can also commit + acts of oppression. Neither one nor the other can found anything to last; + and the causes which enable them to succeed easily, prevent them from + succeeding long: they rise because nothing opposes them, and they sink + because nothing supports them. The proper object therefore of our most + strenuous resistance, is far less either anarchy or despotism than the + apathy which may almost indifferently beget either the one or the other. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0110" id="link2H_4_0110"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Constitution Of The United States Of America + </h2> + <p> + We The People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, + establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquillity, provide for the common + defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of Liberty + to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution + for the United States of America: + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0111" id="link2H_4_0111"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Article I + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT11" id="link2H_SECT11"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 1. All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a + </h2> + <p> + Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House + of Representatives. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT12" id="link2H_SECT12"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members of + </h2> + <p> + chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, and the + Electors in each States shall have the Qualifications requisite for + Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature. + </p> + <p> + No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the Age + of twenty-five Years, and been seven Years a Citizen of the United States, + and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which + he shall be chosen. + </p> + <p> + Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several + States which may be included within this Union, according to their + respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole + Number of free Persons, including those bound to service for a Term of + Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other Persons. + The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first + Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent + Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct. The Number + of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but + each State shall have at Least one Representative; and until such + enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to + choose three, Massachusetts, eight, Rhode-Island and Providence + Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, + Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North + Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. + </p> + <p> + When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the Executive + Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such Vacancies. + </p> + <p> + The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other + Officers; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment. <a + name="link2H_SECT13" id="link2H_SECT13"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed + </h2> + <p> + of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for + six Years; and each Senator shall have one Vote. + </p> + <p> + Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of the first + Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three Classes. + The Seats of the Senators of the first Class shall be vacated at the + Expiration of the second Year, of the second Class at the expiration of + the fourth Year, and of the third Class at the expiration of the sixth + Year, so that one-third may be chosen every second Year; and if Vacancies + happen by Resignation, or otherwise, during the Recess of the Legislature + of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until + the next Meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies. + </p> + <p> + No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the Age of + thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the United States, and who + shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State for which he shall + be chosen. + </p> + <p> + The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, + but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided. The Senate shall + choose their other Officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the + Absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the Office of + President of the United States. + </p> + <p> + The Senate shall have the sole power to try all Impeachments. When sitting + for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. When the President + of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: And no + Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of two-thirds of the + Members present. Judgment in cases of Impeachment shall not extend further + than to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any + Office of Honor, Trust, or Profit under the United States: but the Party + convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, + Judgment, and Punishment according to Law. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT14" id="link2H_SECT14"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 4. The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for + </h2> + <p> + Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the + Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter + such Regulations, except as to the Places of choosing Senators. + </p> + <p> + The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, and such Meeting + shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by Law appoint + a different Day. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT15" id="link2H_SECT15"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 5. Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns + </h2> + <p> + and Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of each shall + constitute a Quorum to do Business; but a smaller Number may adjourn from + day to day, and may be authorized to compel the Attendance of Absent + Members, in such Manner, and under such Penalties as each House may + provide. + </p> + <p> + Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish its Members + for disorderly Behaviour, and, with a Concurrence of two-thirds, expel a + Member. + </p> + <p> + Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from time to time + publish the same, excepting such Parts as may in their Judgment require + Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the Members of either House on any + question shall, at the Desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on + the Journal. + </p> + <p> + Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without the Consent + of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other Place + than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT16" id="link2H_SECT16"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 6. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation + </h2> + <p> + for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the Treasury + of the United States. They shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony, and + Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their attendance at + the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from + the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be + questioned in any other Place. + </p> + <p> + No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which he was + elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the Authority of the + United States, which shall have been created, or the Emoluments whereof + shall have been increased during such time; and no Person holding any + Office under the United States, shall be a Member of either House during + his Continuance in Office. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT17" id="link2H_SECT17"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 7. All Bills for Raising Revenue shall originate in the House of + </h2> + <p> + Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with Amendments as + on other Bills. + </p> + <p> + Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the + Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the President of + the United States; if he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall + return it, with his Objections, to that House in which it shall have + originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and + proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsideration two-thirds of that + House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the + Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be + reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that House, it shall become + a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined + by Yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the + Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any + Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sundays + excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a + Law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their + Adjournment prevent its Return, in which Case it shall not be a Law. + </p> + <p> + Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the Senate + and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of + Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and + before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being + disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two-thirds of the Senate and + House of Representatives, according to the Rules and Limitations + prescribed in the case of a Bill. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT18" id="link2H_SECT18"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 8. The Congress shall have Power to lay and collect Taxes, + </h2> + <p> + Duties, Imposts, and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common + Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts + and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States; + </p> + <h3> + To borrow Money on the credit of the United States; + </h3> + <p> + To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, + and with the Indian Tribes; + </p> + <p> + To establish an Uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws on the + subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States; To coin Money, + regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of + Weights and Measures; + </p> + <p> + To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current + Coin of the United States; + </p> + <p> + To establish Post Offices and Post Roads; + </p> + <p> + To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for + limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their + respective Writings and Discoveries; + </p> + <p> + To constitute Tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court; To define and + punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offences + against the Law of Nations; + </p> + <p> + To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules + concerning Captures on Land and Water; + </p> + <p> + To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to that Use + shall be for a longer Term than two years; + </p> + <p> + To provide and maintain a Navy; + </p> + <p> + To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval + Forces. + </p> + <p> + To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, + suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions. + </p> + <p> + To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for + governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the + United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of + the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the + discipline prescribed by Congress; + </p> + <p> + To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such + District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by Cession of particular + States, and the Acceptance of Congress become the Seat of the Government + of the United States, and to exercise like Authority over all Places + purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the Same + shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, Dock-Yards, and + other needful Buildings;—And To make all Laws which shall be + necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and + all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the + United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT19" id="link2H_SECT19"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 9. The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the + </h2> + <p> + States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited + by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, + but a tax or duty may be imposed on such Importation, not exceeding ten + dollars for each Person. + </p> + <p> + The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless + when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it. + </p> + <p> + No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed. No Capitation, + or other direct Tax shall be laid, unless in Proportion to the Census or + Enumeration herein before directed to be taken. + </p> + <p> + No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any State. + </p> + <p> + No preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to + the Ports of one State over those of another: nor shall Vessels bound to, + or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in another. + </p> + <p> + No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in consequence of + Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and Account of the + Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from time + to time. + </p> + <p> + No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no Person + holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the + Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, Office, or + Title of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT110" id="link2H_SECT110"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 10. No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or + </h2> + <p> + Confederation; grant Letters of Marque or Reprisal; coin Money; emit Bills + of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of + Debts; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post facto Law, or Law impairing the + Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility. + </p> + <p> + No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or + Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for + executing its inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and + Imposts, laid by any State on Imports or Exports shall be for the Use of + the Treasury of the United States; and all such laws shall be subject to + the Revision and Control of the Congress. + </p> + <p> + No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Duty of Tonnage, + keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, enter into any Agreement or + Compact with another State, or with a foreign Power, or engage in War, + unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of + delay. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0121" id="link2H_4_0121"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Article II + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT21" id="link2H_SECT21"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 1. The Executive Power shall be vested in a President of the + </h2> + <p> + United States of America. He shall hold his Office during the Term of four + Years, and, together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same Term, be + elected as follows: + </p> + <p> + Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may + direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and + Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no + Senator or Representative, or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit + under the United States, shall be appointed an Elector. + </p> + <p> + [The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by Ballot + for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the + same State with themselves. And they shall make a List of all the Persons + voted for, and of the Number of Votes for each; which List they shall sign + and certify, and transmit sealed to the Seat of the Government of the + United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of + the Senate shall, in the Presence of the Senate and House of + Representatives, open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be + counted. The Person having the greatest Number of Votes shall be the + President, if such Number be a Majority of the whole Number of Electors + appointed; and if there be more than one who have such Majority, and have + an equal number of Votes, then the House of Representatives shall + immediately choose by Ballot one of them for President; and if no Person + have a Majority, then from the five highest on the List the said House + shall in like Manner choose the President. But in choosing the President, + the Votes shall be taken by States, the Representation from each State + having one Vote; A quorum for this Purpose shall consist of a Member or + Members from two-thirds of the States, and a Majority of all the States + shall be necessary to a Choice. In every Case, after the Choice of the + President, the Person having the greatest number of Votes of the Electors + shall be the Vice-President. But if there should remain two or more who + have equal Votes, the Senate shall choose from them by Ballot the + Vice-President.]*d + </p> + <p class="foot"> + *d<br /> [ This clause is superseded by Article XII, Amendments. See page + 396.] + </p> + <p> + The Congress may determine the Time of choosing the Electors, and the Day + on which they shall give their Votes; which Day shall be the same + throughout the United States. + </p> + <p> + No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United + States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be + eligible to the Office of President; neither shall any person be eligible + to that Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty-five + Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States. + </p> + <p> + In case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, + Resignation or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the said + Office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-president, and the Congress may + by Law provide for the Case of Removal, Death, Resignation or Inability, + both of the President and Vice-President, declaring what Officer shall + then act as President, and such Officer shall act accordingly, until the + Disability be removed, or a President shall be elected. + </p> + <p> + The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, a + Compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the + Period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive + within that period any other Emolument from the United States, or any of + them. + </p> + <p> + Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the + following Oath or Affirmation:—"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that + I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, + and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect, and defend the + Constitution of the United States." + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT22" id="link2H_SECT22"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 2. The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and + </h2> + <p> + Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when + called into the actual Service of the United States; he may require the + Opinion, in writing, of the principal Officer in each of the executive + Departments, upon any Subject relating to the Duties of their respective + Offices, and he shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for + Offences against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment. + </p> + <p> + He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to + make Treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur; and he + shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, + shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of + the Supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States, whose + Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be + established by Law: but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of + such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in + the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments. + </p> + <p> + The President shall have Power to fill up all vacancies that may happen + during the recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall + expire at the End of their next Session. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT23" id="link2H_SECT23"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress Information + </h2> + <p> + of the state of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such + Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on + extraordinary Occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in + Case of Disagreement between them, with Respect to the Time of + Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as he shall think proper; he + shall receive Ambassadors and other Public Ministers; he shall take Care + that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the + Officers of the United States. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT24" id="link2H_SECT24"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 4. The President, Vice-President and all civil Officers of the + </h2> + <p> + United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and + Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other High Crimes and Misdemeanors. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0126" id="link2H_4_0126"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Article III + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT31" id="link2H_SECT31"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 1. The judicial Power of the United States shall be vested in + </h2> + <p> + one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from + time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the Supreme and + inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour, and + shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services, a Compensation, which + shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT32" id="link2H_SECT32"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 2. The judicial Power shall extend to all cases, in Law and + </h2> + <p> + Equity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, + and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under their Authority;—to + all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls;—to + all cases of Admiralty and maritime Jurisdiction; to Controversies to + which the United States shall be a Party;—to Controversies between + two or more States;—between a State and Citizens of another State; + between Citizens of different States,—between Citizens of the same + State claiming Lands under Grants of different States, and between a + State, or the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects. + </p> + <p> + In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, + and those in which a State shall be Party, the Supreme Court shall have + original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the + Supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, + with such Exceptions and under such Regulations as the Congress shall + make. + </p> + <p> + The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury; + and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have + been committed; but when not committed within any State, the Trial shall + be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT33" id="link2H_SECT33"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 3. Treason against the United States shall consist only in + </h2> + <p> + levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid + and Comfort. No person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the + Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in open + Court. + </p> + <p> + The Congress shall have power to declare the Punishment of Treason, but no + Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood or Forfeiture except + during the life of the person attainted. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0130" id="link2H_4_0130"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Article IV + </h2> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT41" id="link2H_SECT41"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 1. Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the + </h2> + <p> + Public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State. And + the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, + Records and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT42" id="link2H_SECT42"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 2. The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all + </h2> + <p> + Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States. A person + charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other Crime, who shall flee + from Justice, and be found in another State, shall on Demand of the + executive Authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to + be removed to the State having Jurisdiction of the Crime. + </p> + <p> + No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws thereof, + escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any Law or Regulation + therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be delivered + up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may be due. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT43" id="link2H_SECT43"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 3. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; + </h2> + <p> + but no new State shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction of any + other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more + States, or Parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the + States concerned as well as of the Congress. + </p> + <p> + The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and + Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the + United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as + to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any particular State. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_SECT44" id="link2H_SECT44"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Section 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this + </h2> + <p> + Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them + against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the + Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic + Violence. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0135" id="link2H_4_0135"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Article V + </h2> + <p> + The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, + shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of + the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a + Convention for proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid + to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratified + by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by + Conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of + Ratification may be proposed by the Congress; Provided that no Amendment + which may be made prior to the Year One thousand eight hundred and eight + shall in any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses in the Ninth + Section of the first Article; and that no State, without its Consent, + shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0136" id="link2H_4_0136"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Article VI + </h2> + <p> + All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the Adoption of + this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this + Constitution, as under the Confederation. + </p> + <p> + This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made + in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under + the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; + and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the + Constitution or Laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. + </p> + <p> + The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the + several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both + of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or + Affirmation to support this Constitution; but no religious test shall ever + be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the + United States. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0137" id="link2H_4_0137"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Article VII + </h2> + <p> + The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for + the Establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the + Same. + </p> + <p> + Done in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of the States present the + Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of Our Lord One thousand seven + hundred and eighty-seven and of the Independence of the United States of + America the Twelfth. In witness whereof We have hereunto subscribed our + Names, + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Geo. Washington + Presidt. and deputy from Virginia. + + New Hampshire + John Langdon + Nicholas Gilman + + Massachusetts + Nathaniel Gorham + Rufus King + + Connecticut + Wm. Saml. Johnson + Roger Sherman + + New York + Alexander Hamilton + + New Jersey + Wil. Livingston. + David Brearley. + Wm. Paterson. + Jona. Dayton + + Pennsylvania + B Franklin + Thomas Mifflin + Robt. Morris. + Geo. Clymer + Thos. Fitzsimons + Jared Ingersoll + James Wilson + Gouv. Morris + + Delaware + Geo. Read + Gunning Bedford Jun + John Dickinson + Richard Bassett + Jaco. Broom + + Maryland + James McHenry + Dan of St Thos. Jenifer + Danl. Carroll + + Virginia + John Blair— + James Madison Jr. + + North Carolina + Wm. Blount + Richd. Dobbs Spaight + Hu. Williamson + + South Carolina + J. Rutledge + Charles Cotesworth Pinckney + Charles Pinckney + Peirce Butler. + + Georgia + William Few + Abr. Baldwin + + Attest. William Jackson, Secretary +</pre> + <p> + The Word 'the,' being interlined between the seventh and eighth Lines of + the first Page, The word 'Thirty' being partly written on an Erasure in + the fifteenth Line of the first Page, The Words 'is tried' being + interlined between the thirty-second and thirty-third Lines of the first + Page, and the Word 'the' being interlined between the forty-third and + forty-fourth Lines of the second page. + </p> + <p> + [Note by the Department of State.—The foregoing explanation in the + original instrument is placed on the left of the paragraph beginning with + the words, 'Done in Convention,' and therefore precedes the signatures. + The interlined and rewritten words, mentioned in it, are in this edition + printed in their proper places in the text.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0138" id="link2H_4_0138"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + Bill Of Rights + </h2> + <p> + In addition to, and amendment of, the Constitution of the United States of + America, proposed by Congress and ratified by the Legislatures of the + several States, pursuant to the Fifth Article of the original Constitution + </p> + <p> + Article I + </p> + <p> + Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or + prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, + or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to + petition the Government for a redress of grievances. + </p> + <p> + Article II + </p> + <p> + A well regulated Militia being necessary to the security of a free State, + the right of the people to keep and bear Arms shall not be infringed. + </p> + <p> + Article III + </p> + <p> + No Soldier shall in time of peace be quartered in any house without the + consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed + by law. + </p> + <p> + Article IV + </p> + <p> + The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and + effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be + violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported + by Oath or Affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be + searched, and the persons or things to be seized. + </p> + <p> + Article V + </p> + <p> + No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous + crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in + cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in + actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be + subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; + nor shall be compelled in any Criminal Case to be a witness against + himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due + process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, + without just compensation. + </p> + <p> + Article VI + </p> + <p> + In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a + speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district + wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have + been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and + cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; + to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favour, and to + have the Assistance of Counsel for his defence. + </p> + <p> + Article VII + </p> + <p> + In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty + dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried + by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United + States, than according to the rules of the common law. + </p> + <p> + Article VIII + </p> + <p> + Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor + cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. + </p> + <p> + Article IX + </p> + <p> + The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be + construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. + </p> + <p> + Article X + </p> + <p> + The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor + prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, + or to the people. + </p> + <p> + Article XI + </p> + <p> + The Judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend + to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the + United States by Citizens of another State, or by Citizens or Subjects of + any Foreign State. + </p> + <p> + Article XII + </p> + <p> + The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for + President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an + inhabitant of the same State with themselves; they shall name in their + ballots the person voted for as President; and in distinct ballots the + person voted for as Vice-President; and they shall make distinct lists of + all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice + President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall + sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the + United States, directed to the President of the Senate;—The + President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of + Representatives, open all the certificates and the votes shall then be + counted;—The person having the greatest number of votes for + President, shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the + whole number of Electors appointed; and if no person have such majority, + then from the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three on + the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives + shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the + President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from + each State having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a + member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the + States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives + shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall devolve + upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the + Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or + other constitutional disability of the President. The person having the + greatest number of votes as Vice-President, shall be the Vice-President, + if such a number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed, + and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the + list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quorum for the purpose + shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a + majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person + constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible + to that of Vice-President of the United States. + </p> + <p> + Article XIII + </p> + <p> + Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a + punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, + shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their + jurisdiction.<br /><br /> Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce + this article by appropriate legislation. + </p> + <p> + Article XIV + </p> + <p> + Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and + subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and + of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law + which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United + States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or + property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its + jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.<br /><br /> Section 2. + Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to + their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each + State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any + election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of + the United States, Representatives in Congress, the Executive and Judicial + officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied + to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of + age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for + participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation + therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male + citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years + of age in such State.<br /><br /> Section 3. No person shall be a Senator or + Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or + hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any + State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or + as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State + legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to + support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in + insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the + enemies thereof. But Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each House, + remove such disability.<br /><br /> Section 4. The validity of the public + debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for + payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection + or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor + any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of + insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the + loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations and + claims shall be held illegal and void.<br /><br /> Section 5. The Congress + shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of + this article. + </p> + <p> + Article XV + </p> + <p> + Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be + denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of + race, colour, or previous condition of servitude.<br /><br /> Section 2. The + Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate + legislation. + </p> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Democracy In America, Volume 2 (of 2), by +Alexis de Toqueville + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA, V2 *** + +***** This file should be named 816-h.htm or 816-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/8/1/816/ + +Produced by David Reed and David Widger + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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