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<div class='tnotes covernote'>
<p class='c000'><strong>Transcriber’s Note:</strong></p>
<p class='c000'>New original cover art included with this eBook is granted to the public domain.</p>
</div>
<div class='chapter ph1'>
<div class='nf-center-c0'>
<div class='nf-center c001'>
<div>WOMEN IN THE FACTORY</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='nf-center-c0'>
<div class='nf-center c002'>
<div><span class='small'><i>All rights reserved.</i></span></div>
</div>
</div>
<main>
<div class='titlepage'>
<div>
<h1 class='c003'>WOMEN IN THE FACTORY<br> <span class='large'>AN ADMINISTRATIVE ADVENTURE, 1893 <span class='fss'>TO</span> 1921</span></h1>
</div>
<div class='nf-center-c0'>
<div class='nf-center c002'>
<div><span class='xlarge'>BY ADELAIDE MARY ANDERSON</span></div>
<div>D.B.E., M.A.</div>
<div class='c004'><span class='small'>FORMERLY HIS MAJESTY’S PRINCIPAL LADY INSPECTOR OF FACTORIES, HOME OFFICE</span></div>
<div class='c002'>FOREWORD BY THE</div>
<div class='c004'><span class='large'>RIGHT HON. THE VISCOUNT CAVE, G.C.M.G.</span></div>
<div class='c004'><span class='small'>LORD OF APPEAL; FORMERLY HIS MAJESTY’S PRINCIPAL SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE HOME DEPARTMENT</span></div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='lg-container-b c005'>
<div class='linegroup'>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>“Thou, O God, dost sell us all good things at the price of labour.”</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'><span class='sc'>Leonardo da Vinci.</span></div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='nf-center-c0'>
<div class='nf-center c002'>
<div>NEW YORK</div>
<div class='c004'><span class='large'>E. P. DUTTON AND COMPANY</span></div>
<div class='c004'>1922</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='nf-center-c0'>
<div class='nf-center c002'>
<div><span class='small'>PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY</span></div>
<div><span class='small'>BILLING AND SONS, LTD., GUILDFORD AND ESHER</span></div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='nf-center-c0'>
<div class='nf-center c002'>
<div>DEDICATED TO</div>
<div class='c004'><span class='large'>ALL WOMEN WORKERS</span></div>
<div class='c004'>OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_vii'>vii</span>
<h2 class='c006'>FOREWORD</h2>
</div>
<p class='c007'>This book tells the story of the Woman Inspectorate
of Factories and Workshops from its beginning in
1893, when the first Women Inspectors (Miss May
Abraham and Miss Mary Paterson) made their first
inspection, until the year 1921, when thirty Women
Inspectors saw the fruits of the work of their
branch, not only in greatly developed protection
for the woman worker, but also in her own increased
capacity to help herself.</p>
<p class='c008'>It was a story worth the telling, for it is a chronicle
of a steady and dogged campaign, of few defeats
and many victories. The adversaries to be met were
all the ills which threaten the “factory girl”—poisoning
by lead or phosphorus or arsenic or
mercury, insanitary or unventilated rooms, accidents
from unsafe machinery, phthisis, anthrax,
overstrain, truck and sweating, and more besides.
Readers who like a “thrill” will perhaps begin with
the chapters on “Dangerous Trades” and on the
War; and if their imagination serves them, they
may read between the lines of those brief records
stories of suffering, of endurance, and of rescue,
which will set them wondering why our predecessors
so long grudged to the woman worker the help
which only a woman can give.</p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_viii'>viii</span>But the whole book, with its documented record
of steady grinding effort and hard-won success, is
well worth reading.</p>
<p class='c008'>Dame Adelaide Anderson went through it all, and
for twenty-four out of the twenty-eight years with
which the volume is concerned filled the responsible
position of Chief Woman Inspector with untiring
devotion and conspicuous success. It was plainly
“up to” her to write the history of the struggle;
and all will like to read it who honour our working
women for their work and value their welfare.</p>
<div class='lg-container-r'>
<div class='linegroup'>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>(<i>Signed</i>) CAVE.</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='lg-container-l'>
<div class='linegroup'>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'><span class='sc'>Richmond</span>,</div>
<div class='line in2'><i>March 30, 1922</i>.</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_ix'>ix</span>
<h2 class='c006'>AUTHOR’S PREFACE</h2>
</div>
<p class='c007'>The writing of the following story of what Women
Inspectors did for women and girl workers under
the Factory Acts and Truck Acts was undertaken
in response to the wish of friends and colleagues
that it should be told, while memory was fresh,
by one who had seen the largest part of the
conditions and immediate effects of the work—a
work carried on under aims and organisation that
are now undergoing change.</p>
<p class='c008'>The aims and the starting-point of the past
organisation are shown in the Introduction, and the
outcome, down to 1921, is unfolded in the following
chapters.</p>
<p class='c008'>The material available in official reports for those
who wish to study the facts more closely is so full
of incident that, with the best will to be brief, it
has been difficult to tell the tale shortly. Keeping
entirely to published official records the whole
could be told over again with fresh illustrations.
And yet much that was significant and enlightening
can only be seen in innumerable notices in the daily
and weekly press and monthly reviews of the
period; a fairly full collection of these exists, but
they could only be quoted occasionally in these
<span class='pageno' id='Page_x'>x</span>pages. Their correspondence in general tendency
with the outlook shown in Parliamentary Debates—of
which an account is given in Chapter VI.—is
noteworthy.</p>
<p class='c008'>Next to the breadth of the field of action of the
Women Inspectorate, and the variety of their contacts
with local administration and the courts, as
well as with industry, the smallness of their numbers
from 1893 to 1914 strikes the mind. The strength
of the impulse that sustained and carried them
through their years of labour may be traced to
conditions summed up in words spoken to one of
them by a woman toiling at a heavy task, “Is it
right that I should have to do this work and only
have eight shillings a week for it?”</p>
<p class='c008'>There was a dominating impulse towards relieving
the hardships and sufferings of working women that
drew all the women who entered the Factory Department
into a real unity of endeavour—whatever their
social or political outlook before entering.</p>
<p class='c008'>It is in the same spirit that they have lent me
indispensable help in the completing of this little
book. I wish gratefully to acknowledge the time
and thought freely given to it by those who have
long worked with me. Miss Martindale has critically
read through all the typed manuscript, Miss
Squire the chapter on Wages and the Truck Acts.
Miss Squire has also most kindly revised the
Appendix I. on Special Regulations for Dangerous
Trades, written in 1913, and brought the details
<span class='pageno' id='Page_xi'>xi</span>up to the present time. Miss Escreet supplied me
with most helpful summaries from the mass of
material in Annual Reports on child labour, heavy
weights, and religious and charitable institutions.
Miss Maura Brooke-Gwynne has devoted much time
and skill to a literary criticism of the text. Miss
Paterson and Mrs. Drury have kindly written
special contributions, the former on mothers and
child labour—subjects of special appeal to Women
Inspectors—the latter on a stirring day in the life
of a Factory Inspector. Finally, I wish to thank
Mr. Gerald Bellhouse for some figures in the Introduction,
and Dr. Legge for kindly reading through
the chapter on Dangerous Trades, for his helpful
comments, and for the tabulation of reported cases
of industrial poisoning. They are in no way responsible,
however, for my facts or opinions.</p>
<div class='nf-center-c0'>
<div class='nf-center'>
<div>A. M. A.</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='lg-container-l'>
<div class='linegroup'>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'><span class='sc'>University Women’s Club,</span></div>
<div class='line in2'><span class='sc'>2, Audley Square, W.</span></div>
<div class='line in6'><i>April 2, 1922</i>.</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_xiii'>xiii</span>
<h2 class='c006'>CONTENTS</h2>
</div>
<table class='table0'>
<tr>
<th class='c009'>CHAPTER</th>
<td class='c010'> </td>
<th class='c011'>PAGE</th>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='c009'>I.</td>
<td class='c010'><span class='sc'>Introduction: How Women Inspectors Came, and What they Came to Do</span></td>
<td class='c011'><a href='#Page_1'>1</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='c009'>II.</td>
<td class='c010'><span class='sc'>The Women Workers and their Appeal; Excessive Hours, Insanitation, and Other Uncivilised Conditions</span></td>
<td class='c011'><a href='#Page_22'>22</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='c009'>III.</td>
<td class='c010'><span class='sc'>Women’s Wages and the Truck Acts; the Pieceworker and her Pay</span></td>
<td class='c011'><a href='#Page_58'>58</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='c009'>IV.</td>
<td class='c010'><span class='sc'>Dangerous and Injurious Trades; Accidents and Safety</span></td>
<td class='c011'><a href='#Page_94'>94</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='c009'>V.</td>
<td class='c010'><span class='sc'>Employment of Mothers; Child Labour; Charitable Institutions</span></td>
<td class='c011'><a href='#Page_149'>149</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='c009'>VI.</td>
<td class='c010'><span class='sc'>The Life of the Inspector and its Influence on Legislation; Experiences in Courts</span></td>
<td class='c011'><a href='#Page_190'>190</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='c009'>VII.</td>
<td class='c010'><span class='sc'>The War and Women “Substitutes”; New Light on Hours, Labour-Saving, Fatigue, Food, and Efficiency</span></td>
<td class='c011'><a href='#Page_224'>224</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='c009'>VIII.</td>
<td class='c010'><span class='sc'>Development of Factory Welfare and its Recognition by Parliament; Works’ Committees and Welfare Management</span></td>
<td class='c011'><a href='#Page_250'>250</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='c012' colspan='2'><span class='sc'>Appendix I. Special Regulations for Dangerous Trades</span></td>
<td class='c011'><a href='#Page_287'>287</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='c012' colspan='2'><span class='sc'>Appendix II. Reported Cases of Industrial Poisoning and Anthrax</span></td>
<td class='c011'><a href='#Page_306'>306</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='c012' colspan='2'><span class='sc'>Index</span></td>
<td class='c011'><a href='#Page_308'>308</a></td>
</tr>
</table>
<div class='chapter ph1'>
<div class='nf-center-c0'>
<div class='nf-center c001'>
<div>WOMEN IN THE FACTORY</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_1'>1</span>
<h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER I<br> <span class='c013'>INTRODUCTION: HOW WOMEN INSPECTORS CAME, AND WHAT THEY CAME TO DO</span></h2>
</div>
<p class='c007'>This book aims at giving some account of an enterprise
that is felt by the Women Officers who lived
through it to have been a great experience and a
great adventure in the service of the State and Nation—an
account that must be somewhat less and yet
more than a chronicle.</p>
<p class='c008'>It is hoped, with the aid of outstanding facts
and features recorded in many Blue-books and
other documents issued during the time, to give a
picture of the undertakings and experiences of these
women, both at the outset and through the experimental
development of their administration of Acts
and regulations for women in industry, and to trace
changes that have followed in conditions of factory
life in a period of little over a quarter of a century.</p>
<p class='c008'>Personality and the idealising powers of youth
(our average age at the beginning was twenty-seven
years), embarking on a calling that involved
conduct of legal proceedings and much other
technical knowledge of an entirely novel kind for
women of that day, counted for much. We had
also liberal, kindly direction and encouragements
<span class='pageno' id='Page_2'>2</span>behind our efforts from the higher authorities
responsible for sanctioning and carrying out the
decision to appoint us. Yet the main impetus came
from without, in the needs of the women workers
who had persistently called—from 1878 onwards—for
the personal aid and understanding of “Women
Inspectors,” armed with authority and powers to
enquire into and enforce remedies for wrong conditions,
or to persuade sympathetic employers to
provide amenities that the law could not enforce.</p>
<p class='c008'>Much that seemed novel then has, through the
publicity of our work and the spontaneous lively
interest taken in Parliament and elsewhere in our
published reports, become part of the natural order
of things. Yet in those days the first appearance
of a Woman Inspector in her proper field of work,
whether inside a factory or workshop<a id='r1'></a><a href='#f1' class='c014'><sup>[1]</sup></a> or on the
solicitors’ bench in the police courts, was liable
to cause a sensation of surprise, sometimes very
favourable to the new-comer.</p>
<p class='c008'>“Are <i>you</i> the lady inspector? Why, I expected
to see a woman six feet high and a perfect virago;”
or, “Girls, it is a lady this time, come and tell her
everything she wants to know;” or (in Ireland),
“We had a gentleman inspector here last month,
and he said we must take dinner at the same hour
every day: now a lady like you will know <i>that</i> is
impossible!” In police courts it was not unknown
for waiting solicitors to enter with keen interest
into the merits of our cases and even try to offer
professional hints in support of our amateur efforts.
Yet the following is a typical press comment of
<span class='pageno' id='Page_3'>3</span>early years: “A small sensation was caused in
K—— Police Court when for the first time a lady
advocate appeared.... She made her statement
with as much clearness and ease as any more
accustomed advocate, and as the facts and laws were
alike indisputable, conviction necessarily followed.”</p>
<p class='c008'>When this story begins, in great industrial communities
of Europe, and pre-eminently in Great
Britain, women’s labour in industry had for more
than a hundred years fundamentally depended,
without control by women, on such organisation as
was furnished by capitalist and middlemen employers,
in a factory system that had been completely
severed from domestic life. Trade union
organisation for women was generally a small,
young, and fragile plant where it existed at all.
In textile factories for upwards of fifty years Factory
Inspectors had applied certain outstanding statutory
limits and requirements in matters of hours of
labour, elementary sanitation, and safety; and for
a much shorter time in many non-textile factories.
Glamour had been lent to these questions of regulation
by movements for reform led by such outstanding
personalities as Robert Owen, Shaftesbury,
Peel, Oastler, Sadler. The fact remained,
however, as official witnesses assured the Royal
Commission on Labour in 1891–92, that women
workers themselves tendered practically none of
the complaints that the Inspectors were there to
remedy and to which they looked for clues in
exercising their protective functions.<a id='r2'></a><a href='#f2' class='c014'><sup>[2]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_4'>4</span>Apart from the few industries where women had
in some degree carried their traditional skill over
from the domestic system of industry into certain
factory processes—I have to write in few words
of a many-sided, unevenly-moving change—the
entry and ever-extending rule of the power-engine
had brought “lower grade work and diminished
industrial self-respect”<a id='r3'></a><a href='#f3' class='c014'><sup>[3]</sup></a> for women workers in a
wide field. The loss also of leadership and supervision
by fellow-women of better education in the
“making of things” (such as soap, candles, and
the many other articles formerly made at home)
that obtained under the domestic system—that is,
by women more habituated than workers to exercise
of direction—brought a new social cleavage
between them and working women. This meant
an incalculable loss to both classes of women. Yet
it meant still more for the whole community—the
elimination, for a dark period, of the guiding
ideas of women in regard to conditions essential
for a good industrial life of both women and
men.</p>
<p class='c008'>Thus, the factory system of the nineteenth
century, “unsuited as we now know it to have
been to men, was far more unsuited to women.”<a id='r4'></a><a href='#f4' class='c014'><sup>[4]</sup></a>
For the worker it emptied more than half the
meaning from the ancient symbol of a social order
when <i>master</i> meant <i>master of craft</i>, “As the eyes of
servants look unto the hands of their masters and
the eyes of a maiden unto the hand of her mistress.”
<span class='pageno' id='Page_5'>5</span>It wholly removed into the realms of mythology
classic pictures of the days when women’s industries
were entirely home industries—of Nausicaa
and her maiden laundresses on the seashore of
Corcyra, or of Penelope weaving in the days when
“Pallas taught the texture of the loom.”</p>
<p class='c008'>While mechanical power mainly ruled, instead of
serving, in the factory, the intervention of State
regulation merely prevented the greatest abuses.
Even constructive and efficient application of
scientific standards to human conditions of manual
work was almost unthought of, and the withdrawal
of the poet from the arena of industry proclaimed
the essential barbarity of its character.</p>
<p class='c008'>And yet the official life that was lived by the
Women Inspectors in those early days of infinite
surprises and appeals was a most lovable and
enthralling one, of great movement and happiness.
We escaped all fear of “venturing the hand into
the spinning cog-wheels of the huge, implacable
machine.” How much we owed to the fact that—in
a wonderful ignorance of ordinary official method
and tradition—we were sent out into a wide world
to find our tasks; sent with powers that could and
did effect changes, having eyes and hearts ready
and anxious to read the meaning of the system
under which a million and a half of our fellow-country
women made the things needed to clothe
and feed the body and to furnish and equip the
home! Understanding of the basis from which
we set out can hardly be attained without a brief
survey of the stages in the movement that led to
our appointment.</p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_6'>6</span>On February 19, 1891, Miss Emily Faithful, after
an interview with the Home Secretary, Lord Aberdare,
about the working of the Factory Act, wrote
a letter to <cite>The Times</cite>. She said that as long ago
as 1872 the information she received from various
sources strengthened her conviction that Women
Inspectors were necessary if certain evils were to be
redressed and rules enforced in places where women
were employed. The first effectual advocacy of
the appointment of women as Inspectors came,
however, from a leader in Women’s Trade Union
Organisation, Mrs. Emma Ann Paterson, wife of
Thomas Paterson, “a man of genius and of remarkable
range of knowledge belonging to the ranks of
labour.” Working women owe to her, said Mr.
Hodgson Pratt, in an obituary notice, “an eternal
debt for her wise, practical, and incessant labours.
She founded in 1874 and conducted the Women’s
Protective and Provident League.<a id='r5'></a><a href='#f5' class='c014'><sup>[5]</sup></a> It was not
easy to teach ill-paid, overworked women that by
association among themselves they could raise their
position ... and combine for a demand of fair
treatment by employers. Women accustomed to
think themselves too weak and dependent, too
‘inferior,’ women isolated and struggling for bare
life ... how could they combine or do anything?
Emma Paterson has taught hundreds of them—bookbinders,
upholstresses, dressmakers, machinists,
tailoresses, and others—that they can do all this.
She has given them a new life, shown them the
noble idea of mutual help and service ... and
given them the power of organisation and self-government.”<a id='r6'></a><a href='#f6' class='c014'><sup>[6]</sup></a>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_7'>7</span>Mrs. Paterson and another member
of the league were deputed in 1875 to represent
two of the London Women’s Unions at the Trade
Union Congress in Glasgow, and there and in
various other industrial centres of Great Britain,
she extended her activities for trade union organisation
of women.</p>
<p class='c008'>In the year 1878—the year of the first great consolidation
of numerous Factory Acts—at the Bristol
Meeting of Trade Union Congress Mrs. Paterson
moved to include “women” in a resolution urging
upon the Government the appointment of “practical
working men” as Inspectors under the Factory
Act. This was carried, and in 1881 she arranged
for a conference, at which Lord Shaftesbury presided,
to advocate the appointment of women as
Factory Inspectors. She did not live to see the
reform, as she died in December, 1886.</p>
<p class='c008'>Although Trade Union Congress never failed to
pass the amendment in favour of appointment of
working women as Inspectors, brought up year after
year by successors to Mrs. Paterson, Parliamentary
Committee was either unfavourable or lukewarm.
“Oh, pass it,” one great person is reported to have
said; “it don’t matter, they will never get it.”
Fresh factors were needed to bring the administrative
reform into being.</p>
<p class='c008'>In 1899, when a doubt had been expressed by
Mr. Matthews, Home Secretary, whether he had
power to appoint a woman, and even whether there
would be enough work for her to do if he had, the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_8'>8</span>Fabian Society inserted a clause (eventually proved
unnecessary) in an Eight Hours Bill, expressly
declaring that women were eligible for the Inspectorate.
Year after year the pressure grew stronger
from various sides, and was in no way lessened by
the appointment between 1881 and 1890 of a considerable
number of “practical working men” as
Inspectors.</p>
<p class='c008'>As the agitation grew, the burden on women of
ever severer speeding-up of machinery and the so-called
“driving system” in cotton mills, of excessively
long hours and overtime in the dress and
clothing trades, of “sweated” wages in various
low-grade industries and outwork, and of the
increasingly-felt evils of bad sanitation, fines, and
deductions from uncertain wages, all gave point
and urgency to this claim. While wages for men
were rising, for women, on the whole, they were
stationary or falling. Enquiries into the sweating
system had shown its worst features to be low
wages, long hours, and insanitary surroundings.
In spite of the long years since Hood wrote his
“Song of the Shirt,” these adverse conditions continued
to affect women. Middle and upper class
women’s political organisations began to move
energetically. The Women’s Liberal Association
and Women’s Liberal Federation had this question,
annually on their agenda, discussed, and resolutions
passed from 1890 onwards.</p>
<p class='c008'>As Miss I. O. Ford wrote in 1896: “The idea that
it was not right, that it was unjust and sometimes
even cruel, for women to have no one but men to
whom they could appeal against any sort of abuse,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_9'>9</span>had been steadily growing in people’s minds. It
was an idea that appealed to everyone, both rich
and poor.” Miss Ford had already spoken repeatedly
in this sense, notably in 1892 at the Bristol
meeting of the National Council of Women Workers.</p>
<p class='c008'>At last, between 1891 and 1893, the turning-point
in the movement came, with the appointment and
work of the Royal Commission on Labour. Four
Women Assistant Commissioners were appointed at
an early stage in the proceedings. One, Miss May
Abraham, Secretary to Lady Dilke (better known
as Mrs. H. J. Tennant, C.H.), became in the spring
of 1893 one of the two first Women Factory Inspectors
under the Home Office, the other being
Miss Mary Paterson, with valuable experience of
Labour questions in Scotland. Another Assistant
Commissioner, Miss Clara Collett, became special
correspondent for women’s industrial conditions
to the Statistical Department of the Board of Trade.
The report of the Women Assistant Commissioners,
the first official women investigators of industrial
conditions, received high praise and conclusively
supported the demand for appointment of Women
Inspectors. One of the two Secretaries of the Commission,
Mr. Geoffrey Drage, furthered the movement
by employing University women and giving them
opportunity and training as clerks to the Commission.
After the appointment of Miss Lucy Deane
in April, 1894, two of his staff were added to the
Inspectorate, Miss A. M. Anderson (July, 1894),
and Miss A. Tracey (1897), bringing additional
experience in précis-writing and knowledge of
foreign reports, especially of French, German, and
<span class='pageno' id='Page_10'>10</span>Austrian industrial codes. Miss R. E. Squire,
appointed in December, 1895, brought, like Miss
Deane, fresh and good experience as a Sanitary
Inspector. These first five Inspectors have all,
in time, passed to other tasks and responsibilities.</p>
<p class='c008'>The comparative survey of international Labour
questions in the chief industrial countries that was
undertaken by the Royal Commission on Labour
followed soon after the work of the International
Conference on regulation of conditions of work in
factories and mines, held in Berlin in March, 1890,
at the invitation of the German Emperor. That
conference was followed in England by the passing
of the Factory Act of 1891. This limited the
employment of women after childbirth, raised the
age of admission and employment of a child, and
provided for regulation of dangerous and injurious
trades. It is now of peculiar interest that that
“forerunner” of the Labour Convention under the
Peace Treaty of 1919 should be in a manner linked
with the first effectual employment of women as
Factory Inspectors.</p>
<p class='c008'>At a political meeting of the National Liberal
Federation in January, 1893, Mr. Asquith spoke as
Home Secretary, among other subjects, on Administration
of Factory Laws, promising extension of the
Inspectorate, and adding: “I hope I may be able at
the same time to do something—it will not be much—to
gratify the desires of our lady friends for female
inspection.” He did far more; he gave them their
liberal starting-point and wide field of activity.
Opportunities were maintained and extended by
Sir Matthew White Ridley and a long succession
<span class='pageno' id='Page_11'>11</span>of Home Secretaries. Permanent Under-Secretaries,
too, furthered the work in its earliest stages by
carefully planned instructions; Sir Godfrey Lushington
was the first, and Sir Kenelm Digby succeeded
him in January, 1895, and largely guided our legal
work through nine eventful years. Sir Mackenzie
Chalmers followed him, until he in turn was succeeded,
in 1908, by Sir Edward Troup. It was the
last who gave evidence to the Royal Commission
on the Civil Service in 1913 that the work of the
Women Inspectors, expressly organised as it was
on parallel lines with the men’s, was comparable
with and as good as theirs.</p>
<p class='c008'>The quality of the earliest Women Inspectors
did much to decide the official status of women
in the Inspectorate. Between some of the official
witnesses to the Labour Commission, who urged
that the appointments—admitted to be inevitable—should
be solely as subordinate assistants, “never
to be called on to discharge the higher duties of
the office,” and outside claimants, who pressed for
their full appointment to <i>all</i> the powers and duties
of an Inspector, there stood a middle party with
moderating views. From them, led by Lady Dilke,
came the advice that women should enter as a
special class of officers to serve in trades in which
women were employed. Somewhere between the
extreme limits proposed the higher official decision
was made. It was there, in women’s trades, the
field at that time of women’s greatest need, that
the new Inspectors found their practically limitless
work. And by the decision they were saved, first,
from a hampering necessity of working entirely
<span class='pageno' id='Page_12'>12</span>under conditions and according to standards already
prescribed before they entered with their new
instinctive understanding of complaints made to
them by working women. Secondly, they were saved
from losing themselves in an overpowering mass of
technical requirements, such as elaborate fencing
of machinery<a id='r7'></a><a href='#f7' class='c014'><sup>[7]</sup></a> primarily affecting men, where—presumably—Men
Inspectors were sufficient without
women’s aid. At the beginning their instructions
allowed them to take up any questions affecting
women and girls, including fencing. For a time,
and at their own instance, they referred all fencing
to the Men Inspectors, while they turned almost
exclusively to questions of general hygiene (cleanliness,
ventilation, temperature, sanitary conveniences,
etc.), hours, excessive overtime, fines and
deductions from wages, payment in kind in various
parts of the United Kingdom, dangerous and
injurious processes, industrial poisoning, employment
of young workers, and of women after childbirth;
and to the encouragement of employers
making voluntary welfare arrangements in the
factories. Later, from 1901 onwards, they took
up special questions of fencing affecting women in
laundries and clothing factories, and there they
succeeded in standardising methods.</p>
<p class='c008'>The Women Inspectors were, in fact, free under
the early official instructions to devote the concentrated
<span class='pageno' id='Page_13'>13</span>energy of heart and mind, in enthusiastic
“team-work,” to enquiry and action on these most
urgent problems. Happily they entered just when
public opinion, as distinct from specialised knowledge,
was awakening to the immense extent of
injury and loss and to the great need for constructive
reforms in industrial life. Their first Chief (under
the Home Secretary, who had initiated this addition
to the Inspectorate), was Mr. R. E. Sprague Oram,
C.B. During his administration the important new
provisions of the Factory Act of 1891 were applied
and the preparatory enquiries for the yet more
important Act of 1895 were begun. This Act
furnished new starting-points and made provision
for more exact knowledge, in requiring regular
returns of persons employed in a factory or workshop
with particulars as to age and sex, and notification
by medical practitioners and employers of
cases of industrial poisoning, together with other
provisions for regulation of dangerous trades.
These were carried to far greater developments under
our second Chief, Sir Arthur Whitelegge, K.C.B.,
M.D., in what may be considered the culminating
period of Factory Act administration.</p>
<p class='c008'>Before the retirement of Mr. Oram in 1896, the
five Women Inspectors were, in harmony with their
own wish, formally constituted a branch of the
Factory Department, under immediate superintendence
of Miss May Abraham, subject of course, as
all branches were, to control by the Chief Inspector.
Miss Abraham retired from the Inspectorate in
May, 1897, a year after marriage, and the branch
continued from that year until August 1, 1921,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_14'>14</span>under direction of the writer of this book. From
1896 the reports of the women were, until 1914
inclusive, issued over the signature of this head
of the branch, as a separate section in the Annual
Report of the Chief Inspector, thus giving a clear
history of the progress of their work. Staff Committees
to enquire into and make recommendations
on organisation came and went at intervals of a
few years, but the only important changes affecting
organisation of the Women Inspectors’ work that
came before 1921 were in 1899 and in 1908. In
1899 came the useful devolution, never extended
beyond two districts, of special district charge of
certain women’s industries into the Women Inspectors’
hands. In the later year came the creating
of new group centres in the chief industrial cities
(Glasgow, Manchester, Birmingham, etc.), where
the Women Inspectors, under charge of a senior
woman, carried on their routine general inspection
and enquiries into complaints in factories employing
women and girls, but with newly defined duties,
investigating notified cases of industrial poisoning,
accidents, and other matters specially affecting
women. All this work, however, was subject to the
central direction at the Home Office through the
Principal Woman Inspector, and was carried on in
definitely regulated co-operation with their colleagues,
the Men Inspectors in charge of Districts,
as well as the Medical and Engineering Inspectors.</p>
<p class='c008'>The number of Women Inspectors grew, from
five in 1897, to twenty-one just before the Great
War in 1914, increasing by temporary additions
during the War to a maximum of thirty. From
<span class='pageno' id='Page_15'>15</span>this point, further and adequate extension in
numbers of the women’s branch was admittedly
impracticable without reorganisation of a fundamental
character. To prevent cumbrous dual inspection
of factories largely employing women it
was necessary to have either well-defined sharing and
division of the whole work of inspection as between
men and women, with interchange of Inspectors
as regards any factories not employing men or
women exclusively; or a fusion more or less complete
of men and women for <i>all</i> duties and responsibilities.
This assumes that broadly they are alike effective,
whether for enforcing safety of men and boys in
shipbuilding, docks, blast furnaces, foundries,
engineering works, etc., or for securing health and
safety of women and girls in fruit preserving and
confectionery works, laundries, corset factories,
millinery, mantle and shirt and collar factories,
textile factories.</p>
<p class='c008'>Fusion was the line of development chosen by
the Home Office, under a scheme that allowed in
1921 for 42 Women and 195 Men Inspectors; this
could not then be fully carried out as to numbers.</p>
<p class='c008'>It is impossible to state exactly the present
proportionate number of men and women in factories
and workshops for purposes of comparison with
the earliest systematic figures, which were published
by the Factory Department in 1896. At that time
there were in the United Kingdom 144,000 factories
and workshops in which 1,403,568 women and girls
and 2,699,917 men and boys were employed. These
figures had risen by 1907 to 1,852,241 women and
girls and 3,274,868 men and boys. When the War
<span class='pageno' id='Page_16'>16</span>broke out there were nearly 2,000,000 women and
girls employed in factories and workshops. By the
end of the War there were 3,000,000 women and
girls industrially employed, and in 1919 the women
and girls still numbered over 2,000,000 in a total
of over 6,000,000 male and female. The rise and
fall of “substitution” during the War and of unemployment
in 1920 to 1921, makes more recent exact
comparison difficult. At the outside the ratio of
female to all workers can hardly exceed 35 per cent.</p>
<p class='c008'>While the reorganisation of the Inspectorate that
began in August, 1921, rounds off a well-marked
epoch in Factory Act administration, giving point
to the choice of period covered by this book, it is
well to remember that in industry itself there
remains, for the present, small change in the division
of occupations between men and women workers.</p>
<p class='c008'>The hopes of a substantial widening of women
workers’ activities, to follow after the great work
of their substitution for men in factories during the
War, have not been fulfilled, and in some processes
women have been excluded by the unions with
increased stringency since the War. The ratio of
men and women in industry probably remains
somewhere near that in 1907. Thus the greater
numbers of men with their immense problems of
safety and accident prevention provide the largest
call on the time of the whole Inspectorate. And
Women Inspectors are now bound to take a considerable
share of this work.</p>
<p class='c008'>A great gain may be achieved by developing
fuller mutual interchange of special knowledge and
special experience between Men and Women Inspectors
<span class='pageno' id='Page_17'>17</span>as regards hygiene, safety, and welfare of
all the workers at a time when Inspectors are
becoming less and less corrective, and more and
more constructive, in their functions. It was a
matter of common regret among the earlier Women
Inspectors that they could do so little, even indirectly,
to further much-needed reform in conditions
of health and welfare for men and boy workers.
“Let the Women Inspectors come into our shops,”
said a bold and advanced male trade union worker
at a meeting, early in the twentieth century, at which
the writer explained dangerous trades regulations;
“they seem to be able to frighten employers into
doing things!”</p>
<p class='c008'>Any change of organisation can, however, in the
long run, be weighed and judged only by the result
in increased effectiveness and fineness of inspection,
not by greater official convenience, nor by a theory
of equality of men and women. We have yet to
learn whether in face of the actualities of industrial
life complete fusion of the functions and activities
of Men and Women Inspectors can serve the many
distinct needs of men and women in factories and
workshops better than some degree of specialisation
and co-ordination.</p>
<p class='c008'>In order to secure permanent, equal eligibility of
men and women for future appointments and
promotions in the department, some equivalence
in numbers is necessary. A minority which is no
more than approximately a fifth of the whole has
small chance of putting up as many able candidates
for promotion as the larger majority. As a general
rule the minority has, further, the extra handicap
<span class='pageno' id='Page_18'>18</span>of compulsory retirement on marriage. Thus some
approximation of the number of Women Inspectors
to at least the relative proportion of women in
industry is a necessary corollary of “fusion” of
the Inspectorate. The value of the special contribution
brought by Women Factory Inspectors
to the regulation of factory life for women and
girls is too well and authoritatively established to
be, as it were, accidentally lost.</p>
<p class='c008'>The testimony of the Women’s Employment
Committee under the Ministry of Reconstruction,
in 1919, as to the great “administrative success”
of the work of the Women Inspectors is strong.<a id='r8'></a><a href='#f8' class='c014'><sup>[8]</sup></a>
It can be tried and tested by a careful study of the
range of subjects the Women Inspectors covered,
and of the records of their actions, in the Annual
Reports of the Chief Inspector issued by the Home
Office from 1894 to 1914; by the testimony of
working women; by the official reports of Parliamentary
Debates on Home Office Administration,
and on amending Factory Acts embodying recommendations
which they had been emboldened to
make. More arresting and convincing, however,
for the general reader may be observations from
a distinguished onlooker outside official ranks.</p>
<p class='c008'>Listen to the voice of Canon Scott Holland,
speaking in July, 1896, in the Editorial Notes of
the <cite>Commonwealth</cite>, on the new light that was
appearing in the dark places of factory industry:</p>
<p class='c015'>“What used to be one of the most depressing and
uninforming of Annual Blue-books is now (issue
for 1895) one of the most interesting and valuable....
<span class='pageno' id='Page_19'>19</span>I take from my shelf the starved-looking
report of the ‘eighties’ and early ‘nineties’ and
lay it out by the side of the two stout volumes just
issued, and wish that the people who are losing
heart ... all the wise people who have seen so
many things in their time that they can never
believe in an upright and vigilant officialdom,
would come and turn over the leaves with me....
It is the report of crusaders; it brims with suggestions
of reform.... You feel that to be a Factory
Inspector is to be something splendid and stirring
and effective; that these men and women are the
missionaries of order and health, and that they
bring hope with them where they go.</p>
<p class='c015'>“The state of things is in many ways disgracefully
bad, but it is something to see the State itself
exposing the evil and casting about for a cure.
Since 1892 the staff has been increased by 50 per
cent....</p>
<p class='c015'>“The joint report (of the Women Inspectors) is
a record of tremendous work, accomplished with
courage and judgment.</p>
<p class='c015'>“The work of levelling up as to safety and health
goes on apace.... It is cheering to see that many
manufacturers are becoming alive to the effects of
industry on health....</p>
<p class='c015'>“The report has a special interest on account of
its being the valedictory message of Mr. Sprague
Oram, H.M. Chief Inspector, who retires after half
a century of public service.... It is no secret
that much of the go-ahead work of the last few
years has been due to his enthusiasm, initiative,
and devotion.... He hands over his duties to
Dr. Whitelegge, a distinguished authority on public
health, who should be a tower of strength ... in
the work of making every factory and workshop
fit for human beings to work in.”</p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_20'>20</span>The entering of a breath of new life, obvious as
it becomes in the Annual Reports of 1895, 1896, and
onwards, is not, and must not be, attributed disproportionately
to the entry and work of the small
band of Women Inspectors—for that itself sprang
from a wider movement affecting the whole department.
None the less, it was a powerful new factor
that gained in effectiveness as time went on. And
it preceded in time even the highly significant and
essential addition of Medical Inspectors considered
in Chapter IV. If we do not speak here in detail
of the fine work done by Men Inspectors, it is
because that lies outside the scope of this brief
survey. They have had great pioneering days in
the early battles for Factory Act regulation. Their
service when Women Inspectors entered with a
new task before them had yet to be fully developed
in the light of scientific knowledge and method.</p>
<p class='c008'>If these pages in any true measure picture, for
twentieth-century workers and employers, certain
conditions in industry during the twenty-eight years
under review; if they can put any clues into the
hands of legislators and administrators regarding
women’s share and needs in industry, they will
fulfil their aim. They are designed to serve as a
finger-post to the original documents. By imaginative
study of them alone can the growth and change
of this profoundly interesting period be seen.
During its course, after about ninety years of tentative,
experimental Factory Acts, something like
civilisation began to dawn inside industry. Out of
it there emerges, from about the year 1918, glimpses
of the possibility of a new order, when—instead of
<span class='pageno' id='Page_21'>21</span>intervention by the State between diverging interests
of workers and employers—regulation can
partly spring from within industry itself, by Joint
Councils and Works’ Committees, as well as by representative
Trade Boards. Factory Inspectors may
then become mainly technical and expert advisers
and counsellors in factories that are developing a
life of co-operation between manual workers and
employers as co-organisers of production.</p>
<p class='c015'><span class='sc'>Note.</span>—The terms “factory” and “workshop” are
defined in Section 149 of the Factory and Workshop Act,
1901.</p>
<p class='c015'>Broadly they apply to any workplace where the manufacture
of any article is carried on by way of trade or for
purpose of gain and any person is working under a contract
of employment. If mechanical power is used in aid of the
process, the place is a factory; if not, as a rule it is a workshop;
but certain workplaces—<i>e.g.</i>, tobacco works and potteries—are
factories, even if there be no power applied.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_22'>22</span>
<h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER II<br> <span class='c013'>THE WOMEN WORKERS AND THEIR APPEAL; EXCESSIVE HOURS, INSANITATION, AND OTHER UNCIVILISED CONDITIONS</span></h2>
</div>
<p class='c016'>“‘It’s gey handy to have the likes o’ you,’ a Scottish
mother said when consulting Miss Vines on the effects of
employment on her daughter’s health.”<a id='r9'></a><a href='#f9' class='c014'><sup>[9]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c007'>The outstanding characteristics of the working
women of our country that immediately appealed
to the Women Factory Inspectors were their courage
and their endurance, their ready trustfulness, and
their loyalty. Instances of timidity, or fear of
losing employment—hard to get and easily lost—by
evidence necessary to establish infringements
of the law, these did but throw up, in high relief,
the dominating traits of the majority. The exceptions
were only natural in the days of severe competition
for poorly paid work, especially before the
organisation in 1898 of the Industrial Law Indemnity
Fund<a id='r10'></a><a href='#f10' class='c014'><sup>[10]</sup></a> for aiding workers dismissed by employers
after giving evidence that led to proof of
breaches of industrial laws.</p>
<p class='c008'>A few months after my appointment to the
Factory Department I went into a factory just as a
girl of fourteen years had been carried to the local
infirmary suffering from a compound fracture of
<span class='pageno' id='Page_23'>23</span>her leg and other injuries. “She had been at work
at a card<a id='r11'></a><a href='#f11' class='c014'><sup>[11]</sup></a> for several weeks and was esteemed as
a careful, clever, and good worker. In the endeavour
to keep her card in good order by steady
cleaning, her skirt had been caught in the driving
band and the mischief was done.... She had kept
perfectly clear and conscious, and had been chiefly
concerned that no one should alarm her mother,
who was ill at home.”<a id='r12'></a><a href='#f12' class='c014'><sup>[12]</sup></a> The managing foreman
was much moved as he told me of this Lancashire
girl’s serenity and unselfishness under the sudden
shock and suffering. Instances as strong and
stronger could be given by any Inspector of the
way that a high and fine spirit predominates when
accidents and casualties occur in a factory. Other
examples in 1913, eighteen years later, may be
compared with that one. “Of a girl partially
scalped,” Miss Martindale says: “Her pluck and
bravery were noteworthy; in fact, the qualities
show themselves in a remarkable degree in working
girls when they meet a severe physical shock;”
of another, whose hand had to be amputated after
vain attempts to save it, she says that the girl
mastered her disappointment, and in two or three
days after the operation began to practise writing
with her left hand, and in a month had become
almost as proficient as with the right. Or again,
Miss Tracey says of fifteen cases of serious lead
poisoning among women employed in a workshop,
where they were “heading” yarn (dyed with a
chromate of lead dye), “I visited these workers
<span class='pageno' id='Page_24'>24</span>at their homes and found them in different stages
of illness and convalescence. Their pluck will
always remain fixed in my mind; although many of
them were unable to put into words the suffering
they had gone through, yet not one of them but
was eagerly wishing to be well enough to go back
to work.”<a id='r13'></a><a href='#f13' class='c014'><sup>[13]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>This is a spirit that is one with that we saw in
the innumerable “substitute” women and munition
workers in the War. And before that movement
had well begun, an American employer in London
had said in my hearing that British women’s labour
was the “best in the world,” versatile, patient, and
uncomplaining.</p>
<p class='c008'>What were the characteristic features in the
earlier days that the Inspectors saw—drilling and
testing the women? <i>First</i>, a mute sense of industrial
inferiority, outside the great textile industries,
though even of them a “mill girl” could
write: “Mill girls need a sensible and educated
woman to further their cause.... How many
of our women are there that have to spend most
of their lives in unhealthy, badly ventilated and
unsanitary mills, and must go on and tolerate the
condition of things silently, not daring to complain,
and even if they have courage they shrink from
telling a man. A Woman Inspector would often
see irregularities without being told. Her own
instinct would enlighten her: I think that is one
thing in her favour.... In cases where the law
had no power to enforce alterations, frequently the
Woman Inspector has by gentle arguments and
<span class='pageno' id='Page_25'>25</span>reasoning caused the employer to see that it was to
his own advantage as well as the workers’ comfort
to effectuate the improvement.”<a id='r14'></a><a href='#f14' class='c014'><sup>[14]</sup></a> <i>Secondly</i>, an
absence in the great majority of factories of any
woman in a position of authority. <i>Thirdly</i>, in
spite of protective laws, a working day and week
in which the standard hours worked by women
frequently exceeded those for which men, in certain
great trades, had by means of trade unions secured
recognition from employers. <i>Fourthly</i>, a frequent
lack of suitable or even decent and sufficient sanitary
accommodation, of cleanliness of a domestic nature,
and of other hygienic requirements, sometimes
injuriously affecting conduct and morals. <i>Fifthly</i>,
not only low average and individual wages, but on
the part of pieceworkers an intolerable uncertainty
as to what their rates really were; and, for all, a
liability to arbitrary deductions for fines and
alleged damages to work, which often brought
earnings below subsistence level.</p>
<p class='c008'>These are all evils that specially and peculiarly
weighed upon women, in a haphazardly evolved
factory system over which they had absolutely no
control. They shared with their fellow-men other
frequent, though certainly not universal, ills:
excessive heat in active, and cold in sedentary,
occupations; exposure to inadequately controlled
dust, steam, fumes; badly drained or damp floors;
handling of dangerous or injurious materials; often
poor and sometimes very bad general ventilation;
lack of washing conveniences, and means of preparing
<span class='pageno' id='Page_26'>26</span>and taking meals. The great matters in
which men’s risks far exceeded women’s lay in
injury by accidents from dangerous machinery,
explosion, and other causes, and these remain still
the largest risks to be reduced by guidance of a
thoroughly skilled Inspectorate, combined with
safety control through workers and employers.</p>
<p class='c008'>A single illustration may bring home the roughness
and irresponsibility of supervision of girl
workers, sometimes associated in the nineties
with all the hardness of factory life. The circumstances
were in some features exceptional, but by
no means solitary, in roughness and even barbarity,
as will appear in later pages of this book. It was
found, on investigation of a complaint from an
onlooker, that in a large textile factory an incompetent
managing foreman had, nominally as a
means of discipline, turned a great fire-hose on to
a large group of young tenters and weavers. The
water, drawn from the mill pond and filthy, was
directed over a partition upon them while they
were jammed in a narrow vestibule in which they
took refuge. The girls (of whom forty were
examined by the Inspector) were then turned out
on a cold March day, dripping, to walk in some
cases several miles to their homes. The whole
matter was outside the Acts and nothing could be
done by the Factory Department beyond visiting
the head office of the mills and drawing attention
to the circumstances.<a id='r15'></a><a href='#f15' class='c014'><sup>[15]</sup></a> A reprimand to the foreman
and his apology was so far satisfactory, but many
years passed by before the idea of supervision by
<span class='pageno' id='Page_27'>27</span>a woman was considered in textile mills at all. It
required the shock of the Great War to secure
provision in a broader way, as through the Act of
1916, which first brought welfare supervision and
conditions of welfare within administrative control.</p>
<p class='c008'>The great majority of the earlier complaints
related, year after year, to hours of work and
sanitary matters; the former predominated, especially
in the London area, and until the year 1912
complaints of legal and illegal overtime led in
numbers. Complaints relating to uncertain wages
under the Truck Acts and lack of piece-rate
particulars steadily mounted, but this distinct
subject merits a separate chapter, as do also the
employment of mothers and dangerous trades. The
totals of all kinds of recorded written complaints
(in addition to many verbal that we received
annually) rose from 381 in 1896, to 729 five years
later, and to 2,025 in a further ten years. Confidence
grew steadily and rapidly, until in <a id='t27'></a>1919 a
woman organiser could say that women working
in factories of every kind of industry, in the north
as in the south, strongly and “passionately” call
for visits of Lady Inspectors.</p>
<p class='c008'>Long hours of work, then, at the outset of our
career were the greatest trial for working women—with
home duties claiming much of their strength
in most instances. The ordinary working day
generally took what the Factory Acts allowed, and
in the main still allow, although for at least the
past ten years hours of employment have fallen
to reasonable limits, not through amendment of
the law, but through movement of public opinion,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_28'>28</span>growing strength of women’s organisation, and
commonsense of many employers. In textile
factories for young persons and women these hours
were, from Monday to Friday, ten, and on Saturday
six and a half. In non-textile factories the hours
might be respectively ten and a half, and seven and
a half on Saturday.<a id='r16'></a><a href='#f16' class='c014'><sup>[16]</sup></a> A spell of work in textile
factories could not exceed four and a half hours,
and in non-textile factories five hours, without at
least half an hour for a meal. In the latter case
firms often found it convenient to work two five-hour
spells with a break at midday of one hour, and
on Saturday an unbroken spell of five hours. The
heavy burden of labour on this basis was a perennial
source of complaint from women and girls for which
there was no remedy in the Factory Acts, and was
a cause of anxiety and regret to the Women Inspectors,
until the pressure of wartime production
proved its ineffectiveness for increasing output.</p>
<p class='c008'>We must also bear in mind that the legal hours
in unorganised industries were frequently and
widely exceeded.</p>
<p class='c008'>A liberal allowance was made in the Acts for
overtime in many non-textile industries and processes.<a id='r17'></a><a href='#f17' class='c014'><sup>[17]</sup></a>
In such cases overtime could, if notified
to the Inspector, be used on forty-eight occasions
<span class='pageno' id='Page_29'>29</span>in the year (reduced in 1901 to thirty occasions) for
an additional two hours. This applied, until
amended by the Act of 1895, to young persons as
well as women. From 1896 onwards, the scandalous
length of a fourteen-hours’ day on forty-eight days
in the year no longer legally overtaxed young
workers of fourteen years and upwards.<a id='r18'></a><a href='#f18' class='c014'><sup>[18]</sup></a> Elasticity
in the law for the causes allowed appeared reasonable
at first sight, but what was authorised as an
exception became under stress of competition a
principle, and one has sympathy with the young
woman who said, with a chorus of approval from
her fellow-workers, to the first Woman Inspector,
“The overtime exception just spoils the Factory
Act!” Equally readily did a fellow-feeling rise for
the workgirl who asked, “What sort of half-holiday
it was that began at four o’clock in the afternoon?”
In <i>illegal</i> overtime the bad habit was continued for
years, and many raids and devices were necessary
to overcome it. Dual employment of women in a
combined retail shop and workshop was for long a
source of excessive hours. Thus, when they had
finished the legal day in the workshop, they might
have to serve in the shop until late at night. This
dual employment was not limited to the normal
daily period lawful in a workshop for women until
after the passing of the Act of 1901. Inspectors
had to watch overstrain of this kind helplessly for
years—where they could not move an employer to
see the harm it was doing. The case of the little
<span class='pageno' id='Page_30'>30</span>thirteen and fourteen-year-old “matchers” in dressmaking
establishments had to wait for effectual
remedy from another source.</p>
<p class='c008'>A complaint we received in 1903 brought to light
extreme, but by no means unprecedented, overstrain
of a little girl of fourteen, legally a young
person. She “was engaged to clean and sweep the
workrooms, run errands, match ribbon and silks at
shops, and generally do work required of young
apprentices in the trade; in addition, however, she
cooked the occupiers’ meals, including supper; did
the work of the house; arriving at the workshop first
in the morning to light fires and ‘tidy up,’ she did not
leave till 11 p.m., and appeared utterly worn out.”<a id='r19'></a><a href='#f19' class='c014'><sup>[19]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>In the early years the impetus of our endeavours
to repress excessive hours was, at times, almost
checked by a possible consequence. Portable
articles of manufacture could easily be, and often
were, sent home with the worker at the close of the
legal day, and all the more easily in trades and
quarters where there was legal and legitimate “outwork”
by non-factory workers. This evil grew
to considerable proportions, until the law was
strengthened so as to make this evasion more
difficult. It was really rooted in starvation wages,
and eventually the advent of Trade Boards removed
most of the incentive to this insidious mode of
“sweating.”<a id='r20'></a><a href='#f20' class='c014'><sup>[20]</sup></a> It was often extremely difficult for
<span class='pageno' id='Page_31'>31</span>the wage earner on a narrow margin to risk losing
an immediate addition to her wage (even if earned
by excessively long hours), through co-operating
with the Inspector by giving evidence as to long
hours at home. This co-operation was essential, as
the Inspector’s entry into the home did not rest on
the same powers as entry into the factory. Yet many
successful prosecutions were taken in serious cases.
For example, in 1911, a girl of fifteen, working for
a feather manufacturer, after working 8.30 a.m.
to 7 p.m. in the workshop, took work home, and
worked 8 p.m. to 11 p.m.; or a girl knotted
“lancer” feathers, taken home, from 7 p.m. to
1 a.m., and from 5 a.m. next morning until she went
for her day in the factory.<a id='r21'></a><a href='#f21' class='c014'><sup>[21]</sup></a> Here and in many
other places the girl was compelled to do extra
work in order to earn enough to live.</p>
<p class='c008'>In certain processes (making preserves from fruit,
preserving or curing fish, making condensed milk)
overtime was legal to the extent of a fourteen-hours’
day on no less than ninety-six days in the year,
until the Act of 1895 reduced the figure to sixty
days. The “gutting, salting, and packing of fish
immediately on arrival in the fishing-boats” was
altogether outside regulation by the Acts, whether
for hours or sanitation—for all workers, not excepting
children. By the Act of 1901 children received
the protection of the Acts as regards hours of
employment in this industry as in others. In 1910
at Lowestoft some women attempted a revolt
against late night hours, but without success.
Again, at Grimsby in 1911, a group of very young
<span class='pageno' id='Page_32'>32</span>women struck against hours that were usually
sixteen in the twenty-four. They were obliged to
return to work, as the employer, who also employed
them at other stations on the East Coast, pointed
out that they had broken their contract and could
claim neither wages nor return fares to their homes.
At length, when a record catch of herring at Yarmouth
had brought the workers’ endurance to an
end, a limit of daily and weekly hours was negotiated
by the Factory Inspectors and voluntarily agreed
to by the leading fish-curers. This has, since 1913,
lessened the trials of the hardy fish-curing girls
and men. The hours, unlimited during the summer
months—June to September, of workers engaged
in the “process of cleaning and preparing fruit, so
far as necessary to prevent the spoiling of the fruit,”
have also been brought within a certain degree of
legal control by an Order of the Secretary of State.<a id='r22'></a><a href='#f22' class='c014'><sup>[22]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>Regulation of hours in laundries followed a
tangled course too long to be told fully here. There
was, in 1895, within and without that trade, great
opposition to any control whatsoever on account
of the special character of the work and its relation
to the community, only half-developed as it was
from domestic to factory status, and closely dependent
on conservative household arrangements.
This led to a loose and ineffective form of limitation
of hours in the Act of 1895. The elasticity of the
governing section immediately appeared to give
sanction to the late hours and long days of work,
“hitherto regarded as unnecessary evils tolerated
in an unregulated industry.... The fourteen-hours’
<span class='pageno' id='Page_33'>33</span>day met with outbursts of indignation from
women, who would ‘like to see how men would
stand fourteen-hours of this work in heat and
steam.’”<a id='r23'></a><a href='#f23' class='c014'><sup>[23]</sup></a> Packers and sorters alone benefited by
a net reduction in a weekly total of hours that had
for them often exceeded seventy hours. Sixty
hours became the normal legal period, augmented,
however, in seasons of pressure by permissible overtime
to sixty-six hours. And these hours might
be compressed into five instead of six days in the
week, and could even extend, on a single day, from
8 a.m. to 11.30 p.m. The amending and consolidating
Act of 1901 made no improvement in
these hours, but in 1903 I was able to give the first
account of a new and hopeful feature, in the “steady
growth of a strong section of employers who have
set their minds on inaugurating a more rational
system of employment in conformity with ordinary
factory hours.”<a id='r24'></a><a href='#f24' class='c014'><sup>[24]</sup></a> This alone, the employers
claimed, in views ably expressed in a new periodical,
<cite>The Power Laundry</cite>, would raise the standards of
work and workers. Very considerable improvement
followed from the Act of 1907. Thus, in laundries,
as in textile factories a hundred years earlier, the
first determined efforts towards reform sprang from
an enlightened section of employers—in this instance,
however, encouraged by the Inspectors. In 1899
and 1900 they gave much time to discussing these
problems with directors at the head offices of
multiple laundries, run by companies. Efficient
management has no doubt found that it could in
<span class='pageno' id='Page_34'>34</span>course of time compete successfully on shorter
hours with less efficient management working the
full legal hours. There has been high social value
in the experiments in hygiene and welfare made
by leaders in industry fitted by their position to
secure an effective trial—in the interests not only
of the worker, but also of the whole community.</p>
<p class='c008'>Without more study of details, so much may
suffice to indicate the public outlook in past days,
as expressed in the law so hard to amend, on the
working capacity of human beings in manufacturing
industry; and it may serve to measure the change
that has come about in ideas and habits in these
matters.</p>
<p class='c008'>The movement within industry itself has almost
sufficed to bring the whole problem of hours out of
the region of compulsory regulation into that of a
reasonable, voluntary control that ought to be the
natural birthright of workers in a factory system
possessing unlimited capacity for large-scale production
by applied power. Christian, after much
suffering with his friend Hopeful in the dungeon
of Giant Despair, remembered the key in his bosom
that “could open any lock in Doubting Castle.”
And so they came out to “The King’s Highway”
and fared on to the Shepherds of the Delectable
Mountains, whose names were “Knowledge, Experience,
Watchful and Sincere.”</p>
<p class='c008'>While the illusory belief in a need for exceedingly
long hours lasted, it bore most severely on the
weakest manual workers—women and girls.
Although the best hours for any kind of industry
can only be reached by skilled scientific study, the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_35'>35</span>rough-and-ready, if slow, method of amendment
by complaint has had effect. After the Acts of
1891 and 1895 had increased the means of control
of illegal overtime, and when an increased Inspectorate
came into activity, the first step was to
enforce the legal limits. Nowhere can a more vivid
account be read of the immense evil of excessive
illegal employment, and of the protean forms of
evasion of law, with connivance of intimidated
“sweated” workers, than in the pages by Mr.
Lakeman, in the Annual Reports of 1893 and 1894—published
at the very time that the tide of complaints
began to flow to Women Inspectors. They
also said much to substantiate Mr. Lakeman’s
contentions that “overtime is an evil, socially,
morally, commercially,” weighing upon “a vast
aggregation of people slavishly earning a poor
living from hard taskmasters,” particularly in the
East End tailoring trade, where one sweating
employer oppressed another below him, and the
worker at the lowest end of the scale was utterly
helpless. The Women Inspectors were the first to
be free of a certain handicap in dealing with the
evasion and obstruction that led to concealment of
girl and women workers in lavatories and bedrooms,
and they were the first to be able to unravel tangled
threads of evidence by confidential visits to the
women’s own homes. Even in a very extreme case
of evasion by locking of outer gates and darkly
shaded windows, a Woman Inspector has been
known to enter the premises before closing time
and wait in a dark corner of the yard, in order to
arrive in the workrooms at a suitable moment for
<span class='pageno' id='Page_36'>36</span>a complete personal observation of the extent of
overtime.</p>
<p class='c008'>So marked was the gain in detection of hidden
evils that a proposal was made in 1895 by some
Members of Parliament to bring bedrooms in the
same building with a workshop, used by women
or girls, within the scope of the Factory Acts, and
to give the Woman Inspector special power of
entry and inspection. Fortunately, however, the
proposal was not accepted, and peculiar power was
not allotted to the Woman Inspector. She was
able by quick observation and action, and use of
the Inspectors’ ordinary powers of entry and
investigation, to achieve what was needful in such
cases of concealment; exceptional powers would
have been fatal to that intangible, yet potent,
personal influence of an Inspector, which rests
largely on having no more distinction from the
ordinary citizen than is just necessary to effect the
work required. Inspectors have always been able
to investigate matters not strictly breaches of the
law and yet needing regulation. In tentatively
sending a complaint of such matters, the Secretary<a id='r25'></a><a href='#f25' class='c014'><sup>[25]</sup></a>
of the Women’s Industrial Council once wrote:
“I know how very much can be done by the tact
and personal influence of an Inspector, and even
if the Inspector effects no change, her visit does
afford the workers a sense of protection which is
very soothing when they are feeling aggrieved.”</p>
<p class='c008'>In manifold ways similar testimony was afforded
by communications from officers of the Women’s
<span class='pageno' id='Page_37'>37</span>Trade Union League, the Legal Advice Bureau for
Working Women, the Industrial Law Committee,
and, above all, by the late Miss Mary MacArthur.</p>
<p class='c008'>As the work grew in publicity through press
reports of prosecutions, confiding supporters sprang
up in many unexpected directions. They appeared
among customers of dressmaking businesses, clergy
and district visitors, club leaders, schoolmistresses
of half-time child workers, doctors, and many others,
not to speak of parents anxious to save a daughter’s
health without risking loss of her employment.
One of our longest and most tangled enquiries
sprang from a communication from a casual reader
of the <cite>Star</cite> newspaper.</p>
<p class='c008'>“Immediately on receipt of a complaint”—from
one or other of such sources, once wrote one Inspector
to another—“we made a raid on Saturday
afternoon between 5 p.m. and 6 p.m.,<a id='r26'></a><a href='#f26' class='c014'><sup>[26]</sup></a> and had a
splendid catch, three rooms full. The man set in
the yard to watch for the Inspector <i>offered</i> to let
us in ‘to see the housekeeper’; I merely remarked
that ‘that would do very nicely for us,’ and he did
not realise his mistake until we were half-way up
the narrow staircase!” The Inspector momentarily
“felt a pang” for the watchman—but a prosecution
followed in due course, and the firm, of European
and Transatlantic reputation as modistes and
furriers, were convicted.</p>
<p class='c008'>The theatrical costume industry, though not
large, was one that for many years exercised the
ingenuity and taxed the vigilance of Women
Inspectors—complaints being perennial. Excessive
<span class='pageno' id='Page_38'>38</span>hours, Sunday employment, illegal homework, overcrowded
workrooms, and obstruction of the Inspector,
were reported in 1902–03<a id='r27'></a><a href='#f27' class='c014'><sup>[27]</sup></a> and at intervals
in a succession of years. In 1911 there was evidence
of a deliberate and organised breaking of the law
in the matter of overtime that did not appear in
any other industry. One London occupier, who
was prosecuted twelve times in ten years, was found
on three separate occasions in 1911 seriously contravening
the law, a typical instance of long hours
being: Friday, 8 a.m. to 12 midnight, followed by
7 a.m. to 9 p.m. on Saturday, with some Sunday
employment following. Penalties of £20 and costs
on conviction were evidently not deterrent.<a id='r28'></a><a href='#f28' class='c014'><sup>[28]</sup></a> In
the great majority of their concentrated attacks
upon illegal hours of employment in other industries
Inspectors found that most occupiers tended to
capitulate, in the end, to firmness and persistence
in enforcing the legal limits.</p>
<p class='c008'>Seaside laundries, busy in the summer season,
offering residential employment to laundry girls
from inland towns, presented another serious
problem in suppression of evasions of the law.</p>
<p class='c008'>Suppression of “time-cribbing” (that is, exceeding
legal limits by small instalments)—during
prescribed pauses for meals and just before 6 a.m.—in
many textile mills in the North was a task of
a detective character, on a large scale, beyond the
small numbers of Women Inspectors, but one in
which they at least took their proportionate share
with their men colleagues. Undoubtedly women’s
<span class='pageno' id='Page_39'>39</span>services in bringing home to the employer contraventions
of legal limits were more peculiarly needed
where proof turned not so much on the exact
moment of starting a huge engine driving machinery
in a large mill, but rather on patient examination
of witnesses in their homes as well as the workplace.</p>
<p class='c008'>By the year 1912 an increasing number of complaints
showed a growing determination on the
part of women workers to secure such limitation of
hours as was enforceable under the Factory Acts.
One complaint of excessive hours in a fancy
stationery factory disclosed quite an ordinary, and
<i>legal</i>, state of affairs: “Fifty girls over eighteen
years of age had been working weekly from 8 a.m.
to 10 p.m. on three days, from 8 a.m. to 8 p.m. on
two days, and from 8 a.m. to 4 p.m. on Saturday,
as they were expected to do for from six to eight
weeks in the busy season.” For young pieceworkers
the resulting fatigue can easily be imagined.<a id='r29'></a><a href='#f29' class='c014'><sup>[29]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>In our earlier years of service, complaints of
defects in general sanitation in the factory and
workshop were, as already said, fewer than complaints
of excessive or illegal hours of employment.
Later on, especially after voluntary improvement
in hours had begun, the workers’ help in matters
of general sanitation in the workplace grew in
volume and understanding. The value of these
complaints, in bringing the Inspector to the spot for
observation of the concrete facts, was more direct
and immediate than in complaints of hours where
evidence was requisite from the workers. Even a
vague complaint such as: “Please I would like you
<span class='pageno' id='Page_40'>40</span>to call and see what sort of a place the women have
to work in, as it is in an awful condition,” was good,
provided the correct address of the shop was given.</p>
<p class='c008'>There were many and increasing complaints of
lack of messrooms, wholesome drinking water, seats,
cloakrooms, and washing conveniences, which were
outside the Act until 1916. Underground and ill-lighted
workrooms were also the subject of complaint,
and these still, in 1921, await full hygienic
control by the Factory Acts. Until the year 1901
even general ventilation of such places could not be
secured, and the result may be seen in a description
in 1900 of a low underground workroom, packed with
machinery, the narrow window slits at street level
being the sole means of ventilation, admitting dust
from the street, just where the gas engine was
placed. “In the back part, where pallid women
stand at the machines, gas light is always burning.
Here again we are powerless to order means for
introduction of tolerable air.”<a id='r30'></a><a href='#f30' class='c014'><sup>[30]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>Ill-ventilated, badly drained, uncleanly or otherwise
defective workrooms, were the subjects of
many complaints on hygiene of the workplace, yet
complaints on defects in sanitary accommodation<a id='r31'></a><a href='#f31' class='c014'><sup>[31]</sup></a>
and extremes of temperature were even more
numerous. Lack of means of heating or failure to
use means of heating was increasingly a subject of
complaint down to 1914. Many recalled the words
quoted by Miss Abraham in the Annual Report of
1894: “Is it not possible to compel Mrs. —— to
<span class='pageno' id='Page_41'>41</span>give her workgirls a fire?... It may really
mean death to some of the girls. I do not know
what it will be like to-day, when they get there
with their skirts and feet wet after the snow.”
The problem shifted, in that as in other matters of
health, after successive amendments of the Act had
given Inspectors power to intervene more effectually.
Increased stringency of the Acts appeared to extend
the number of employers anxious to improve the
conditions of factory life beyond the statutory
minimum. It was not only the employer, but,
sometimes even more rapidly, the workers who
found enlightenment in seeing standards improved
or strengthened by legal requirements. At first
all the weight and mass of complaints helping our
administration came from the most elementary
needs. And, even there, too many workers were
mute, until awakened by proof that improvement
was <i>possible</i>. It was only later that the natural
intelligence of the worker could co-operate in building
up larger and more specialised conditions of
welfare. Speaking of a great step onwards in
sanitation, Miss Paterson wrote, in 1902, that the
indifference of the employer had resulted in a
corresponding indifference on the part of the worker,
who, “acquiescing at first in conditions which she
feels powerless to improve, gradually ceases to feel
them an offence to her. There is no doubt one
loses sensitiveness to indecent arrangements just as
surely as to impure air, but the moral effect in the
one case is much the same as the physical effect in
the other.”<a id='r32'></a><a href='#f32' class='c014'><sup>[32]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_42'>42</span>Ten years earlier some working men representatives
of the Yorkshire textile industries gave it in
evidence before the Royal Commission on Labour
that mill life under the then existing conditions
and organisation of work was “not conducive to
ideas of propriety, gentleness, and nobility.”
Against such conditions the Women Inspectors
never ceased to strive, by varied and vigorous
attack on insanitary conditions that blunted perceptions
of suitability, and by friendly appeals to
employers that sometimes met with excellent
response. Sometimes, again, action had to be
taken against indescribably bad conditions that
were obviously a legacy from mediæval standards,
by the indirect method of laying an information
against the occupier of the factory for effluvia in
hot spinning rooms, before the law provided for
direct attack on the ground of the unsuitability of
the provision made. In a case that I took, in 1896,
against a Limited Liability Company in Lancashire,
after repeated written warning to the management,
one of the directors appeared in court to say they
had not realised the state of affairs in the mill.
After a long hearing, the magistrates asked me to
meet the directors out of court, with their solicitor,
which I did (the Inspector in charge of the district
accompanying me), in the gilded council chamber
of the municipal authority. The dignified group
of directors asked me then to “take the chair,”
and we rapidly came to a conclusion, as to the
necessary constructive work, that satisfied the local
sanitary authority as well as myself.</p>
<p class='c008'>Sometimes a local authority would act vigorously
<span class='pageno' id='Page_43'>43</span>on receipt of notice of such defects from a Factory
Inspector, one asking for more notifications, another
inviting conference as to other mills, and they were
most ready to move where they had not themselves
to take the primary initiative against fellowtownsmen.
A single illustration may be given in
the case (by no means the worst of its kind) of a
large old textile mill, where local authorities,
acting on our notice, took up such matters with
increasing thoroughness. “Dark, unventilated conveniences,
used indiscriminately by men and
women, opened directly off hot spinning rooms....
No attempt to secure privacy was made, the doors
were without fastenings ... the whole connected,
not with a drain, but a huge cesspool—a state of
things more injurious to morals and health can
scarcely be imagined. The amount of accommodation
was seriously inadequate, besides being unsuitable
and unhealthy.”<a id='r33'></a><a href='#f33' class='c014'><sup>[33]</sup></a> There was an element
of hope in spite of the overwhelming amount of
work to be done, in that most of the very worst
conditions of this kind were found in the oldest
industries and factories, such as Lancashire, Yorkshire,
Staffordshire Potteries, and the Black
Country, where the blunting of perceptions had
been longest at work. This factor checked our
occasional feeling of despondency at often finding
the most barbarous conditions where trade union
organisation was at its highest strength. Incidentally
it at once confirmed the Women Inspectors
in thinking that they really had a new mission as
well as a more enduring place in the guardianship
<span class='pageno' id='Page_44'>44</span>of women in industry. Even although this matter
of sanitary conveniences was but an elementary one,
yet it was fundamental, and the Women Inspectors
were only too anxious to clear the way for their more
progressive and difficult work in respect of health
and physical fitness of the women and girls expressly
allotted by the Home Office to their care.</p>
<p class='c008'>The legal provisions for the sanitation of the
workplace are complex; the meagre basis of law
on which we had to build at first, and a few of the
results secured, can only be slightly indicated.</p>
<p class='c008'>When we began our work there was no definition
in the law of what constituted overcrowding of a
workroom, and only on proof (a difficult matter) of
actual danger or injury to health of the persons
employed could any abatement of overcrowding be
enforced. Some of the worst examples were found
in country towns and in attic workrooms, often
used as bedrooms. Miss Paterson cited a case in
1894 where only 91 cubic feet of space was allowed
per person in a room with a roof 6 feet 4 inches in
height. Overcrowding was always rare in factories,
however, and complaints chiefly led us to cases
of crowded floor space, not definitely illegal. For
general <i>ventilation</i>, as distinct from mechanical
exhaust for dust, gases, vapours, and other impurities
generated by the work, there was no legal
provision before 1901, and to this question in its
connection with lighting, heating, and cleanliness I
will presently revert. There was no provision at
all touching maintenance of a <i>reasonable temperature</i>
before the Act of 1895. The provision then made
was quickly found defective, and we had to wait
<span class='pageno' id='Page_45'>45</span>until 1901 for powers to enforce means of heating
that did not interfere with purity of the air.
<i>Drainage</i> of workroom floors liable to become wet
could not (except under a special clause in the Act
of 1895 affecting laundries only) be enforced before
the Act of 1901. Power to determine what was
<i>sufficient and suitable sanitary accommodation</i> by an
order of the Secretary of State was first provided
for by the Act of 1901. This had no legal force
where local sanitary authorities—with widely varying
standards—had adopted certain powers to
regulate the matter under the Public Health Acts.
In 1903 such an order was first made, based on the
experience and recommendations of the Women
Inspectors. This order gradually set the standard
frequently adopted by local authorities, but still,
in 1921, this remains merely a voluntary matter
in the majority of sanitary districts outside Scotland.
“The new rules are just coming into force
here,” said one working woman correspondent to
an Inspector, in 1903; “they give us just what we
need.”<a id='r34'></a><a href='#f34' class='c014'><sup>[34]</sup></a> In the previous years “a rain of resolutions
and petitions” reached my office from
organised working women, which demonstrated
that working women were, to use their own words,
“most ardently favourable in respect of the draft
order of the Home Secretary” just referred to,
“so that decent and satisfactory arrangements may
be completed and the hands of Inspectors strengthened
in the discharge of duty.”<a id='r35'></a><a href='#f35' class='c014'><sup>[35]</sup></a> As regards
<i>cleanliness</i> of the workplace, that universal need,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_46'>46</span>there has been since 1878 an absolute requirement
in the forefront of the Act that every factory shall
be “kept in a cleanly state.” The duty of periodical
cleansing by lime-washing (or other prescribed
methods) of walls, ceilings, etc., has too often been
read as covering the whole ground, and methodical
and regular cleansing of floors and benches, by
moist as well as dry methods, has always been a
subject to which Women Inspectors have had largely
to devote their powers of persuasion.</p>
<p class='c008'>The provision of <i>drinking water</i>—a fundamental
need of human beings engaged in physical labour,
and a subject of frequent complaint from 1894
onwards—was left solely to regulation by local
sanitary authorities, until an order was made in
1917, under powers given by the Factories and
Miscellaneous Provisions Act of 1916. This secured,
at last, that an order requiring a conveniently
accessible supply of wholesome drinking water
could be enforced in every factory or workshop
employing twenty-five or more workers. The
<i>lighting</i> of factories and workshops, whether natural
or artificial, has never yet been generally regulated
by any of the Acts from 1878 to 1916, although
there are many references to it in our published
reports from 1897 onwards. In 1911 the special
Report on “Illumination in Factories,” by Mr.
D. R. Wilson,<a id='r36'></a><a href='#f36' class='c014'><sup>[36]</sup></a> ultimately brought the matter under
general review, and in January, 1913, a Committee
was appointed by the Home Secretary; this was
to enquire into and report on the conditions necessary
<span class='pageno' id='Page_47'>47</span>for the adequate and suitable lighting (natural
and artificial) of factories and workshops, having
regard to the nature of the work carried on, protection
of the eyesight of workers employed, and
the various forms of illumination.<a id='r37'></a><a href='#f37' class='c014'><sup>[37]</sup></a> Miss Squire,
who had given much attention and study to defective
lighting and its remedies in factories, was
made a member of this Committee in November,
1920.<a id='r38'></a><a href='#f38' class='c014'><sup>[38]</sup></a> The bearing of this problem of lighting on
safety and accident prevention as well as on health
has been long in receiving the attention that it
deserved from the British legislature. In 1897, I
drew attention to its recognition by French, Belgian,
German, and Austrian legislatures. That the
workers felt an intense need of skilled attention to
the question is evident from a letter of complaint
in 1909 which besought an Inspector to “give a
call unawares and see the black holes of workrooms
we have to try and work in, with scarcely any
light.... Please say nothing about receiving this
letter, but act on its contents, and do for us what
we need in the way of proper light and ventilation.”</p>
<p class='c008'>Probably the most important of the early contributions
of Women Inspectors to improved sanitation
in the factory lay in their insistence, year
after year, on the close relation between good general
ventilation, cleanliness (including freedom from
dirt, dust, effluvia, and organic impurities), lighting
<span class='pageno' id='Page_48'>48</span>and temperature, and on the value of exact tests
and standards in these matters. Time after time
phthisis was found to be rampant in particular
factories where anæmic, poorly nourished girls
worked long hours, in light sedentary work, and
at dainty white work, under combined defects in
cleanliness, ventilation, lighting, heating. In such
places, before the days when canteens and playing-fields
were considered suitable adjuncts to factory
life, the steady undermining of health that went
on was really greater than in many a factory under
special rules for dangerous processes, or supplied
with good exhaust ventilation for injurious dust.
In such instances the co-operation of local Medical
Officers of Health under the Public Health Authorities,
both directly and in their reports, was invaluable.
As Dr. Niven in his Annual Report for
Manchester in 1902 observed: “Unless the workshop
is free from dust no mode of ventilation can
be quite satisfactory. The first requisite, then, is
cleansing, carried out in a proper manner. Ventilation
must be considered in reference to each individual
case, but cleansing is a universal requirement
as to which definite rules can be laid down ...
it is imperative in the interests of health that
cleansing should be by wet sweeping.”</p>
<p class='c008'>The extra need of fresh, pure air for maintenance
of their efficiency at work is a marked constitutional
feature in women and girls, and their sensitiveness
to cold and draughts is proportionate also to the
sedentary character of much of their work. The
Women Inspectors were thus rapidly brought up
against the interdependent problems of artificial
<span class='pageno' id='Page_49'>49</span>lighting and heating. Fine garment-making and
embroidery call both for good lighting and for
freedom from presence of coal-dirt and smuts in
the air, whether admitted by open windows or by
combustion inside the workroom. When we began
our inspection, closed windows and absence of fire
in the grates was the rough-and-ready way of
securing “clean” air for delicate fabrics, while
warmth had to be secured chiefly by using gaslight
burners of the bat’s-wing type, as a means of maintaining
a temperature in which nimble fingers could
carry on their skilled work. Later, from January 1,
1896, the unhooded gas stoves—some of the crudest
type—fitted in many workshops and smaller factories
in consequence of the first legal requirement in the
Act of 1895 that “adequate measures shall be
taken for securing and maintaining a reasonable
temperature in each room in which any person is
employed” constituted strong new arguments for
powers to require good general ventilation. Even
so dangerous a gas as carbon monoxide, produced
in appreciable quantities by some of these stoves,
not being an impurity “generated in the course
of the manufacturing process,” could not be held
legally subject to the provision for exhaust ventilation.<a id='r39'></a><a href='#f39' class='c014'><sup>[39]</sup></a>
Nor was there any legal remedy until the
Act of 1901 embodied a requirement that the
measures taken for securing a reasonable temperature
should not interfere with the purity of
the air.</p>
<p class='c008'>A great deal of work by the Women Inspectors
in support of cleanliness has directly furthered
<span class='pageno' id='Page_50'>50</span>maintenance of good natural light in workplaces.
Not only have they pressed for regular cleansing
by wet methods of floors, but also for the same
treatment of windows and skylights; and the attention
of occupiers was constantly drawn to the value
of such aids as reflectors, luxfer prisms, and the
like, in mitigating darkness or prolonging natural
light in underground workrooms. Innumerable
confidential complaints from workers furthered our
activity in this direction. “In all the rooms of
one badly lighted factory the windows were so dirty
that ... artificial light had to be used during the
day.... The gas with old flickering bat’s-wing
burners being always in use, large numbers of the
girls complained of headache and weariness. This
they attributed to the bad light more than to the
impure air.”<a id='r40'></a><a href='#f40' class='c014'><sup>[40]</sup></a> It was about 1903, after the amended
provisions regarding temperature and ventilation
had had time to work, that women began to send
increasingly definite complaints: “Nearly all the
workers suffer from colds ... now the present
gas fire, whenever there is a down draught, drives
into the workroom poisonous carbonic acid gas.”</p>
<p class='c008'>The discomfort of low temperatures was intensified
in some occupations, such as aerated water
works, where floors, usually of concrete or stone,
are liable to be very wet, and bottles and siphons
alike cold to handle. Bottle washers got some
comfort where the water was hot, but liability to
soaked garments aggravated suffering from cold
rooms in wet places.</p>
<p class='c008'>Extremes of temperature in the workplace at the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_51'>51</span>other end of the scale, rising to 100° F. or 110° F.,
or even higher, are specially connected as a rule
with the nature of the processes, and sometimes
increase the risks of dangerous and injurious industries,
especially where lead is present, as in certain
pottery processes. There the problem is to limit the
heat without injuring the process. In other cases the
heat results from the work, and can be mitigated
without injuring it. In laundries, for example, as
a mother once put it, young girls can get “all
faded” through unregulated heat and laborious
work; and sometimes sunlight streaming through
inadequately shielded skylights, say, in pressing-rooms
of clothing factories, or in jam factories,
causes temperatures of 96° F. and numerous cases
of fainting amongst the girls. Painting or whitewashing
of such skylights, where blinds are not
practicable, was advised in mitigation of the discomfort.</p>
<p class='c008'>It is mournful to contemplate the amount of slow
injury to the human system, insidiously at work
and showing its effects in disturbed physiological
functions and malnutrition, sometimes with resultant
desire for stimulants. This must have long
handicapped not only the workers—vainly appealing
for removal of half-understood defects—but also the
efficiency in industry and the prosperity of manufacturers.
The old British neglect of scientific
control of ordinary hygiene in the workplace has
to answer for much. Even when the nation was
apprised of the relation of disease to dirt, in environment,
including air, and lack of means for maintaining
personal cleanliness—how slow-moving was
<span class='pageno' id='Page_52'>52</span>action to apply the knowledge effectively, through
laws for protection of the health of the industrial
workers! The relation of disease and accidental
injury to darkness and to unnecessary use of defective
artificial lighting, an old problem, is only
beginning to come into serious consideration at the
close of the period covered by this book.</p>
<p class='c008'>Along with recent advance in these matters we
have to reckon the benefits accruing from the recent
rational reduction in hours, and from development
of other fundamentals of welfare—before all, the
means of partaking of good food in many works.</p>
<p class='c008'>It was significant that the Women Inspectors,
as a branch of the Factory Department specially
charged with the duty of interpreting and responding
to the needs of women workers, received throughout
their service certain appeals and complaints on
questions of conduct, or conditions in the factory
essentially affecting morals. These appeals on
matters not directly under the Factory Acts were
never numerous, though markedly increasing in the
last few years before the War, when women workers
were growing bolder in self-expression and self-help.
The relative smallness in their number was balanced
by their intensity.</p>
<p class='c008'>From about 1896 onwards, the mere possibility of
the visit to any factory of a Woman Inspector
coming from headquarters in Whitehall—strongly
bent on sanitary reforms connected with increased
cleanliness, fresh air, light in the factory, physical
fitness of the worker, suitability in lavatory arrangements—had
a wide and marked effect. She gave
a new meaning to the technical requirements of the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_53'>53</span>law by her steady insistence on the value of responsible
superintendence of working conditions. The
very concentration of the Women Inspectors in a
team-work that could be applied in any area or
centre, or to any particular problem in any industry,
tended to co-ordinate the work of the whole Department
in these technical things, as well as to unify
the outlook. Employers, sympathetic to advance,
were helped to come into contact, sometimes at
their own express wish being put in communication
with each other. Undoubtedly this whole movement,
linked as it was with a little united band of
enthusiasts, moving up and down the very dusty
ways of industrial life, did much to hasten improvement
also in things affecting manners and
morals.</p>
<p class='c008'>“Why have I never had a visit from a Lady
Inspector before?” was a question from an employer
that indicates a sentiment expressed more and
more frequently as the Women Inspectors increased
in weight of experience. Nothing, however, excelled
in importance the confidence engendered between
the woman worker and the woman Factory Inspector
through the successful steady rooting out of abuses.
In 1902 a girl, who had given evidence for Miss
Squire two years earlier in a prosecution for illegal
employment, wrote to her of a criminal assault
made on her by a fellow-workman on a dark winter
morning in the factory, and she got help and advice,
though not under the Factory Act. At such wide
intervals as 1900, 1904, 1907, 1912, I see in our
published reports records of complaints of brutal
conduct by managers, foremen, overlookers, towards
<span class='pageno' id='Page_54'>54</span>young girls. Even an employer in a spinning mill
was implicated in one of the earliest of these. “It
seems scarcely credible that nowadays (1900) little
doffers should be knocked down by grown men,
violently struck on head and shoulders ... yet
there was evidence of little half-starved, undersized
creatures who had suffered at the hands of a
burly overlooker and a tall imposing member of the
firm ... too strong to be doubted. When tackled
with such conduct and warned, neither denied the
charge.” Another complaint, in 1912, disclosed
similar conditions. The visiting Inspector, again
Miss Squire, chanced while half-screened by a pillar
in a workshed, to witness an example of such
brutality, when a foreman seized, shook, and flung
from him a young girl. She brought this, with
various serious contraventions of the Act that she
found in the factory,<a id='r41'></a><a href='#f41' class='c014'><sup>[41]</sup></a> before the managers, and
“shamed them into taking action to bring about
real improvement in the conditions.” Cases of
drunkenness and abusive language and complaints
of immorality were similarly dealt with and improvements
secured. In some cases the police,
investigating immorality of an employer towards
workgirls, sought our aid. In other directions,
employers would seek our guidance in controlling
moral risks. All such occasions afforded a welcome
opportunity to the Inspector for giving information
<span class='pageno' id='Page_55'>55</span>to the occupier about the well-attested gain of
wisely chosen, trained women’s superintendence in
matters of hygiene and welfare in the factory. In
one noteworthy instance the discovery by Miss
Martindale of some oppressive treatment of little
half-timers in a great textile mill in Belfast led the
active-minded manager to ask her whether he could
find a trained woman to carry on, daily, in the mill
such work as she had done at a single visit. The
woman was found, and she did much for the
health and welfare of men, women, and children
there.</p>
<p class='c008'>In 1896 it was first recorded that letters of thanks
from workers for improvements effected by the
Inspectors were coming in, sometimes without any
clue to the writers. And an Inspector would be
stopped in the street by a group of girls, who had
previously complained verbally during an inspection,
to say how much better things were going
since “fining had been reduced”; or a railway porter
lifting an official bag into the train would give a word
of thanks on behalf of a sister or friend whose overtime
had been reduced. Or one workgirl confiding
a hardship in her workplace to another girl casually
met outside, would be told to “come along to the
Lady Inspector who helped me a year ago,” and,
investigation and prosecution following, would set
in train a similar series of remedial activities.</p>
<p class='c008'>Ireland had, as in so many other things, special
ways of her own in appealing to and thanking the
Inspector for aid needed and rendered: “Please ...
would you kindly see to the heating of our
Room ... the stitching department is not ventilated,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_56'>56</span>it is terrible fusty you would never want a
headache if you had to work in it ... thanking you
in anticipation. We have proved your worth
before, every worker knows you are a lady.” Another
hopeful set of complainants, who wrote of lack of
any means of heating in a draughty finishing loft,
signed themselves, “Yours expectant,” and the
Inspector, Miss Martindale, on her arrival was
greeted with: “Thank God, you’ve come.” Or,
again, another wrote thanks and pled for continuance
of her watchfulness: “Thank you, mem,
for coming to X. They are doing what is right
since you were here if you only knew how much
good you done ... please mem be sure and watch
them.”<a id='r42'></a><a href='#f42' class='c014'><sup>[42]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>In England the expression of such thanks was
generally more impersonal, but not less grateful
and confident. One letter I received stands out in
my memory always, in its prompt response to investigation
of a complaint of overtime by Miss Paterson.
“It is no use to send an Inspector to ask the girls
questions, for they depend on their living and dare
not say much; but I must say that the lady sent was
just the sort of friend a dressmaker requires.”<a id='r43'></a><a href='#f43' class='c014'><sup>[43]</sup></a>
Miss Tuckwell wrote in 1897, as Honorary Secretary
of the Women’s Trade Union League, that the
confidence of the factory women was “based on the
fact that their representations are received and
distributed by a woman, and by women enquired
into and redressed”; “Our Women Inspectorate
has adapted itself exactly to English needs, and,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_57'>57</span>as a Yorkshire workgirl remarked, ‘We are well
suited by the Lady Inspectors.’”<a id='r44'></a><a href='#f44' class='c014'><sup>[44]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>In all this part of the history of administration
of the Factory Acts one sees conclusive evidence
of the very great need there was of intuitive insight
and extraordinary persistence in probing or tracking
down ills peculiarly affecting industrial women and
girls that, as a whole, were never laid bare until
the women had access to a woman in authority
armed with legal powers to initiate the remedies.
These ills afflicting women formed in some respects
a parallel to the earlier though grosser abuse of
child labour at the opening of the nineteenth century,
and recall the words of Mr. Cooke-Taylor:</p>
<p class='c008'>“It is of great and increasing importance that
that story be kept in memory; that it should never
be suffered to become extinct; as a pitiful ...
warning against the preposterous doctrine ...
that human affairs can be entrusted to impulses of
mere cupidity without shocking and degrading consequences.”<a id='r45'></a><a href='#f45' class='c014'><sup>[45]</sup></a>
It is difficult now, even for the Women
Inspectors, to reconstruct in the mind the barbarous
and grinding conditions that they were called to
disclose and to help to transform. The woman
worker was “subject to” mechanical power, and it
needed a labour of love to help her to free herself.</p>
<p class='c008'>In nothing does this appear more clearly than in the
sphere of wages, touched on in the following chapter.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_58'>58</span>
<h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER III<br> <span class='c013'>WOMEN’S WAGES AND THE TRUCK ACTS; THE PIECEWORKER AND HER PAY</span></h2>
</div>
<div class='lg-container-b c017'>
<div class='linegroup'>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>“Tell me what shall thy wages be?”</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<p class='c007'>Long before the beginnings of the modern factory
system, and centuries before the idea of applying
standard requirements for health, safety, or limitation
of hours in factories and workshops had arisen,
Parliament had recognised the need and right of
the worker to receive full payment of the wages
he had agreed to work for, in current coin of the
realm—“in true and lawful money.”<a id='r46'></a><a href='#f46' class='c014'><sup>[46]</sup></a> It also
recognised his right to spend those wages as and
where it best suited him.</p>
<p class='c008'>The law relating to Truck<a id='r47'></a><a href='#f47' class='c014'><sup>[47]</sup></a> was consolidated
quite early in the growth of the factory system by
the Act of 1831. This Act, and the Act of 1887,
which first brought in the very necessary aid of the
Factory Inspector to enforce its provisions and
strengthened the law,<a id='r48'></a><a href='#f48' class='c014'><sup>[48]</sup></a> are still in force, together
with the Act of 1896, which first regulated fines
<span class='pageno' id='Page_59'>59</span>and various deductions from wages, making them
illegal unless in pursuance of a definite agreement
or “contract” with every worker affected.</p>
<p class='c008'>In 1908 a Departmental Committee, appointed
by the Home Secretary, reported on the great need,
then generally recognised, for amending and consolidating
these Acts, and a minority of the Committee
recommended entire prohibition of fines
and deductions regulated by the Act of 1896.</p>
<p class='c008'>In the same year there was more than usual
activity, with markedly successful results, on the
part of the Women Inspectors in investigating and
prosecuting for contraventions of the Acts. From
about 1897 onwards they had gradually acquired
a unique acquaintance throughout the United Kingdom
with the human results of uncertain and low
wages, peculiarly oppressive to women and girls, by
their investigation of complaints, by long-drawn-out
legal proceedings, by special enquiries into homework,
and into payments of wages in overvalued
groceries and other goods instead of money. Of a
packet of tea given in place of hard-earned coin,
the outworker would say: “And the tea indeed it
is not good, it is not worth putting water on.”
“A pair of thin elastic-sided boots which constituted
the ‘wages’ paid to a worker, who, according
to the practice of the country-side (Donegal, 1897),
generally went barefoot, were objects of longing”
to the Inspector as “articles of evidence.”<a id='r49'></a><a href='#f49' class='c014'><sup>[49]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>The Women Inspectors have also had carried
to the High Courts of England and Ireland five
out of the six appeals, on points of law under the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_60'>60</span>Truck Acts, taken at the instance of the Factory
Department since 1896.<a id='r50'></a><a href='#f50' class='c014'><sup>[50]</sup></a> Facts and details that
came out at their prosecutions in police and sheriff
courts passed into the public press. There, and
through published official reports, it became well
known in Parliament and elsewhere that wages
below subsistence level afflicted women in many
factories, as well as in homework. Various voluntary
committees pressed the matter forward, and
the Inspectors’ evidence, published year after year
in Annual Reports, strengthened the Anti-Sweating
Movement from about 1904 to 1906. Public opinion
was stirred afresh by the Sweated Industries Exhibition
of 1906, and eyes were opened to evils
almost forgotten since the work and report of the
Select Committee of the House of Lords in 1888–90.</p>
<p class='c008'>The evidence of the Women Inspectors given to
the 1908 Committee on Truck was extensive as to
the evils affecting women and conclusive as to the
need of amendment of the law. In the same year
the Select Committee on Homework referred repeatedly
to the assistance they had obtained from
“so experienced and competent an observer as
Miss Squire, of the Home Office.”<a id='r51'></a><a href='#f51' class='c014'><sup>[51]</sup></a> The passing
of the Trade Boards Act of 1909 followed very
shortly on their Report. It provided for payment
by employers of a minimum rate of wages “clear
of all deductions” in certain industries specified
<span class='pageno' id='Page_61'>61</span>in a schedule to the Act, and in others to be brought
in by Provisional Order where the “rate of wages
prevailing ... is exceptionally low”; and Trade
Boards were set up for the fixing of such minimum
rates. This Act provided for minimum time rates
and for general minimum piece rates, and, on the
whole, has secured as solid a general assent from
the community as did the Elizabethan provision
in earlier times for protection of the poorest
labourer from starvation pay “both in times of
scarcity and in times of plenty.”</p>
<p class='c008'>The Act was administered, not by the Factory
Department (as was proposed in 1908 by the Select
Committee on Homework), but by the Board of
Trade (later by the Ministry of Labour). It thus
only enters into the scope of this study because so
closely linked with the pioneering work of the
Women Inspectors when they really <i>tested</i> the Truck
Acts and the Section in the Factory Act for securing
to women pieceworkers (in non-textile industries)
the protection of written “particulars” of their
work and wages. It also had a striking effect in
steadily sweeping away many of the deductions
from low wages with which we were specially concerned.
The beneficial movement was carried
decisively forward by the special wages conditions
administratively enforced for women during the
War.</p>
<p class='c008'>The fundamental elements in wages problems
are in some ways simpler and homelier for everyone
than problems of scientific hygiene in the
factory. Most of us realise very well how much
our freedom and happiness depend on having, in
<span class='pageno' id='Page_62'>62</span>our recompense for labour, a margin for spending,
above what is just necessary to keep us going, and
on being able to compute definitely from week to
week what the recompense will be. We do not
need technical knowledge to develop insight for
that. We can all readily grasp the truth in those
words of Adam Smith: “The property which every
man has in his own labour, as it is the original
foundation of all other property so it is the most
sacred and inviolable,” and “no society can surely
be flourishing and happy of which the greater part
of the members are poor and miserable.” And
thus, when the miseries of fraudulent payment in
goods or of excessive and uncertain deductions
from wages, or of sweated wages, are brought out,
it is clear to everyone that regulation must be
attempted with the least possible delay.</p>
<p class='c008'>As regards the grosser abuses of payment in
goods, the law had become generally effective for
the principal wage earners in organised factory
industry before 1893. For women outside the
factory system, these forms of Truck were then
and much later to be found in certain homework
industries in directions to be considered presently.
And in the least organised factory industries enforced
purchase and raffling of articles “damaged”
in process of manufacture, and many oppressive
forms of deductions and charges on slender wages,
were widespread.</p>
<p class='c008'>Although, fortunately, laws relating to wages—that
is, Truck Acts, Particulars Clause, Trade
Boards Act—were and are applicable to men and
women alike, it is evident that, until strengthened
<span class='pageno' id='Page_63'>63</span>by help from Inspectors of their own sex in the
Factory and Trade Boards Departments, and by
recent development of their own powers through
leading women organisers, women have proved but
poor bargainers for themselves, and weak in securing
their own welfare in matters of wages. This
weakness was, no doubt, closely linked with their
artificial exclusion from many well-paid industries
and processes suitable for them, which intensified
their competition for available employment. The
published reports of the Women Factory Inspectors
down to 1914 remain an historical record of the
depredations on their wages that the women suffered,
and of the pitiful smallness of their average
earnings—the details being, as viewed from the
standpoint of later improvements, almost staggering.
Their “property in their own labour,” outside
a few well-organised industries and often even in
fine-looking factories was, when we began, neither
“sacred” nor “inviolable,” and, indeed, in many
places, barely existed. Although the Women Inspectors
were at work to track out and deal with
contraventions in “hard cases,” yet the range of
area, processes, and numbers dealt with by them
in factories, workshops, and among outworkers
is so wide, and the figures were so carefully compared
with those given by manufacturers themselves,
that their reports make a decisive addition
to the evidence contained in the Board of Trade
Wage Census of 1886 and 1906. The wage levels
for women in their chief industries, given in this
census, low as they were, were undoubtedly somewhat
higher than in fact, and only covered returns
<span class='pageno' id='Page_64'>64</span>from the firms responding to an invitation to disclose
information in their wage books. Even if
the average wage per week for women over eighteen
years of age in non-textile industries was, as indicated
by the wage census, about 12s. 11d.,<a id='r52'></a><a href='#f52' class='c014'><sup>[52]</sup></a> those
of an immense number of women employed inside
the factory did not rise above 7s. to 8s., out of
which came deductions for disciplinary fines,
charges for cotton, needles, etc., use of power,
standing-room, cleaning of the factory, damage,
or purchase of damaged articles, hospitals, supply
of hot water for tea; so that for many young women
5s. to 6s. a week was nearer the mark. To such
numerous workers information that an average
of 12s. to 14s. was paid to women in their industry
would have meant nothing. It was their own
individual daily or weekly wage that was the reality
to them. The Act of 1896 required, as already said,
that a definite contract must be made by any employer
with his workers before deductions could be
made from wages; other terms could be specified
in a notice affixed in the workplace. Among other
conditions the deductions had to be fair and reasonable,
the acts or omissions which entailed a deduction
had to be specified in the contract, and particulars
of any deduction actually imposed had to
be given to the worker at the time. Even when
the Inspector had severely pruned the contract,
deductions for such things as gas, needles, sweeping,
sick clubs, made a serious inroad; a rate of 6s. 6d.
<span class='pageno' id='Page_65'>65</span>would emerge as 5s. 5d., of 7s. 6d. as 6s. 5d., of 12s.
as 9s. 9d. for a week’s work that might legally be
sixty hours.<a id='r53'></a><a href='#f53' class='c014'><sup>[53]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>“Girls’ wages are as a rule so pitiably low as to
leave no margin,” said Miss Squire in 1898, “for
making good any damage to work entrusted to
them, while the rapidity necessary in order to reach
the standard required of workers—paid by the
quantity turned out—increases the risk of damage.”</p>
<p class='c008'>In that year a letter reached me from the Leader
of a Factory Girls’ Club in London about one of
its members, employed in decorated sheet metal
work, who “looked thoroughly miserable and overworked.”
The girl had been set to work, at 8s.
a week, on a heavy “grooving” machine in place
of a man paid 28s. a week. A visit from the Inspectors
was desired, and the girl said they would
find “plenty things to find fault with.” Although
attention was promptly and closely applied to these
other things, I had to explain to the Club Leader
that the Factory Inspector was not concerned with
even the slenderest wages, except in so far as touched
by the Truck Acts, unless the pieceworkers should
desire to submit a claim for extension to them of the
Particulars Clause in the Factory Act.</p>
<p class='c008'>In the same year an instance of deductions for
short quantity from girls soldering tins containing
perishable goods, being engaged, not on piecework,
but on a fixed weekly wage, again illustrates both
the smallness of wages and the subjection to heavy
pressure. Here the girls rarely (some never)
received full wage, 1d. being deducted for every
<span class='pageno' id='Page_66'>66</span>ten trays (twenty-four tins on each) short of the
total required daily, which was 190 trays containing
4,560 tins. The girls complained that this total
exceeded what their best efforts could produce.
“It is slavery. We do not dawdle. We are all
for scrambling for fear of losing our money.” Miss
Squire examined the books for eleven workers
during five weeks, and none reached the total required,
although two once came within two trays
of it. Rewards were given for care and good work
and were set off against “short quantity.” Thus
from a wage of 8s. 9d., 300 trays being declared short,
2s. 6d. was deducted, and 1s. added for good work,
resulting in a net wage of 7s. 3d. The Inspector
found in another factory under the same company
a woman whose wages were raised for good work,
who ordinarily sealed 120 to 140 trays daily, and
could do 170 trays at a push. Thus the deductions
in the first factory were manifestly unfair and they
were refunded after the investigation. The manager
subsequently informed the Inspector that there was
no falling off in number of tins sealed by the girls.<a id='r54'></a><a href='#f54' class='c014'><sup>[54]</sup></a>
In a biscuit factory labellers, putting labels on
four sides and the top of a tin, were paid at the rate
of 1d. for twelve tins; for any one label damaged,
1d. was deducted, so that twelve tins would then
be labelled for nothing.<a id='r55'></a><a href='#f55' class='c014'><sup>[55]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>The Women Inspectors were driven to realise by
such experiences that not merely was starvation
pay for women and girls prevalent in many instances,
but that the whole outlook of many
<span class='pageno' id='Page_67'>67</span>employers on their standard and maximum wages
for women was darkened, and these employers had
almost uncontrolled power to fix and alter rates
for unorganised workers. As late as the middle
of 1914 Miss Whitworth (Mrs. Drury), taking
evidence for a prosecution, found that a pieceworker,
without the required written particulars,
was actually paid for some work in the week of
enquiry, without notice, less than she was paid in
the previous week for the same work. The foreman’s
explanation was: “What can one do, when
a girl is earning as much as 15s. a week, but lower
the piece rate.”<a id='r56'></a><a href='#f56' class='c014'><sup>[56]</sup></a> This was a not unusual attitude
throughout our experience up to the war period.
The fact of its existence and the consequences on
the output of the workgirl—faced with the alternatives
of earning the same sum whether on a higher
or a lower piece rate, and naturally choosing the
former—may be well seen in Mr. R. H. Tawney’s
“Minimum Rates in the Tailoring Trade.”<a id='r57'></a><a href='#f57' class='c014'><sup>[57]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>Of wholesale clothing factories in Colchester, in
1908, a local leading manufacturer told an Inspector
that he thought 7s. to 8s. would be the average
wage of the girls employed, and her “own observations
confirmed this. Board and lodging cost 7s.
a week at the lowest, so it is obviously impossible
for a girl to live unless she is at home.”<a id='r58'></a><a href='#f58' class='c014'><sup>[58]</sup></a> It is
noteworthy how often this average appeared to
rule in various parts of the country, as one turns
over many Annual Reports.</p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_68'>68</span>The remarkable thing about this low and limited
view of the value of a woman’s work, which ruled
so generally as seriously to depress her own estimate
of its value, was that a sudden alteration in the
valuation occurred immediately there was any
failure in punctuality of attendance, or quantity
and quality of output. And yet, sometimes, outside
public opinion, as reflected in the decision of a
police court magistrate or a sheriff, supported the
two apparently incompatible estimates.</p>
<p class='c008'>In a case taken into court in South London, where
the contract for deductions for time lost rendered
the worker liable to a fine of 1d. a minute lost, the
information was dismissed on the ground that the
contract was not in general unfairly enforced,
although it was shown that one worker earning 6s.
a week was fined 6d. for five minutes lost and
another 4d. for four minutes lost. While the girls
were at work the service was valued at 1½d. an
hour, in a week of sixty hours’ work.<a id='r59'></a><a href='#f59' class='c014'><sup>[59]</sup></a> In a South
London factory, where fining was at the rate of
1d. for any time lost up to five minutes, and 2d.
for more than five minutes, 276 girls out of 500
were fined sums from 4d. to 8d., and the total
amount collected by the firm in this way was £156
in a year. Incidentally punctuality was not secured
here by docking the low and hardly earned wages
of the girls. In many cases the attention drawn
to the matter by Inspectors induced employers to
refund deductions that should never have been
made. Heads of firms often gave far too little
personal care and attention to safeguarding their
<span class='pageno' id='Page_69'>69</span>own employees from injustice.<a id='r60'></a><a href='#f60' class='c014'><sup>[60]</sup></a> In numerous
instances where, after careful investigation in a
factory by the Inspector of the whole effects of the
fining system, the matter was once fully brought
to the knowledge of the head of a firm, voluntary
abolition of the system followed. Where it was
abandoned in favour of better methods of discipline,
return to the system was unknown. The gain in
efficiency of management was well attested by
such employers in their evidence to the Committee
on Truck in 1908.<a id='r61'></a><a href='#f61' class='c014'><sup>[61]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>A contrast appeared frequently between the
estimate of value put into an article by labour
expended on it, and of the worker’s share in responsibility
for loss occasioned by any accidental slip of
the fast-moving fingers. In a rubber tyre factory,
for example, where the outer case of the rubber
tyre was trimmed—<i>i.e.</i>, cut neatly along the edges—by
girls, at the rate of 1¼d. a dozen cases, a fine
of 1d. was imposed for each case damaged by the
edge being unevenly cut or snipped. The loss to
the employer was indeed reckoned as 2s. 6d.; the
loss to the worker, although only 1d., equalled
four-fifths of what she could earn in an hour’s
work.<a id='r62'></a><a href='#f62' class='c014'><sup>[62]</sup></a> In a safety-pin factory in the West of
England, where only good work was paid for and
some waste unavoidable—material being “weighed
out” in lots of 100 gross or 50 gross, and weighed
<span class='pageno' id='Page_70'>70</span>again when brought in—some exceptionally bad
deductions were found. A girl who had to cap
50 gross of pins for 1s. 3d. was told when she
brought the lot in that she was ¾ pound short, and
2s. 3½d. was deducted from her weekly wage of
5s. 7d. A married woman bringing in 84 gross
of good pins out of 100 gross booked to her, was
charged 2s. for 21 pounds short in the metal, and
instead of receiving 1s. 11½d. for the 84 gross pins,
admittedly well capped, received her pay envelope
empty—with a note on it that she owed ½d. Here
the firm, aroused by the miserable conditions
brought to light by the Inspector, voluntarily
returned all deductions, exceeding 5 per cent. off
any weekly wage to the workers for the whole year,
and arranged for piecework books with careful
entries and for regular “check-weighing” by the
workers.</p>
<p class='c008'>The number of instances is astounding where, by
the aid of the records required by the Truck Act
of 1896, Inspectors were able to track out preposterous,
long-standing “debts” of workgirls to
their employers for “damages” which they could
not test or verify themselves, in shirt and collar
and other clothing trades, in pen factories, and
other small metal works; the burden of the system
can only be grasped by a careful study of details
in numerous Annual Reports. The difficulties of
successful prosecutions in many bad cases are
touched on in Chapter VI. on legal work. “There
were cases in which the worker had remained in
debt for as long as eighteen months on a single
batch of collars machined, gradually paying off by
<span class='pageno' id='Page_71'>71</span>such instalments as her weekly wage of 7s. to 10s.
would bear.”<a id='r63'></a><a href='#f63' class='c014'><sup>[63]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>In an Irish linen-weaving factory that I visited
with Miss Martindale in 1911 in the course of long
negotiations with the Manufacturers’ Association,
carried on in the hope of securing voluntary improvements
in harsh contracts regarding damaged
work, we found that 65·76 per cent. of the weavers
were fined an average of 8¾d. in one recent week,
and 60·5 per cent., an average of 7½d., in another
week, six months earlier. The highest gross average
wage was 7s. 2¾d., and the average net wage,
including a so-called time bonus, was 5s. 8½d. The
mill was making little or no profit, and, as I observed
at the time, I “never had so strong an illustration
of the truth that thriving manufacture cannot be
built up on the labour of depressed and half-starved
workers.” In spite of warning, the percentage of
workers fined there rose yet higher, and the firm
was told that unless there was immediate reform
proceedings must follow. Here and elsewhere I
pressed for the institution of method and application
of skill in training the workers, and in this case it
was effectually established with results most satisfactory
to the management, while the number of
workers fined fell to 6·9 per cent. In another
weaving shed, where 33 per cent. were fined weekly
for cloth faults, after an Inspector’s visit all fines
were abolished “as an experiment.” The manager
in due course wrote that it was an unqualified success,
but that he did not wish his competitors to know,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_72'>72</span>as it gave him an advantage in getting good
weavers.<a id='r64'></a><a href='#f64' class='c014'><sup>[64]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>A great evil, particularly in connection with
clothing factories, developed out of charges for
damaged work, in “raffling” in order to escape
the burden of practically enforced purchase by the
workers of garments that they were alleged to have
damaged. Even in 1898 factories were found
where this practice had been reduced to a regular
system. In one factory every worker was required
or expected to pay 1d. a week to the foreman
towards a fund for paying back to the employee
the amount deducted from her wages for damaged
work, receiving in return a ticket for the raffle by
which damaged articles were disposed of week by
week. Three successful prosecutions, taken by
Miss Squire in 1905, did something to check the
growth of this practice in Leeds. In each case the
magistrate severely censured the defendants.<a id='r65'></a><a href='#f65' class='c014'><sup>[65]</sup></a> In
1906 it was found to be extensively prevalent in
Manchester “making-up” factories. “Leaving
aside,” said Miss Paterson, “... the effect on
character of gambling even to so slight an extent,
I think it tends to make workers careless in their
work; to make foremen and employers careless
about training good workers, and indifferent to
fairness when they assess damage.”<a id='r66'></a><a href='#f66' class='c014'><sup>[66]</sup></a> Although
compulsory purchase by the worker of damaged
work, illegal as it was, decreased, it was far more
difficult to repress the insidious practice of “giving”
<span class='pageno' id='Page_73'>73</span>the worker or “allowing her” to take damaged
work, for which she had a deduction made from
her wages. The better employers agreed with the
Inspector in prohibiting anything of the kind in
their works.</p>
<p class='c008'>This old evil, of compulsory purchase by the
worker of damaged products of her industry, the
damage being due, not only to lack of care, but
sometimes to accident, sometimes to defective
material or implements, sometimes to overpressure
or defective training of the worker, appeared in
even the highly organised and relatively well-paid
cotton trade, which had at its own instance been
exempted from the scope of the Truck Act of 1896.
Some girls of fourteen and sixteen years left a cotton
factory in 1901 owing to heavy fines for faults in
the cloth. On claiming arrears of wages due, they
were each shown a piece of cloth and told they
must take the damaged pieces in lieu of wages.
“... Finding they could make no other terms,
they said they would take time to consider,” and
meanwhile wrote to the Inspector, Miss Squire. She
accompanied them in the following week to the
factory office, “and the wages were paid over in
coin, the employer finding that the Truck Act, 1831,
was not to be lightly set aside.”<a id='r67'></a><a href='#f67' class='c014'><sup>[67]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>Deductions for motive power, used in the manufacturing
process, were often found in our earlier
years of inspection, but they had already begun
to die out, and, I think, have long since done so
generally. They were mainly a survival from the
time of transition from handicraft to power-driven
<span class='pageno' id='Page_74'>74</span>industry, and sometimes reflected the hardness of
those days—as when they covered not only cost
of fuel and repairs, but wages also of the man who
attended the engine. I made a calculation in the
case of some Lancashire clothing factories in 1897–98
that payment by the worker of 1d. in the 1s. earned,
or 1s. weekly if wages rose above 9s., brought in
enough to run the whole power at the workers’
expense, ownership of the engine remaining with
the occupier. Charges or deductions for cleaning
the factory, or parts of it, such as lavatories, were
also a survival from other days when the worker
worked in his own domestic workshop; severe
scrutiny by the Inspector of many wage contracts,
and of local practices that were unrecorded in any
formal notice, was necessary to free the worker
from the burden of carrying the occupier’s legal
responsibility for keeping his factory in a cleanly
condition. Levies of 1d. a week on every worker
in a large factory would sometimes produce more
than the wage of a good charwoman in places
where there was not much evidence of her activity.
Even in 1901 the prosecution of a firm for employing
women in the dinner hour gave publicity, during
the hearing, to the details of how women and girls
supplied gratis, the labour, cloths, buckets, etc.,
necessary to enable the occupiers of a world-famed
textile factory to keep it in the cleanly state required
by the Acts. The conviction did much to “shift
the burden on to the right shoulders.”<a id='r68'></a><a href='#f68' class='c014'><sup>[68]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>The odd topsy-turvy way in which law and
administration reacted in the difficult work of
<span class='pageno' id='Page_75'>75</span>applying the Truck Act was seen by Miss Martindale
in a procession of workers who paraded the
streets of Belfast in 1911 carrying boards on which
stood in large letters the words: “Down with the
Truck Acts.” This followed our long negotiations
with the Association of Manufacturers (already
referred to) in an endeavour to secure milder contracts
regarding deductions for damage. The
meagre results had been embodied, with other
rules over which we had no control, in a notice
(drafted by the lawyers to the Association), a copy
of which was handed to each worker. The notices
were headed by the words: “The Truck Act, 1896,
requires that a copy of the following terms and conditions
should be handed to every worker.” The
“other rules” included such conditions as instant
dismissal of a worker when, in the opinion of the
employer, manager, or overlooker, she had been
guilty of certain acts or defaults, and discharge of
workers in any department without notice or compensation
if any of the workers in the factory strike
or decline to work. This blending of incompatible
terms could not be prevented by legal process without
amendment of the Act.</p>
<p class='c008'>Up to the time of the passing of the Truck Act,
1887, and even later, a common opinion held that
deductions from wages in respect of fines were
rendered illegal by the Act of 1831, through its
provision that the entire wages were to be paid in
coin. The important decision in <cite>Redgrave</cite> v. <cite>Kelly</cite>
(1889), however, established a different conclusion,
and left it so that the question of the reasonableness
of fines could not be raised under that Act. It was
<span class='pageno' id='Page_76'>76</span>chiefly against uncertainty and unreasonableness
in such fines that the Act of 1896 was aimed.
Among the reactions from the very considerable,
though incomplete, degree of control introduced by
this Act came the development, especially in Irish
textile factories, of a so-called “bonus” system,
the real meaning of which was in many instances
a desire to “keep clear” of that Act. It appeared
in amounts varying from 5 to 20 per cent. of the
wage in many and subtle forms; for timekeeping,
for output and equality of piecework, and for
amount of wages earned in the week. Although
the bonus seldom seemed to raise the average wage
above the local level, it was treated by the employer
as a kind of gift, over and above wages, and the
whole or part was liable to be withheld, in addition
to imposing any specific fine mentioned in the contract
or a deduction for time lost. In a case
carried from Petty Sessions to the High Court in
Ireland, <cite>Deane</cite> v. <cite>Wilson</cite>, a weaver lost 2s. 4d. out
of a weekly wage of 10s. for a single small unpunctuality.
Arriving thus at the mill a few minutes
late, she was locked out for a quarter of the day
and forfeited her “bonus” of 2s. in addition to the
quarter time lost, reckoned as 4d. The High Court
confirmed the decision of the magistrates to dismiss
the summons, on the ground that the 2s. bonus could
not be computed as wages, and that therefore no
fine was inflicted.</p>
<p class='c008'>The Committee on Truck, 1908, decided that the
bonus system was open to grave abuse, and on the
evidence placed before them believed that it was
abused. They made certain recommendations for
<span class='pageno' id='Page_77'>77</span>its control through empowering a court “after
considering all the circumstances of the case to
decide whether the bonus is used by the employer
as a means of evading the requirements of the
statute, and, in the event of deciding that it is so
used, to convict the employer.”<a id='r69'></a><a href='#f69' class='c014'><sup>[69]</sup></a> I confess that it
appears to me that if such a clause had stood in the
Act it would not have altered the decision in <cite>Deane</cite>
v. <cite>Wilson</cite>. Magistrates and Judges alike arrived at
the conclusion that the Truck Act did not provide
a remedy for a reduction by 2s. 4d. of a gross payment
of 10s. for a week’s skilled work (which 10s.
was regularly given to the wage earner if no unpunctuality
occurred). The reduction left the wage
earner with 7s. 8d. net for a week in which she only
lost a few minutes by her own lateness. The
recommendation of the Minority Report of the
Truck Committee “that the bonus system should
be prohibited by law” would hardly solve the
difficulty. Extra rewards to workers for good work
could never be effectually prohibited by law. The
real problem is to assure to the worker a secure, net
minimum wage, and to defeat evasion by unreasonable
or unjust employers.<a id='r70'></a><a href='#f70' class='c014'><sup>[70]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>The charges upon wages above considered have
been taken first—although not the earliest form of
Truck—because they were characteristic of the
factory system and specially harassing to large
numbers of women in the period from 1893 to 1914,
before great changes were brought by the War.</p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_78'>78</span>Payment in “unprofitable wares” instead of in
“lawful money” mainly troubled unorganised
factory operatives during the transition from handicraft
industry to mass production. Truck—that is,
in its original sense—survived in our official experience,
and called for our intensified enquiry and
action among outworkers in rural districts: in
Cornwall and Somerset, over wide areas in Ireland,
and among knitters in Shetland. From these
directions complaints flowed in upon the Women
Inspectors, keeping them absorbed for many months
in activities that made them, for the time, almost
anything but Factory Inspectors. They led us
into almost incredible experiences<a id='r71'></a><a href='#f71' class='c014'><sup>[71]</sup></a> until eventually
various legal decisions made it plain that any outworker
who was not under an express contract
personally to execute the manual work, however
poor or however clearly in need of protection, was
outside the Truck Acts.</p>
<p class='c008'>Two ancient forms of oppressive “agreement ...
understanding ... or arrangement ... direct
or indirect” prohibited by law,<a id='r72'></a><a href='#f72' class='c014'><sup>[72]</sup></a> continued, however,
in our time to trouble ill-organised factory
workers, irregular charges for rent, and compulsory
expenditure of wages at an employer’s shop.</p>
<p class='c008'>“The people say it was a charity for you to stop
the checks, but it would be a greater charity if you
would stop the rents being kept off the workers.”
“If the Inspector would look after shopkeepers
giving out work and making the workers take goods
instead of money, I think she would be doing a
service to the poor.” Both these complaints have
<span class='pageno' id='Page_79'>79</span>the vivid, Irish ring, but they expressed the sore
needs of many a worker, and not only in Great
Britain and Ireland. As regards deductions for
rent, without a shadow of a legal right, no reported
instance is worse than that in a lucifer match
factory in England in 1898, followed by prosecution
and fine, where, in absence of any contract, the
employer was taking nearly the whole earnings of
a half-starved young girl worker for accumulated
and unrecorded rent, unpaid by her father during
a long epidemic of smallpox.<a id='r73'></a><a href='#f73' class='c014'><sup>[73]</sup></a> Another instance
nearly as bad was found in a factory in a great
textile district where, without rent-book or any
form of contract (which in any case could not have
been legalised), any wife or daughter engaged on
piecework was liable to receive her earnings reduced
by quite undefined amounts, said to be rent due
from husband or father. The mere fact that the
mill was sometimes “standing” added to the
uncertainty of the position; in one case successfully
taken into court, the employer’s ledger showed
17s. 1½d. deducted for rent in six weeks for a cottage
rented at 2s. a week.<a id='r74'></a><a href='#f74' class='c014'><sup>[74]</sup></a> The Irish complainant
(living in a house owned by his employer) was,
however, concerned far more with insecurity of
tenure and with the feature that “if you get dismissed
out of your employment they won’t give
you any money (wages) till the house is empty.”
Uncertainty about the poorest roof over his head,
being his home, was to the Irish peasant yet worse
than insecurity of employment.</p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_80'>80</span>Miss Martindale sometimes found dressmakers
employed in Irish country towns who “lived-in,”
receiving their wages only once a year, who were
obliged to obtain articles on credit from their
employers, getting seriously in debt to them. She
also found hand-spinners and weavers in the tweed
industry paid in exorbitantly priced draperies and
groceries; a complainant, telling how a girl’s wages
were pledged by her father to a rich shopkeeper for
five years for the paying off of his debts, described
the girl as “sold” to her employer. The remark
made to Miss Martindale by a man who had very
special opportunities of knowing the poorer country
districts of Ireland, that “the people are born in
debt, die in debt, and live in bondage,” struck her
in the year 1907 as “undoubtedly only too true.”<a id='r75'></a><a href='#f75' class='c014'><sup>[75]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>In few places could the framework of bondage
be more complete than in a certain “townland,”
where the owner of the principal shop and public-house
was also the owner of the flax fields and flax
scutch mill, and employer of many of the inhabitants.
The women working for wages in the mill seldom
received coin; one girl, whose father and sister
were dependent on the same employer, received
none during a whole winter. Dealing at the shop
was practically a condition of employment.<a id='r76'></a><a href='#f76' class='c014'><sup>[76]</sup></a> A
successful prosecution in 1907, upheld on appeal
against conviction to Quarter Sessions, brought
in many communications of similar cases to Miss
Martindale, as did the well-known earlier prosecution
by Miss Deane at Ardara in 1898, and several more
<span class='pageno' id='Page_81'>81</span>by Miss Squire in Dungloe and neighbouring districts,
which led in 1900 to her hard-fought appeals
to the High Court, touched on in Chapter VI. These
ladies were indeed all the “petticoated Inspectors”
of whom a well-known Irish Q.C. declared at the
hearing of an appeal in June, 1900, that there was
“an army squatted around Dungloe, watching
every little industry and striving to throttle them.”<a id='r77'></a><a href='#f77' class='c014'><sup>[77]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>Many of the difficulties that the Inspectors had
to encounter in remote country districts, in their
endeavour to scotch or root out the habit of paying
in kind or in tickets usable instead of coin at a
particular shop, were not of legal interpretation.
They were largely of local circumstances. A fortnight’s
residence in 1899 in a lovely district of
county Donegal enabled me, beyond my expectations,
to gauge the character of these practices. The
open friendliness shown by the peasant woman and
car-drivers to an English visitor showed me some of
the essential factors of the situation. There was a
manifest sense of security among the law-breakers,
on the alert to conceal all traces of their methods
of payment since the £44 penalty secured against a
shopkeeping middlewoman by Miss Deane in 1898.
In their shops, their inns, their ownership of cars,
they represented the wealth and carrying power of
the local community; in their connections through
marriage with the priests’ and magistrates’ families,
and sometimes even their position as magistrates,
they represented the order of the community. It
was possible for me to ascertain, beyond doubt,
that not only outworkers, but also masons and
<span class='pageno' id='Page_82'>82</span>roadworkers, were being paid for their work mainly
(and sometimes wholly) in goods estimated above
their real value; it was a long work of patient skill
to establish particular cases in court, and to Miss
Squire I left this part of our task. I could see
carts laden with yarn and groceries that drove out
for miles round the country and that brought back
knitted hose; the difficulty was to be on a spot
out in the country, or in a shop, at the exact moment
to see the transactions. “To be an eye-witness,”
said Miss Squire, “of such payment is almost
impossible, for that it is illegal is well known; and
immediately a stranger enters a shop all transactions
cease. Baffled frequently, I succeeded on
one occasion, by a carefully planned stratagem ...
and saw the socks handed over the counter, yarn
for fresh socks given out, and packets of tea and
sugar given in payment. Except in this one case
I had, in undertaking prosecutions, to rely entirely
upon the workers, and even those who beforehand
appeared most staunch managed to evade service
of summons, disappeared from their homes in a
wonderful manner, and were with difficulty brought
to the court. Once there and put on oath, the
truth is told and conviction of the employers followed
in each case, the maximum penalty being
obtained in one case and £5 in each of the others....
The immediate effect of the proceedings is
that money is handed now to workers by the agents,
but a close watch will have to be kept lest ... the
practice is continued in another and more hidden
form.”<a id='r78'></a><a href='#f78' class='c014'><sup>[78]</sup></a> This was a prophetic utterance, as instances
<span class='pageno' id='Page_83'>83</span>of struggles in later legal proceedings
showed, especially in two distinct appeals, <cite>Squire</cite>
v. <cite>Sweeney</cite> in 1900.<a id='r79'></a><a href='#f79' class='c014'><sup>[79]</sup></a> In many ways, by letter and
by word and gesture, the grateful women showed
the gallant Inspectors, Miss Squire and her successor,
Miss Martindale, how highly their adventurous
efforts were valued. At this time it came out
clearly that some local country agents of manufacturers
of the big centres suffered from miserably
low commissions. One told Miss Squire that he
had no commission at all, that he had ceased to pay
in goods since her prosecution showed him it was
illegal, and he asked her if she could help him to
find a commission-paying employer. Special care
was taken to bring home to the head firms in the
North and West of Ireland the grave responsibility
they bore in this matter.</p>
<p class='c008'>In the following year, not only in Ireland but
also in Cornwall, amongst guernsey knitters, and
in Somerset amongst kid-glove makers, Miss Squire
carried forward this endeavour to secure respect
for the right of the worker to “free control of her
own earnings unhampered by any condition as to
where and how they should be spent.”</p>
<p class='c008'>“Only by a daily intercourse with cottagers in
remote villages and the fishing folk of little seaside
towns ... can the real nature of their business
transactions be fathomed. The information so
obtained and pieced together disclosed a state of
such widespread defiance of the law and contempt
of the rights of the wage earner as it seems incredible
could exist in England at the present time.” In
<span class='pageno' id='Page_84'>84</span>the same year the Superintending Inspector for the
Northern Division noted that there existed “a
considerable amount of the old system of Truck,”
in the Shetland shawl, the Harris tweeds, and the
fishing industries of Scotland. He thought it
hardly “remediable under the Acts by the Inspectorate.”
The features he indicated were just those
against which Miss Squire’s carefully devised campaign
was directed in Ireland and South-West
England. Unquestionably, new and unconventional
methods of exploration of the trouble had
to be tried. The Cornish women excelled in their
knitting of yachtsmen’s guernseys for which the
nominal payment was 2s. 6d. to 3s. 6d. each, but
the payment was in drapery goods from the employer’s
shop “at whatever price and of whatever
quality the employer chooses to supply”; a poor
cripple woman was found in great distress with a
man’s coat on her hands, when she sorely needed
money for her rent. In Somersetshire villages the
kid-glove makers were being paid in goods from the
grocery shop of an agent who fetched the work from
factories, distributed it to the cottages, collected it
again, and returned it to the factories. The ten
cases successfully prosecuted against five drapers
and grocers, who were contractors in these counties,
had an immediate good effect that lasted for some
time, and some manufacturers were moved to open
a depôt in Yeovil where they gave out the work
and paid the outworkers in coin through their own
clerk.<a id='r80'></a><a href='#f80' class='c014'><sup>[80]</sup></a> A recrudescence of the system was found
<span class='pageno' id='Page_85'>85</span>by Miss Slocock in 1907 in Somersetshire after the
English High Court decision in <cite>Squire</cite> v. <cite>Midland
Lace Company</cite>. This, like the Irish decision in
<cite>Squire</cite> v. <cite>Sweeney</cite>, practically withdrew the protection
of the Truck Acts, 1831 to 1887, from the
English outworker.<a id='r81'></a><a href='#f81' class='c014'><sup>[81]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>These Acts have awaited amendment all these
years from 1908 to 1921, and meantime the scope
of wages problems for women has widened and
changed, in Great Britain at least. The War went
far towards establishing for women a legal claim
to a reasonable minimum wage; first, temporarily,
when they were employed as substitutes in great
organised men’s engineering industries, and then
through Trade Boards gradually set up in trades
where no adequate machinery of organisation existed
for the effective regulation of wages. Women’s
own great industrial services to the nation during
the War, fostered and encouraged by specialised
training, of course altered the outlook fundamentally.
It was no longer a favour conferred on them merely
to employ them; their work and their special aptitudes
and skill were seen in a new light as a service
to the community.</p>
<p class='c008'>Yet even before these new motives came in sight,
things had not stood still, for the Factory Act of
1895 had made secure the claim of the pieceworker
to a definite contract as to her prospective earnings
on any given piece of work. That Act directly
extended to all pieceworkers in textile trades the
right to <i>written</i> particulars of work and wages, in
a section<a id='r82'></a><a href='#f82' class='c014'><sup>[82]</sup></a> which was declared by Mr. Birtwistle—first
<span class='pageno' id='Page_86'>86</span>Inspector of Textile Particulars—to be “without
doubt the most popular section of any Act of
Parliament ever passed in the interest of labour.”<a id='r83'></a><a href='#f83' class='c014'><sup>[83]</sup></a>
The strong organisation of the textile trades, especially
the Lancashire cotton trade, had secured
the beginnings of this protection to some textile
pieceworkers in the Act of 1891.<a id='r84'></a><a href='#f84' class='c014'><sup>[84]</sup></a> It was suggested
possibly by a similar provision for handicraft
silk weavers in an Act of 1845.</p>
<p class='c008'>It was so immediately successful in setting these
workers free from the torment of insecurity in calculating
prospective earnings on intricate piece
rates, liable to frequent alterations, that other
pieceworkers soon called for its aid. This was
provided for by the power taken in 1895 to apply
the benefit of the provision by Order of the Secretary
of State “to any class of non-textile factories or
to any class of workshops ... subject to such
modifications as may in his opinion be necessary
for adapting those provisions to the circumstances
of the case.”<a id='r85'></a><a href='#f85' class='c014'><sup>[85]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>This just and simple measure, really indispensable
for intricate piecework in mass production, was
valuable, not only for collective bargaining between
employers and employed, but also for enabling
individual workers to understand and discuss the
basis of piecework earnings. It was happily applied
further, by the Act of 1901, to outworkers on prescribed
lists kept by the occupier of a factory or
workshop and by contractors.<a id='r86'></a><a href='#f86' class='c014'><sup>[86]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_87'>87</span>With the aid of many confidential complaints
from women workers, the Women Inspectors were
enabled to make a long series of effective investigations
in many non-textile industries as to the
inability of pieceworkers to calculate what their
earnings would be at any given piece of work, and
as to their consequent bitter feeling of grievance
in the matter. In 1896 Miss Deane reported to the
Home Office on the need for application of the clause
to workers in blouse, apron, and handkerchief
trades. I reported similarly in that year on the
workers’ desire for, and great need of, this provision
in the wholesale clothing trade in the North of
England, and I completed this enquiry for the
remainder of the great centres of the industry in
England and Scotland in 1897–98. It was at once
found that the practice of giving particulars to
pieceworkers was already in existence in fair-dealing
factories, and that the best manufacturers held
that “the only business-like system is to have a
clear contract with the workers, such contract to
hold good until the question of a new one has been
fully considered and threshed out.” In 1898 I
reported that the general need of outworkers who
then stood outside the section for the protection
afforded by the section was even greater than the
need of the factory worker.<a id='r87'></a><a href='#f87' class='c014'><sup>[87]</sup></a> The needs of pieceworkers
in pen-making, hand fustian cutting, underclothing,
shirt and collar industries were investigated
and reported on in quick succession chiefly by Miss
Squire, and in 1899 our first cases under an Order
for written particulars were successfully taken into
<span class='pageno' id='Page_88'>88</span>court by her. This advertisement of the possibility
of applying a remedy to one of their greatest handicaps
and grievances—lack of power to calculate
earnings—brought a decided increase in complaints
about wages from women and girls.</p>
<p class='c008'>The 1900 Order for particulars to pieceworkers
in the pen-making trade—where long and intricate
investigation into the conditions of calculating and
paying wages had been necessary in this industry
of many minute, successive hand-tool operations<a id='r88'></a><a href='#f88' class='c014'><sup>[88]</sup></a>—brought
strikingly good results in a remarkably
short time. The results were not only material
in wages to the worker, but, still more, moral in
engendering confidence between workers and employers.
In 1898 there was much lack of confidence,
workers asserting that their “lots” of pens were
frequently larger than the nominal amount, and
employers were more or less resentful of investigation.
In March, 1901, Miss Squire reported that
the occupiers of the twelve pen factories—all
situated in Birmingham—had set to work in a
“highly commendable way” to supply the prescribed
particulars. I doubt if any change in methods
of stating and fulfilling wage contracts was ever
more quietly and rapidly effected. The employers
seemed to understand thoroughly the spirit of the
Order, and they expressly recognised that Inspectors,
manufacturers, and workers had to work out the
details of the new requirement together in a harmonious
way. Here, and in various other trades,
the complexity and mass of detail that had to be
<span class='pageno' id='Page_89'>89</span>mastered in developing the various Orders for piecework
particulars led to continual interchange of
information and help between the District Inspectors
and the floating staff of Women Inspectors.
The work done then and later by the whole Factory
Department must certainly have smoothed the way
for introduction of Trade Board minimum wage
scales. The Orders for locks, latches, and keys,
cables, chains, and cart gear, of 1902, specially
operated in this direction.</p>
<p class='c008'>In some industries, and strangely in wholesale
fustian clothing factories situated in textile districts
where the idea of written particulars had first
prevailed, there was much patient work to be done
by the Inspectorate in overcoming a stubborn
adherence to defective methods of giving particulars,
such as chalk marks on garments, use of
symbols, and their refusal even to give particulars
at all.</p>
<p class='c008'>Early in 1903 came the first and very important
extension of this protection to outworkers in the
wholesale tailoring trade. Their need could not be
expressed in the same clear, organised way as by the
factory workers. It was none the less surely to be
discovered by research among them, as Miss Squire
found when she investigated, directly or through
visits to firms, the needs of over 6,000 outworkers.
Her account of the variety in systems of giving out
work in the four great centres—Leeds, London,
Colchester, Bristol—and the risks of the bag-woman
or carrier system in the last two districts,
must be read to acquire an adequate idea of the
needs of the women:</p>
<p class='c015'><span class='pageno' id='Page_90'>90</span>“The bag-woman or carrier system is open to
much abuse, especially where these are really contractors
receiving the outwork price themselves
and giving what proportion they think fit to those
to whom they pass on the work. Sometimes they
keep the grocery shop of the village, and if they
are sharp enough not actually to infringe the letter
of the Truck Act, sail very near the wind and obtain
an injurious control over their customers, dependent
as these are upon them for both work and grocery.
The prices paid to outworkers for either making
or finishing are incredibly low at the best; at the
worst, the ‘slop clothing’ rate, they are cruel.
With all the sad experience one has gained in many
trades of the amount of work a woman will do for
a penny, one still marvels how anyone, however
poor, can be found to accept the rate given for
some classes of work, as, for example, elevenpence
a dozen for finishing (that is, all but the stitching
of the seams) men’s trousers. When the rate of
wages is so low, it is of great moment to the worker
to know exactly what the price is; she wants to be
absolutely sure that she has not been misled by
some symbol into putting ‘A’ quality work, which
takes more time, into a ‘B’ quality garment, for
which she will receive a halfpenny less, or to run
the risk of being told when she takes the work
back to the factory that she was mistaken if she
thought the price would be eightpence, as it had
been lowered to sixpence.</p>
<p class='c015'>“That there is a real need for the outworker to
have ... the written statement of the price the
employer contracts to pay was abundantly proved.
In the absence of such written particulars the homeworker
is, at best, uncertain as to the price she
will receive, and is at times in complete ignorance,
so that the door is open for fraud on the part of
‘passer,’ or carrier, or messenger.”<a id='r89'></a><a href='#f89' class='c014'><sup>[89]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_91'>91</span>The need of written particulars for outworkers
was voluntarily recognised by some employers,
but not being enforceable had been often fitfully
and carelessly carried out by their agents. It was
pre-eminently a case where law should step in to
bring up general practice to the level admitted by
public opinion to be the least that was due from
employer to employed.</p>
<p class='c008'>At the end of 1903 the Order for particulars to
pieceworkers in the shirt, collar, linen underwear,
corset, and other wearing apparel trades widely
extended this safeguard to cover unorganised
women—to their immense satisfaction. “Mrs. A.,
employed in a chiffon and straw hat workshop,
informed the Inspector how pleased she had been
to read in the political news of <cite>Lloyd’s</cite> about the new
Order. Formerly she never knew until Saturday
night when her job was done, what she would
receive for it.... Miss D., belt and tie maker, ...
recently did fifty dozen, expecting 2d. more
a dozen than she received.”<a id='r90'></a><a href='#f90' class='c014'><sup>[90]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>The work of enquiry, followed by extension of
the principle of supplying written particulars to
pieceworkers, went on apace. Seventeen or more
trades were added in 1907 by composite Orders,
and more in later years. Every effort was made to
give administrative effect to all these Orders as fast
as possible. The Inspectors acquired, as it were
automatically, a wide and detailed acquaintance
with prevalent wage rates, and were again and again
struck by the tendency of employers to lower rates
“directly girls get quick and earn too much.”
“It appears to be useless to point out that this is
<span class='pageno' id='Page_92'>92</span>a very short-sighted policy, and that all incentive
to quick, good work is crushed out.”<a id='r91'></a><a href='#f91' class='c014'><sup>[91]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>The time was evidently getting ripe for application
of the principle of minimum wage regulation.</p>
<p class='c008'>And yet a word may here be added on the valuable
help, in ratio of work to wages, that sometimes
could be brought, through the Factory Act and
the Factory Inspector, to a most helpless class of
workers, those in low-paid industries who were practically
compelled to take work home at the close of
the legal day in the factory in order to keep body
and soul together. A striking example of an old-standing
breach of Section 31 of the Factory Act
of 1901 (restricting employment inside and outside
the factory or workshop on the same day), with a
sinister effect on the wages of the girls, was brought
to light by Miss Escreet in Birmingham in 1913:</p>
<p class='c015'>“Workers in the warehouses of a pen factory had
been regularly taking home cards to thread with
elastic for the reception of pens, compasses, india-rubber,
etc. The workers, who mostly lived some
way from the factory, arrived at their homes about
7.15 p.m., and in nearly every case worked steadily
for three nights in the week for three hours or
more. Many of the girls with large quantities of
cards to do received help from their relations; even
where this was given, their leisure was encroached
on to the extent of one and a half to two hours,
and where it was lacking entirely, work sometimes
went on till midnight, or spread to four or five
evenings in the week. Ample evidence was at hand
to explain the continuance of this ‘voluntary
work’: the system had been long virtually used
<span class='pageno' id='Page_93'>93</span>to economise on the wages bill, for ‘cards’ were
given out and their quantity increased at regular
intervals, when girls would normally be receiving
a rise. That the economy was a successful one
may be seen from the fact that the average weekly
warehouse wage of six adult workers, taken at
random, was 10s. 1d., which they increased to an
average of 13s. 5½d. by doing ‘cards.’ This system
enabled the employer to economise in his insurance
contributions as well as in wages, for, without the
card-money, he would have been liable for an
increased contribution. The girls were shrewd
enough to appreciate the unfairness of the system,
and welcomed its abolition, in spite of the fact that
their net wages have dropped. An increase has
been given at the factory, but not to the extent of
the weekly cards. Nevertheless, I was told in one
case by the sister of a worker that they had had
‘the happiest week for twelve years.’ And a
grateful Jewish mother wished me ‘a long life, and
God bless you’ over and over again.”</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_94'>94</span>
<h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER IV<br> <span class='c013'>DANGEROUS AND INJURIOUS PROCESSES; ACCIDENTS AND SAFETY</span></h2>
</div>
<p class='c016'>“’Tis a sordid profit that’s accompanied with the destruction
of health.”—<span class='sc'>B. Ramazzini</span>, 1678.</p>
<p class='c007'>Let us turn now from general conditions affecting
women and girls in factory life to special dangers
due to “any manufacture, machinery, plant,
process, or description of manual labour.”<a id='r92'></a><a href='#f92' class='c014'><sup>[92]</sup></a> Here
the aid given by Women Inspectors, though extensive
and indispensable, has hitherto been ancillary
rather than primary in character. They have
not before 1921 been brought into the Factory
Department expressly in the capacity of medical,
engineering, or chemical experts. And yet their
early research into many imperfectly explored
causes of injury to health and safety of women
and young workers was so steadfast, and their
evidence in Annual Reports so freely read and
quoted in Parliament and the Press, that they
stirred public opinion to a new outlook on women’s
needs in these matters. As time went on the
Department was able to draw in an increasing
number of women candidates with good degrees
in science, and with considerable experience in
research or in work of an administrative character.
<span class='pageno' id='Page_95'>95</span>The steady pooling of knowledge and experience
that went on in the Women’s Branch yielded good
fruit.</p>
<p class='c008'>The Women Inspectors were immediately called
on by the Chief Inspector of 1893 to 1895 to share
both in enforcing new “special rules” for dangerous
and injurious processes,<a id='r93'></a><a href='#f93' class='c014'><sup>[93]</sup></a> and in conducting enquiries
with a view to strengthening these rules.
They came into the service practically at the
beginning of the new movement for <i>applying</i> scientific
knowledge in these matters; knowledge of
some of the ills had existed before, but it had not
been applied and was therefore incomplete. They
entered the Department five years before a Medical
Inspectors’ Branch was set up, and three years
before the momentous requirement was made that
medical practitioners should notify certain diseases
(lead, phosphorus, etc., arsenical poisoning or
anthrax), contracted in a factory or workshop, to
the Chief Inspector.</p>
<p class='c008'>Before the entry of the Medical Inspectorate, the
long-established institution of part-time certifying
surgeons<a id='r94'></a><a href='#f94' class='c014'><sup>[94]</sup></a> had brought some medical observation,
largely unco-ordinated, to bear on industrial conditions.
From their private practice among industrial
workers the certifying surgeons often
gathered important records of individual cases of
industrial poisoning, respiratory and other diseases,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_96'>96</span>arising from injurious conditions of manufacture.
These records could be and were fully utilised by
the Medical Inspectors in due course—as may be
well seen in the reports and other writings by Dr.
T. M. Legge and Dr. E. L. Collis.</p>
<p class='c008'>Not until after the War (in 1921) was a medical
Woman Inspector appointed to the Medical Branch—Dr.
E. M. Hewitt. During all the earlier years
from 1893 reliance was placed on the initiative of
the Women’s Branch of the Department for the
highly necessary observation by women of conditions
and habits of women and girl workers. An
outstanding obstacle to obtaining exact knowledge
of industrial mortality and disease amongst women
arose from the omission to enter in mortality and
hospital records the occupation of married women,
whether occupied prior to or during married life.
This entailed a closer individual investigation
among women than among men for clues to industrial
disease and careful following up of their cases
outside the factory as well as inside. When information
was needed on grave injury and early deaths
among, for example, asbestos workers or china
scourers, in cases of lead poisoning or phosphorus
necrosis, or mercurial poisoning in the days before
notification was compulsory, indispensable contributions
were made by the investigations of Women
Inspectors in many directions, and especially as to
the effects of lead processes on maternal functions.</p>
<p class='c008'>The earlier tentative “special rules” for safeguarding
the workers against “dangerous and
unhealthy incidents of employment” had been
made in 1892 and 1893, under the new powers of
<span class='pageno' id='Page_97'>97</span>the Factory Act of 1891 suggested by the special
rules under the Mines Acts. The special rules were
made on the proposal of the Chief Inspector to the
occupier of the factory after the process, machinery,
or manual labour in question had been scheduled
by the Secretary of State as being, in his opinion,
“dangerous or injurious to health, or dangerous
to life or limb, either generally or in the case of
women, children, or any other class of persons.”
Each occupier had a right of objection to the rules
proposed, and provision was made for arbitration.
In the absence before 1896 of any medical experts
on the staff or of any substantial statistical evidence
of cases of industrial poisoning and disease, the
earliest special rules could only be few, simple, and
experimental in character. Gradually, under the
direction of the first Medical Chief Inspector, Sir
Arthur Whitelegge, and the very slowly added
medical staff, beginning with Dr. T. M. Legge in
July, 1898, knowledge and vigour of regulation
grew. Administrative methods of establishing regulation
were greatly improved, and the uncertainties
of arbitration in such highly expert questions were
removed by the Act of 1901. The early years of the
twentieth century saw what was unquestionably
the most remarkable development that had ever
yet been attempted in any age or country in applying
scientific knowledge and care to the protection
of workers from industrial disease and injury. At
last the reproach made by many medical observers
(and, particularly in our country, by Medical Officers
to the Privy Council in 1860) began to be lightened;
the reproach that “the canker of industrial diseases
<span class='pageno' id='Page_98'>98</span>gnaws at the very root of our national strength,”
that “the sufferers are not few or insignificant, ...”
that “the magnitude of the evil is most imperfectly
appreciated,” whether by the authorities
or by the “slowly suffering artisans themselves”—and
that all this was going on for lack of expert
advice and the administrative application of scientific
methods to the problems involved.<a id='r95'></a><a href='#f95' class='c014'><sup>[95]</sup></a> It was
so long before the idea of industrial labour as a
social service began to gain ground that only a
few enlightened manufacturers, here and there,
could attempt to try remedies.</p>
<p class='c008'>It was not only medical knowledge that was
needed to trace effects on the human frame of
poisons (such as lead, arsenic, white phosphorus,
mercury, etc.); of anthrax and tetanus germs; of
gaseous and acid fumes; of injurious and excessive
dust; of excessive moisture or heat; of muscular
or nerve overstrain and impure air. The work of
experts in engineering, physics, chemistry, and, not
least, in patient observation of the habits, working
conditions, ways and circumstances of the workers
affected, was equally indispensable. This had been
to some extent provided for in the reorganisation
of the Inspectorate that followed the Consolidating
Act of 1878. The Acts of 1883 and 1889 to regulate
white lead and cotton cloth factories carried this
matter further by exploration of some of the most
injurious conditions. Thus, in the ranks of the
general Inspectorate knowledge was available for
technical work in some of these directions.</p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_99'>99</span>It must be remembered that the principal Act
had long provided for the great safeguard of exhaust
ventilation for removal of dangerous and injurious
dusts, fumes, or other impurities generated in the
processes or handicrafts carried on—though its full
preventive scope was only gradually realised. Its
significance was explicitly and repeatedly emphasised
in later days by the Senior Medical Inspector, Dr.
Legge,<a id='r96'></a><a href='#f96' class='c014'><sup>[96]</sup></a> and the pioneer work of such leaders as
the late Mr. E. H. Osborn, H.M. Superintending
Inspector of Factories, and the late Mr. C. R. Pendock,
H.M. Inspector, in the application of engineering
knowledge to these matters, should always be
specially remembered. Their work was carried
forward in due succession by Mr. Sydney Smith
and Mr. Stevenson Taylor.</p>
<p class='c008'>Under the Cotton Cloth Factories Act of 1889,<a id='r97'></a><a href='#f97' class='c014'><sup>[97]</sup></a>
administered by Mr. E. H. Osborn and by Mr.
Williams, now Superintending Inspector, exact
standards of ventilation and hygrometers were
first introduced in dealing with the dangers to
health from excessive humidity of the atmosphere
and high temperature in the workshops. Out of
these experiences came recognition of methodical
tests of chemical purity of the air of workrooms.
Later, scientific emphasis was laid—by Dr. Leonard
Hill, F.R.S.—on the truth that it is rather the
physical than the “chemical conditions of confined
<span class='pageno' id='Page_100'>100</span>atmospheres which influence health and happiness”
of the worker. Before it was laid down as a truth
that “overheated and still air decrease the activity
of the body furnace and so lead to lessened resistance
of disease,” Women Inspectors were steadily bringing
persuasive pressure to bear on occupiers for
introduction of mechanical ventilation to ease the
visible strain they saw in industrial work in the
stagnant heat of many a factory or workshed.</p>
<p class='c008'>When Departmental Committees were set up, from
1892 onwards, for enquiry into various dangerous
trades, outside medical experts were appointed
as members before the advent of the Medical
Inspectorate. In 1893 the precedent was first set
of appointing a Woman Inspector, Miss Abraham,
to such Committees where employment of women
in the industries made this specially desirable.
Miss Abraham also served on the main Dangerous
Trades Committee, 1895 to 1899, on whose recommendations
various codes of special rules followed.
With Dr. Legge I served in the enquiry into Enamelling
and Tinning of Metals, begun in 1901, and
reported on for each section separately in 1903 and
1907 respectively. Less than ten years’ application
of the first special rules of 1892 for these processes
had sufficed to show their inadequacy for controlling
the risks of lead poisoning. Separate regulations
of the entirely distinct sources of danger in vitreous
enamelling and in tinning of metals was not at first
seen to be necessary; the obscurity of the sources
in the latter led us to a point where our need of
chemical assistance was evident, and this was
provided when the services of Mr. G. Elmhirst
<span class='pageno' id='Page_101'>101</span>Duckering, H.M. Inspector of Factories and a
skilled chemist, were lent to us. A difference of
method in the tinning of hollow ware and of the
tinning of terne plates had given us a clue. His
long studies and exact measurements of the degree
of contamination of the air by fumes from the
tinning bath, and from the surface of the tinned
hollow ware article as it emerged from the tinning
bath, led to definite conclusions as to the presence
of lead chloride in the fumes breathed by the worker.
And so—at last—we reached the possibility of
obtaining effectual measures of control.<a id='r98'></a><a href='#f98' class='c014'><sup>[98]</sup></a> The
number of cases of poisoning began to fall in the
period 1909–11, and in 1920 only two were reported
(both women), and these from a factory where there
had been a breakdown in exhaust ventilation.
Meanwhile, methods of manufacture had become
less dangerous as well as methods of exhaust
generally more effectual.<a id='r99'></a><a href='#f99' class='c014'><sup>[99]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>From this experience and from the parallel
activities of Inspectors, chemists, manufacturers in
the far greater earthenware and china industry,
came new methods of determination of dust and
poisons in the air of workrooms. There came also
re-enforced activity in anemometer tests of mechanical
exhaust for poisonous fumes and dusts; amendment
of construction of exhaust apparatus, and
other detailed progress in what Mr. Pendock well
described as “means of cleaning the atmosphere:
<span class='pageno' id='Page_102'>102</span>the science of <i>air purification</i>, and a highly important
science it is.”<a id='r100'></a><a href='#f100' class='c014'><sup>[100]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>The extent of the work that was waiting, almost
untouched, in the last decade of the nineteenth
century, to be overtaken by persistent, meticulous
application of this science to protection of the
health of the industrial worker, may be partly
realised by a backward glance at some of the
appalling records as to disease and premature death
in certain dusty processes. It must be remembered
in considering the early figures that they were
gathered before the discovery and recognition of
the ubiquitous tubercle bacillus.</p>
<p class='c008'>Let us take, first, flax preparation and carding,
where women workers were in the majority:</p>
<p class='c015'>“Dr. Purdon, in 1872, states the mortality as
31 per 1,000, and Dr. Whitaker in his report on
the health of Belfast, 1892, says the carder’s average
length of life is only 16·8 years of work. If a girl
gets a card at eighteen her life is generally terminated
at thirty. The preparer’s average is
28·7 years of work. The ‘rougher’ and the
‘sorter,’ said Mr. Osborn, work in a continual
cloud of dust composed of particles of the fibre
‘which is inhaled, and irritates and dries the throat
and gradually finds its way into the lungs, producing
chronic inflammation of the lining membrane, which
soon manifests its presence by the worker being
attacked each morning with a paroxysm of dyspnœa
and coughing. A worker suffering thus is said to
be ‘poucey’ (pouce=dust=<i>poussière</i>) ... some
roughing rooms have no ventilation but windows
<span class='pageno' id='Page_103'>103</span>opening at the upper part, and the workers face the
wall, which, of course, reverberates the dust upon
them.”<a id='r101'></a><a href='#f101' class='c014'><sup>[101]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>Far higher was the mortality per thousand among
“china scourers”—a few hundred women exposed
to fine flint dust in the china industry. This flint
dust also severely affected men in china biscuit-placing
shops, in saggar emptying, and other
operations.<a id='r102'></a><a href='#f102' class='c014'><sup>[102]</sup></a> China scouring is a dry process, of
which the word is descriptive, to which the ware
is subjected after it has been fired in the kiln.
Before firing each piece is buried in a bed of fine
flint dust in a receptacle known as a saggar, in
which it is placed in the kiln, so that it may not
adhere to the saggar or other pieces of ware during
firing. On coming out of the kiln it is necessary
to free each piece from adhering particles of the
flint dust by friction of three kinds: scrubbing with
a stiff brush moved by hand or by power, rubbing
with stiff flannel, and with sand-paper. The extent
of the injury from the process was found after
patient research by Miss Deane and Miss Paterson
in 1898. Rediscovered, one might more precisely
say, for the enquiries of the Royal Commission of
1841 on Employment of Children and Young
Persons had made it clear that the air of the rooms
in which china scouring was carried on was filled
with finely pulverised flint, the inhalation of which
was “nearly as fatal as that of the grinding stones
of Sheffield.” In these 57 years nothing had
<span class='pageno' id='Page_104'>104</span>changed essentially. “Not many scourers live
long; we all feel overloaded upon the chest and
cough very much; I cannot lie down all night”
(Commission of 1841). “Against the danger of
this occupation scarcely any provision has been
made” (Sir John Simon to the Privy Council in
1860). In their preparation of some evidence for
an arbitration in Stoke-on-Trent in 1898 on revised
special rules chiefly concerning lead in earthenware
and china, the Women Inspectors discovered a
remarkable weakness in the rule controlling flint
dust. Whereas the stronger rule for elimination of
dust by a positive requirement of fans, applied to
“towing” of earthenware (i.e., rubbing soft clay
dust off the pots with tow), the far more dangerous
flint dust of china scouring was controlled only by
a rule requiring removal of dust “<i>as far as practicable</i>,”
by mechanical or other efficient means.
With energy they set to work to complete the
evidence as to the mortality of this occupation—by
examination of all death certificates, during two
and a half years, of women between fifteen and
seventy years who had died in Longton, the chief
china town, from respiratory diseases and phthisis,
and by visiting the homes of the persons. Comparing
deaths per thousand among all women in
Longton attributed by the certificates to these
diseases with those, similarly, among women who
had worked regularly at china scouring, they found
that these deaths per thousand in the two years
immediately preceding the enquiry had been nearly
fifteen times as great among china scourers as
among other women in Longton. The figures were
<span class='pageno' id='Page_105'>105</span>given in detail in the Annual Report for 1898. The
Inspectors referred several cases of advanced fibroid
phthisis that came under their notice to the newly
appointed Medical Inspector, who attributed the
physical signs in the lungs to inhalation of flint
dust; three of these died within the year.<a id='r103'></a><a href='#f103' class='c014'><sup>[103]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>The Inspectors visited all the factories where
china scouring was carried on and found that,
whereas efficient fan extraction had been installed
in a few, yet generally full advantage had been taken
of the permissive character of the rule regarding
mechanical extraction of dust by omitting it.
Some of the smaller china factories were wholly or
in part unfitted for use as workplaces. The rule
was amended as from January 1, 1899, with marked
results in improved mechanical methods and in
reduction of the disease by degrees. I found, by
a comparative enquiry, ten years later, that the
high mortality from respiratory disease and phthisis
was reduced to less than half among china scourers,
but this was still far too high a rate, and many
extremely sad cases showed the need of strengthened
provisions.<a id='r104'></a><a href='#f104' class='c014'><sup>[104]</sup></a> This information I gave with much
other evidence to the Departmental Committee
appointed in 1908 by Mr. Herbert Gladstone, since
Lord Gladstone, to enquire into dangers from use
of lead and injury to health from dust in china and
earthenware and incidental processes.<a id='r105'></a><a href='#f105' class='c014'><sup>[105]</sup></a> The chairman
<span class='pageno' id='Page_106'>106</span>was Sir Ernest Hatch, Bart., and the able
secretary, Mr. E. A. R. Werner, a skilled chemist.</p>
<p class='c008'>To the work of this committee reference must
presently be made in dealing with lead poisoning
in potteries; here we must recognise the immense
advance in control of the dust problem in these
works that followed on the adoption of the recommendations
of the committee. The age of inactivity
on proven ills had passed. Undoubtedly the
presence on the committee of leading manufacturers
and workers largely conduced to the practical
thoroughness with which the problems were handled.</p>
<p class='c008'>Many other dusty processes affecting women that
were not under special rules also engaged the close
attention of Women Inspectors, of which the following
examples may be given:</p>
<p class='c008'>(<i>a</i>) Asbestos sifting, mixing, and carding; an
industry singularly little considered until complaints
from the girls employed came in to us year by
year, from 1898 onwards. The sharp, jagged edge
of the insoluble mineral dust has undoubtedly
occasioned much illness, and death, from respiratory
diseases. The first asbestos factory I entered was
entirely without applied exhaust, one of the dustiest
processes being carried on in a cellar. In another,
revisited in 1906, on a complaint thoroughly justified
by the thick, fog-like atmosphere in the carding
room, ineffectual fan extraction had been introduced,
but not applied to the points of production
of dust. By this date there were good
examples of well installed mechanical exhaust in
large asbestos factories, and progress could be
secured in the smaller works. In 1911 Miss Whitlock,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_107'>107</span>M.B., an Inspector in the Women’s Branch,
made careful study for us of this industry, and
found a considerable amount of phthisical, bronchial,
and gastric trouble still present. The least defect
in the working of the applied ventilation was
dangerous.</p>
<p class='c008'>(<i>b</i>) Silk waste carding and spinning gave rise to
woeful complaints of dust from women, from 1898
onwards. Increased injuriousness of the excessive
dust in preparatory processes coincided with the
introduction of an inferior quality of silk. Dr. Legge
found, in samples referred to him by Miss Squire,
débris of silkworms containing “an enormous
number of hook-like structures, probably portions
of the thoracic and abdominal segments of the
pupa case.” This gave support to the apparently
strange opinion of the workers expressed to Miss
Squire that they were coughing up not silk but
silkworms; and it led us back to Ramazzini’s
account, in 1678, of the effect on silk workers of
the combing of “grosser filaments, which have
parts of the bodies of silkworms mixed with them,”
that they were troubled with “a vehement cough
and great difficulty of breathing ... and few of
them live to an old age.”<a id='r106'></a><a href='#f106' class='c014'><sup>[106]</sup></a> Again and again the
need for scientifically applied exhaust had to be
pressed for in this side of the silk industry, something
inadequate was repeatedly tried, and choked-up
ducts to fans even led to the beating back of
dust on the workers. Eventually the introduction
of machinery for cleaning the material before
carding—steadily urged on the occupiers—helped
<span class='pageno' id='Page_108'>108</span>to solve the problem of efficient extraction of
dust.<a id='r107'></a><a href='#f107' class='c014'><sup>[107]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>(<i>c</i>) Teazle brushing in hosiery factories, a finishing
process for smaller articles in Leicester and Nottingham,
produced excessive dust of broken powdery
wool and cotton fibre, causing great discomfort in
eyes, and choking sensations in throat and chest.
The trouble was removed and valuable surplus dust
for reselling was saved by applying exhaust with
closely fitting cover to the machine and also a
patent delivery roller at the back. Excellent
results were reported in the following year, to the
satisfaction not only of workers, but also manufacturers
and foremen.<a id='r108'></a><a href='#f108' class='c014'><sup>[108]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>(<i>d</i>) Mercerised cotton yarn dust was first noticed
in 1902 as giving rise to what was known as “mercerised
fever,” shivering and sickness with cough
and oppression in the chest. It was attributed to
strong caustic soda in the cotton fibre, which was
irritating to the bronchial and nasal passages. The
trouble was removed by requiring exhaust ventilation.<a id='r109'></a><a href='#f109' class='c014'><sup>[109]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>(<i>e</i>) Miss Squire and her staff, when localised in
Manchester from 1908, had their attention drawn
(by complaints) to excessive dust in the making-up
warehouses in which girls were employed in “hooking
and lapping” heavily “sized” grey shirting
and stiffened muslin. “Stuffed-up” chests and
throat trouble and sickness were the results, and
<span class='pageno' id='Page_109'>109</span>great discomfort was felt even by the Inspectors
on their visits. They systematically served notice
on the occupiers to provide localised exhaust
ventilation, which removed the trouble.<a id='r110'></a><a href='#f110' class='c014'><sup>[110]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>(<i>f</i>) Buffing of plated articles—<i>i.e.</i>, mechanical
friction with Trent sand sometimes mixed with lime—in
Sheffield electro-plate works was the subject
of a careful study by Miss Whitlock, M.B., to
whose interesting report reference may be made
by those desirous of following up the subject.<a id='r111'></a><a href='#f111' class='c014'><sup>[111]</sup></a> In
the majority of buffing shops the women stayed
in for their meals, and application of exhaust
ventilation was only found in one shop. She found
that the cases of phthisis among them were more
than double the rate per thousand of those amongst
women over fifteen years in the town, and that
anæmia was prevalent.</p>
<p class='c008'>(<i>g</i>) Dust as well as other injurious features in
little scattered country flax scutch mills was specially
followed up by Miss Martindale from 1907 onwards
in North Ireland. Ineffective fans were fixed in
many of these mills, and described by the workers
as “a pest and a torment,” through their alternative
capacity for stirring up the injurious dust and for
getting choked up with fibre! In 1914 I took part
in a conference in Belfast between representatives
of the Factory Department and the Irish Board of
Agriculture and Technical Instruction with the aim
of concerted action as regards mechanical ventilation
of the scutch mills. These mills, being mostly
situated near flax fields for the first stages of preparation
of the dried fibrous material for manufacture,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_110'>110</span>concerned both Departments. The War
intervened, and these problems have there fallen
to the charge of a new administration. The
question was again raised for the Factory Department
during the War, when flax growing and scutching
was initiated by Government action in various
parts of England.</p>
<p class='c008'>Many other dusty processes and the health of
women in them engaged our attention; in rag and
refuse sorting, fur-pulling, in hatters’ furriers’
factories and horsehair factories, in starch rooms
of confectionery works, hemp-rope works, sackmending,
cotton waste works, india-rubber works,
eiderdown and kapok-filling factories, clay pipe
scouring, embossed paper lace-making, etc. In a
lace-tinting business for dressmakers we called in
Dr. Collis’s aid for investigation of marked injury
to health of all the workers; he not only found the
soreness of nostrils and pharynx associated with
inhalation of dust, but also phthisical results from
the finely divided dust shaken out by hand from
the lace. Here the occupier at great expense
provided efficient exhaust, drawing off dust from
the lace without this shaking by hand. Improved
methods of working were in our experience a
frequent consequence of our demands for extraction
of dust.</p>
<p class='c008'>In connection with an enquiry in Sheffield into
the association of phthisis and dusty trades Miss
Whitlock found that the system of compulsory
notification of consumption already in practice there
in 1911, combined as it was with enquiry into occupation
of the patient, greatly facilitated her work.</p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_111'>111</span>Bronzing,<a id='r112'></a><a href='#f112' class='c014'><sup>[112]</sup></a> whether by hand or machine, of all
kinds of paper programmes, showcards, prospectuses,
Christmas cards, etc., in lithographic works or
departments of works, affected workers in ways
that almost perennially commanded our attention.
Dust from bronzing was on the border line between
those that are simply mechanical in action on the
respiratory passages and those that are either
irritant or poisonous. In the earlier years the work
itself was generally intermittent, not continuous.
Although the Dangerous Trades Committee in 1896
made recommendations in their first interim report
for control of risks in this process by special rules,
the apparent absence of permanent injury to health
among those engaged in it led in the first place to
the application by the Home Office of voluntary,
not compulsory, rules for protection of the workers.
Our activities, conjointly with District Inspectors,
in pressing questions of dust extraction, means of
maintaining personal cleanliness, overalls, supply
of milk, examination of workers by the certifying
surgeon, and so on, fortunately led to improvement
in bronzing machines with vacuum arrangements
for dust. Probably they led also in part to the
concentration of the work in the hands of a few
occupiers that followed; finally, special regulations
were made compulsory in April, 1912.</p>
<p class='c008'>In 1911 an important step was taken for more
systematic work by Women Inspectors in the field
of dangerously dusty processes. In conference
<span class='pageno' id='Page_112'>112</span>with Mr. Pendock, as District Inspector and ventilating
expert, arrangements were made by Miss
Lovibond (Mrs. Moorcroft) for the taking of records,
on tabular cards, of anemometer tests at hoods
connected with mechanical exhaust ventilation,
so as to bring steady pressure to bear on occupiers
of factories for testing and maintaining efficiency
in their installations. As I said then: “There can
be no question that supervision of the provision of
really efficient exhaust, and steady maintenance
of it, when provided, in thorough working order is
the supremely important task of the Inspectorate
in all dusty trades where dust is of a kind inhaled,
whether the dust is simply mechanical or irritant
or poisonous in contact with the mucous membrane
or respiratory tracts.”<a id='r113'></a><a href='#f113' class='c014'><sup>[113]</sup></a> The taking of these
records, of which copies were supplied to occupiers,
fortunately aroused much interest, and among
workers as well as employers. In the next year
about 1,000 records were made in the Potteries
alone, including all places where workers, reported
for lead poisoning, were working at or near the
exhaust ventilation. Miss Whitlock took over this
work at the close of that year and added an invaluable
enquiry into nearly all the reported lead
cases among women in potteries in 1913, giving us
careful studies of the conditions and ways of workers,
with suggestions for future prevention. Early in
1914 we lost her increasingly valuable aid in medical
<span class='pageno' id='Page_113'>113</span>questions concerning women through her transference
to the Industrial and Reformatory Schools
Department. Then the great upheaval of the War
turned us away from quiet, fruitful, concentrated
activities of this nature to the many problems
arising from the intensified industrial production
by women for national needs.</p>
<p class='c008'>I have been here led from point to point by following
up one kind of protection, which is a fundamental
one, against risks in industry from the various
types of dust and from lead fumes. This will
suggest, perhaps, as well as any other method
of approach, something of our share as Women
Inspectors on behalf of women workers in the
immense work that was carried on by the Factory
Department during the years 1893 to 1914 in striving
to lessen the special risks of injurious and dangerous
processes. It is impossible, except by devoting
a whole book to it, to do more than give samples
of our service in this side of Factory Act administration.</p>
<p class='c008'>Some notion of the magnitude and complexity
of dangers to be regulated and injuries to be prevented,
with the chief preventive measures embodied
in “special regulations,” can be gathered from
Appendix I.—a tabular summary that I made in
1913 (and which has been brought up to the present
date by Miss Squire, O.B.E.), giving these details
in alphabetical order for all the trades, processes,
and descriptions of manual labour, that are certified
by the Secretary of State as “dangerous or injurious
to health or dangerous to life or limb.”</p>
<p class='c008'>In addition to the research needed before regulations
<span class='pageno' id='Page_114'>114</span>were made, to the giving of evidence to Committees,
Arbitrators, and Commissioners appointed
by the Secretary of State, when objections to draft
regulations had to be reviewed—besides instruction
to occupiers and workers, and prosecution when
necessary—we gave a great deal of attention to
another side: the exclusion, or proposed exclusion,
from very dangerous processes of classes of persons
whose age or sex made them specially susceptible to
poison or other risks. The special interest of the
whole community in protection of maternity and
health of young workers, for example, was the chief
point on which we had influence in developing
regulations for the white lead industry, in which
the extraordinarily dangerous character of the main
processes had led to special control years before
Women Inspectors entered the Factory Department.
Those who desire to follow out the history of regulation
in this industry, originally the foremost
among “occupations injurious to health,” might
begin with the account in the Annual Report of
the Chief Inspector for 1879, when it was already
illegal to employ in it any person under eighteen
years of age; and might further consult a complete
concise account of the various processes, their
dangers and prevention, in “Lead Poisoning and
Lead Absorption,” by Dr. T. M. Legge and Dr.
K. W. Goadby, Chapter XVI.<a id='r114'></a><a href='#f114' class='c014'><sup>[114]</sup></a> On and after July 1,
1899, it became illegal under special rules to employ
a woman in the peculiarly dangerous processes in
<span class='pageno' id='Page_115'>115</span>white beds, stoves, etc. And, so far as <i>this</i> industry
is concerned,<a id='r115'></a><a href='#f115' class='c014'><sup>[115]</sup></a> most of the effect of the Women and
Young Persons (Employment in Lead Processes)
Act, 1920, passed in pursuance of the Washington
Convention of 1919, had been long ago attained in
our country.</p>
<p class='c008'>Other dangerous lead processes, originally highly
serious for young women workers, are found in the
electric accumulator industry. Here again our
evidence supported the exclusion of these workers
from such risks, and since 1903 “no woman, young
person, or child” may be employed “in the
manipulation of dry compounds of lead or in
pasting.”<a id='r116'></a><a href='#f116' class='c014'><sup>[116]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>Although it was not until 1908 that the primary
investigation by an Inspector of reported cases of
industrial poisoning or anthrax cases affecting
women and girls was assigned by the Home Office
to the Women Inspectors, we had always used
these reports for supplementary enquiries. We
had already, before 1900, a wide knowledge of the
conditions under which lead, phosphorus, and mercurial
poisoning had occurred, and had brought
to light unreported cases, particularly of lead and
phosphorus necrosis, and some secondary effects
of lead poisoning in women.</p>
<p class='c008'>The latter point was strongly exemplified in
some information that I presented in the Annual
Report for 1897, gathered by Miss Paterson and Miss
<span class='pageno' id='Page_116'>116</span>Deane during that year. They enquired into seventy-seven
reported cases of plumbism amongst married
women employed in lead processes in the Potteries
of Staffordshire, where the most injurious lead processes—<i>e.g.</i>,
colour dusting, ware-cleaning—fell to
women. They found among these a high degree
of childlessness, stillbirths, and miscarriages; that
thirty-six only had had living children averaging
three each, and of the total number of children
two-fifths had died, the majority succumbing to
convulsions in infancy. Two sample cases gave
a tragic warning as to the social as well as individual
physical effects of employment in lead processes
on maternity: “A.B., aged twenty-nine, married
seven years, had worked in lead ten years, had three
miscarriages, five stillborn children, and one child
alive who died in convulsions when a few weeks old.
C.D., aged twenty-five, married seven years, began
to work in lead in her seventeenth year, had had
four miscarriages and three stillborn children; her
one living child was born after she was absent from
her work.”<a id='r117'></a><a href='#f117' class='c014'><sup>[117]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>Other cases as sad and sadder were found first by
Miss Martindale, then by Miss Vines, during their
successive and systematic work in the Potteries
from 1903 to 1908. The latter visited practically
all women reported for lead poisoning, and a striking
example was the case of Mrs. B., colour duster and
paintress, aged thirty-eight, married fifteen years,
who had nine miscarriages and one living child,
ill all the three years of its life; was herself disabled
with wrist drop of both hands. She had to take
<span class='pageno' id='Page_117'>117</span>her case into court to obtain compensation due
to her.<a id='r118'></a><a href='#f118' class='c014'><sup>[118]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>Although such enquiries dealt with a grave evil
to some extent understood before, the subject gives
a good example of ways, arresting to the general
onlooker, in which women investigators seized on
features or consequences of industrial employment
of women that concerned the nation. Their consequent
action and recommendations emphasised
the need of steady investigation by qualified women
of absenteeism among women workers in lead processes,
and the extremely unsuitable conditions of
publicity under which medical examination in these
early days sometimes took place in the factory.
“This led, not infrequently,” said Miss Deane,
“to failure in detecting the very evils which it is
the object of the examination to find out and eliminate.”<a id='r119'></a><a href='#f119' class='c014'><sup>[119]</sup></a>
It appeared in 1900, when I took some
prosecutions against leading employers for neglect
of duties regarding medical examination, that there
was a strong tendency for girls who felt ill to leave
a pottery without the suspension by the certifying
surgeon provided for in the special rules of 1899.
Poverty, dread of loss of employment without compensation—which
was later made available for them
in such cases by the voluntary action of the manufacturers
themselves—seemed to me the strongest
cause of that tendency. Records of poignant
individual cases accumulated by the Inspectors
made this factor very clear.</p>
<p class='c008'>In the remarkable Pottery Code of Regulations,
1913, which followed on the general lines of drastic
<span class='pageno' id='Page_118'>118</span>recommendations made by the Departmental Committee
under Sir Ernest Hatch,<a id='r120'></a><a href='#f120' class='c014'><sup>[120]</sup></a> careful requirement
was made that a private room should be provided
for the examination of workers by the certifying
surgeon, and other safeguards of privacy were laid
down. Some other provisions needed to secure
effectual use by the workers of safeguards provided
for them followed the lines indicated by complaints
of women workers to the Women Inspectors. On
these they had accumulated evidence, sometimes
with the aid of information given by officials of the
“Potteries Fund,” a voluntary fund for assistance
of women and girls suffering from lead poisoning
in this industry. For example, separate washing
conveniences were now required for the sexes;
women had explained to me in detail how they
could not use the same conveniences as men coming
from hot and dusty processes such as “glost placing,”
in which a large proportion of the men and
boys were employed. New detailed care was given
in the regulations to provision and maintenance of
protective clothing and messroom arrangements;
suppression of dust by methods and means additional
to those of exhaust ventilation; better control
of temperature; control of heavy weight carrying
by young workers, cleaning of floors, boards, and
benches; new limitation of hours for men as well as
women in dangerous processes; exclusion of women
and young workers from certain processes. These
and other matters, particularly rules against heavy
weight carrying, and for better methods of cleaning
<span class='pageno' id='Page_119'>119</span>floors, boards, etc., which were strongly supported
by the evidence arising out of our long researches,
were remarkably thoroughly dealt with in the code.
An entirely fresh stimulus was applied to the sense
of responsibility in the occupiers of potteries by
a requirement that the occupier himself should
appoint a competent person to carry out systematic
inspection of the working of all the regulations, and
to keep records of the inspection. This was truly
a novel requirement in so ancient an industry,
relying as it too long had done on traditional
methods. How much it was needed may be seen
in a sample prosecution by Miss Martindale in 1913.
She had found that, so far, the tendency had been to
note and record only breaches of the code by workers.
She said: “Undoubtedly this is salutary, but not,
I take it, all that regulation 27 was intended to do.
I revisited with Miss Whitlock a factory in which
in October she had noted not less than twenty-six
breaches of the regulations. The record of self-inspection
showed no irregularities since July....
The Works Inspector stated that he ‘had not observed
any,’ although the irregularities were such
palpable ones as: not providing milk, not affixing
thermometers and placards, not painting boards
red.”<a id='r121'></a><a href='#f121' class='c014'><sup>[121]</sup></a> Conviction and heavy penalties followed
the taking of proceedings.</p>
<p class='c008'>In addition to the industries above touched on,
where women and girls have run risk of lead poisoning,
litho transfer making for decoration of earthenware
china gave us much thought in the past
owing to the exposure of young, anæmic girls to
<span class='pageno' id='Page_120'>120</span>finely powdered dust containing lead. Inclusion
of the process under the stringent Pottery Regulations,
and improved methods of dust extraction,
have greatly reduced the risks. The glazing of
bricks with lead in the glaze, later shown to be
unnecessary, was found by Miss Squire in 1898 to
be causing fits among the girls who were scraping
the edges of the bricks. These attacks had been
thoughtlessly attributed to hysteria until brought
under medical observation. Heading of yarn dyed
by lead chromate and painting of perambulators
still take prominent place amongst other industries
from which lead cases affecting female workers are
notified. This may be seen in the Table given
below in Appendix II., which is included in order
to enable readers to appreciate the reductions in
industrial poisoning that have followed the changes
indicated since 1900. The interesting liability of
lead to turn up in miscellaneous industries, in
quite unexpected ways and places, and especially
in the great range of small metal industries in
the Midlands, is too wide a subject for further
consideration here. Sample cases and a long list
of industries may be seen in the Annual Report
for 1913.<a id='r122'></a><a href='#f122' class='c014'><sup>[122]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>The great general fall in number of reported lead
cases, particularly in potteries, that had come about
by 1914 (see Appendix II.), and is still more marked
in later years, is no doubt due in the main to the
preventive measures I have so briefly indicated.
Foremost of all came improved methods of exhaust
ventilation, but very important also were cleanliness
<span class='pageno' id='Page_121'>121</span>and reduction in hours of work. Until trade
is quite normal, however, the true effect of these
measures and of the great aid given first by legal
compensation and then by National Health Insurance—which
enable workers to obtain treatment
and rest from work at an early stage of illness—cannot
be fully known. The detailed, thorough
investigation done among the women exposed to
lead by Women Inspectors (and particularly in
1912 to 1914 by Miss Whitlock), which culminated
in a series of prosecutions for numerous contraventions
of the new regulations affecting them in
potteries, no doubt led to a fresh start for them.
Of industrial poisoning Miss Whitlock wrote in 1913:
“Poverty with its attendant worry and lack of
nourishment appears to be a predisposing cause in
many cases. The youth of many of the workers is
noticeable.... Apart from the painful character
of the illness, the length of time the cases last is a
serious matter.... I often came across cases
which had been over a year on compensation.”
“A woman in a warehouse told me that she had
been over three years at work after three years on
compensation and still suffered from pains in her
limbs, and was obliged sometimes to absent herself
from work.” Of cases of serious illness among
women heading yarn dyed in lead chromate, Miss
Tracey observed: “Without home visits it would
have been impossible to gauge the extent and
severity of the illness.”<a id='r123'></a><a href='#f123' class='c014'><sup>[123]</sup></a> Unquestionably specialist
work by Women Inspectors still remains to be done
for women workers in dangerous trades, even
<span class='pageno' id='Page_122'>122</span>though the figures of poisoning seem to show them
to be now in a much safer position than men. The
figures alone do not disclose the whole matter.
Much may yet be learned by following up “absent”
or “left” women workers, as well as by seeing
reported cases in their homes. A marked mobility
of women’s labour in lead processes in potteries
was found in 1911 by Miss Sadler. In sixty-eight
potteries at the time of inspection (between January
and September) no less than 258 were marked in
the special register as “absent” or “left,” apart
from suspensions and reported cases. Out of forty
cases diagnosed as lead, she found twenty-four still
suffering and in receipt of compensation; and also
that the majority were under thirty years and not
suffering from accumulated effect of bygone conditions.<a id='r124'></a><a href='#f124' class='c014'><sup>[124]</sup></a>
When compulsory compensation began
to take effect it was gratifying to watch the growth
of realisation among manufacturers of the poverty
caused by plumbism. In the past much had been
hidden in obscurity by the tendency of the poor
to suffer in silence. Manufacturers showed increasing
recognition of the importance of utilising
compensation to the best advantage for the individual
cases.</p>
<p class='c008'>From time to time, though rarely, mention was
made in Annual Reports of the appointment of a
medical woman by employers to supervise the
health of women and girls in a large factory. This
movement passed into a new phase during the War,
when national munition factories set the example
of appointing whole-time women medical officers.
<span class='pageno' id='Page_123'>123</span>In 1920 we learned that in “a growing number of
factories medical women are appointed to supervise
health of women and girls.”<a id='r125'></a><a href='#f125' class='c014'><sup>[125]</sup></a> In the same year the
first appointment of a woman as certifying surgeon
was made by the Chief Inspector—in West London.</p>
<p class='c008'>These developments in drawing medical women
into official contact with industry, and particularly
the appointment of a woman as one of the Medical
Inspectors of Factories, have a greater significance
for future protection of the health of women workers
since the absorption of the Women Inspectorate,
from August 1, 1921, onwards, into the general
district work of the whole country. Instead of concentrating
enquiries and action on behalf of working
women, the Women Inspectors must necessarily
give their time largely to men and boy workers,
male workers being not less than 65 per cent. of all
persons employed in factories and workshops.</p>
<p class='c008'>Meanwhile the whole pottery industry, the
matchmaking industry, and others with features
that concerned the health and safety of women in
a special degree, have reorganised themselves on
lines recommended by the Whitley Report. Their
Councils have happily immediately concerned themselves
with improving conditions of health and
welfare. When one sees, as I have, the admirable
detailed work done for health and safety in a factory
with the aid of workers on a works’ committee in
<span class='pageno' id='Page_124'>124</span>an industry with a National Council—particularly
in a factory with an experienced welfare superintendent
working harmoniously with the works’
committee—one realises what a long way has been
travelled since 1893. Each year, since 1919, has
seen contact of the Factory Department with new
Councils, in questions relating to health, safety, and
welfare—a matter to which we may revert in
Chapter VIII.</p>
<p class='c008'>The pursuit of certain salient developments in
control of foremost industries responsible for lead
poisoning where women are concerned has led me
so far to pass by absorbingly interesting work of
Women Inspectors on varied risks and injuries
during the twenty-seven years under review, thus
only (as in the question of control of dust and
fume by mechanical means) could I, in so enormous
a subject, sketch some kind of picture, that might
remain, of the women’s claim and our lines of
response.</p>
<p class='c008'>It is necessary, however, in order to have any
true picture of the work of the Women Inspectors
to sketch rapidly some other of its less closely
interwoven features. The effects of bisulphide of
carbon as a solvent in the making of rubber articles;
of white phosphorus for the dipping paste in matchmaking,
producing phosphorus necrosis, called, with
a sinister familiarity, “phossy jaw”; of a solution
of mercury to assist felting in hatters’ <a id='t124'></a>and furriers,
causing varying degrees of mercurial poisoning;
these took even more of our time and thought in
early years than did many of the injurious dusts
already mentioned. As for white phosphorus, considerable
<span class='pageno' id='Page_125'>125</span>as was our share in tracking down hidden
cases of necrosis and other ill-health in lucifer
match girls, and in helping to build up special rules
against the horrible risk of painful and disfiguring
disease, yet all that is now only of historical interest,
for statutory prohibition of the deadly ingredient
in matches, whether manufactured in our country
or imported, came in 1908 by an Act which took
effect from January 1, 1910. And the active Joint
Council of this reformed industry and intelligent
works’ committees in some factories, with their
highly developed mechanical methods, fittingly bear
moral responsibility for seeing that no such risks
ever arise again. Our last reference to any cases
of necrosis was in the Report for 1909, when three
young women were (all from one factory) under
treatment in a local hospital—one for her first
operation on the jaw, another for her fourth, while
the third, seen at home, had had two operations.
All had suffered much. Some cases arose during
the War among men employed in manufacture of
phosphorus. In india-rubber works of recent years
we have seen and dealt more with the effects of
naphtha fumes, dust, lead, great heat, and heavy
weights, than with bisulphide of carbon covered
by special rules. The last bad case we had was in
1911, from a factory where press of work led to
employment of girls for a longer consecutive spell
than the two and a half hours permissible under
special rules. Hysteria, bordering on insanity,
followed, and the poor girl was summarily dismissed
for “insobriety and rowdyism.” She recovered
quickly on separation from the work, and was
<span class='pageno' id='Page_126'>126</span>restored to her usual quiet self-control.<a id='r126'></a><a href='#f126' class='c014'><sup>[126]</sup></a> In the
following year we had some cases of mercurial
poisoning in a hatters’ furriers’ workshop due to
particles of dust from rabbit fur previously brushed
with a solution of mercury, the process being known
as “carotting.” These were attributed to a failure
to maintain, in good repair and efficiency, the otherwise
excellent system of exhaust ventilation, and
to the use of an extra strong solution of mercury to
assist the felting property of inferior fur.<a id='r127'></a><a href='#f127' class='c014'><sup>[127]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>As for anthrax, owing to the supreme importance
of bacteriological research and technical remedies
requiring specialists in this industrial disease, such
services as we were able to render, in investigation
of the circumstances in reported cases affecting
women, although far from negligible as regards
conditions in factories, were entirely subsidiary to
the work of the medical branch. Sometimes, too,
we disclosed hidden risks to women, engaged at
home in cleaning and mending of a husband’s
clothing when he was employed in handling hides
or other infective material. Two out of six cases
affecting women in 1914 occurred amongst women
not working in industry, one the wife of a tanner.
The prosecution of a brush manufacturer for breach
of regulations in his factory brought out the fact
that one of his outworkers, who had suffered from
an attack of anthrax, was not covered by protective
regulations. The obscure origin of some cases,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_127'>127</span>even among factory workers, appeared in a case
affecting a cotton spinner engaged in cotton that
had been shipped from Alexandria, and in various
cases among women sorting or mending sacks that
had conveyed bone dust.<a id='r128'></a><a href='#f128' class='c014'><sup>[128]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>Carbonic oxide poisoning, particularly in laundries,
traceable to escape of gas through defective fittings
of ironing machinery, was a subject that repeatedly
engaged the attention of Women Inspectors receiving
complaints of illness among the girls employed
on this work. In one laundry, which had escaped
inspection through failure of the occupier to notify
its existence, girls were found to have been gravely
ill with severe symptoms of this form of poisoning.
Proceedings instituted against the occupier for the
failure to notify occupation and for using a gas
iron emitting noxious fumes led not only to conviction,
but to a special penalty (on account of the
injury to health due to his neglect of provisions of
the Act), which was applied to the benefit of the
injured worker.<a id='r129'></a><a href='#f129' class='c014'><sup>[129]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>The use of bichromate of potassium, causing
“chrome holes” in the hands of workers taking a
very long time to heal, in dye works and in wholesale
photography works, was also brought under
our observation.</p>
<p class='c008'>In these kinds of risks, in cases of illness in
tobacco works attributed to nicotine poisoning, and
in numerous cases and varieties of trade eczema
(inflammation of the skin or dermatitis), we brought
much information to the Senior Medical Inspector,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_128'>128</span>and received his help in taking action to secure
remedies. Among the trades and processes in
which we gathered or discovered instances of
dermatitis—some severe and obstinate, others
quickly yielding to treatment—were lime-juice
manufacture, fancy biscuit finishing in confectionery
works, electro-plating with use of potash, mercurial
processes in electric meter fitting, enamel dipping
in metal hollow ware works, use of oil in tobacco
twist rolling, spinning and “batching” with use
of shale oil for softening the fibre in jute works,
use of naphtha as a solvent for paint on the hands,
lacquering in brass foundries, claret bottling, gut
preparing at salt machines. In fish curing, where
salt sores from the brine have been an affliction for
centuries for the workers engaged in pickling herring,
we did but turn fresh powers of observation on to
a well-known industrial ill; and in this seasonal
calling the making of a Home Office Welfare Order
providing for first-aid as well as rest rooms and
other amenities, has brought remedies that should
be thoroughly effective in Yarmouth and Lowestoft.</p>
<p class='c008'>At the outbreak of the War the whole position as
regards the control of dangerous and injurious
trades and processes stood in complete contrast to
the almost stagnant conditions of legislation for
hours of labour. Just when a new stage was set
for new risks as well as new experiments, the
Factory Department held the great advantage-point
secured by the long scientific work, described above,
in many different kinds of dangerous and injurious
occupations. A markedly successful reduction in
industrial poisoning had been achieved. Having
<span class='pageno' id='Page_129'>129</span>this body of knowledge and experience it was a
comparatively simple matter to supply the same
methods of control, when serious new kinds of
industrial poisoning appeared during the War, in
connection with the rapid development of aircraft
and explosives manufacture. Cases of “toxic
jaundice,” popularly known as “dope poisoning,”
which occurred in the varnishing of the wings of
aeroplanes by means of a solution containing tetrachlorethane
and, later, in the manufacture and use
of trinitrotoluene for high explosive known as T.N.T.,
could be quickly studied and the causes regulated.
In the varnishing of wings of aeroplanes the ingredients
of the solution were ultimately changed.<a id='r130'></a><a href='#f130' class='c014'><sup>[130]</sup></a>
In the case of T.N.T. poisoning, resulting also in
toxic jaundice, the Factory Department were able
to supply to the Ministry of Munitions and Explosives
Supply Department a sufficient body of
evidence and the example of special regulations,
for them to develop their own necessary safeguards
in the national and the controlled factories. In the
national and some of the controlled factories medical
officers were specially appointed at the works,<a id='r131'></a><a href='#f131' class='c014'><sup>[131]</sup></a> and
the whole of the evidence was reviewed both by
Dr. Legge, Senior Medical Inspector at the Home
Office, and the Medical Officers at the Ministry of
<span class='pageno' id='Page_130'>130</span>Munitions. The remarkable reduction in cases of
toxic jaundice may be seen in Appendix II.</p>
<p class='c008'>Let us turn from disease or injury, the causes of
which—such as dust, poison, germs, irritants, or
a combination of any of these—could be definitely
ascertained and controlled, and let us glance at more
general features and conditions of work that tend
to impair the strength or diminish the resisting
capacity of the worker. Under this category the
items on which the Women Inspectors concentrated
energy and action, with marked results, were many.
Some I have already dealt with, such as excessive
hours, bad general sanitation, extremes of temperature,
uncertain and low wages (leading to grave
insufficiency of food and other necessaries). Foremost
among those with which I have not yet dealt
were heavy weight lifting, carrying or moving,
beyond the physical strength or growth of the
worker; long hours of unnecessary standing; heavy
treadling or other undesirable use or strain of parts
of the body in processes where adapted appliances
should be substituted; excessive vibration from
heavy machinery; excessively monotonous specialised
parts of processes that could not be carried on for
long without nervous strain; excessively wet or
humid conditions of work; lack of means of preparing
or taking food at the works, or of maintaining
personal cleanliness in dirty or offensive
processes (by suitable washing appliances and
protective clothing).</p>
<p class='c008'>It is impossible to enlarge on the study and action
of the Inspectors in all these directions. The
questions of messrooms and food, washing conveniences,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_131'>131</span>cloakrooms, protective clothing, and
seats are touched on in the last two chapters of
this book. A few words may be said here on heavy
weights which—in their great strain on children
and adolescent girls and on mothers—made a special
appeal to the Women Inspectors, and on undesirable
use of parts of the body for certain processes.</p>
<p class='c008'>In 1897 I first reported on investigation of complaints
of an injurious pressure upon girls and
women in factories to lift or carry heavy weights.
I had to point to the fact that such complaints must
be classified as “outside the scope of the Factory
Acts,” and that our “action has been confined to
noting the conditions, and, where it appeared
possible or likely to lead to good results, we have
drawn the attention of the employer to them.” I
suggested that the system of preliminary examination
as to physical fitness for the work to be done
should be a possible way of partly meeting the
difficulty in the care of young workers.<a id='r132'></a><a href='#f132' class='c014'><sup>[132]</sup></a> In the
Factory Act of 1901 a provision was included empowering
the certifying surgeon to qualify his
certificate of fitness of young workers entering a
factory by conditions as to the work on which a
child or young person under sixteen is fit to be
employed. At the suggestion of the Factory
Inspectors this power was frequently used by
certifying surgeons in many different industries to
limit the weight that might be lifted, moved, or
carried by these young workers—and with great
effect in the Staffordshire Potteries.<a id='r133'></a><a href='#f133' class='c014'><sup>[133]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_132'>132</span>It was in 1900 that I quoted a view, expressed
with some prescience by Miss Squire, on the probable
effect of introduction into the English law of a
requirement (such as there was then in the French
law) specifically limiting the weights that might
be lifted, carried, or moved by young workers
and women. It has special interest in view of
wartime experience, in national factories, of State
control of labour-saving appliances to prevent
overstrain of women and girls.</p>
<p class='c015'>“We should probably see,” she said, “a speedy
increase in mechanical means of lifting and carrying
in factories and workshops, such as hoists and cranes,
trollies, endless bands, and other contrivances, now
so conspicuous by their absence.... The introduction
of such apparatus would not mean displacing
of women and girls, it would only increase
their remunerative work, for most of these affected
are pieceworkers, and the time now taken up by
journeys to and fro, fetching and carrying their
materials or work, would be occupied in manufacture,
and increase both their wages and the output
of their departments.</p>
<p class='c015'>“It is pitiable to see young growing girls employed
as beasts of burden, staggering under loads that
men hesitate to lift—yet in some trades this is an
ordinary sight.... In brick-making, in tinplate
works, in iron hollow ware, and in warehouses in
hardware trades, I have found girls aged thirteen
to seventeen carrying loads which weighed from
30 pounds to 111 pounds in the ordinary course of
their employment. Many are the complaints of
weariness and overstrain made to me by girls and
young women—some of them mothers—who are
too poor or too unskilled to leave an employment
<span class='pageno' id='Page_133'>133</span>which is making too great a demand on their
physical powers, and which in some instances has
caused serious injury.”<a id='r134'></a><a href='#f134' class='c014'><sup>[134]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>I myself saw in a hollow ware works, and had
weighed on the spot, a weight of upwards of 50
pounds, consisting of piled-up galvanised iron
buckets, that a young girl had carried across a
yard and up a steep ladder steps without handrail.
Yet even that seemed to me less serious than the
heavy loads of damp clay carried by thirteen-year-old
boys in Staffordshire Potteries, with strained
looks and beads of perspiration on their brows.
This matter has been carefully regulated, thirteen
years later, by the special regulations for potteries.</p>
<p class='c008'>In tinplate works girls of fourteen and fifteen
years were found to be carrying loads of sharp-edged
plates, weighing 100 pounds and over: one particularly
small and slight girl of fourteen years was
carrying 107 pounds with difficulty. Complaints
were made of pains in the side and of swellings and
bruises from the heavy weight on the hip. In one
tinplate works boys with trollies were fetching and
carrying the loads for the girls, a measure said to be
impossible in other tinplate works.</p>
<p class='c015'>“Women are very much at the mercy of their
foremen and of the men with whom they work
in such matters ... girls in a wire-bound hose
factory were slowly heaving up large coils of iron
wire weighing 108 pounds from stair to stair up a
steep ladder staircase, resting at intervals to take
breath, while the foreman stood by and the rope
for elevating the coils to the girls’ machine-room
<span class='pageno' id='Page_134'>134</span>hung idle.... The employer gave a sharp reprimand
when he was made aware of it.... An
obligation not to ‘allow’ the lifting and carrying
by young persons and women of weights above a
certain standard would probably best effect ... the
adjusting of work or the wages, the increased
vigilance to protect the weak from being imposed
upon, or the provision of labour-saving appliances ...
required to remove the evil.”<a id='r135'></a><a href='#f135' class='c014'><sup>[135]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>Remarkable examples were given by Miss Martindale
between 1902 and 1904 of weights, and aggregate
material, handled or moved in a day, in
potteries and brickworks—<i>e.g.</i>, quarry bricks weighing
50 pounds each were carried by a woman or
girl to the kiln and handed up to a man to place;
girls wheeled barrows containing forty bricks
weighing 9 pounds each; a girl handled 55 tons of
clay a day in lifting bricks from a machine;<a id='r136'></a><a href='#f136' class='c014'><sup>[136]</sup></a> a boy
of fourteen years weighing 77 pounds fetched clay
for a moulder who worked in a shop up a steep
flight of stairs, the weight of the piece of clay he
was carrying was 69 pounds;<a id='r137'></a><a href='#f137' class='c014'><sup>[137]</sup></a> a delicate girl of
fourteen years fetched on an average three to five
lumps of clay an hour for the moulder, and was
found carrying 67 pounds; a girl of seventeen
fetched clay for eleven moulders, bringing them
each four lumps a day, each lump weighing ½ cwt.
The mother remarked to the Inspector on the
exhausted state in which her daughter returned
<span class='pageno' id='Page_135'>135</span>home after doing “men’s work”;<a id='r138'></a><a href='#f138' class='c014'><sup>[138]</sup></a> a boy of thirteen
years was found struggling up a steep flight of stairs
carrying clay weighing 78 pounds.</p>
<p class='c008'>Patient observations of this kind went on in
numerous industries year after year, and the mass
of material in the published Annual Reports is
great. Ventilation of the question led to its inclusion
in various Home Office Orders of Regulations
(<i>e.g.</i>, fruit preserving works in 1907, potteries in
1913). The most important step, however, was the
passing of Clause 3 (4) in the Employment of
Children Act, 1903: “A child shall not be employed
to lift, carry, or move anything so heavy as to be
likely to cause injury to the child,” and “child”
was defined as a person under the age of fourteen
years. In due course the Factory Inspectors took
cases into court under this clause, and penalties
were obtained. Public opinion awakened to the
evil, and much good was done by the Inspectors
when they simply called the attention of many
employers to the need of limiting weights lifted
and carried by young growing workers. When Miss
Lovibond, for example, drew the attention of
employers in Burnley to heavy cloth carrying by
children, they made no objection to discontinuing
the practice. In 1909 in the glass factories of
Sunderland women were working in pairs carrying
large iron trays piled with flint glass dishes weighing
up to 120 pounds, cumbersome as well as heavy to
carry. “The difficulty could be overcome by suitable
mechanical means, and it is satisfactory that
in these cases the danger had only to be pointed
<span class='pageno' id='Page_136'>136</span>out to have it remedied, although we were told that
for forty years the women had thus been beasts of
burden.”<a id='r139'></a><a href='#f139' class='c014'><sup>[139]</sup></a> In 1912 in the Staffordshire Potteries
the employment of men instead of boys for carrying,
together with the increased use of trollies, is mentioned
as a consequence of the action of the Inspectors
in drawing attention to the subject of injurious
weight carrying, and particularly to the prohibition
in the Employment of Children Act, 1903. In
Manchester “making-up” warehouses many instances
were found of girls and women carrying
pieces of cotton cloth weighing from 60 to 70 pounds,
a great strain and a continual grievance; serious
cases of overstrain resulting in absences from work,
unnoticed by employer, were traced by Women
Inspectors visiting their homes. In answer to the
employers’ plea that the women were themselves
to blame, the Inspectors pointed to the systematic
laying of pieces weighing 70 pounds by men on the
shoulders of women (slight, city and slum dwellers,
and undeveloped girls), who filed past the men to
receive the cloth delivered by a chute from a room
above. Similar and greater overstrain was found by
Miss Squire and her staff in Lancashire among
weavers lifting loom weights at the back of their
looms. The injury caused is “often not noticed
until later in life.”<a id='r140'></a><a href='#f140' class='c014'><sup>[140]</sup></a> Improvements in both these
classes of cases were reported in 1913.</p>
<p class='c008'>Of all the various ways of using a part of the
human body in a disproportionate or unsuitable
manner to perform an industrial operation for
which a mechanical contrivance should be used, I
<span class='pageno' id='Page_137'>137</span>may mention here the one that appears most frequently
in my Annual Reports. The “licking of
labels” by girls or boys instead of moistening the
gum on the labels by pads or a machine was brought
to my notice by a thoughtful employer in a country
thread mill, in the first year of my service with the
Factory Department, as a very undesirable practice
specially injurious to the health of young workers.
I investigated this practice, and finding it in fact
frequent, and associated with signs such as swollen
glands in the neck, I reported the matter for further
enquiry by the Dangerous Trades Committee. They
found that this was a practice not only in thread
mills, but also in silk and aerated water industries,
and probably in other trades also, and that in a
large Lancashire thread mill the tickets for bobbins
were almost entirely moistened by twelve full-time
young workers, licking up to fifty gross labels, and
thirty-five half-timers, licking up to twenty-five gross
labels a day, while a woman managed to lick forty-five
gross a day. As the firms concerned abandoned
the practice in favour of a damper when attention
was drawn to the subject, no regulation was recommended,
and the Committee merely laid stress on
their opinion that such a practice could not but be
prejudicial to health, particularly at an age when
growth is active and the system requires all its
digestive secretions, even if the gum used were
perfectly pure. More serious injury might be done
if infective organic material or poisons were present
on the labels.<a id='r141'></a><a href='#f141' class='c014'><sup>[141]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_138'>138</span>Many years’ pursuit of this subject by the Inspectors
showed that the effective cause of the
continuance of the undesirable, and sometimes
injurious, practice was the pressure for rapid
output; under a system of piecework remuneration
a young worker could, by use of tongue
and saliva, acquire a rapidity exceeding the speed
obtained from the use of any available hand-damper.
By persistent work the Women Inspectors
tracked down factory after factory where the method
continued, and got the practice stopped. The last
bad instances reported on were by Miss Whitlock,
M.B., in 1912, in an Irish mill, where she found
girls fixing blue labels to a bronze band wrapped
round balls of thread. They had to lick the whole
surface of the blue label, and although not continuously
engaged on the work, a girl would label
as many as 960 balls in a day. They suffered from
soreness of lips and tongue and bad taste in the
mouth, while a mother seen at home said her
daughter had lost her appetite and “failed terribly”
while at this work. She took her away from it, and
the girl had quite recovered her health when employed
as a spinner. Not only did the manager
abolish the licking by providing and enforcing use
of dampers, he also raised the labellers’ piece rates
by one-third. It is a valuable example, for it is
not seldom that introduction of improved methods
of working may cost the workers more in immediate
loss of wages than it is possible for them to afford.<a id='r142'></a><a href='#f142' class='c014'><sup>[142]</sup></a>
Among the industries other than thread-spooling
<span class='pageno' id='Page_139'>139</span>where licking was checked by the Inspectors, were
packeting of sweets (in gelatine bags closed by
licking), siphon-labelling, tin-labelling, and cigar-banding.
In 1903 I was able to give an account
of a good power-driven machine for punching labels
and pasting them on to thread-spools which I had
seen that year at work in silk mills in the Grand
Duchy of Baden, a health and time-saving machine
doing the work very efficiently.<a id='r143'></a><a href='#f143' class='c014'><sup>[143]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>Accidents causing bodily injury or loss of life,
and problems of safety connected with fencing of
machinery<a id='r144'></a><a href='#f144' class='c014'><sup>[144]</sup></a> moved by mechanical power, and other
special safeguards against explosion, escape of steam,
falls, etc., involve highly technical questions. In
factory industry as a whole they affect male workers
in a far higher degree than female workers; in 1920
there were more than thirty times as many fatal
accidents to men as to women, and more than nine
times as many accidents non-fatal as well as fatal to
men as to women.<a id='r145'></a><a href='#f145' class='c014'><sup>[145]</sup></a> Thus the first concern of the
Women Inspectors, lacking as they did at the
beginning knowledge and experience in these
matters, was to refer risks of accident, observed by
them in connection with unfenced machinery, to
Men Inspectors in charge of districts. These then
took the action or gave the instruction to the
occupiers, and we were thus left free for concentration
on the urgent questions already touched on,
to which we could bring new and indispensable
contributions.</p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_140'>140</span>The Women Inspectors, however, took great
interest in complaints made to them by the women
of dangers and of accidents actually occurring.
They soon gathered useful facts by their own observation,
and the interest rapidly grew as they began
to see the close connection of accidents with conditions
of labour—other than fencing of danger
points—including pressure for output, long hours,
and very low rates of pay under the piecework
system, as well as methods of lighting the factory.</p>
<p class='c008'>It soon appeared to them probable that the
effectual prevention of accidents rested not only
on skill in fencing, but on detailed study of conditions,
on the one hand, and, on the other hand, on
responsible supervision of all conditions by good
management in the factories and workshops. The
knowledge they steadily acquired, through following
up complaints, of the immense suffering and loss to
individual workers and through them to national
production, by preventible maiming and injury, led
them to give increasing time to study of the subject.<a id='r146'></a><a href='#f146' class='c014'><sup>[146]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>The important amendment of the code governing
notice of accidents in the workplace and their
investigation by the Inspectorate, that came into
operation on January 1, 1896, brought them new
opportunities of acquiring information. It became
compulsory for every occupier to keep a register of
the accidents occurring in the factory or workshop
of which notice had to be sent to the Inspector for
the district, and to enter particulars in the register
regarding such accidents within a week of their
<span class='pageno' id='Page_141'>141</span>occurrence. Immediate access to this register
certainly increased the value of an inspection. It
acted as a finger-post to special causes of accidental
injury to workers in the particular workplace.
Much more important, however, for practical
knowledge of broad means of preventing accidents
was access to a general review of dominating risks
in an industry as a whole. This opportunity came
to me and my staff as an unforeseen consequence
of the devolution in 1898 upon a Woman Inspector
of district charge of a “special” district containing
a particularly large number of all kinds of power-driven
and hand laundries,<a id='r147'></a><a href='#f147' class='c014'><sup>[147]</sup></a> as well as factories and
workshops in which the making of wearing apparel
was carried on. It was soon discovered that, so far
as practical prevention of accidents went, the
Inspector in charge of the special district, by
receipt of notices of accidents, by thorough investigation
of their circumstances and of the complaints
of the workers, by conferences with laundry and
other engineers and study of safety appliances,
largely made up for her initial lack of training as
an engineer. Lack of engineering training was not
confined to Women Inspectors; and, as laundries
first came under the Factory Act after the Women
Inspectors were appointed, a special opportunity
arose for them of acquiring useful new knowledge
which was then available for the whole Factory
Department. This opportunity was seized, the
sympathies of a considerable number of laundry
occupiers and engineers were aroused, and fruitful
experiments were rapidly begun in this small special
<span class='pageno' id='Page_142'>142</span>district in development of guards for the prevention
of extremely painful and frequently maiming
accidents—chiefly to fingers, hands, and arms, and
largely to young workers—on ironing machinery,
wringers, hydro-extractors—in fact, on the most
dangerous machines in laundry plant. The comparatively
recent development of specialised power-driven
machinery in laundries, and the incidence of
the most painful accidents on young girl workers,
tended to melt away opposition (on the part of
occupiers) to the Inspectors’ zeal for encouraging
early trial of automatically acting guards for
preventing such accidents. An ingrained habit of
regarding accidents as somewhat unavoidable was
not, in laundries, a legacy from the past, nor had
it been acquired by the industry, and the presence
of women as manageresses and owners (as well as
their being the great majority of the workers) led
to a ready acceptance of a Woman Inspector as
one likely to know something about the subject.
The systematic tabulation of classified causes of all
serious accidents in laundries soon brought to their
notice, further helped to a reasonable outlook on
the problems of fencing.</p>
<p class='c008'>During the first two years of responsibility for this
special district, with so many laundries in it, we
studied the conditions, the machines, the time, and
other circumstances in the occurrence of the accidents,
but I soon felt that a wider body of statistical
information, from all over the country, was needed
to strengthen our demand for use of good guards
on the dangerous machines.<a id='r148'></a><a href='#f148' class='c014'><sup>[148]</sup></a> I therefore examined
<span class='pageno' id='Page_143'>143</span>every report by a certifying surgeon to the Chief
Inspector on an accident in a laundry from every
part of the United Kingdom, and tabulated these
according to source or causation of the injury and
according to age and sex of the workers. The
results were published in the Annual Report for
1902, and the work of tabulation was thereafter
carried on for me by Miss Tracey down to 1914.
At first the reporting of the accidents was incomplete,
and the total annual number gradually rose
from 289 in 1901 to 435 in 1908, after which, in
spite of great increase of employment in factory
laundries, and in use of dangerous power-driven
ironing machinery, the total number of accidents
in the industry annually on the whole declined, the
average for the five years 1909 to 1913 being 391·4.
In all these years the classification of sources of
accidents was unchanged, the material risks had been
rightly inferred at the outset from close examination
of the machines and from investigation of individual
accidents. The stress we laid on the value of automatic
guards for stopping indrawing rollers (risk
arising from feeding all kinds of articles in between
the rollers) was justified by the proportionate decline
in number and severity of these accidents. Probably
in few other industries were accidents so predominantly
caused by definite danger points in power-driven
machines. Out of a total during twelve years
of 4,235 accidents reported on by certifying surgeons
(including scalds and burns, which numbered 379),
2,648 were caused by indrawing rollers of ironing
and wringing machines, and an abnormally high
proportion affected girls under eighteen years of
<span class='pageno' id='Page_144'>144</span>age—who were so largely employed in machine-ironing.<a id='r149'></a><a href='#f149' class='c014'><sup>[149]</sup></a>
These facts were brought out at a
conference of the Department with the laundry
trade in 1910, at an interesting exhibition of
laundry machinery, where the latest developments
in machinery and guards could be studied. After
this conference a memorandum standardising fencing
of laundry machinery was issued to the trade.<a id='r150'></a><a href='#f150' class='c014'><sup>[150]</sup></a>
Definite steps in this direction had been made
possible by the concentrated work of the Women
Inspectors on the industry, first when they were
definitely instructed to follow up fencing in laundries
throughout the kingdom, and secondly when, from
1908, all accidents affecting women and girls in
laundries were referred to the Senior Women
Inspectors in the various divisions for investigation
and the necessary action.</p>
<p class='c008'>The industry was not one in which the general
risks of accident were high; the total accidents and
the accident rate were small compared with those
of other industries. Without such concentrated
team-work on the question, the predominant risks
would probably long have escaped effective observation
and control, and the painful and maiming
accidents to many young girls would have been
obscured by the greater roll of accidents in other
industries; they would have failed to receive the
effectual check that they in fact did receive in
<span class='pageno' id='Page_145'>145</span>consequence of the assignment to this branch of the
Inspectorate of a special opportunity and responsibility
in relation to the trade. It is an interesting
illustration of the value of special work on selected
trades, and raises the question whether such special
work is not an adjunct that is indispensable for
efficiency in a system of administration by area or
territorial districts.</p>
<p class='c008'>Important prosecutions were taken from time to
time, and repeatedly penal compensation was obtained
and applied to the benefit of workers injured
through neglect of the occupier to provide or maintain
good guards. In 1913 an unusually interesting
prosecution, of importance for Scottish laundry
workers, was taken by the late Miss Vines in the
Edinburgh Sheriff Court, for a failure to fence
securely the intake of a calender in consequence of
which neglect a young girl had lost the use of her
hand.<a id='r151'></a><a href='#f151' class='c014'><sup>[151]</sup></a> It was keenly contested, and Miss Vines’s
account of the hearing may well be remembered here:</p>
<p class='c015'>“A plea of ‘not guilty’ was tendered, and
evidence was led at considerable length—I had
eleven witnesses—as to the question of secure
fencing. At the time of the accident the feed of
the calender was fenced only by a fixed bar guard,
while our contention was as to the necessity of
the provision of an automatic guard. We had
expert evidence from two witnesses, one the
member of a large firm of laundry engineers, the
other Miss Perry, whose evidence, owing to her
university degree in engineering, carried considerable
weight. The advocate for the respondents
also had two expert witnesses. In my argument
<span class='pageno' id='Page_146'>146</span>I referred to the case of Schofield v. Schunk (1855)
24 L. T. (o.s.), 253, in which it is laid down that
the machinery must be fenced according to the best
method known at the time, not merely in the
manner usual in the best regulated factories in the
district. After a hearing of some hours the Sheriff
convicted, saying that he thought it clear from the
evidence that the fence consisting of a fixed bar
was not of a satisfactory nature, and that an
improved type was now largely used.”</p>
<p class='c008'>A similar responsibility and opportunity arose in
the wholesale clothing trades, but the accident
risks were far smaller and chiefly due to “transmission
machinery”—<i>e.g.</i>, shafting, driving bands
and pulleys to sewing machines, found also in many
other trades—these risks being already well known.
The one really new contribution there made by the
studies of the Women Inspectors lay in needle-puncturing
accidents with septic results, from the
use of power-driven sewing machines driven at a
very high speed, 2,000 to 3,000 stitches a minute.
Analysis of reported accidents showed that in 1907
35 per cent. of the total accidents to women and
girls in clothing factories arose from this cause, and
of these not far short of one-fifth resulted in septic
poisoning and consequent great loss of time. Often
the needle has to be removed surgically, and sometimes
X-rays applied. A needle may enter the
finger several times before the hand can be withdrawn,
and serious injury sometimes results. So
far no guard had been devised to prevent these
accidents. Next year over 40 per cent. of the
accidents to women and girls in clothing factories
were due to this cause, and in relation to these and
<span class='pageno' id='Page_147'>147</span>other injuries the importance of skilled first-aid was
brought out. In 1909 again the very great loss of
working time and health through these accidents,
at first classed as “slight,” was illustrated, and the
extra urgency of first-aid where invention of preventive
safeguards against the accidents was still
lacking was further pressed home. In one large
clothing factory seven out of twelve accidents were
of this nature, and in even the slightest of them the
workers had been absent from work several weeks.<a id='r152'></a><a href='#f152' class='c014'><sup>[152]</sup></a>
Enquiry of a systematic kind was made into the
arrangements provided by the employers for rendering
first-aid at the works from this time on by the
Women Inspectors—not only when investigating
these, but all kinds of accidents. It was found that
the very enquiry and the recording of results on
the point stimulated employers already doing good
work in this direction, and that it aroused others
to a new interest in the matter. Miss Whitlock’s
investigations showed how greatly lack of knowledge
of first-aid increased suffering to the injured person.
For example, “a child’s head was badly scalded
with boiling starch, and the wound made worse by
the forewoman immediately bathing it in cold water.
When a young woman was scalped in a clothing
factory, time was lost in getting her attended to,
for no one knew the quickest way in which to get
in touch with the ambulance authorities; neither did
<span class='pageno' id='Page_148'>148</span>anyone think of removing the scalp from the overhead
shafting until an hour after the accident, so
that by the time it arrived at the infirmary it was
too cold to treat in the usual way in such cases.”<a id='r153'></a><a href='#f153' class='c014'><sup>[153]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>Tin cutting, pen-making, metallic capsule making,
bottle washing, and many other processes furnished
for our observation cases of septic poisoning, following
relatively slight accidents, which strengthened
our appeal for systematic development of first-aid
in industry. It was wartime pressure for output that
ultimately clinched our argument as to its value from
the standpoint of production as well as of humanity.</p>
<p class='c008'>One example out of many may be cited to illustrate
how guards preventing accidents were secured
systematically on a machine when its danger was
brought to our notice. Teazle-brushing machines
in hosiery factories thus arrested the attention of
Miss Squire and Miss Tracey almost simultaneously.
Miss Squire was interested in complaints of dust,
Miss Tracey was engaged in tabulating accidents
affecting women and girls in the hosiery trade for
my information. The former saw the points of
danger apparent in the machine which was new to
her, and heard of severe accidents from the indrawing
teazle-covered rollers for the brushing of hosiery.
Miss Tracey presented the fact that seven out of
the fourteen reported accidents from this machine
in 1906 were “severe.” Guards were asked for
through the District Inspector, and in 1909 I was
glad to see that accidents had been consequently
reduced to three for the year.<a id='r154'></a><a href='#f154' class='c014'><sup>[154]</sup></a></p>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_149'>149</span>
<h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER V<br> <span class='c013'>EMPLOYMENT OF MOTHERS; YOUNG WORKERS; CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS</span></h2>
</div>
<div class='nf-center-c0'>
<div class='nf-center c017'>
<div>“Every wise woman buildeth her house.”</div>
</div>
</div>
<p class='c015'>“Give your women economic freedom, assure them
access to the sources of culture and you can safely leave
eugenic experimentation to them” (“Interpretations and
Forecasts,” by Victor Branford, 1914).</p>
<p class='c007'>Hitherto this survey of women’s life in the factory
and workshop has simply accepted the fact of
productive labour by women and its clear social and
economic necessity. While admitting the existence
of differences and handicaps, physiological and
social, that in part distinguish them from male
industrial workers, we have only, in one instance,
touched on the influence of marriage and maternity
on their employment. The sinister secondary effects
of lead poisoning on maternal functions inevitably
raised question of factors that, in a civilised community,
must place certain limits or conditions on
complete liberty of women’s employment in factory
production as hitherto carried on. This, already
long recognised in the United Kingdom in regulations
excluding women and young persons from
some of the most dangerous lead processes, has
been followed or extended in other industrial
countries since the Washington Convention.</p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_150'>150</span>No one will deny, said the Report of the Women’s
Employment Committee, 1919, that “woman should
be guarded from strain, from accident and racial
poison, to a greater degree than man is guarded,”
and that report fairly indicated standards and tests
of suitability in occupations for women.</p>
<p class='c008'>In this present chapter we pass from the general
human considerations controlling industrial conditions
over to special groups of persons, where the
“human machine” to be safeguarded can least of
all be regarded simply as an economic, producing
unit. Here the interest of the community as well
as of the individual requires consideration from a
new angle of vision.</p>
<p class='c008'>Children, the earliest objects of humanitarian aims
in the factory system, came first under a Factory
Act in 1802 in certain textile factories; adult
women first in 1844. Not until 1891 (after the
Berlin Conference in 1890) was any provision whatever
made in this country for obviating the necessity
of employment of a woman too early after childbirth—in
a factory system such as that we have been
considering in previous chapters. And then it came
only in the form of a prohibition of employment:
“An occupier of a factory or workshop shall not
knowingly allow a woman to be employed therein
within four weeks after she has given birth to a
child.”<a id='r155'></a><a href='#f155' class='c014'><sup>[155]</sup></a> Effects, not causes, seem alone to have
been held in view; what was to become of the woman,
without other resources, seeking employment at such
a time, was left to be sufficiently disclosed by the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_151'>151</span>Women Factory Inspectors, who from 1896 onwards
tried to give effect to the prohibition by warnings
and prosecutions of the occupier so far as he could
be shown to be legally responsible for infringements.</p>
<p class='c008'>Inmates of charitable and reformatory institutions,
engaged in production or manual labour of the
nature covered by the Factory Acts and not already
under Government inspection (as in workhouses,
prisons, certified homes, etc.), first seem to have
come, somewhat accidentally, under serious consideration
in connection with these Acts through
proposals to include laundries within their scope.
For laundry work was by far the most general
industrial occupation in charitable and reformatory
institutions—where the work was done not for the
institution itself but for outside clients, although
not carried on by way of trade, and where the
inmates were not working under a contract of
service or apprenticeship. Occupiers of ordinary
commercial laundries were willing to be included
within the Act only if these institutions were
also included. The opposition of the institutions
was, however, sufficient to secure their exclusion
from the Act of 1895, which in some degree covered
commercial laundries; they remained outside until
partially brought in by the Act of 1907, after
we had for some years inspected convent laundries
on a voluntary basis. Opposition of the managers
melted away steadily, as the advantages of friendly
advisory inspections were experienced.</p>
<p class='c008'>For all but the last of these three classes of specially
protected workers, the legal or the administrative
position has substantially changed at the close of the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_152'>152</span>period 1893 to 1921. And most of all has it changed
in the care of child-bearing women employed in
industry, who were before 1911 completely dependent
on the Woman Factory Inspector for disclosure
of evidence on their position. The change in the
administrative point of view is most quickly realised
when one recalls the fact that responsibility for
applying the prohibition of employment in factories
and workshops of women after childbirth has in
1921 been transferred from the Home Office to the
Ministry of Health by Order of His Majesty in
Council. It is thus formally recognised as a “matter
affecting and incidental to the health of the people.”</p>
<p class='c008'>The cases of employment within four weeks of
childbirth were frequent in our experience. As
it was generally extreme poverty or desertion or
illness of the husband that drove mothers back to
work, and the prohibition was well known (being
included in the official abstract of the Acts affixed
in the workplace), they would in some way conceal
the date of birth from the occupier or manager,
or sometimes change the place of employment.
Thus in comparatively few instances could any
legal action be taken at all; even where it could,
the painful dilemma of the suffering woman became
evident.</p>
<p class='c008'>The first case taken into court under Section 17 of
1891 was in the year 1897, by Miss Squire. It was
a clear case for testing the effect of the section,
and it revealed much. The mother, working in a
textile mill, had been sent for by the foreman,
who was short of workers, on the ninth day after
her confinement, although he had been informed of
<span class='pageno' id='Page_153'>153</span>the reason of her absence on the day she left.
Although she made some attempt to screen her
employers when called as a witness, she was dismissed
from their employment, after they had been
convicted and fined. She obtained employment
from one of the magistrates soon after he had heard
the case, and this relieved her immediate need.
The effect of this dismissal on the minds of the
other workers remained.<a id='r156'></a><a href='#f156' class='c014'><sup>[156]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>In 1898 old and new difficulties attending the
application of this section again made action difficult
or impossible. A laundry visited on a complaint
of infringement of the section yielded only
the information that the woman was at home, the
regulation well known, and “as soon as it was
permissible she would return to work.” The
Inspector, wishing to make sure of all the facts,
“went straightway to see the woman in her home,
and found her in the act of doing heavy washing
for the laundry in question.” The occupier was
only legally responsible for knowingly employing
the woman in his laundry within four weeks of
childbirth, accordingly he had “sent the work to be
done in the home. The laundry was clean and the
surroundings ... in point of fatigue-saving appliances
incomparably superior” to those in which the
woman was found. “Her husband was a labourer,
she had four living children, and the entire family
inhabited two rooms; the woman was washing over
a tub raised on two stools in one of the rooms, a
small paved and drained yard lay at the back; it
was a rainy day, and she had pulled the tub into
<span class='pageno' id='Page_154'>154</span>the room to be under cover from the wet; she
dragged it into the yard to empty when needful.”<a id='r157'></a><a href='#f157' class='c014'><sup>[157]</sup></a>
More often the difficulty of taking action turned
on the impossibility of proving knowledge of facts
on the part of the occupier, a knowledge which in
such a matter it was only natural he should avoid.
In any case it was shortly discovered that a young
mother of sixteen or seventeen was not covered by
the section, being not a “woman,” as defined in
the Act (<i>i.e.</i>, a person of eighteen years and over),
but a “young person.” These enquiries soon drew
my attention to the high rate of infant mortality in
districts where women were largely employed in
heavy labouring work, such as brick-making in the
Stourbridge area, and the galvanised bucket industry
in the Lye district, and some enquiries were made
to learn how far such work affected infant life.</p>
<p class='c008'>In 1902 a conviction, with penalty, was again
secured in one of the instances of re-employment
of a woman within four weeks of childbirth. In
another case of re-employment—this time within
a fortnight of childbirth—in a wholesale clothing
factory, although a deplorable state of affairs was
disclosed, action was impossible owing to the entire
lack of evidence of responsibility for supervision
anywhere in the place. The Inspector took occasion
to press home the need of superintendence by a
competent woman, which in this case was promised
by the employer. She found that young single
women going to the workhouse for a confinement
were usually discharged at the end of a fortnight
if their state of health made it possible, with the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_155'>155</span>result that their re-employment within three weeks
was practically unavoidable.</p>
<p class='c008'>The whole position was, as Miss Squire put it in
1897, that “Section 17 of 1891, although of so
great importance to the community no less than
the individual, must remain for the most part a
dead letter owing to the difficulty of proving the
employer’s knowledge of all the circumstances, as
well as for other obvious reasons.”<a id='r158'></a><a href='#f158' class='c014'><sup>[158]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>A welcome opportunity for wider dissemination
of knowledge and understanding of the whole
problem of employment of mothers arose through
the appointment of the inter-Departmental Committee
on Physical Deterioration in September,
1903. An invitation was extended to me to give
oral evidence on the effects of factory and workshop
employment on the health of women and girls,
which I did at some length. Fuller information was
sought by the Committee on the effect of industrial
employment of mothers both on themselves and
their infants. By the help of my colleagues, I set
intensive study of the matter on foot in three
separate and distinctive industrial centres for
women’s employment: in Dundee (jute trade), in
Lancashire, in Preston, Burnley, and Blackburn
(cotton trade), in the Staffordshire Potteries, in
Hanley and Longton (earthenware and china trade).
Two of these towns, Dundee and Preston, were
particularly characterised by an absence of employment
for men of the same class as the women so
largely employed. In all the centres of study
infantile mortality was high, although not higher
<span class='pageno' id='Page_156'>156</span>than rates to be found elsewhere—<i>e.g.</i>, in mining
centres where mothers are not industrially employed.
Widely varying conditions in local sanitation and
housing obtained in these towns. Wide variation
also was present in nature of the industrial work
done by the women, speed and pressure of work,
length of daily hours, presence of dust or lead in
the processes, and other circumstances.</p>
<p class='c008'>The main effect of this enquiry, with the following
up of many cases of re-employment of mothers
after childbirth, was to establish more clearly than
ever before that such re-employment was not, as had
hitherto been often alleged, largely caused by the
women’s preference for factory over domestic life,
but by the pressure of poverty, or actual want, on
the mothers. Much help was given by officers
of the local health authorities in making the
enquiry.</p>
<p class='c008'>In 1904 I presented to the Committee a memorandum
on “Employment of Mothers in Factories
and Workshops,” containing full details, and what
the Committee described as a “wealth of information”
from the three Inspectors, Miss Paterson,
Miss Squire, and Miss Martindale, who had carried
out my scheme of enquiry. The Committee gave
full publicity to the results in the memorandum,
including it as an appendix in their report, besides
favourably commenting on its conclusions. They
further definitely recommended fuller investigation,
on the lines suggested, into infant mortality rates;
locally, for particular areas in industrial towns, and
into general infant mortality rates for selected
industries throughout the country, and the specifying
<span class='pageno' id='Page_157'>157</span>of the occupation of all mothers (married or
unmarried) in the Registrar-General’s records. They
also recommended a strengthening of the prohibition
of employment within four weeks, either by throwing
onus of proof on the employer or by requiring a
medical certificate from the mother.</p>
<p class='c008'>The Committee attached great importance to
observations of the Inspectors in the memorandum
on the stress and strain involved, through many
existing conditions in factory life, “in the employment
of women from girlhood, all through married
life, and through child-bearing”; they specially
noted the fact that when decreasing physical
capacity brought the prospective mother “at
least some relief at the hands of the manager of the
mill and she is sent away,” it is often only “to
take up the equally unsuitable occupation of charwoman
or scrubber.” No general notion had then
arisen, or at least it had not been publicly expressed,
that national responsibility for release of child-bearing
women from wage-paid employment should
be recognised by the provision of some form of
maintenance at the time of their greatest need.
The Committee, on this financial point, only included
in their recommendations a suggestion that
“charitable efforts in manufacturing towns might
be directed towards endowing and maintaining
insurance organisations to which employees, assisted
by voluntary subscriptions, could contribute while
in work, and from which they might receive assistance
during a confinement and afterwards.” I had
pointed, in my memorandum, to the experience at
Mulhouse in Alsace that organisation of a maternity
<span class='pageno' id='Page_158'>158</span>fund by manufacturers, to which both employer
and employed contributed, had resulted in a reduction
of infant mortality by half. I had also suggested
that “whether by local trade effort, or
larger national effort, provident insurance of the
kind might be expected in time to eliminate the
cases where infant lives are lost ... and needless
suffering caused to hard-working, valuable mothers
by total absence of skilled attendance.” I had
also laid stress on the need for fundamental reorganisation
of antiquated charities, in harmony
“with increased scientific knowledge,” and with
the “changed economic conditions of women’s
lives.”</p>
<p class='c008'>On this side the earliest help that came was, of
course, through the National Health Insurance Act
of 1911. In 1904, and onwards down to 1913,
Women Factory Inspectors continued to gather and
to present information on this subject, which never
seemed to them less poignant in the details, though
it took seven years to issue in any provision for
the sufferers. A summary of all that we learned,
as Miss H. F. Cohen said when she prepared such
a summary from my Annual Reports for the
Women’s Employment Committee in 1919, “gives
only a faint idea of the state of things—it is only
the cumulative effect of instance after instance
which enables one to realise the impotence of the
law.”</p>
<p class='c008'>In 1904, in twenty-one cases of employment
within four weeks of childbirth investigated in
Scotland by two Women Inspectors, only three were
found suitable for proceedings, and a conviction
<span class='pageno' id='Page_159'>159</span>was recorded in only one. “The others were
dismissed, one without trial, on the ground that a
Limited Liability Company could not be charged
with the offence; the other on the ground that the
woman was not “knowingly” employed, although
it was proved that the reason for leaving the mill
was known to the foreman, who re-engaged her
without enquiry. In the majority of cases the
woman did not return to the same factory as that
in which she worked before confinement.” In a
very bad case of re-employment at one and the
same works the woman, working under a contractor,
was employed in very laborious work, the setting
and drawing of kilns. The manager of the works
ordered the contractor to send her home, as she
was obviously not in a fit condition to do the work.
Ten days after the child’s birth she was re-engaged
by the manager who had ordered her to be sent
home, and employed at the same place in loading
wheelbarrows at the canal bank and other work.
“Sixteen days after its birth the child died....
The occupier, who goes daily to the works, endeavoured
to shift the legal responsibility on to the
manager, the latter on to the contractor. Until
the Woman Inspector put the matter before them
in what was evidently a new light, it had not
occurred to anyone that it was worth consideration,
or that even a legal, let alone a moral responsibility,
rested on anyone.”<a id='r159'></a><a href='#f159' class='c014'><sup>[159]</sup></a> In Lancashire, in the same
year, one out of many cases of too early re-employment
was taken into court. The fact that the
mother was back at her loom fourteen days after
<span class='pageno' id='Page_160'>160</span>the birth of the child was proved; it was also proved
that the manager and tackler, as well as her fellow-workers,
knew the reason for the weaver’s absence,
but the case was dismissed (after long and earnest
deliberation by the magistrate), because the manager
had not had the simple enquiry made as to the age
of the child, and therefore did not “knowingly”
allow her to be employed. In this case the reason
for the return was poverty, the husband being out
of work, and the woman had been alone and untended
at the birth of her child. The futility of
the unamended law for the protection of industrial
mothers against pressure of either poverty or
negligence was more than established.</p>
<p class='c015'>“Some of the most pathetic incidents came to
one’s knowledge,” says Miss Paterson, in some
notes written at my request for this book, “in the
administration of the section which requires absence
of mothers from work for the short period of four
weeks after the birth of a child, for the poverty
or the fear of permanent loss of employment which
drives her to cut short her time for recovery generally
means that she is indeed in straits. Customs vary
in different parts of the country, and it is Scotland
that is in my mind chiefly when the figure comes
before me of the work-worn woman who appeared
to have a choice to make whether she would go out
to work or stay at home and work, but who had
in reality no alternative but to earn, at once, what
she could. ‘If he could bring in a pound a week
constant,’ said the wife of an unskilled labourer to
me, ‘I would never think of going out,’ and I
believe this represents the feeling of the Scottish
married women, though they would not all put their
minimum at so modest a figure.”</p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_161'>161</span>In the returns of persons employed in factories
and workshops for 1907 the first attempt was made
to obtain official figures to show the extent of
employment of married women in industry. The
information could only be obtained by voluntary
returns, which were in many cases not forthcoming.
On the figures so obtained it appeared that in
textile factories 24·1 per cent. were married, 71·8 per
cent. unmarried, and 4·1 per cent. widowed; in non-textile
factories 16·3 per cent. were married, 79·3 per
cent. unmarried, and 4·4 per cent. widowed. A high
proportion of power-driven laundries made the return,
and in these 28 per cent. of the women were married.</p>
<p class='c008'>The worst cases of too early employment of
mothers did not, however, necessarily appear in the
industries that were most characteristically women’s,
but rather in poor or underpaid industries and in
towns or districts where women were largely employed
without a sufficient balance of men’s staple
industries to enable the husband and father to be
the main breadwinner of the family. Any high
degree of unemployment for the latter, of course,
immediately affected the security of the mother’s
support at the time of child-bearing. Many of the
worst examples of too early employment after
childbirth came primarily from that cause.</p>
<p class='c015'>“I know,” wrote Miss Paterson in 1907, “of
no more tragic figure than that of the toil-worn
woman striving ... to do the work of two persons
with, as her background, the unemployed or insufficiently
employed man ... desolate and
oppressed are the words which seem then to
describe her the best.”<a id='r160'></a><a href='#f160' class='c014'><sup>[160]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_162'>162</span>Some of the very worst examples came to our
knowledge in the five years preceding the modest
relief that came for maternity through the National
Health Insurance Act of 1911. In that year, at
the Congress of the Royal Sanitary Institute at
Belfast, Miss Martindale gave an address on Hygiene
and Industrial Employment, in which she stated
that in that city she had “come across women
returning to work of a hard manual nature, entailing
hours of standing, within ten days, and even four
days of their confinement.” She was convinced
that “no woman would return to work within the
month if it were not poverty which compelled her
to do so. As one poor tired woman remarked,
‘Could I remain away from work for more than a
fortnight with five children under six years of age
starving at home?’” The emigration of men in
Ireland often threw the burden of breadwinning
on to the women.</p>
<p class='c008'>To those who wish to understand, even partially,
the extent of suffering and injury endured by poor
working mothers before any national attempt was
made to help them at the time of childbirth, I can
only say that the subject must be further studied
in the section of my Annual Reports from 1907 to
1911 dealing with employment of women before
and after childbirth.<a id='r161'></a><a href='#f161' class='c014'><sup>[161]</sup></a> The monotonous recital,
year after year, of facts revealed by complaints
investigated can alone give any idea of the matter.
One characteristic example must close the recital
here. The occupier of the factory had not “knowingly”
<span class='pageno' id='Page_163'>163</span>re-employed the mother within the four
weeks’ limit; the woman’s husband, a carter, had
been out of work seven weeks before the confinement,
and the Guardians gave relief in money and kind
for fourteen days after the birth. The third week
they refused an application for continuance of the
relief, and the woman returned to her employment—her
husband being still workless. The Inspector
asked the health visitor to interest herself in the
matter and secure assistance if possible for the
woman. Section 61 of the Act of 1901 only took
effect generally by bringing to our knowledge facts
that might otherwise be overlooked, and prevented
inconsiderate employers from directly requiring
women to return to work too soon after the birth
of a child.<a id='r162'></a><a href='#f162' class='c014'><sup>[162]</sup></a> Ultimately, when due care has been
secured for the poorest child-bearing woman, the
tale of their past suffering and neglect will seem a
terrible and incredible thing.</p>
<p class='c008'>Let us now turn to the young worker in industry.
Strong though the appeal of this subject was to the
Women Inspectors—taking much of their time and
thought—in a sense it lies outside the limits of this
book, and it is far too great for adequate notice
in a fraction of a chapter. A few illustrations of
ways in which we came in touch with industrial
employment of children must suffice. “Children
in the factory” is a thought that irresistibly carries
memory back to tragic past wrongdoing, in cruel
overstrain and misuse of children’s forces that no
one of our race or nationality can cheerfully recall
to mind. Yet we are bidden by the foremost
<span class='pageno' id='Page_164'>164</span>historian of the factory system, Mr. Whately Cooke-Taylor,
never to suffer the story to be forgotten lest
its pitiful warnings against the blinding power of
false doctrine should also die out.<a id='r163'></a><a href='#f163' class='c014'><sup>[163]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>The earliest legal remedies for the worst evils of
child labour under the factory system were threshed
out in the first half of the nineteenth century by
English men themselves, long before it was imaginable
that women might enter the Civil Service and
help as Factory Inspectors to apply these remedies.
It was, indeed, through the sufferings of little
children that the whole humanitarian movement
for reform of factory life by law and administrative
action began, and that it found its chance to grow
against many and powerful adversaries, as may be
seen in the life of Anthony Ashley Cooper, Lord
Shaftesbury.</p>
<p class='c008'>The sacrifice of the young workers made the first
opening through the outer framework or crust of
society, built up as it had been in the nineteenth
century on a basis of “machinery and steam.”<a id='r164'></a><a href='#f164' class='c014'><sup>[164]</sup></a>
The children had been drawn, as the children were
drawn by the Pied Piper,</p>
<div class='lg-container-b c005'>
<div class='linegroup'>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>“A wondrous portal opened wide</div>
<div class='line'>As if a cavern were suddenly hollowed;</div>
<div class='line'>And the Piper advanced and the children followed.”</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<p class='c008'>They had been drawn into the factories as helpless
dependents of the machine for the purely economic
reasons that were then generally deemed valid and
all-sufficient. In turn, they furnished the most
<span class='pageno' id='Page_165'>165</span>unanswerable argument against the doctrine of
<i>laissez faire</i>, and thus involuntarily helped to bring
about its discredit.</p>
<p class='c008'>The main provisions in the Factory Acts for
protection of the young worker had been framed,
and the very worst evils repressed, when Women
Inspectors entered the service in the last decade of
the “economic” century. Yet much remained to
be done, as has already been seen in certain examples
of hardness and barbarity, particularly in Chapter II.
The very institution of the “half-time system,”
which first came as an enlightened practical remedy
for excessively long daily hours, and as the original
provision for compulsory elementary education, had
in our early official days begun to be more than
suspected as an evil in itself among reformers. It
lingered until the close of the War, for its prestige
had been great; it had grown into the very structure
of textile industries; and it had secured at least
that whatever schooling a factory child had was
given to it in the daytime. Many pages scattered
through Annual Reports of the Chief Inspector
record the injurious effects on health (as observed
by Women Inspectors) following on the attendance
of young workers at night school permitted by some
education authorities in cases of family poverty, as a
condition of allowing the young worker of thirteen
and fourteen to work full time during the day.</p>
<p class='c008'>This latter point came out so markedly because
of the close attention that was given by myself and
my staff to applying the provisions for securing a
reasonable degree of physical fitness in young
workers in factories. We did all in our power to
<span class='pageno' id='Page_166'>166</span>bring home to parents as well as employers that
examination by the certifying surgeon of the child
for half-time or young person for full time employment,
as to their physical fitness for “working daily
for the time allowed by law in the factory,” was a
serious, not a merely formal, matter. We freely
used our powers as Inspectors to suspend a child
or young person for re-examination, wherever it
appeared to us that she was unfit by “disease or
bodily infirmity” for the daily work during the
legal hours. Out of this came the evidence that
led to strengthening of the law by giving to the
certifying surgeon power to examine any process,
and to qualify the certificate by conditions as to
the work on which a child or young person is to
be employed. The younger the child the greater
our concern for all this, and from the first we worked
in close contact with the teachers in the schools
attended by half-timers, whose age or delicacy
called for our enquiry. Incredibly small and baby-like
were some of the eleven-year-old children still
lawfully employed in factories up to the year 1899.
A few ten-year-old children were still lawfully
employed in 1893 when the first Women Inspectors
began their work.<a id='r165'></a><a href='#f165' class='c014'><sup>[165]</sup></a> In some notes sent me by Miss
Paterson at the close of 1921, written for this book,
she says:</p>
<p class='c015'><span class='pageno' id='Page_167'>167</span>“Amongst the changes in the law during my
official service few were so completely satisfactory
as those which have contributed to the passing of
the half-timers. Each advance of a year in the
age for entering on employment was accompanied
by gloomy forebodings of the result to industry
of preventing a child from acquiring facility while
its fingers were still supple—as if a non-wage-earning
child sat with hands folded in inaction—and (by
some people) of the effects on character of too much
leisure in youth. A well-known sheriff added to
his reluctant convictions of several firms for illegal
employment of children an exhortation to me to
consider carefully what I was doing before bringing
more such cases to this court. In his opinion I
was doing much to fill the place with young criminals
who would have me to thank to some extent for
their ruin.”</p>
<p class='c008'>Some remarkably enlightening information came
out of enquiries made by Miss Paterson in order to
find an answer to the question, “What becomes of
young workers rejected by the certifying surgeon
in a factory as physically unfit for the work?” It
was carried on, as much of our work was, in co-operation
with the certifying surgeon. In 1900
79 cases of rejection were followed up to the child’s
home, 56 having been rejected as under age, 11 for
weakness or disease of the eyes, 6 for skin disease,
1 for deficient intelligence, and 5 for personation
of another older child. It became clear that the
children did not go back to school, that they tended
to go either into casual employment outside the
factory system, or into a workshop where the
certificates were not required and where a register
need not be kept, that the work they went to was
<span class='pageno' id='Page_168'>168</span>as hard as, or harder than, that for which they were
rejected, and that the children lived under pressure
of circumstances impossible for them to combat—sometimes
selfishness, oftener the extreme poverty
of parents, sometimes carelessness or indifference
of employers. This information was embodied in
evidence I gave to the Departmental Committee on
Employment of School Children in 1901,<a id='r166'></a><a href='#f166' class='c014'><sup>[166]</sup></a> and thus
fortunately became promptly utilised. The interest
of the general community in the matter became
evident, and not only from the standpoint of future
efficiency of the child; for example, it was ascertained
in one case that a child rejected for a contagious
skin disease went into a process not under
the Factory Act—namely, the picking and cleaning
of fruit for making preserves. The close enquiry
into the reasons for rejection brought out again
very clearly what I had pressed forward several
years earlier, the unsatisfactoriness of the conditions
of publicity, noise, etc., under which the certifying
surgeons had to make their examination of the
young worker in the factory and the handicap they
felt in trying to make it sufficiently thorough.<a id='r167'></a><a href='#f167' class='c014'><sup>[167]</sup></a>
The uselessness of a perfunctory examination
became the clearer as one saw more of the wide
range of possible occupations in a large factory. It
was recommended on the results of this enquiry
that better arrangements should be made for the
examination, that the surgeon should have power
to qualify his certificate, and that enquiry should
<span class='pageno' id='Page_169'>169</span>be systematically made as to what became of a
rejected young worker. Miss Squire had two years
earlier laid bare, in vivid words, the narrow basis
on which a surgeon then had power to reject.</p>
<p class='c015'>“The certificates must by law be granted if the
child or young person is of the proper age, and is
not ‘incapacitated by disease or bodily infirmity
for working daily for the time allowed by law in
the factory named.’ The number of girls and boys
so incapacitated is small; is the number of those
physically unfit for the employment to which they
are set also small? Certainly appearances in the
factories are often against such a conclusion. Many
a factory is a town in itself; the processes of manufacture
carried on within its walls are as different
in character and conditions as they can be; a boy
or girl is certified as physically fit for them all.
Yet it is conceivable that a child or young person
may be physically fit for one department or process
and physically unfit for another; quite fit, for
example, in a silk mill for winding, quite unfit for
the intense heat of the gassing room; quite fit in
steel pen works for sorting or stamping, quite unfit
for the strained position and dust-laden atmosphere
of the grinding shop; quite fit in fancy box factories
for pasting on the paper, quite unfit for waiting on
the glue room by carrying up and down heavy
pails; or physically strong for rough work, but
with eyes unfit for strained attention on work
requiring close application. Could not certifying
surgeons have power to exclude from a certificate
a specified department or process, or to name in
the certificate one department or process only, and
for this purpose have power of entry to factories
in order to see the work in relation to the child?
In a district known to me where both these powers
are, with the co-operation of occupiers, exercised,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_170'>170</span>no one regards a certificate of fitness as an empty
form; a dead system has been galvanised into life.</p>
<p class='c015'>“I have often thought whether the doctor who
saw the little, delicate, narrow-chested girl in the
office, and was ‘satisfied that she was not incapacitated
by disease or bodily infirmity for working’
for the legal time, were to see her as I see her in the
stress and strain of work toiling up flights of stairs
with a load I cannot lift, streaming with perspiration
in steam and heat, bent double straining over
minute work, he would have been able to certify
her as physically fit for such employment had
such a certificate been requisite. Having regard to
eyesight alone, what misery entailed by impaired
vision might not be spared by the exercise of a
judicious control over the kind of employment
permitted to boys and girls with defective eyes.”</p>
<p class='c008'>Frequently, when it was necessary for an Inspector
to suspend a child or young person from
work until re-examined by the certifying surgeon,
or to prosecute an employer for neglect to obtain
a certificate for the young worker, it was found that
the occupation itself had increased some constitutional
delicacy or weakness.<a id='r168'></a><a href='#f168' class='c014'><sup>[168]</sup></a> In such cases the
young worker had to be sent for medical treatment.
Many prosecutions were taken for entire failure to
obtain the certificate, but so frequent was the
neglect that most of them were taken into court
only after warning, and on account of unhygienic
conditions to which the young workers were exposed.
<span class='pageno' id='Page_171'>171</span>Heavy weight carrying and other kinds of injury
have been dealt with as regards workers generally
in the chapter on dangerous trades. Here I must
record the strong impression early made on the
Women Inspectors by the liability of children to
suffer overstrain of many kinds in the factory,
simply because of the general lack of sufficient superintendence
by someone whose duty it was to protect
them, and because of their own eagerness and
readiness for effort. It was, as Miss Paterson said,
“almost incredible the extent to which details
connected with employment are allowed to be
nobody’s business.”</p>
<p class='c015'>“The use of heavy irons, carrying or dragging
of heavy loads, continuous strain of one kind or
another, is just as often as not the result of that
want of thought on the part of responsible persons
which occasions, in all circumstances of life, so
much misery, and which it is so hard to overcome....
It was my duty early in the year to take
proceedings against a firm in whose factory I found
a little girl engaged in work for which she appeared
to me to be physically unfit. I served a notice on
the firm requiring them to discontinue her employment
unless the certifying surgeon, on a re-examination,
found that she was fit for it. On a revisit I
found her still there, neither dismissed nor re-examined.
It would have been easy for the firm
to have replaced her ten times over from the
immediate vicinity of the factory, so that there
was no reason for the disregard of the instructions
except carelessness and indifference.”<a id='r169'></a><a href='#f169' class='c014'><sup>[169]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>As time went on, and especially after the certifying
surgeons had the power given by the Factory
<span class='pageno' id='Page_172'>172</span>Act of 1901 to attach conditions to certificates of
fitness for individual girls and boys, interest grew
among employers and managers in setting the
young workers on to more suitable work under
more favourable circumstances. They realised the
possibilities for good in the examination as they
had not done under the past more formal methods.
In cases where young persons were employed in
very dusty processes—bronzing in printing factories,
shaking up and cleaning feathers in quilt and cushion
works—those who complained of ill effects were
found to be “mouth-breathers” on account of
nasal obstruction, and by arrangement with the
occupiers these were removed to non-dusty processes.<a id='r170'></a><a href='#f170' class='c014'><sup>[170]</sup></a>
In potteries where a good many prosecutions
had to be taken for neglect to obtain certificates
of fitness—so necessary for the heavy work
to be done there by young workers—good effects
were particularly seen in new potteries. At one,
notices were distributed by the occupier at intervals
to all the sub-employers in the different departments<a id='r171'></a><a href='#f171' class='c014'><sup>[171]</sup></a>
reminding them of their duty immediately
to report the engagement of workers under eighteen;
in another a clerk was set in official charge of the
general register and health register with the duty
of regularly ascertaining whether the prescribed
examination had been carefully carried out. Enquiries
were systematically made into reasons for
<span class='pageno' id='Page_173'>173</span>and results of rejection, and an extensive report on
such activities may be read in the Annual Report
for 1905. Official visits to medical officers of
health as well as conferences with certifying
surgeons in the special question of rejections for
uncleanliness led to development of co-operation
between the different authorities. By 1913 co-operation
with education authorities and the
juvenile labour exchange was added. Great
advance in the care of children was then brought
about by co-operation between the school medical
officer and the certifying surgeon. When a child,
known to have a physical defect or weakness, goes
from school to the factory, the certifying surgeon
is notified, and he subjects the child to a searching
examination.</p>
<p class='c008'>Careful investigation in earlier years of the
certificates of school attendance of half-timers
showed the attendance to be good. The possibility
of securing a labour certificate at thirteen years of
age for full-time employment had a good deal to do
with this in places where the certificate was granted
on a high standard of attendance. This meant, said
Miss Paterson:</p>
<p class='c015'>“Hard work at school in the years before the
child is twelve years of age ... and between
school work and factory work the Lancashire full-timer
is often pitifully small, thin, and nervous.
In a Scotch cotton mill I noticed a little girl, twelve
years old, exempted from day school on condition
of attending a night school, and working full time
in the mill on the ground that her work was
not employment within the Act. She had been
examined by the certifying surgeon and passed for
<span class='pageno' id='Page_174'>174</span>‘messages only, not to work in the mill,’ and carrying
messages upstairs and downstairs from one
department to another was her work from 6 a.m.
till 6 p.m. Her home was not far from the mill,
but the night school which she attended from
7 p.m. to 9 p.m. was a mile from her home, and
altogether her day’s work was one that few people
double her age would willingly undertake.”<a id='r172'></a><a href='#f172' class='c014'><sup>[172]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>And yet, in spite of much serious, heedless overstrain
of children and of deplorable illegal employment
in Great Britain in our time, Ireland, and
particularly Belfast, exceeded all other parts of the
United Kingdom in what must be described as
exploitation of child labour. Economic and political
conditions there, accompanied by backwardness in
education, no doubt retarded a general improvement
in public appreciation of the vital interest of the
community in conservation of the strength and
care of the natural development of the child. And
it was the additional misfortune of the Irish child
that the conditions of the chief industry—flax—in
its many dusty and humid processes, inevitably
contained much that was undesirable for the physical
well-being of the young growing worker.</p>
<p class='c015'>“Public opinion,” said Miss Martindale in 1908,
“on this subject of child labour in Ireland lags far
behind that in Great Britain.<a id='r173'></a><a href='#f173' class='c014'><sup>[173]</sup></a> I have never so
vividly realised this as when I prosecuted a firm
on behalf of five little girls who had been employed
<span class='pageno' id='Page_175'>175</span>full time in fairly strenuous work. Three of them
were twelve years of age, and had been employed
full time since they were nine or ten years of age.
It is impossible to describe the antagonism aroused
in the whole district by this prosecution ... and
the case was dismissed on a small technical point....
Several cases of illegal employment ...
could not have occurred except for public opinion
in that district.... In a flax scutching mill one
morning I found a little girl aged twelve years
‘stricking’ flax with a rapidity and dexterity which
showed considerable practice. My enquiries met
with the most bare-faced untruths.... I was
told that the child was at the mill for no other
purpose than bringing tea to the workers. On
visiting the school ... I was told that this little
girl and her sister, aged ten and a half years, worked
alternate weeks at the scutching mill, and were
employed there from 8 a.m. to 8 p.m. on every
week day, including Saturday. I could not hear
of any steps having been taken by the teacher or
managers to stop this obviously illegal employment.
In another factory I found a little girl of thirteen
years working full time with a certificate which
showed clearly she was only in Standard IV., and
of the illegality of the employment the teacher must
have been aware.”<a id='r174'></a><a href='#f174' class='c014'><sup>[174]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>It was evident from the Report of the Belfast
Health Commission, published in 1908, that very
adverse circumstances affected the health of
adolescent workers in Belfast, though housing
conditions and unhygienic conditions of schoolrooms
may have been answerable as much as
working conditions. Although the infant under
five years of age had a better chance of life in Belfast
<span class='pageno' id='Page_176'>176</span>than in Manchester, not so the young persons aged
fifteen to twenty years; in that age-group the
mortality was found to be double that for the same
age-group in Manchester.</p>
<p class='c015'>“It needs,” said Miss Martindale, “little power
of imagination to realise the pain and wretchedness
which must have preceded these deaths, and as the
death-rate is a sign of the standard of health, it is
not difficult to picture the number of children who
are living on, but who are robbed of that health
which brings vigour, buoyancy, and light-heartedness.
Mrs. Dickie, the Local Government Board
Inspector of boarded-out children, who has had
many years’ experience of work amongst Irish
children, has, I think, put her finger on one factor
in the cause of the high death-rate when she says
of half-timers: ‘Commencing as they do just at
the time when all their physical powers are needed
for the merging of childhood into adolescence, the
strain of the long day in the hot, noisy mill or
factory leaves them without the reserve of strength
necessary to support growth of mind and body.’”<a id='r175'></a><a href='#f175' class='c014'><sup>[175]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>In a wonderful degree the publication of the
reports I received from Miss Martindale on such
considerations, and on many details and aspects
of the employment of children in Ireland, arrested
attention there, and aroused true sympathy for the
cause of child protection. Not only were the
reports, and her very words, widely quoted in
the daily Press, but regularly there were leading
articles to drive her points home when the Report
of the Chief Inspector of Factories annually appeared.
In June, 1909, the General Assembly of the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_177'>177</span>Presbyterian Church passed the following resolution:</p>
<p class='c015'>“That the assembly feeling deeply the obligation
for the safeguarding of child-life, especially in manufacturing
districts, recommends ministers of this
Church to study official documents bearing upon
the question of child labour, and to endeavour to
arouse public opinion in favour of enforcing the
law with a view to the protection both of the
children and of the law-abiding employer.”</p>
<p class='c008'>In the counties of Antrim and Down, out of
50,686 persons employed in textile factories at that
time, not less than 13,691 were under eighteen years
of age, and of these 4,144 were half-timers. Thus
the question was not a small one for these districts,
having regard to the heavy and debilitating atmosphere
of dust or humidity, in which so much of
the work was done. Miss Martindale felt that a
spinner was right when she said, pointing to a group
of half-timers, “Ah! indeed, they are hard enough
wrought.” It was not surprising that the Belfast
half-timer was undersized and delicate. A little
girl aged twelve (one of many of the same size) she
had weighed in a factory in 1906. Her weight was
58 pounds, instead of the 76 pounds that might
have been expected for her age.<a id='r176'></a><a href='#f176' class='c014'><sup>[176]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>The total number of young lives in factories and
workshops under some degree of protection by the
Factory Acts in the United Kingdom in the first
decade of the twentieth century was approximately
1,099,841 persons under eighteen years of age, and
of these 459,698 were under sixteen years of age;
<span class='pageno' id='Page_178'>178</span>of the latter, 37,129 were half-timers, the majority,
19,211, being girls. The lowest age-limit of admission
had been established and duly observed
without difficulty over the greater part of the
kingdom, but in Ireland we had many attempts at
evasion to contend with—generally from the side
of the parents; both Miss Martindale and her
successor, Miss Slocock, frequently had to follow
up falsified certificates, and prosecution of a father
was repeatedly necessary.<a id='r177'></a><a href='#f177' class='c014'><sup>[177]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>A great deal of valuable work was done in Lancashire
and Yorkshire textile districts by Miss
Squire and her staff, and by Miss Vines in Scottish
textile districts, not only in giving effect to the
actual requirements of the law, but in watching
over details of employment that seriously strained
the young worker, such as bobbin carrying up and
down stairs, weft carrying by the tenter in the
weaving shed (“the tenter has always a tired
look”). Conditions affecting them in Dundee jute,
hemp, and flax factories were in many ways quite
as bad as conditions in Belfast factories.</p>
<p class='c008'>It is impossible to give here more than this bare
idea of the scope of our activities in the matter of
child labour, and I can merely refer to the fresh
care that had to be devoted to the question during
the pressure of wartime. At that time the eagerness
of children to help again led to much illegal
employment before the legal age of admission, or to
full time when only half-time was permissible, to
employment in school holidays, and at all kinds of
<span class='pageno' id='Page_179'>179</span>illegal hours in many miscellaneous industries.
Many prosecutions had to be taken in London,
Birmingham, and the North of England, and in
Scotland. Increasing support was given by magistrates
and sheriffs in repressing this evil. In 1917,
in one case taken by Miss Vines, where very young
girls had been employed for excessive hours, and a
defence was set up that the pressure of work had
led the management to overlook the youth of the
workers, the sheriff severely observed that “no
one could be so busy that he could not see a girl
of thirteen was not eighteen.” In Birmingham,
Miss Martindale in the same year prosecuted nineteen
firms and five parents for illegal employment
of children, and in Coventry she prosecuted a firm
for employing a child of ten years in a bakehouse.
In an outstanding case in the North-Western Division
a fruit preserving company was prosecuted by
Miss Tracey for employing little girls of eight to
ten years, mostly in the intervals between school,
in preparing fruit for bottling, two of them being
in poor health and absent from school. There was
found to be great and special need during the later
years of the War for watchfulness by the Inspectors
against serious overloading of young workers or
their employment near dangerous machinery.<a id='r178'></a><a href='#f178' class='c014'><sup>[178]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>We have already seen above that certain religious
and charitable institutions first came within the
purview of the Factory Acts in 1907 as regards
industrial work of their inmates, and the question
of their inclusion or exclusion had long
been a subject of controversy—in fact, ever since
<span class='pageno' id='Page_180'>180</span>the Act of 1895 had partly regulated commercial
laundries. It is somewhat surprising, in view of the
long discussions and the fear frequently expressed
by ordinary laundries of unfair competition from
the side of institutional laundries, when one learns
that the total number of working inmates of institutions
under Section 5 of the Act of 1907 never
exceeded round about 9,550, of whom 9,417 were
engaged in laundry work for persons outside the
institution, 4,068 of these inmates being engaged
in laundry work aided by power-driven machinery.
In commercial laundries fully regulated by the Act
of 1907, the last returns to the Factory Department—published
in 1911—showed that 103,635 women
and girls were employed, besides 11,466 men and
boys, and that 75,774 of the women and girls
worked in power-driven or “factory” laundries.
When it is further remembered that even the largest
institutional laundries are relatively small compared
with very many large commercial laundries, it is
evident that the question of their competition with
these laundries barely arises, and that the administrative
question of chief importance in the institutional
laundries always has been, What was the
form of regulation most likely in the special circumstances
to aid in securing the well-being of the
inmates? The latter are mostly brought into the
institution for charitable aid or reform, or special
training or special protection against their own
weakness, and generally they lack the self-protecting
habits of normal industrial workers. The
Factory Acts were in no way devised for controlling,
nor competent to regulate, either the domestic
<span class='pageno' id='Page_181'>181</span>conditions in the lives of these inmates or their
training or education. The aim of inclusion under
the Factory Act was simply to secure that, when
they were actually engaged on industrial work (for
purposes outside the institution itself, even if not
by ordinary way of trade), they might be assured
of conditions of work, health, and safety, not less
favourable in their circumstances than those enforceable
for a worker employed in a factory or workshop.</p>
<p class='c008'>It was about the year 1899 that we began, as a
branch Inspectorate, to come in touch with certain
convent or religious institution industries; first,
through the complaints of the ordinary trader that
they were in an unfairly favoured position, and,
secondly, through the research of Miss Deane and
Miss Squire in Ireland, into convent industries
really carried on by way of ordinary trade. Here
the workers were definitely employed under a
contract of employment in lace making, knitting
by hand or machine, embroidery, shirt making,
laundry work, and weaving of flannel, tweeds, and
linen. Some of these were inspected for the first
time in 1900 by Miss Squire. She and the instructions
she gave under the Act were well received
by the Superiors. The successful example and
high standard set by the Rev. Mother Superior
of Foxford Convent, county Mayo, where a woollen
factory with dye works had long been carried
on (with profit to the peasants of the district as
well as the convent), inclined other convents,
attempting to carry on small manufactures, to
welcome the visit of a Woman Inspector. These
were not places for reformatory or protective
<span class='pageno' id='Page_182'>182</span>occupation of girls and women—not so-called
penitentiaries—but real productive establishments.
In no such place previously uninspected did Miss
Squire find any objection to her official visits; a
hope was, however, expressed that the Inspector
might always be a woman; she came to the conclusion
that occasional friendly inspections were
all that was necessary to secure that the spirit and
intentions of the Acts would be complied with.
When I had the pleasure of visiting them myself
later on, beginning with the interesting Foxford
Factory, where the nuns managed the business
and supervised the work in the worksheds, I found
the same spirit, and in that particular factory an
attractive combination of successful management
with picturesque charm.</p>
<p class='c008'>The discussions in Press and Parliament in 1900
and 1901 on the problem of regulating the other
type of religious institution workplaces, of a reformatory
or charitable character—largely for derelict
women and girls—when the Act of 1901 was
passing into law, led me to enquire into comparative
methods of regulating such places in the chief
industrial countries of Europe. My enquiries of
the officials of sister Factory Departments in France,
Belgium, and Germany led to my receiving warm
invitations from the Inspectorates of these countries
to visit them and see their method of administration.
The invitations were accepted, and this was altogether
a happy experience; details may be read in
the Annual Reports for 1901 and 1902.<a id='r179'></a><a href='#f179' class='c014'><sup>[179]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_183'>183</span>It was not only the friendly, helpful reception
that was gratifying, it was the discovery that in
these countries, and most completely in France
and Germany, the general hygienic and safety
provisions of their industrial laws applied to the
religious, charitable, and reformatory workplaces
equally with ordinary industrial establishments,
and were enforced by the same administrative
methods. In France the Inspector had “not to
enquire whether a charitable institution works for
gain or the technical instruction of its workers;
it sufficed that there is manual labour for the law
to apply.” Regulation was the more necessary in
that there were no less than 1,472 religious or
charitable establishments employing 48,432 workers,
of whom the majority were under eighteen years of
age. The long time, over twenty years, during
which regulation of the hygiene and safety of these
institutional workplaces, including laundries, had
been carried on under the ordinary safeguards of
the law, gave me a helpful object lesson in France.
Commercial laundries had, moreover, been regulated
as other factories and workshops had been, and
for the same length of time. Thus I saw in them
a higher standard of cleanliness, ventilation, and
fencing of dangerous machines than had yet been
obtained under our more recent regulation of
laundries in England. In Germany, where I was
received in the Grand Duchy of Baden as a colleague,
and accorded the privilege of attending a staff
conference of the Inspectorate, under the late Dr.
Wörishoffer, their learned chief, I was interested
to find how strict was their protection of young
<span class='pageno' id='Page_184'>184</span>workers against risks of severe accident or dangerous
machinery, and how much less they were employed
in factory work than with us.</p>
<p class='c008'>After this experience followed our regular voluntary
inspection for several years of a considerable
proportion of charitable and religious institution
workshops and factories (chiefly laundries), which
had submitted themselves to such inspection at the
invitation of the Home Office. In Ireland, where
the institutional laundries were larger and more
numerous than in England, I made some personal
visits in 1905 to representative institutional laundries
and other workplaces possessing varied characteristics
and aims, and began a study of similar
English institutions. A few were found to be
entirely willing to receive and act on advice from
Inspectors in the carrying out of standards laid
down for commercial workplaces as to hours, sanitation,
safety; others were willing to comply in part.
Objections to compliance were sometimes on
the score of expense in providing safeguards to
machinery, screens, and ironing stoves and so on;
sometimes on the ground that great care in supervision
obviated need for other safeguards; sometimes
that precise limits in hours or fixed mealtimes,
or affixing notices and abstracts of the law
interfered with discipline; the last-named, and the
possibility of an Inspector speaking to a worker,
were the measures of protection for the working
inmates that were most frequently opposed.
Explanations tended, on the whole, to smooth
away obstacles, yet in an undue proportion of the
institutions nothing was changed under “voluntary”
<span class='pageno' id='Page_185'>185</span>inspection, and in these cases, finally, the
only course was to refuse to continue the inspection.
Full reports on the results of inspection on such lines,
by Miss Deane and Miss Martindale in Ireland, and
by Miss Paterson and Miss Tracey and other
Inspectors in England and Scotland, appeared in
Annual Reports for 1905, 1906, and 1907. Remoteness
from ordinary life in the atmosphere of these
workplaces, too strong a tendency to place production
for profit before thorough training of the
workers, and too close a dependence on laundry work
alone instead of experimenting with varied occupations—in
preparation for life outside the institution—were
among the defects most frequently
commented on by the Inspectorate. Lack of understanding
of elements of personal hygiene for the
worker as well as of hygiene of the workplace was
widely found, and, even after the law and compulsory
inspection applied, striking illustrations of
resultant ill-health among the inmates were repeatedly
reported. At the same time illustrations
of good and understanding care (always found in
some places) grew in number and greatly developed
in enlightened ideas as time went on. Some of the
extraordinary risks found in certain places—<i>e.g.</i>, an
unfenced power wringer fed by a feeble-minded
girl; an uncovered hydro with friction cones and
driving belt totally uncovered fed by a girl of
sixteen with long, loose hair; newcomers set to
feed an unguarded calender, for the greater part
apparently without accident—tended to suggest
that leisurely methods and care in supervision did
to some extent lessen risks. In an orphanage
<span class='pageno' id='Page_186'>186</span>laundry with an uncleanly wash-house and very
long hours of work, little girls were found with sore
eyes, and some cases were also seen among inmates
who were domestic workers. The Sister said they
had had a great many cases lately, and that it
seemed “almost as if the children infected each
other”!<a id='r180'></a><a href='#f180' class='c014'><sup>[180]</sup></a> Poor feeding of inmates often came to
the knowledge of the Inspectors through uninvited
communications from the managers or Sisters, and
records of accounts in printed reports of the institutions
showed a very low average expenditure per
head on this item—<i>e.g.</i>, 2s. 1Od. per inmate weekly
in one Scottish institution—many inmates being
young, undeveloped girls, and here the hours were
8 a.m. to 7 p.m., with one and a half hours’ intervals
for meals; in another the report stated that the
average cost of dieting superintendents and inmates
was 3s. 11d. per week, and average cost of clothing
inmates £1 10s. per year. After application of the
Act of 1907 to these institutional workplaces we
occasionally learned of serious outbreaks of ill-health
among working inmates, and invariably we
called in the services of the local medical officer
of health, or the certifying surgeon, or both—improvements
following. In one case escape of
sewer gas into the house; in another defective
management of working conditions, with dreary
routine and absence of play or outdoor exercise
for growing girls; in yet another pressure for
output, with long hours of work, was found to be
the immediate cause of cases of illness occurring.
In very many institutions, however, the inmates are
<span class='pageno' id='Page_187'>187</span>of poor constitution to begin with, and not equal
to standard industrial hours until after some care
for the building up of their health. At first we
had many places to inspect where inmates were
more or less feeble-minded, but gradually these
have passed under care of the Board of Control for
the Mentally Deficient.</p>
<p class='c008'>In 1907 the last of the “voluntary” inspections
were specially welcomed by managers, who increasingly
applied for advice and information. In 1908
compulsory inspection was generally cordially welcomed
and Inspectors were often pressed to return.
Conferences on aims and method of conducting the institutions
increased among associations of managers.
Educational and character-forming occupations were
in a few places added to laundry work or substituted
for it, and attempts were here and there made to
try and suit the special needs of individuals. For
example, a woman who made nothing of laundry
work or needlework took whole-heartedly to the
printing of programmes and notices. One began
to see hope of the passing of the listless, lifeless
condition of many inmate workers, and of the
coming of something of the vital, “alive,” and
frequently graceful movements of the “factory girl.”
It is not impossible even with laundry work as the
chief occupation of the institutional workers to
find happy activity among them—when the Sister
Superior or manageress is sufficiently young in spirit
to develop “hobbies” in recreation, and to encourage
in the girls a sense of responsibility. I know
of one institution where the Sister Superior aims at
self-government in the best spirit of a “public
<span class='pageno' id='Page_188'>188</span>school.” And here, when charming baskets made
by the laundry girls were brought out for my
inspection, they asked eagerly that I might also “see
Sister’s work.” Still, it must not be supposed that
there was not very much to be done to secure
compliance with the letter and spirit of the Act of
1907 during the seven years following its coming
into force.</p>
<p class='c008'>Although desire of exceptional treatment in the
matter of hours declined, still, on the whole, the
total extent of hours spent at work is more nearly
drawn out to the full permissible limits than is
recently customary in commercial workplaces.
Safety of the machinery and sanitation of the workplace
were gradually secured, but it was a slow
and tedious process to develop any enlightenment
as to the value of shortened spells and hours. In
a few cases there was obstinate resistance to instructions
in the requirements of the Act, and reform
was not secured until the Home Office had exercised
the power of withdrawing all privileges allowed
under the Act. The last reported case of that kind
was one in 1914. Yet “in the great majority of
homes under Section 5 of 1907 there continues to
be faithful observance of the law.”<a id='r181'></a><a href='#f181' class='c014'><sup>[181]</sup></a> The War
brought reverberations into these workplaces as
well as into all others. New ideas were aroused
among managers by the varied experiments in
special workrooms for unemployed women, during
the first few months of the War, under Queen Mary’s
Fund.<a id='r182'></a><a href='#f182' class='c014'><sup>[182]</sup></a> The great general demand for women’s
<span class='pageno' id='Page_189'>189</span>and girls’ labour altered the whole position for any
of them willing to retrieve themselves by service to
the nation, and it was interesting to learn that the
numbers in the Homes markedly declined. After the
War, girl inmates began to show their new powers
of initiative by writing to the Senior Lady Inspector,
thus showing the value of abstracts and notices
with names and addresses affixed in the workplace.</p>
<p class='c008'>In one such place a complaint was seriously justified
by the investigation that followed. Long hours of
work for very young girls, total absence of outdoor
games, with poor dietary, had resulted in much
sickness. I visited the head of the Sisterhood, of
which this institution was a branch work, with the
Senior Lady Inspector, and we found her open to
the reception of new ideas. A change in management
followed, with happy results. We received,
some months later, direct from the girls and their
new Sister Superior, a hearty and welcome invitation
to attend their annual festivity.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_190'>190</span>
<h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER VI<br> <span class='c013'>THE LIFE OF THE INSPECTOR AND ITS INFLUENCE ON LEGISLATION; EXPERIENCES IN COURTS</span></h2>
</div>
<p class='c016'>“I doubt very much whether the office of Factory
Inspector is one suitable for women.... It is seldom
necessary to put a single question to a female.... Possibly
some details, here and there, might be superintended
by a female Inspector, but looking at what is required at
the hands of an Inspector, I fail to see advantages likely to
arise from her ministrations in a factory ... so opposite
to the sphere of her good work in the hospital, the school,
or the home.”—<cite>Chief Inspector of Factories</cite>, October 31,
1879.<a id='r183'></a><a href='#f183' class='c014'><sup>[183]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c015'>“The men’s and women’s sides of the Inspectorate ...
will be amalgamated into a single organisation. Women
Inspectors will be regarded as eligible for all posts. While
the complete fusion, which is the ultimate aim, can only
be brought about gradually, the main principles will be
put into effect from the commencement.”—<cite>Chief Inspector
of Factories</cite>, June 8, 1921.<a id='r184'></a><a href='#f184' class='c014'><sup>[184]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c007'>While we await the development of the later of
these two extremes in official views on the possibilities
of employment of Women Factory Inspectors,
there is ample material in the intervening Annual
Reports of the Chief Inspector, and in comments
and conclusions in Parliamentary Debates upon
them, for grasping the realities in the life and
activity of the Inspectors.</p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_191'>191</span>In the reports it is clear that they were engaged
all the time on work that really mattered in its
immediate effect on the life and conditions of
women as workers in the factory and workshop,
as outworkers, as mothers, and as industrial inmates
of charitable institutions; and that the Inspectors
brought new light, health, and safety into working
conditions for adolescent girls and children. Their
work was not formal, nor simply a question of detail,
but constructive for the nation in the things that
most needed new thought and perception. The fact
that they never instructed occupiers of factories
about “fencing” of dangerous machinery<a id='r185'></a><a href='#f185' class='c014'><sup>[185]</sup></a> that was
operated solely by men did not lighten their work.
It simply set them free to concentrate on immense
human problems needing their special attention.
Women workers had also to be drawn to confide
in the Inspectorate, and to co-operate intelligently
in transforming factory conditions from within.
Growth of the spirit of self-help in the women was
noticeable in details of Annual Reports from 1896.
I was able expressly to point to its growth in 1901
and onwards.</p>
<p class='c008'>As regards “a great many provisions” in the
Factory Act of 1895, Mr. Asquith, speaking in the
House of Commons on July 31, 1896, said he was
“quite satisfied from recent experience, that these
provisions could not be satisfactorily enforced
except by female inspection.” And Sir Matthew
White Ridley, then Home Secretary in succession
to Mr. Asquith, replied that “much good had been
done in the interest of female workers of the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_192'>192</span>country by the appointment of these Lady Inspectors.”</p>
<p class='c008'>In 1904 Mr. Asquith, in pressing on another
Home Secretary, Mr. Akers-Douglas, the need of
really sufficient additions to the number of Women
Inspectors (then numbering twelve), did so for the
reason “that the girls and women of the country
might be more efficiently protected.” This had
followed many annually repeated pleas in the House
by various members, foremost Sir Charles Dilke
and Mr. H. J. Tennant, for more liberal development
of the work of the Women Inspectorate, and suggestions
were made for placing them in district
charge in centres of many women’s industries—<i>e.g.</i>,
in potteries, in Ireland—and commendation
was expressed of an experiment of this kind in the
West London Special District.</p>
<p class='c008'>Mr. Theodore Taylor, speaking as a factory
owner in the debate on Home Office Estimates on
August 4, 1904, desired “to acknowledge the very
great debt of gratitude which employers generally
were under to the Women Inspectors. There were
very many abuses which employers were not aware
of until they were brought to light by the Women
Inspectors ... he joined in the strong request
that the number should be largely increased ...
the adoption of this course would tend to the
efficiency of factory labour.” Mr. John Burns held
that “their work had to do with matters which no
average man could understand,” echoing a point
made in earlier debates by Mr. Asquith, that the
Women Inspectors could “bring themselves into
close contact with the workers and obtain from
<span class='pageno' id='Page_193'>193</span>them with greater spontaneity actual facts of the
real duties of their lives and work,” and that this
freedom of communication resulted in much better
administration of the law.<a id='r186'></a><a href='#f186' class='c014'><sup>[186]</sup></a> Mr. Akers-Douglas,
replying in 1904 to the demand for increase in the
Women’s Branch of the Inspectorate, “had been
very much struck by the unanimous opinion expressed
that day,” as he had been also, he said,
by “reading the very valuable report” of that year
on the work of the Women Inspectors.</p>
<p class='c008'>Members of Parliament, indeed, showed throughout
that they were entirely convinced that efficiency
and economy followed on the spontaneous character
of the work of the Women Inspectors’ Branch, and
that the confidence reposed in them by the workers,
for whose aid they were appointed, was appreciated.
As Mr. McKenna said on March 8, 1898: “We
know the very high favour with which they are
looked upon by the working classes.” The only
definite exception that I can find to this general
commendation is in a complaint by Mr. Jesse Collings
on June 29, 1903, that they went beyond their
province of seeing that the laws were obeyed by
doing “missionary work.” This complaint seems
to refer to their steady endeavours to encourage
employers to go beyond the law in promotion of
welfare conditions—an aim which came into wider
public consideration during the Great War.</p>
<p class='c008'>There are many passages in the Debates to show
that it was not only the direct work of applying
the Acts and Orders, but even more the faculty of
<span class='pageno' id='Page_194'>194</span>acting both as an intelligence branch and as a
missionary arm of the Department that was valued
by the country in the work of the Women Inspectorate.
Not only was the extension of localised
administration, by women for women, in great
centres of women’s industry urged over and over
again from 1899 onwards; Sir Charles Dilke also
led many members, particularly in 1906, in emphasising
the value of their special enquiries and
reports on such questions as employment of women
after childbirth; the need of after-care of young
persons rejected for physical unfitness in the factory
and thereupon employed in less regulated occupations
and workshops; industrial disease and poisoning
among women and girls; observance of special
regulations peculiarly affecting women and girls;
fines and deductions from wages; sanitary arrangements;
and other matters in which the needs of
women workers necessarily vary from those of men.
“The great organised trades,” he said, “are to
some extent able to protect themselves, but women
workers depend,” to a great extent, on legislation
and enforcement of the law, and “on the Women
Inspectors especially falls the duty of enforcing the
law,” “where the inspection is most necessary.”</p>
<p class='c008'>In July, 1908, Mr. Herbert Gladstone, speaking
as Home Secretary, and alluding to a 40 per cent.
increase in numbers of the Women’s Branch (which
brought them to eighteen), said: “The time has
come when the demands of the country for more
Lady Inspectors cannot be resisted,” and he declared
that the “increase would be gradual in the future,”
and that there would be “no change in the character
<span class='pageno' id='Page_195'>195</span>of the excellent work” done by them. At this
figure, eighteen, the numbers remained for several
years. Then in 1911 we find Lord Henry Cavendish
Bentinck asking for more, and expressing disappointment
in finding that the numbers “remain the
same”; in 1912 he and Mr. Alfred Lyttelton referred
again to the subject, and the former pointed to the
valuable concentrated “experiment in the way of
fencing machinery” that was going on in laundries
in the special West London district, under a Woman
Inspector, with resultant decline in number of
accidents. He referred also appreciatively to their
work throughout the country under the Truck Act.</p>
<p class='c008'>The lively interest that members took in reading
the published reports of the Women’s Branch,
with their “vivid and humane representation of
the facts of our factory system,” was emphasised
by Mr. Morrell and Mr. Ramsay Macdonald in
July, 1913, and Mr. Hills and Lord Henry Cavendish
Bentinck returned to the old charge, that, for the
sides of the work affecting women and young
workers, efficient administration could be secured
only by setting the Women Inspectorate to do it.
“It is quite true that it is the duty of the male
Inspectors as well as of the female Inspectors to
look after those women and children,” but for these
Mr. Morrell urged “the work cannot be effectively
done except by women.”</p>
<p class='c008'>This, then, was the Parliamentary mirror of the
toils and adventures of the Women Inspectorate.
There is, however, a word to be said on an aspect
that appears to be neglected. Undoubtedly it was
helpful to the Women Inspectors on the one side
<span class='pageno' id='Page_196'>196</span>to know, during so many years of difficult and
heavy work, that Parliament grasped the extent
of their task and the nature of the work that they
were reaching out to achieve in response to the
appeal made to them by the industrial womanhood
of the nation. Yet, on another larger side, there
was much pain also in the feeling that this repeated
emphasis tended to obscure any general perception
of the highly urgent need that required strong
support, for Men Inspectors in dealing with preventable
accident and injury, and far too rough and
unhygienic conditions for the manhood of industry,
in places where women were little employed or not
employed at all.</p>
<p class='c008'>As far back as 1898 my own belief was that
effective reorganisation of staff involved not only
concentration of experienced Women Inspectors on
the main conditions affecting women workers, but,
even more, a lightening of the cares of Men Inspectors
on this side to allow of their greater
concentration on prevention of accidents and on
very dangerous trades where women may not enter
as workers. In 1920 accidents affecting male
workers numbered 124,580, of which 1,363 were
fatal, as compared with 14,122 affecting female
workers, of which 41 were fatal.<a id='r187'></a><a href='#f187' class='c014'><sup>[187]</sup></a> Examples of
the great accident producing industries are extraction
and conversion of metals, shipbuilding, docks,
construction of buildings, foundries, locomotive,
and other large engineering works. In Parliament
<span class='pageno' id='Page_197'>197</span>the conclusion has invariably been reached that, in
health and safety problems for women and girl
workers, Women Inspectors are primâ faciê the
more competent. Is it not in the great safety
problems for men and boys that a field of specialisation
lies for Men Inspectors of a nature as absorbing
as that which enthralled the Women Inspectorate
during the last twenty-five years? The fusion of
the men’s and women’s sides of the Inspectorate,
while avoiding some old problems of administration,
raises up new ones, not less large. A solution
appears clearly within reach, but discussion of it is
outside the scope of this survey.</p>
<p class='c008'>On neither side—men’s safety problems nor
women’s health problems—is skilled enquiry by
the Inspectorate or experimental development of
regulation finished. The difference of potential or
actual maternity alone (without consideration of
claims on girls and women as the homemakers of
the nation), according to Dr. Janet Campbell in
her memorandum to the War Cabinet Committee
on Women in Industry,<a id='r188'></a><a href='#f188' class='c014'><sup>[188]</sup></a> absolutely prevents equal
competition of women with men in industry. She
lays stress on the need of further investigation into
the physical effects of employment in industry upon
adolescent girls as well as adult women, and this
view supports the considerable enquiry made in the
past by Women Inspectors into heavy work done
by girls. The persistent call of Women Inspectors
during many years for welfare conditions saw both
its justification and its fruit in the industrial warwork
<span class='pageno' id='Page_198'>198</span>of women. The extensive employment by
the Ministry of Munitions of Women Dilution
Officers, to strengthen and promote employment
of women dilutees in engineering trades, ran also
in harmony with the idea of specialisation rather
than fusion of function. Dr. Josefa Joteyko, in
her “Science of Labour,”<a id='r189'></a><a href='#f189' class='c014'><sup>[189]</sup></a> deals with experiments
she had made showing the differing modes of
expenditure of energy in industry by man and
woman. She says: “Each represents a distinct
function,” although each form of energy is equally
necessary to industry for its own purposes. While
her experiments established endurance as a characteristic
in the feminine sex requiring a slow and
gradual expenditure of energy to avoid fatigue,
muscular force or strength with a power to act
instantaneously under a stimulating impulse are
shown to be characteristic of the masculine sex, and
to be accompanied by ability to recover rapidly
from fatigue. “Most careful selection of working
women with regard to their muscular powers,” she
considers, is necessary for successful industrial
labour.</p>
<p class='c008'>Whatever the issue of these various considerations,
Parliamentary and medical, on women’s work,
it is well for the general community to understand
the ways in which the Women Factory Inspectors
actually worked during the past quarter of a
century. During this period, says a writer in the
<cite>Women’s Industrial News</cite> of January, 1915, the
“direct influence” of Women Inspectors on “enactments
<span class='pageno' id='Page_199'>199</span>affecting women and young people is very
great, and they also helped to raise the standard of
legal regulation in the British Isles by study of
foreign industrial legislation.”<a id='r190'></a><a href='#f190' class='c014'><sup>[190]</sup></a> She traced out the
questions in which their work had affected development
of the Acts and Orders from 1895 to 1907,
and mentioned among others the following:
overcrowding, insufficient or unsuitable means of
heating workrooms, defective and unsuitable sanitary
accommodation for women, dangers from
locked doors in fire or panic, excessive overtime,
need of power to qualify certificates of fitness for
young workers by specification of the class of work
to be done, insufficient general ventilation, need
<span class='pageno' id='Page_200'>200</span>of inspection of institutional laundries, regulation
of fines and deductions, etc. “The social progress
of recent years,” she said, “has been the result of
an unprecedented attention to matters of detail.
Investigation and administration have begun to go
hand in hand, and the scientific spirit which has
been so long in coming to its own in matters social
may now be said to have arrived ... the great
advance which the Women Inspectors have been
able to bring about in factory legislation has been
largely due to the sympathetic insight which has
made them virtually representative of the people.”<a id='r191'></a><a href='#f191' class='c014'><sup>[191]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>During the whole period 1893–1921 these Inspectors
were, by official instructions, directed
especially to enquire, report, and take action in
behalf of women and girls; a task to which they
addressed themselves with hearty loyalty and
intense interest.<a id='r192'></a><a href='#f192' class='c014'><sup>[192]</sup></a> They had Inspectors’ full powers
of action, and worked under their own women
officers from 1896 to 1921. It was from 1902
onwards that they directly instructed occupiers on
fencing and prevention of accidents in the clothing
and laundry industries, of which they had made
special study. Earlier in the same year full authority
was entrusted to me, as head of the branch, for
the sanctioning of their prosecutions, a power
hitherto exercised subject to approval by the Chief
<span class='pageno' id='Page_201'>201</span>Inspector. Except for slight variations in the early
stages, co-ordination of their special work with the
general work of the male District Inspectors followed
a steadfast prescribed course from 1898 to 1921.</p>
<p class='c008'>The very boundaries set to the work of the
women officers led, as things were, to what may be
called their “higher education” in the nature of
the representative and judicial administration of
their country. The thorough general knowledge
they acquired, all over the British Isles, of conditions
in every productive or manufacturing industry
employing women and girls, sprang also from their
concentration as a branch on this aspect of industrial
employment. They made close acquaintance with
local as well as central methods of administration by
daily dealings with health and education authorities
and their officers, as well as with magistrates,
sheriffs, and their clerks. They had to act for
themselves—most fortunately, for “power to do
comes of doing”—in courts of summary jurisdiction,
learning procedure and something of the
“law of evidence” as they went along, and gaining
an understanding of the details and principles of
the Truck Acts and Factory Acts, that could only
be acquired by personally testing them in the
courts.</p>
<p class='c008'>Probably in nothing did we owe so much to the
first tentative efforts of Miss May Abraham and
Miss Mary Paterson as in their adventurous readiness
from the outset to try their powers in police
and sheriff court proceedings. I may confess that
my own first feelings were chiefly of consternation
on learning that I had, a few weeks after entering
<span class='pageno' id='Page_202'>202</span>the Department, personally to prosecute an occupier
for illegal employment of girls—never having previously
entered a police court. I suggested to the
District Inspector that he might conduct the first
one, just “to show how it was done,” but fortunately
and wisely he declined. It was not very long before
I found a new interest in methods of administration,
through my discovery of a clause in the Factory
Act under which I might ask the magistrates to
“make an order in addition to imposing a penalty
on an occupier for failure to keep his factory in
conformity with the Act”<a id='r193'></a><a href='#f193' class='c014'><sup>[193]</sup></a>—the magistrates actually
complying with the request, on condition that
the terms of the order were drawn up by the local
medical officer of health and myself. This discovery
was indeed crowned when, in a great mill
employing about a thousand workers, it resulted
in the closing of ancient and insanitary conveniences
pouring effluvia into heated spinning rooms, to the
erection of passable temporary sanitary conveniences,
and, finally, to completed construction of
a modernised water-carriage system of conveniences.</p>
<p class='c008'>It was not only in courts of summary jurisdiction
that our education was carried on. Between 1894
and 1916 we had sixteen appeals on points of law
to the High Courts of England, Scotland, and
Ireland issuing from cases taken by Women Inspectors
in the Courts of first instance. Through
these we learned something about interpretation
and the bearing of “decided cases,” as well as the
thoroughness with which trained lawyers prepared
<span class='pageno' id='Page_203'>203</span>a case; we also came in contact with legal advisers,
law officers, Queen’s and King’s Counsel, Treasury
solicitors, Procurators Fiscal, Sessional Crown
solicitors, and so forth. Appeals to Quarter Sessions
on matters of fact occasionally gave us further
enlightenment, and, after a while, subpœnas served
on Inspectors to give evidence in civil claims of
workers against their employers opened up for us
new chapters in the law of the land.</p>
<p class='c008'>Without warning an Inspector would find herself
when in a police court arguing her case not merely
with an experienced solicitor acting for the defendant,
but sometimes with a well known Q.C. (or
K.C.). Our armour on such occasions was a
thorough acquaintance with the facts and circumstances,
and with the scope of the Acts which we
were trying to enforce. Much of the professional
point of view and technique had rapidly to be
caught up not only on these occasions, but also
during the hazards of passing cases over to the
Treasury, or to the Sessional Crown solicitor in
preparation for an appeal. The range of subjects
that we sent up was sufficient to introduce us to
not a little of the lighter and more humorous sides
of legal proceedings, as well as to the tedium of
delays. In our record year for participation in
appeals on points of law—the year 1901, when Miss
Squire was concerned in three appeals and Miss
Deane in one—there was some entertainment in
spite of more serious elements. Three of these
appeals seem to deserve rescue from oblivion for
other than purely legal reasons. In <cite>Deane</cite> v.
<cite>Hulbert Beach</cite> we learned that the section (of which
<span class='pageno' id='Page_204'>204</span>we had hoped much in the way of remedy for workrooms
either cruelly cold or stuffy because unprovided
with any proper heating apparatus),
providing that “adequate measures shall be taken
for securing and maintaining a reasonable temperature
in each room in which any person is employed,”
secured nothing whatever but a reasonable altitude
of mercury in the thermometer, however improper
the “measures.” In this instance these measures
were described in the Court of Appeal by counsel as
“stuffing the room with a number of women,
heating with gas jets, stuffing up chimneys, and
so on.” He argued, first, that the “legislature
must have meant that it shall be reasonable having
regard to the object in view—namely, the health
of the person employed,” but when asked by
one of the Judges, “When you say ‘it,’ what do
you mean by ‘it’?” his reply was, “The warmth
or temperature.” A moment or two later he
admitted, “It is a slip in the Act,” and the Judge
replied, “They ought to have used the word
‘ventilation’—adequate ventilation.” On which
counsel remarked, “Yes, that is the short point.
It has been brought up with a view to amending
the Act this session.”<a id='r194'></a><a href='#f194' class='c014'><sup>[194]</sup></a> In <cite>Fullers, Ltd.</cite> v. <cite>Squire</cite>
there was an appeal by a defendant employer
against a conviction and penalty for employing
young women through the night, on Saturday
afternoons, and on Sundays in packing and decorating
wicker hampers and ornamental boxes, and
filling them with bonbons and sweetmeats in fancy
<span class='pageno' id='Page_205'>205</span>patterns, tying up with bows of ribbon and the
like. The argument for appeal was, substantially,
that the work was incidental to sale, not production,
and that the place was a shop, not a workshop.
No legal argument was verbally attempted by
counsel for the respondent (the same counsel as
in the previous case), but sample boxes, as packed
and decorated with bright ribbon bows by the
young women, were shown to the Judges and made
a fine splash of colour in court. The appeal was
dismissed, the Judges declining to interfere with the
discretion of the magistrate in deciding the individual
case on the facts before him. In <cite>Squire</cite> v. <cite>Bayer
& Co.</cite> there was, from an Inspectors’ point of
view, more tragedy than entertainment in the
decision, but the whole case is a very good measure
of the distance that has been travelled in our
industrial and social standards since the year 1901.
A case had been brought before the magistrates in
order to test the legality, under the Truck Act, of
a rule posted up in the defendant’s factory, that
“all workers shall observe good order and decorum
while in the factory, and shall not do anything which
may interfere with the proper and orderly conduct of
the business thereof, or of any department thereof ...
a fine of 6d. (or less at the discretion of the
manager) shall be paid by each worker who shall
be guilty of any infringement of this rule.” Under
this rule numerous fines had been imposed upon
young girls for speaking, laughing, sneezing, etc.,
and they could not know beforehand what “acts
or omissions” on their part would render them
liable. The intention of the Act had apparently
<span class='pageno' id='Page_206'>206</span>been to secure such knowledge to the workers
before they were liable to a fine. The Inspector
selected for her test case two girls who, among
others, had been fined for amusing themselves in
the dinner hour by singing and dancing to a small
harp in the workroom where they were allowed to
remain, no mealroom being provided on the
premises. The High Court held that the case was
not free from difficulty, but that they could not
say that the justices had come to a wrong conclusion
in finding that the fines were imposed under
a lawful contract. “It would be going too far
to say that the language prescribing a fine for
breach of good order and decorum is necessarily
too general.” The appeal was dismissed. In these
later days, since the War, the girls would not only
have a legal claim to take home their minimum
wage clear of all deductions, but employers very
often think it natural and proper to provide a messroom,
and sometimes even a recreation room and
a piano; dancing in the dinner hour is occasionally
not only encouraged, but teaching also given at
the employer’s expense.</p>
<p class='c008'>In the year 1900 a case was decided in the High
Court (<cite>Tracey</cite> v. <cite>Pretty</cite>) which brought us an
experience extending over nearly two years, that
can have fallen to but few, if any, other litigants.
It arose in our endeavour to test the powers of the
Factory Department to act in default of a sanitary
authority for securing conformity to some standard
of sufficiency and suitability in the provision of
sanitary conveniences. The case had been heard
three times, first by two Judges who differed, then
<span class='pageno' id='Page_207'>207</span>by three Judges, one being the Lord Chief Justice,
Lord Russell of Killowen, who reserved judgment,
but died before giving the decision. It was heard
for the third time by his successor, Lord Alverstone,
and the decision defined for the first time what was
meant by the “proceedings” open in England and
Wales (outside London) to an Inspector whose duty
it was to act in default of the local authority. The
Inspector assumed all the powers of the authority,
acting on the advice of their surveyor, and could
serve a notice under the Public Health Acts on the
occupier of the factory, the magistrate having no
authority or duty except to enquire whether the
notice was properly served and, if so, to convict.
Appeal on the reasonableness of the notice could
be made to Quarter Sessions.<a id='r195'></a><a href='#f195' class='c014'><sup>[195]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>In 1901, our interest having been thoroughly
aroused as to the possibility of increasing capacity
for the legal side of the work and of improving
methods in conducting prosecutions, an invitation
was given by the Women Inspectors, through Mrs.
H. J. Tennant, to Mr. R. B. Haldane, K.C., M.P.,
since Lord Haldane, to address us on the “Conduct
of Cases under the Factory Acts.” To this he made
a generous response, and both Men and Women Inspectors
had the great advantage of listening to a
distinguished advocate on the subject, at a gathering
at Mrs. Tennant’s house on April 18, 1901. Starting
from the standpoint, familiar to a Factory Inspector,
that the Crown does not fight a case unless it
believes itself in the right, nor until satisfied of
<span class='pageno' id='Page_208'>208</span>the truth of the matter in question, he gave new
meaning to some of our experience in preparing
and prosecuting a case, and need of readiness to
meet unforeseen contingencies; he also gave us new
points for handling evidence and witnesses. We
were cheered by the stress he laid on “the assurance,
which is a very real one, that every case you lose
brings with it fresh experience, perhaps more than
the case you gain,” and that it is “only continual
practice and dogged perseverance that makes
people grow in this as in other respects.” This
same assurance was given me personally by my
own early experience, but yet more by watching
the growth in power, in this field, of colleagues
working under my direction. Of one of them I
had the gratification of once reading the opinion of
a lawyer well qualified to judge, who was in court
at the time she was conducting a difficult Truck
case, that it “could not have been better done.”
Sometimes words of praise for prosecuting Inspectors
would appear in a local paper. A single
instance may suffice; in 1905, when a presiding
magistrate was reported to have said of two Women
Inspectors, concerned in a lively case of obstruction
(of the Inspector) and illegal employment (of
women) before him, that “His Majesty was to be
congratulated on the possession of two Inspectors
who did their duty so conscientiously and well.”
The one, he said, had “very ably and properly
conducted her own case”; the other (who had
pursued retreating workers in the factory down a
trap-door into a dark cellar) “seemed to have
behaved with great pluck and activity.”</p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_209'>209</span>On this side of their work, in patience, resourcefulness,
and persistence, and in the high percentage
of success in results, the record does appear somewhat
remarkable. Taking only the years from
1898 to 1914, the Women Inspectors brought 4,962
cases into court against 1,974 occupiers, and secured
convictions in 4,715 cases. And the average
penalty imposed by magistrates rose, on the whole.
The years of greatest activity in the courts were
between 1901 and 1911. Though many interesting
cases came in earlier and in later years, the tendency
increased, after 1911, to place more reliance on
conference with or persuasion of occupiers. The
nature of infringements of the law has largely
appeared in preceding chapters, and the proportion
of cases was (as in complaints): first, illegal employment;
secondly, defects in sanitation and infraction
of health regulations; thirdly, irregularity in payment
of wages.</p>
<p class='c008'>It seems very natural that a high proportion of
our younger Women Inspectors have been impelled
to read for the Bar in 1920–21 so soon as such a
step was open to them. Long after some of them
have been called to and are successfully practising
at the Bar, it may touch them to read of early
experiences of Women Factory Inspectors during
the arduous battles they fought on behalf of many
extremely poor and hard-driven women workers.
The life they led can only be given by fragments.</p>
<p class='c008'>Here is a little extract from a diary, the flotsam
of time:</p>
<p class='c015'><span class='pageno' id='Page_210'>210</span>“<i>Midnight ... December 31</i> ... we are at L——,
cold, miserable. Came here to see ... Sessional
Crown Solicitor about case to be stated <i>re</i> order of
D—— magistrates in the case of X——.</p>
<p class='c015'>“<i>January 1.</i>—We listened to the clock striking
the new year while making copies of draft-stated
case which we had drawn up ourselves and which ...
Sessional Crown Solicitor had approved (we
are very proud of this draft). At 8.30 a.m. we
started in a wagonette with two horses, one of
which had no shoe, with snow on the ground....
Arrived D—— 6.30 p.m., found Sessional Crown
Solicitor and two resident magistrates, had long
conference, read them our stated case, which they
adopted <i>in toto</i>.</p>
<p class='c015'>“<i>January 2.</i>—Conference all day long and attendance
in court, when J. P. signed stated case with
exception of.... Sat up till 2 a.m. copying stated
case ready for service next day. Atmosphere very
damp, also cold.... Slept under nine thicknesses
of blankets and two counterpanes.</p>
<p class='c015'>“<i>January 3.</i>—All day trying to get stated case
signed by outstanding magistrate, who flatly refused,
saying, ‘I know X—— was in the wrong, but it’s
making too much of it to take the case to Dublin.’</p>
<p class='c015'>“<i>January 4.</i>—At 4 a.m. we started for our fifteen-mile
drive to nearest railway-station, bright starlight,
lovely sunrise, nearly choked with clothing and hot
bottles, and sat nursing our best hats on our knees.”</p>
<p class='c008'>For “peripatetic” Inspectors the difficulty was
a real one; the fitting in of visits of special enquiry,
general routine visits of inspection, visits on extremely
varied kinds of complaints, with the successful
prosecution of prolonged legal activities in
widely scattered places. Yet I know of no case
where action failed through omission by an Inspector
<span class='pageno' id='Page_211'>211</span>to serve a notice or complete any legal formality
or be at the necessary spot at the prescribed time.
There was a flame burning within that seemed to
consume obstacles by the way, and rendered
innocuous even very adverse climatic and other
conditions. Long cross-country drives in Ireland
(undertaken at times simply to carry out a formal
act) would sometimes last all day in an open car
in pouring rain, or a day in a tiny, stuffy police
court might have to be preceded by a drive beginning
before daylight on a stormy winter morning
to fetch intimidated witnesses for the case. In
Lancashire a start might have to be made at 4.30 a.m.
from a hotel (with the aid of knocking-up by the
night porter), to reach a distant country mill,
unobserved, by a new route, in order to detect
time-cribbing before 6 a.m. Tussles with manageresses
to obtain the luxury of clean sheets on the
hotel beds, and struggles to secure amendments
in conditions of uncleanliness (about which “Lord
X—— Y——, here last week, had not complained”),
were much more against the grain. Yet all seemed
small in comparison with such conclusions as that
of the <cite>X—— Sentinel</cite> that the Lady Factory
Inspector had “emerged triumphant” from her
case; that the “Truck Act has a living force for the
protection of a worker as far away as Altnagapple”;
and that “the publicity given to these prosecutions
is likely to have a beneficial effect throughout
the county.” Or, again, the comments of the
<cite>Daily C——</cite> on the prosecution of a firm employing
a number of young girls in processes scheduled as
“dangerous” was enlivening. A certain town
<span class='pageno' id='Page_212'>212</span>which was “famous for its magistrates in Shakespeare’s
time yesterday let off notable offenders
lightly. For employing four young girls without
the certificate of the doctor which the law requires
a fine of 10s. in each case was enforced—this being
positively the first offence of the sort; and for an
incredibly mean breach of the Truck Act, by
means of which a girl had her wages stopped for
two whole years to pay her father’s rent, the firm
had to pay three guineas. Grinding the faces of
the poor is cheap down in ——, and but for the
Woman Inspector who found out what was going
on it would cost nothing at all.”</p>
<p class='c008'>Consolation sometimes came swiftly to the
Inspector on a refusal of magistrates to convict in
a closely contested case for, for instance, heavy
deductions from the girls’ small wages, or for waste
in production. In such a case, the firm, before
leaving court, offered to meet the Inspector’s views
by lowering the scale of deductions for the future
to figures that, if yielded at an earlier stage, would
have obviated the need for prosecution. Publicity
in such things was ever our most potent helper.
Something of the “setting” of this case, in the
court, may be brought up from the past by means
of a stray leaf of a letter, come back to me from
the colleague to whom I wrote it in 1899:</p>
<p class='c015'>“The firm had arranged quite a dramatic scene
for us—no less than three barristers, with wigs
and all. Mr. Y——, Q.C., defended, with the
help of his friend, Mr. S——, and another friend
of theirs who came in from the Assize Court to
enjoy himself. All the four partners were there,
and their solicitor. It would take too long to tell
<span class='pageno' id='Page_213'>213</span>the whole story now, but ... it was worth while
fighting, and we were in court until 3 p.m. I had
breakfasted at 6.30 a.m. in London, so you will
believe that I was glad when lunch-time came.
The stipendiary and the magistrate’s clerk listened
with the greatest interest to Miss Squire’s clear
exposition ... but, alas! our witnesses were not
nearly good enough. One of them was like wax
in the hands of Mr. Y——, who, as one of the
sergeants of the court confided to me, ‘was not
one of your bullying sort, but quite gentlemanly.’
The stipendiary could not make up his mind,
however, and is going to think it over and give his
decision on Tuesday.”</p>
<p class='c008'>His decision then was to dismiss the case on the
evidence before him, but not as a precedent to
govern other cases. The deductions had been so
large, in relation to the wages of the girls, that they
could only be levied by small weekly instalments,
extending over months.<a id='r196'></a><a href='#f196' class='c014'><sup>[196]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>Two Inspectors in the same year had an almost
incredible series of experiences in Donegal (details
of which can be seen in the Blue-books) when
trying to limit very long hours of employment of
women in “kippering” processes on an island, and
to secure payment in coin for outworkers on the
mainland engaged in knitting. A study of legal
procedure was involved that proved enlightening
to the Inspectors, while one of them most deeply
engaged in the latter of these cases lived for the
most part practically under police protection. She
was “much cheered by the sympathy and gratitude
of the peasants,” on whose behalf she doggedly
<span class='pageno' id='Page_214'>214</span>prosecuted the case against local agents giving out
the work. In the “kippering” case there were
two hearings. At the first, there was equal division
of the magistrates, ending in its being “dismissed
without prejudice.” At the second, there were
five magistrates, and the case was dismissed by a
majority of three on the ground of exemption of the
processes from the Act. The hearing was largely
“occupied by the elaborate speech of the solicitor
for the defence.... The climax of his oration
was reached when he appealed to the magistrates
not to allow” the Inspector “to hie herself back
to the Home Office bedecked with the plumes of
victory.” The case which was stated for appeal
“never reached a hearing, owing to a failure to
observe a legal requirement” on the part of the
legal agent, to whom it was entrusted when it
passed out of the hands of the Inspectors.<a id='r197'></a><a href='#f197' class='c014'><sup>[197]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>It would require a separate book of some size to
tell of many more of our memorable experiences
in the courts, and of the wonderful, varied play of
human circumstances and character there. It may
be, as one of the Women Inspectors once observed
to me, the most difficult thing in the world to tell—or
to secure the telling of—“the truth, the whole
truth, and nothing but the truth.” Yet the first
business in a Court of Justice, however summary,
is to secure the presentation or unfolding of truth,
and truth being always near the mainspring of life,
this is perhaps the reason why so much entertainment,
interest, and strange attractiveness is to be
<span class='pageno' id='Page_215'>215</span>found there. Possibly we had far too many cases
in which the size of penalty for serious contraventions
seemed not at all deterrent. And yet all
the time a process was going on—of which we saw
glimpses now and again—in the recognition by
employers of the thing that really mattered, their
moral, as distinct from their legal, responsibility
in matters affecting health and well-being of the
workers in the factories and workshops. And memory
lingers on a case in which deterrent penalties were
obtained in circumstances where every interest of the
locality appeared to be against an impartial hearing:</p>
<p class='c015'>“The employment of the women from 8.30 a.m.
of one day until 5 a.m. on the next was on a mourning
order for the magistrate’s clerk. The magistrate,
before whom the informations were brought,
at first refused to sign them, and only did so on the
recommendation of the magistrate’s clerk. The
active partner in the business is a magistrate.
The Mayor (in the chair) is the other workshop
employer, who was cautioned for illegal employment
of a child. At the hearing of the case a
strong opinion was expressed by some of the Bench
that the offence was merely technical, and that
the Factory Acts were hardly intended to apply to
such country towns. Under these circumstances ...
all concerned are to be congratulated ... on
the fact that sufficient penalties were imposed to
mark the offence as more than merely technical.”<a id='r198'></a><a href='#f198' class='c014'><sup>[198]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>In this chapter I have, so far, mainly considered
the side of the Inspectors’ work that followed from
the need of enforcing observance of the standards
in the Acts, a need which was greatest in the earlier
<span class='pageno' id='Page_216'>216</span>years. Routine daily inspection of factories and
workshops at all times took a large place and increasingly
so, until it was far the largest part of the
life of the Woman Inspector. It was, of course,
vital that she should visit as many as possible of
the tens of thousands of places where female workers
were employed, to give both employers and workers
all that can be given and that they desired from
such routine inspection. It has already been seen
how new light was thrown on many questions of
health, safety, and welfare, how fresh attention
was aroused to the importance of many sections in
the various Acts, and how the Women Inspectors,
by special concentration of attention on these in the
workplace, amassed fresh material for advance in
legislation and administration. In an ordinary
year, let us take 1913, they would effectively
inspect between 6,000 and 7,000 factories, between
3,000 and 4,000 workshops, visit many outworkers,
factory workers at their homes, besides hospitals,
local authorities, and the courts. They would
investigate many reported cases of industrial
poisoning, between 600 and 700 accidents to women
and girls in laundries and wearing apparel industries.
Contravention notices to occupiers would number
9,000 or more; prosecutions in 1913 numbered 373
against 142 occupiers. It is evident that the direct
action of the Woman Inspector stretched far beyond
the investigation of specific complaints (of which
2,014 were received in 1913), or the following up
of contraventions serious enough for prosecution.</p>
<p class='c008'>Seeing that over 10,000 workplaces could be
inspected by the women officers in the year, and
<span class='pageno' id='Page_217'>217</span>that in each one the name and address of the local
Senior Lady Inspector was affixed on the abstract
of the Acts, a great deal was gradually done to
give the women workers that access to a Woman
Inspector that they so earnestly desire. Much
more than is generally realised was added by the
fact that these officers of the Department systematically
sent a letter of advice, instruction, or caution—as
the case required—to the occupier after an
inspection, and that this had incomparably more
attention from him than a merely formal notice of
contravention ever had. A large part of the effect
of an inspection is missed when a necessary instruction
is given on a form instead of in a written letter.
The latter not only secured, for example, better
fencing and better ventilation, heating, and welfare,
but it also stimulated reflection and aroused a new
sympathy for the aims and objects of the Acts which
bore sometimes surprising fruit. Replies of thanks
from the employers asking for more help came in
increasing numbers, and it was very pleasing during
the war period to be told how heads of firms sometimes
specially appreciated visits from married
Women Inspectors, who were employed at that
time by the Department in a temporary capacity.
The influx, then, of many women employees, as
dilutees or otherwise, into many factories, which
had never previously employed a woman or girl
in process work, awakened a good many employers
to the special problems of supervision and welfare
that arise in organising joint industrial employment
of men and women, boys and girls.</p>
<p class='c008'>As soon as the number of Women Inspectors
<span class='pageno' id='Page_218'>218</span>grew beyond the small figure necessary to cope with
the appeals and complaints of the women workers
themselves, my own endeavour was to allot their
services, as far as practicable, to the various main
women’s industries over the whole country, in a
scale proportioned to the numbers of girls and
women employed. When the statistics of those
employed in each trade became available, one could
find the necessary clue. Textiles absorbed over
43 per cent. of the women and girls, clothing trades
over 26·5 per cent., laundries 5·4 per cent., food
preserving 4·6 per cent., warehouses, calendering,
and finishing 2·2 per cent., earthenware and china
works nearly 2 per cent. Other determining factors
of course came in, such as special risks, questions
of Truck or piecework wages, excessive seasonal
overtime employment, and so on, but where these,
or the women’s own complaints, did not compel
our concentrated attention, relative allotment of
routine inspection was more or less governed
by the proportional extent of women’s employment.<a id='r199'></a><a href='#f199' class='c014'><sup>[199]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c015'>“While we can see,” I said in 1913, “a great
number and variety of deplorable contraventions
of the actual requirements and spirit of the law
and ... apparently preventible suffering and
overstrain and injury to life, limb, and health that
is grievous to dwell upon (except for action in the
way of removal), we can see also most clearly signs
of improvement and the promise of much more.
The promise lies in the fact that the movement
to secure better conditions is not confined to any
one class or group. The women and girls at last
<span class='pageno' id='Page_219'>219</span>begin to press their claims for a better life ... not
only by increasing appeals to Inspectors ... but
also by criticism of the limitations of the law and
by fresh courage in organising and voicing their
needs to the employers. Employers are initiating
reforms not only as outstanding individuals and
firms, but are beginning to do so, at last, by associated
action and effort.”<a id='r200'></a><a href='#f200' class='c014'><sup>[200]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>Mrs. Drury (Miss Whitworth), formerly an Inspector
of Factories working under a Senior in a
division, sends me the following memory sketch
of a characteristic special day—any day that had
to be withdrawn from routine work in order to cope
with a variety of miscellaneous claims needing
prompt attention. It might have happened in
1912 or 1913:</p>
<p class='c015'>“Many days were very full, all were interesting....
Let me suppose I was first off to investigate
an accident in a laundry. With the prescribed
report from employer and certifying surgeon in my
hand, I knew that a girl of fourteen had had her
arm drawn in between the hot rollers of a collar
polishing machine. There was first the examination
of the machinery to see if a proper guard was
provided and maintained, then the examining of
workers to find out the usual way in which the
rollers were cleaned, and whether sufficient instruction
had been given by those in authority about use
of this dangerous machine; in short, why the
accident had happened and how similar ones could
be prevented. If a serious breach was found it
was necessary to take sufficient evidence in support
of possible legal proceedings—a general inspection
of the whole laundry followed and notes would be
<span class='pageno' id='Page_220'>220</span>carefully made as one went along. Finally, one
would see the manager and discuss each point and
instruct as necessary. A visit to the patient followed,
probably in hospital, and her story would
be heard. Light was then thrown on what it is
difficult to realise without quietly seeing the workers
alone. Help as to how to set about getting compensation
was often asked for, and the worker could
then be referred to the Working Women’s Legal
Advice Bureau. If there was any defect in the
machine, so that risk of accident in cleaning it
was high, a visit to the makers of the machine
or their agents might be made, then or later,
to try to persuade them to do their part—an
educative proceeding even if fruit was slow in
showing.</p>
<p class='c015'>“It would by now be lunch-time, and one learnt
to sometimes take the meal in odd places: it is not
to be wondered at that when ‘on leave’ an Inspector
enjoys a nice comfortable meal at home and is not
a lover of picnics. The meal was usually soon over,
and timed, perhaps, so as to be at the police court
at 2 p.m. to lay informations against a firm, before
the magistrate, a formal ceremony soon over.
The next thing might be a visit to a large biscuit
factory to investigate a complaint that a certain
workroom was hot and unventilated. After taking
the outside temperature I remember going to the
manager’s office, handing in my official card saying
I was going at once to the factory. The representative
knew his obligation, and I went straight
to the block complained of.... Before it was
time to send in my report two letters reached the
Chief Inspector, one from the employer to say I
had hurried into the factory, without even waiting
to announce who I was, the other from a trade
union official to say I had been quite half an hour
talking to the manager in his office, so that, of course,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_221'>221</span>the workroom was well ventilated by the time I
arrived, and my visit useless. An Inspector has all
eyes on her; she may well go about her work warily
and keep her eye on the ball.</p>
<p class='c015'>“After such a day’s work I once found a wire
waiting for me at home from my Senior, ‘Meet me
Aldgate East Station midnight for overtime inspection.’
This was thrilling, the Junior Inspector is
always ready for an expedition of that kind ...
and I went to the appointed spot. We then walked
to a tailor’s house in a street full of these workshops,
having a borrowed lamp.... I went to the basement
with my lamp, and my Senior went upstairs
to an empty dark workroom, then we met together
in the sitting-room, where there was a mass of
unfinished coats and trousers evidently thrown
down in a hurry; then in the bedroom we found,
in bed, fully dressed, a little girl of fourteen I had
seen before.... Proceedings followed, but these
entailed more days’ work, for the employer disappeared,
and was traced with much difficulty....
It was 2.30 a.m. before we reached home that
night, but what play could give more insight
into some of the ways of man than a good day’s
inspection?”</p>
<p class='c008'>Such days and nights of work of a Junior Woman
Inspector, working in a division as part of a well-organised
staff under a Senior, show the unity that
lived on in the branch from its earliest years. The
chief difference that came with the years was in
getting to closer, more detailed, grips with the mass
of work to be done. Perhaps pioneering risks
became less evident, but initiative in devising
methods remained a strong need, and variety and
human interest continued equally present.</p>
<p class='c008'>The thoroughness that persisted in investigation
<span class='pageno' id='Page_222'>222</span>of complaints and in special enquiries is roughly
but picturesquely expressed by the remark of a
trade union secretary to a Woman Inspector: “I
know you; you belong to the same lot as Miss ——.
I remember when she came down to our place, long
ago, like a ferret in a rat ‘ole, she were.” It was
of the same Inspector that a girl in a factory once
said to the deaconess of the parish, “I am glad
when she comes to our factory, she makes me feel
so safe.”</p>
<p class='c008'>To another Inspector, a Senior in her office, once
came seventy or more mill girls, in shawls, straight
from their mill, bent on redress of a complaint;
twelve came into her room, the rest were on the
stairs and extended down into the street. It was
not often so many arrived at once, but peace of
some degree in the factory generally followed on
deputations of this kind.</p>
<p class='c008'>When it became known that my work was nearly
finished, and retirement imminent, a trade union
organiser came to see me at the Home Office. It
was to bring farewell messages from the workers,
and I said how very much I was touched by such
messages when I had personally seen so far less
of them in recent years in the factories than I could
have wished. “They knew you from the Women
Inspectors whom they did see,” was the instant
reply.</p>
<p class='c008'>“There is nothing you cannot ask and expect
of the British worker, man or woman—they have
ability for anything,” an employer said to me in
the year following the War when I talked with
him about the women’s wartime work during his
<span class='pageno' id='Page_223'>223</span>convalescence from severe illness due to overwork
on munitions in his foundry.</p>
<p class='c008'>Ability, loyalty, and an understanding heart—what
a foundation this country has, in its workers,
led by such employers, on which to build up
beautiful industries in the future!</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_224'>224</span>
<h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER VII<br> <span class='c013'>THE WAR AND WOMEN SUBSTITUTES; NEW LIGHT ON HOURS, LABOUR-SAVING, FATIGUE, FOOD, AND EFFICIENCY</span></h2>
</div>
<div class='lg-container-b c017'>
<div class='linegroup'>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>“Lo, strength is of the plain root virtues born:</div>
<div class='line'>Strength shall ye gain by service, prove in scorn,</div>
<div class='line'>Train by endurance, by devotion shape.</div>
<div class='line'>It is the offspring of the modest years.”</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<p class='c007'>Those who have had patience to go with me so
far, in gathering illustrations of the conditions
under which women worked in factories down to
the eve of the War, and who agree with my conclusions
as to the spirit and character of the women
themselves, will perhaps follow on with me in applying
the words of George Meredith to their achievements
in the years from 1914 to the close of 1918.</p>
<p class='c008'>Unless one turns back to the very numerous
documents, official and unofficial, relating to women’s
industrial war work, it is not easy, at the close of
the year 1921, to recall the full measure of pride
expressed by the nation in what the women did
for it in time of need. Almost immediately after
the Armistice all the munition workers poured out
of the factories and the substitute women followed
gradually, as the demobilised men returned to their
industrial occupations. A tide of industrial activity
then rose and re-absorbed practically all available
industrial women in their own normal trades. The
tide turned suddenly in June, 1920, and increasing
<span class='pageno' id='Page_225'>225</span>unemployment in 1921 has dimmed the memory
of their achievements.</p>
<p class='c008'>Many a non-official observer, unfamiliar with the
great extent and variety of skilled manufacturing
work, or with the heaviness and roughness of much
of the less skilled work, done by women and girl
industrial workers before the War, was astounded
by the ability with which women turned to the new
kinds of work. “Not only,” said one such observer,
“has the War provided an incentive to women’s
work on a scale never dreamt of in times of peace,
it has caused women, more particularly those
engaged in new occupations, to realise as they
have never done before their own capacity.”<a id='r201'></a><a href='#f201' class='c014'><sup>[201]</sup></a> The
old barriers against their employment on work
suited to them and valuable to the community
were, for the time, steadily and firmly removed one
after another, and with surprising rapidity when
guidance of State officials was applied to this
removal. Women in the factory realised—some
with astonishment—that they were entitled to high
praise, and to hold a new confidence in themselves
through the natural capacity and zeal shown by
them; first, in intensified production in their own
old industries<a id='r202'></a><a href='#f202' class='c014'><sup>[202]</sup></a> of unheard-of quantities of cloth,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_226'>226</span>articles of equipment, rations, and so on, for the
Army and Navy; secondly (and later), in speeding
up the supply of munitions of war. The emphasis
on their merits as industrial war-workers was greater
than had ever been explicitly laid on their ordinary
life-preserving activities as homemakers and
mothers. Nevertheless a new impetus was given,
through this enhanced valuation of women, to
public health work for mothers and infants and
care of the child—or maternity, infant and child
welfare, as it became customary to call such work.</p>
<p class='c008'>To return to women as “substitutes,” a new generation
of adolescent girls had time to come into this
form of industrial occupation for female workers—while
the scope of “munitions of war” grew until
they nearly engulfed ordinary peacetime kinds of
production. These girls had never known anything
but wartime manufacture. They also had what
very few British girls before them had had under
the factory system, opportunities for training by
intensive instruction, and they laid hold of these
opportunities with remarkable power.</p>
<p class='c008'>A new version of an old couplet came into my
mind on thinking over an incident in a remote
rural district when, one evening in the fourth year
of the War, a friend of mine spoke to a village girl
on her way to a meeting at the lately founded
Women’s Institute:</p>
<div class='lg-container-b c005'>
<div class='linegroup'>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>“‘Where are you going to, my pretty maid?’</div>
<div class='line'>‘To hear of substitute women,’ she said.”</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<p class='c008'>The girl spoke as if it were a subject of lively interest
to herself, and one that would of course interest
any intelligent human being. “Women substitutes!”
<span class='pageno' id='Page_227'>227</span>What could anyone have made of such
a term before <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 1915? Of butter or leather
“substitutes” we had heard, but not of women
“substitutes.” And yet many books were written
about them in the last three years of war. Books
that will be studied by historians of the future
seeking to explain the extraordinary growth during
a critical stage of the War—when millions of men
had been taken away from the possibility of production—in
the supply of shells and guns to the
waiting artillery batteries; in the inexhaustible
production of aeroplanes; in the fitting and refitting
of the Army with its boots, its razors, its
surgical dressings, its millions of tins of preserved
rations, its millions of smoke helmets; and in the
gigantic supplies of the hundreds of other kinds of
“munitions” all ceaselessly mounting in quantity.<a id='r203'></a><a href='#f203' class='c014'><sup>[203]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>It is impracticable, and it is indeed unnecessary,
to re-tell in detail here the story of the growth in
production and in supplies, or to estimate exactly
the share that women and girls took in making the
expansion possible. Those who have not access
to the literature can by a visit to the National
War Museum put themselves in possession of the
principal facts. Our concern is with the health
conditions and the attendant circumstances of the
women’s employment. It helps, however, to a true
impression to sum up shortly the main stages of their
entry into new forms of work.</p>
<p class='c008'>When men first trooped in their hundreds of
<span class='pageno' id='Page_228'>228</span>thousands, voluntarily, to the colours in 1914,
industrial women found their outlet for the same
impulse to serve the nation in intensified and
extended work at their own more or less customary
callings. They found it at the sewing machine,
knitting machine, weaving loom, boot-upper stitching
machine, tin-cutting power press, soldering
bench, at tinning of meat, fruit and vegetable
preserves for rations, and so on. Even with this
added intensity of their work and the lengthened
hours of employment factory women could do “a
bit of knitting for the soldiers and sailors”—so that
some of them could say, “We never seems to get
any rest, but if we did not do it, no one else could.”<a id='r204'></a><a href='#f204' class='c014'><sup>[204]</sup></a>
They had to play an indispensable, and, in some
cases, a predominant part in supplying the Services
with textile materials, clothing, blankets, mattress
covers, with various kinds of bodily equipment, such
as haversacks, bandoliers, light leather, and miscellaneous
small metal articles, and with tents, and
all kinds of general equipment, some time before
their share in the production of “munitions of
war” in the form of ordnance, ammunition, aircraft,
chemicals, etc., was even thought of. And
claims for women’s aid in the general service of the
home community, in transport, distribution, clerical
and commercial work, were strongly pressed before
the great part they were to play (chiefly by aid of
dilution of labour) in engineering and the larger
metal trades came in sight.</p>
<p class='c008'>A second phase in the industrial wartime employment
of women came with the first thoughts of
<span class='pageno' id='Page_229'>229</span>the “substitution” of women to release men for
military service in the less essential manufacturing
industries, next in industries essential for national
needs, and in those where important export trade
could (it was then believed) be developed or
maintained.</p>
<p class='c008'>At the request of the Army Council, the Home
Office and Board of Trade began a series of conferences
with associations of employers and workers
to consider what reorganisation of work might be
necessary to free as many men as possible. This
work, requiring some diplomacy, was largely under
the guidance of Factory Inspectors, men and women,
and it was necessary to negotiate temporary suspensions
of recognised trade union rules, at the
same time providing safe and suitable conditions
for the women employed in processes that were new
to them, and heretofore arranged to suit men’s
different ways of working. Agreements were
secured in a number of trades, including hosiery
and other textiles, boot and shoe manufacture,
leather tanning, woodworking, baking, earthenware
and china manufacture, printing, and glove making.<a id='r205'></a><a href='#f205' class='c014'><sup>[205]</sup></a>
These agreements aimed both at preventing misunderstandings
and dislocations at a critical time,
and at getting security for future maintenance of
the established standard of the life of industrial
workers.</p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_230'>230</span>Orders, known as “Emergency Orders,”<a id='r206'></a><a href='#f206' class='c014'><sup>[206]</sup></a> were
made by the Home Office, allowing relaxations of the
law relating to hours and times of work of women
and young persons, both in munitions and non-munitions
industries, to meet the exceptional circumstances
of the time. Certain fresh safeguards for
health or safety were embodied in these Orders,
of which foremost was an obligation laid on the
employer to provide means for preparing and taking
meals at the works, and next supervision by competent
women to maintain good conditions.</p>
<p class='c008'>There were certain large and heavy trades where
no agreements between employers and workers
could be arranged owing to lack of organisation on
one side or the other, either of employers or of
workers, and here the Inspectors closely guided the
course of replacement of men and substitution of
women—<i>e.g.</i>, in flour milling, rubber manufacture,
oil and seed crushing, soap making, sugar refining,
paper making, cement making, and in gasworks.
In all these “non-munition” industries—which
tended more and more to provide material of war,
and thus to become technically “munitions” as
the War progressed—they advised employers on
the necessary modification and reorganisation of
processes, as well as on good conditions for production.
In the factories, where women had not before
been employed in process work, a noticeable solicitude
was frequently shown by the employers and
managers for protection of the health and safety
of the women, and all paid tribute to their adaptability
<span class='pageno' id='Page_231'>231</span>and natural quickness, as well as to their fine
spirit.</p>
<p class='c008'>It was in a large shell factory, early in 1915,
before the immense development of the Ministry of
Munitions, that a foreman said to me as we stood
watching the then novel and arresting sight of
numerous women and girls intent upon their work
at lathes, “There is more in this than people think;
women have been too much kept back.” Several
Inspectors said that the cotton workers, set free
by unemployment in their own great trade, particularly
enjoyed their new work in shell making,
and found it less heavy, and conditions better,
than in the textile factories. Munition factories in
Birmingham profited early in 1915 by a temporary
depression in the Staffordshire Potteries, receiving
contingents of intelligent women from gilding and
painting shops—high-grade labour—for the new
work. In Lancashire one heard of young women
proud to have learnt how to grind tools and set
machines. In wire-drawing and engineering trades
an Inspector said it was remarkable, considering the
half-heartedness of the initial experiment of employing
women, how general was the satisfaction over
its success. It was an everyday occurrence to be
told frankly by foremen that “the women are doing
very well indeed, much better than I ever thought
they could.”</p>
<p class='c008'>Then came the third and, technically, the greatest
experiment in women’s employment during the
War, under the organisation of the Ministry of
Munitions—their concentration on engineering and
munitions supplies with much dilution and with
<span class='pageno' id='Page_232'>232</span>highly specialised training in processes. It was
this stage that led not only to the immense additional
power in repetitive production, but also to
the discovery in engineering, by enthusiastic
“dilution” officers, of certain processes requiring
manual dexterity and delicacy of touch, in which
women could do better than men, and some even
which women alone could do.<a id='r207'></a><a href='#f207' class='c014'><sup>[207]</sup></a> This phase can
only be fairly studied in published documents,
catalogues, and illustrations issued by the Ministry
of Munitions, and at the National War Museum.
It was under the Ministry of Munitions that the
first systematic attempt was made to superimpose
personal conditions of welfare—an essential for
good output—on the general hygiene of environment
in the factory already required by the Factory
Act. And one of the earliest steps taken by Mr.
Seebohm Rowntree, the Director of Welfare, appointed
in the close of 1915 for “controlled” munition
factories, was to obtain through me from my
staff of Women Inspectors a detailed survey of
conditions actually obtaining in each large “controlled”
and national factory, with our recommendations
on the arrangements desirable for the
welfare of the women and girls.<a id='r208'></a><a href='#f208' class='c014'><sup>[208]</sup></a> This work was
carried out in 1916 and 1917, and it is touched on
in my next and last chapter.</p>
<p class='c008'>The fourth and final new experience for industrial
<span class='pageno' id='Page_233'>233</span>women, during the War, came with the urgent need
in 1917 and 1918 of trying to substitute them for
men, not only in process work that was likely to
be suitable for them, but also in many processes
and manual work heavier than had yet been attempted—for
example, in the forging of bullet-proof
plates, in driving overhead cranes, in certain heavy
foundry processes, in a few operations in shipbuilding
yards, in retort-house work, in internal
scaling of boilers, in ferro-concrete pile making, and
in new varieties of heavy labouring work. None
of these (surviving the experimental stages),<a id='r209'></a><a href='#f209' class='c014'><sup>[209]</sup></a>
except possibly scaling of boilers, appear to be
heavier or more laborious, however, than work
done long years before by women in tinplate works,
in fireproof brick works, in timber yards, or galvanising
works; and certainly none surpassed in
dirt or disagreeableness the old work of women in
such processes as gut scraping, rag sorting, or
“breeze sifting.”</p>
<p class='c008'>It was chiefly in these last two years of the War
that development of women’s employment took place
in chemical works, heavy metal works, and in gasworks.
Some really interesting developments took
place. In forge work—for example, in one factory
making heavy tank parts—the whole of the process
work was done by women, numbering 300; men,
numbering six, being employed solely in keeping
<span class='pageno' id='Page_234'>234</span>machines in running order. “The women work the
furnaces, moulding presses, and do the grinding,
besides trolleying, stacking, loading on to wagons,
and women ‘chemists’ also take the temperatures.”<a id='r210'></a><a href='#f210' class='c014'><sup>[210]</sup></a>
Here close investigation (made by one of the “first-aid”
Inspectors) showed that there were no signs
of serious injury amongst the women. The same
conclusion was reached by her as regards women
drivers of large overhead cranes—a dangerous
occupation, however, in which some women met
with fatal accidents. A cement works in Scotland
was run almost entirely by women’s labour, and
their employment in this heavy work had been made
successful by the aid of mechanical appliances, the
only men being rotary kiln men—doing very heavy
and hot work, needing considerable training—besides
foremen and engineers. At a large steel
works in Yorkshire, where the managers were of
opinion in 1916 that women would be useless to
them, there were, in 1917, 300 employed to their
satisfaction in yard work, painting, labelling, and
crane driving. “Loading and unloading of ore is
heavy, and can only be done by the women without
injury if they take the work slowly and quietly.”<a id='r211'></a><a href='#f211' class='c014'><sup>[211]</sup></a>
Inspectors found that some women, either from the
natural but dangerous desire to show their strength
or to get through their work quickly, lifted weights
far too heavy for them. A foreman, however, in
charge of construction work at a blast furnace who
had trained women under him, “spoke exceedingly
highly of them, and said he would be willing to
<span class='pageno' id='Page_235'>235</span>undertake any ferro-concrete work with women
only.” They had made over 1,000 piles 31 feet in
length; they were bending and preparing all the
steelwork used in the construction of the wharf,
bridges, etc.; they worked the stone-crushing
machines and concrete mixer, stacked the piles
when made, and discharged stone, iron, etc., from
railway trucks. Managers of gasworks expressed
surprise at the good class of women found willing to
undertake this hot, heavy, and rather dirty work.
In the severe winter of 1916–17, when women were
first being tried in heavy processes in gasworks, a
manager, praising their grit and pluck, said, “If they
stick this, they will stick anything.”</p>
<p class='c008'>In such places good protective clothing and
specially adapted implements, such as light barrows
and shovels, automatic weight-lifting appliances,
and other labour and fatigue-saving plant and
machinery, played an immensely important part
in enabling the women to do the work. Inspectors
unanimously held that at no time had legislative
protection for women, and competent inspection,
been more needed than in these final years of the
War, when women were eagerly pressing into processes
and heavy labour of a kind new to them.
There was generally an ample supply of women available,
and the only places where one heard of shortage
were in some of their old factory occupations, where
conditions often remained at a lower level than in
the new occupations, and where wages did not rise
until later to meet the increased cost of living.</p>
<p class='c008'>In 1917 and 1918 also, some marked development
of women’s employment took place in relatively
<span class='pageno' id='Page_236'>236</span>light processes, both skilled and semi-skilled, in
certain non-munition industries, which were perfectly
suited to their physical ability, and for which
some intensive training was open to them in technical
colleges. The most interesting examples, I think,
were scientific instrument making, in which industry,
by March, 1918, substitution of women had become
general in some processes and frequent in others;
and in leather-case making and fancy leather work.
Especially in the former of these industries new
openings appeared for women as works’ chemists
or in laboratory research at the factory, as well as
in the manufacture of glass prisms, lenses, thermometers,
and many metal processes. As regards the
future, the Home Office Memorandum on Substitution
of Women declared in 1919 that there
were “good prospects for women in this industry.”<a id='r212'></a><a href='#f212' class='c014'><sup>[212]</sup></a>
Early in 1920, however, “the steady withdrawal of
women from employment in men’s industries that
began after the Armistice was almost completed.”
And I was obliged to conclude at the end of the
year that there was “as yet no fulfilment of the
expectations that after the War a body of industries
and operations offering a hopeful field of fresh
employment would be open to women where their
War experience could be turned to account. On
the contrary, an automatically operating force has
closed all these expected new avenues.”<a id='r213'></a><a href='#f213' class='c014'><sup>[213]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>As the number of Men Inspectors decreased during
<span class='pageno' id='Page_237'>237</span>the early part of the War, through claims of military
duty and other national service where their technical
knowledge and experience was invaluable, the
number of Women Inspectors gradually increased,
but only to a total of thirty. Much of the almost
incredible amount of work they managed to get
through was done by conference with, and information
and advice to, other bodies of workers—the
Women Welfare Officers and Dilution Officers of
the Ministry of Munitions, the Superintendents of
Women’s Labour in munition works, and the Local
Advisory Committees (under the Ministry of
Labour), concerned with the welfare outside the
factories of the immense aggregations of workers
who were drawn away from their homes into great
centres for production of munitions of war. Some
of them served also on various Central Committees,
of which the two foremost were the Health of
Munition Workers Committee and the Women’s
Employment Committee under the Ministry of
Reconstruction. When the Ministry of National
Service was set up, the main lines of the great task
of fitting substitute women into men’s industrial
work were already planned, and much of the substitution
was already carried into effect under the
guidance of the whole Factory Inspectorate in
co-operation with the Employment Department,
Ministry of Labour; and when several of the
Men Inspectors were “seconded” to the Ministry
of National Service the work continued by co-operation
between the Departments.</p>
<p class='c008'>Much had to be done in bringing factories, and
whole industries, up to the same standard in making
<span class='pageno' id='Page_238'>238</span>the necessary substitution. In some factories the
advance was more rapid than in others—far more
reliance being shown in putting women into positions
of real responsibility. For example, in only
one malting house was it found that a forewoman
was in complete charge of the women’s work, with
technical responsibility for regulating the temperature
of the kiln and judging the right time for
“turning” the floors. And in an exceptional
fruit-preserving factory output was doubled and
engineers’ repairs reduced by half for the season,
when a forewoman was put in complete control,
a control which included not only the jam-making
department, but also the maintenance in good
working order of machinery, boiler, and engine.<a id='r214'></a><a href='#f214' class='c014'><sup>[214]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>Inspectors sometimes expressed disappointment
at the limited confidence shown by employers in
substituting women in the higher posts of industry,
but enough was done to “suggest a fair promise
of future development of women’s natural aptitude
for organising.” The difficulty lay even more in
that direction than in process work, through lack
of sufficient opportunity for women to obtain broad
and sound technical training in the short time
available. In large munition works, however, in
two ways useful examples were given of technical
control by women; women “charge-hands,” having
gone through intensive training in processes, controlled
the operations of small groups of workers,
sometimes men and boys as well as women and
girls; and in the work of Women Welfare Superintendents
there was a tendency to develop their
<span class='pageno' id='Page_239'>239</span>responsibility in the direction of carrying out some
of the functions of a manager.<a id='r215'></a><a href='#f215' class='c014'><sup>[215]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>Although a large number of women came for the
first time, from domestic work and from home life,
into industry during the years of strongest demand
for substitutes and munition workers,<a id='r216'></a><a href='#f216' class='c014'><sup>[216]</sup></a> a considerable
proportion of the increase in these two
classes came from the return to the factories of
former industrial workers, and by their transfer
from the less essential trades. The highest proportion
of those entering from domestic work or
home life was usually found in factories situated in
localities where other industries were not present.
For example, in two chemical works in the country
it was found that half the women came from home
life, one-quarter from domestic service, and the
remainder from other factories. In a Manchester
flour mill one-third came from home life, a few
from domestic service, and many from miscellaneous
factories.</p>
<p class='c008'>It was in such places as these, where the substitute
women were unfamiliar with factory life
and with the safeguards provided by Factory Acts
and Orders, that protection by a trained Inspectorate
was found to be most needed. Two points
of considerable interest came out in the complaints
from women themselves. In the years 1914–15,
when long and exceptional hours (whether entirely
illegal or else sanctioned by Emergency Orders)
were at their highest point, the women worked
<span class='pageno' id='Page_240'>240</span>willingly; and they complained only rarely and in
extreme cases. On the whole, there was a great
proportionate rise, on the other hand, in the complaints
relating to matters of sanitation and safety,
63·1 per cent. of the whole in 1917, as compared
with 47·3 per cent. in 1913.</p>
<p class='c008'>The working of excessive and irregular hours, a
natural outcome of the confused haste for enormous
production at the beginning of the War, seemed to
bring new light to many employers on the uselessness
of long hours and long, unbroken spells for
continued large output, however great the generally
prevalent willingness of the workers to help to their
utmost. Already before the War, as we have seen
in Chapter II., it was a commonplace in Inspectors’
reports that the strain of the legal twelve-hours’
day of absence from home<a id='r217'></a><a href='#f217' class='c014'><sup>[217]</sup></a> was too great, having
regard to the home duties of most women, who had
frequently also a long distance to travel to and from
work. In the first year of the War the Inspectors
showed that the main resistance to excessive overtime
came more from the employers’ side (in spite
of exceptions among them) than from the workers.
In a Crown factory the experience was “that any
lengthening of the day, beyond 6 p.m. and a total
of eight and a half hours’ work daily, exhausts the
workers, and is of no advantage in increasing output....
A well-known wholesale clothier employing
a thousand women on Government contracts
gave it as his well-considered opinion that the full
period allowed under the Factory Act ... is
<span class='pageno' id='Page_241'>241</span>sufficient, and any work beyond this is useless: it
exhausts the workers and does not pay.... The
manager of a powder-bag factory ... found, after
some weeks’ experience, that the pieceworkers were
making less during overtime than during the normal
period of employment.... A cardboard box
manufacturer told me he had put his workers on
shorter hours only to find that their output and
earnings were equal to those on the full factory
day.”<a id='r218'></a><a href='#f218' class='c014'><sup>[218]</sup></a> The interesting and very valuable researches
made by scientific investigators for the Health of
Munition Workers Committee and for the Home
Office regarding fatigue, did but amplify and give
scientific confirmation to the commonsense reasonings
and conclusions of many manufacturers about hours
of work. Nevertheless, at the beginning of the wartime
pressure, it was clear that some deviation from
the fixed Factory Act limits was necessary to
counterbalance delays in getting out contracts, dislocations
in movement of supplies of materials, and
other interferences with a continuous run of work in
making up articles. The Emergency Orders granted
to numerous individual firms at the beginning were
unquestionably necessary. Later, as experience
grew, it was possible to standardise these for whole
industries and groups of industries, greatly to reduce
night work and overtime, nearly to abolish Sunday
work, and ultimately to prohibit the night work
for young girls under sixteen and for boys under
fourteen years, that had been temporarily permitted
at the outset of the national emergency. The new
evidence gathered by scientific investigators gave
<span class='pageno' id='Page_242'>242</span>increased strength to older humanitarian arguments,
as well as fresh point to the conclusions of certain
practical managers that excessive hours without
regular intervals defeat their purpose of speeding
up production. The experiments that were made,
under Home Office orders in various shift systems,<a id='r219'></a><a href='#f219' class='c014'><sup>[219]</sup></a>
showed how increased output might, in times of
pressure, be obtained from limited plant and
machines without exceeding the working powers
of the delicate “human machine.” The finding
of the Health of Munition Workers Committee in
1915, that the strain of long hours had not, so far,
“caused any serious breakdown among workers,
though many statements indicative of fatigue had
been received,” was confirmed by reports of Factory
Inspectors coming from all parts of the country.
No marked increase in sickness rates could be
found, yet among foremen and managers, who were
less able than workers to take time off, and among
individual older men and women, there were cases
where health certainly suffered from the strain.
After the War was over an experienced Welfare
Superintendent told me of great lassitude amongst
girls under her care, and she said that it had been
necessary to send a high proportion of them to
holiday homes before they quite recovered their
natural elasticity and capacity for a full ordinary
day’s work.</p>
<p class='c008'>Women’s weekly and daily totals in the stress
<span class='pageno' id='Page_243'>243</span>of the earlier years of War, long and fatiguing as they
were, rarely rose (apart from special aberrations
which successful prosecutions did much to check)
to the extremes too commonly reached by men
munition workers. Forewomen and women superintendents
were more often employed in the later
than the earlier years, and thus were spared some of
the excessive overstrain that at first fell on foremen
and managers. In factories where the long double
twelve-hour shift system with alternate weeks of
night and day work for each shift obtained, evidence
of absenteeism and poor timekeeping made it highly
probable that accumulating fatigue and overstrain
had been partly averted by the natural tendency
of the workers to take an occasional day or halfday
off. It was truly fortunate, however, for the
ultimate health of the people that as strictness of
discipline, in controlled factories, in enforcing regular
attendance of the worker under penalty grew, some
reasonable standardisation of shift systems and
considerable development of canteens and other
welfare arrangements had been secured.</p>
<p class='c008'>By the end of 1917 it was evident that for whatever
reason, probably through better wages, providing
much better food than formerly, and through
increased personal care of the workers in the factories,
sickness among the women was not increasing,
but rather diminishing.<a id='r220'></a><a href='#f220' class='c014'><sup>[220]</sup></a> The evidence given before
<span class='pageno' id='Page_244'>244</span>the Health of Munition Workers Committee was
that sickness benefit was lessening, and I learned
by special enquiry that an almoner’s records in a
large general hospital in a great munition area
showed that as few as thirty women and girl munition
workers had attended as out-patients in six
months.</p>
<p class='c008'>Even though much detail as regards the best
daily and weekly period and spells of hours remains
to be worked out by practical experimentation for
different types of factory work with differing kinds
and degrees of effort and strain involved, the large-scale
demonstrations regarding conditions and output
in wartime have both added to our knowledge
and also popularly spread that knowledge. It may
be doubted whether the full potential strength of
the social motive in industry—the sentiment of
national service—has been at all fairly grasped in
its bearing on true success in industrial production.
Yet the leaven is there, its workings can be seen,
and it is the one unalloyed gain that came from the
stupendous and terrible effort of production for
“munitions of war.” The new lights that this
effort brought on the dependence of good output
and efficiency on right adjustment of hours, labour-saving
appliances, fatigue prevention, food, have
<span class='pageno' id='Page_245'>245</span>but a limited value for the commonwealth if the
aims of industry continue to be “merely material
production of wealth and things unrelated to
spiritual values” or social ends.<a id='r221'></a><a href='#f221' class='c014'><sup>[221]</sup></a> Women’s extended
entry into industry from 1915 to 1918 did
indeed bring social considerations into the conditions
of work, and some of these things remain.
Yet they can hardly last if they do not lead to
“the ordering, the comforting, and the beautiful
adornment of the State” in its organised industrial
capacity.</p>
<p class='c008'>During the time of the greatest zeal for introduction
of women as “substitutes” into men’s
industries, and well on into 1919, it seemed almost
at times to be forgotten how essentially noneconomic
and temporary both basis and framework
of the introduction were. Except as regards some
extensions within women’s own traditional industries,
women were in reality in these new places
simply as “substitutes,” and, in nearly all, under
a solemn covenant that it was solely for the duration
of the War. An entirely new peacetime departure
is needed for application of women’s freshly proven
powers to new industrial developments. In the
future women will surely attain their better industrial
status not as “substitutes,” not as secondary
men, but in their own fields (with aid of better
training), and also in other carefully chosen fields,
as joint labourers with men. The War emphasised
a very true and natural interchangeability of men
and women for many emergencies. The new
<span class='pageno' id='Page_246'>246</span>“Science of Labour” has perhaps come at the
very time of most need, with insistence on the
essential complementariness of the industrial aptitudes
of men and women.<a id='r222'></a><a href='#f222' class='c014'><sup>[222]</sup></a> There at least—in
industrial labour—their complete fusion would mean
an economic and social loss.</p>
<p class='c008'>While the hopeful expansion in industry following
very soon after the War lasted, there was a
remarkable, though temporary, re-absorption of
women into their own former occupations. They
took with them certain great gains from their recent
experiences. They brought into their old industrial
environment new ideas of fellowship as well as
knowledge of fresh processes and of better rates of
pay; they brought strengthened capacity for trade
union organisation as well as new ideas of the value
of intensive training. Not least, they brought a
new demand for better means at the works of
preparing and taking sufficient food, which is the
material foundation of all efficient labour.</p>
<p class='c008'>We may here sum up the possible permanent
gains to industry as well as to women themselves,
brought from their wartime experiences in factories,
ready for the time when expansion of trade again
begins.</p>
<p class='c008'>It has been seen that in many ways women have
far greater powers of endurance, activity, and enterprise—quite
apart from new forms of skill—than was
formerly admitted or expected of them. We know
that they gain in health by fresh kinds of outdoor
and labouring work not previously customary for
<span class='pageno' id='Page_247'>247</span>them. We have seen conclusive evidence of their
capacity to quickly become proficient at engineering
tasks—with the aid of semi-automatic machinery
that is often intricate—and of their powers of
sustained interest in such work under great pressure
for output.</p>
<p class='c008'>The enquiries and valuable memoranda of the
Health of Munition Workers Committee<a id='r223'></a><a href='#f223' class='c014'><sup>[223]</sup></a> brought
out, more completely than any previous official
reports had done, the practical importance of
selective care in setting women and young workers
on to work, as well as the need for the improved
personal conditions and skilled supervision by
women, that are considered in the next chapter.</p>
<p class='c008'>In addition to the gain of a higher standard in
women’s own expectation as regards their conditions,
there is a new atmosphere in the factories, traceable
to the women’s increased self-reliance engendered
by the appreciation that has been expressed for
their work and capacity. No one can realise this
more thoroughly than Women Factory Inspectors,
meeting it as they do on the spot, and there comparing
past and present. In a factory where
formerly a woman worker would not have disclosed
the fact that she belonged to a trade union, there
is a woman shop steward ready to come forward
and show the Inspector round, the manager expecting
her to do so.<a id='r224'></a><a href='#f224' class='c014'><sup>[224]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_248'>248</span>There is a new outlook on the possibility of
applying science as well as humanitarian motives
to use and care of labour. To no workers is this
more important than to women, with the dual
claims on them of home cares and breadwinning.
The studies of the Industrial Fatigue Research
Board have a special significance in their application
to women in industry.</p>
<p class='c008'>Another gain from War experiences peculiarly
affecting women—although it has also a much
wider bearing—is the very considerable testing
of the practical value of well-designed appliances,
adapted machinery and lifting tackle, for saving
human labour, quite apart from its power to lessen
cost of production. The aim of lessening human
toil for its own sake, not merely for commercial
reasons, has a new interest.</p>
<p class='c008'>Before the War there was for women and girls
in industry, outside one or two ancient skilled
occupations (such as weaving, high-class dressmaking),
so little arrangement for training that it
was negligible. During the War, by special organisation
of training for women substitutes and dilutees
in technical schools and colleges and in instructional
factories, women’s technical and personal capacity
was publicly measured. And for the first time
national resources were applied, under the kind of
direction that suited women, to adaptation of the
means of technical training in process work to the
results best obtainable from them. At last, there
was a demonstration on a scale sufficiently large to
make the truth incontrovertible, that women workers
are not necessarily the less valuable for production
<span class='pageno' id='Page_249'>249</span>to meet the nation’s daily need because their pace
and natural ways of working differ from those
suited to men.</p>
<p class='c008'>And with all these new lights came also the
political enfranchisement of women, which enables
them to survey with new eyes the too passive and
subordinate position that they have in the main
hitherto held in industry. Though from time to
time a set-back may occur, they are surely summoned
to take their full share in the building up of a better
industrial life for the people—as fellow-producers
with men, but with their “other” point of view as
guardians of the home.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_250'>250</span>
<h2 class='c006'>CHAPTER VIII<br> <span class='c013'>FACTORY WELFARE AND ITS RECOGNITION BY PARLIAMENT; WORKS’ COMMITTEES AND WELFARE MANAGEMENT</span></h2>
</div>
<p class='c016'>“The sweat of industry would dry and dye but for the
end it workes too.”</p>
<p class='c007'>“The sweat of industry!” It was in a factory
where excessively hot, heavy, and humid work, in
which women bore their share, was carried on that a
foreman once said to a Woman Factory Inspector:
“We are told that man should earn his bread in the
sweat of his brow, but here we earn it in the sweat of
the whole body.” The saying implied a sense of
the need of a new standard of control. It is with
a new social way of control that this final chapter is
concerned, and we were only at the beginning of
seeing what it might achieve when the period
covered by this book closes.</p>
<p class='c008'>Labour of a sustained kind, bodily or mental, is,
as it always has been, the lot of the greater part of
civilised mankind, and on the wealth it produces
depends the possibility of any means of ordinary
welfare for the community. Since the dawn of
history energy, and the sustained capacity for the
essentially human function of work,<a id='r225'></a><a href='#f225' class='c014'><sup>[225]</sup></a> have been the
test of racial quality, and the power of a people to
<span class='pageno' id='Page_251'>251</span>survive and develop has depended on power in some
measure to socialise the use of that function. And
yet, until the idea lately arose of analysing the
psychological and physiological capacity of the
human agent in industry, and of studying the
rhythm of fatigue and rest, custom and instinct
were the main, and sometimes the only, safeguards
of the natural pleasure of exercising this function.
Among the great majority of consumers of articles
produced by the factory system there was, even
more fixedly than among employers, a blind acceptance
of the fact that:</p>
<div class='lg-container-b c005'>
<div class='linegroup'>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>“... for them many a weary hand did swelt,</div>
<div class='line'>In torched mines and noisy factories....”</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<p class='c008'>They had little means of knowing definitely, however,
what it all involved, and it was a great encouragement
to the Inspectors to see, as the facts came
out gradually, through the publication of Annual
Reports of the Chief Inspector and of police court
proceedings, the growth of various societies for the
help of the workers.</p>
<p class='c008'>The overstrain, the overloading, and occasionally
the misuse of the delicate human motor that has
persistently characterised much of our factory
production even by young workers, can, in some
measure, be gathered from facts touched on in
Chapter IV. The frequent lack of simple conditions
and appliances conducive to energy and preventive
of unnecessary onset of fatigue has been seen in
Chapter II. And yet, in spite of all, the marvellous
capacity for much contentment, sometimes even joy,
in work never perished. “Weaving is a wonderful
<span class='pageno' id='Page_252'>252</span>art, you are never done learning,” was a saying,
expressing the enlightening power of thought, by a
Yorkshire textile trade unionist, but the pride with
which a woman weaver will inform you that she has
been reckoned “a champion weaver” tells the same
tale of the power that the exercise of skill in the old
trades had over workers’ minds (and thus over their
bodies). And the spirit appears in far humbler
workers, sometimes on apparently monotonous
work; even more strikingly did it appear in the new
processes opened up for women in the War.</p>
<p class='c008'>That “created man is made to create, from the
poet to the potter”<a id='r226'></a><a href='#f226' class='c014'><sup>[226]</sup></a> is an idea that in some degree,
however inadequately, has always been implicitly
accepted for men with their special aptitudes in
exercise of energy. As for women with their dual
service in social life, in the home as well as in productive
work, realisation of the essential part that
they played in industry was slow in coming, even
after the development in the early part of the
nineteenth century of textile industries on a great
scale by aid of women and children. It needed the
second great “industrial revolution,” referred to in
the last chapter, to make it plain to the whole
community that a great deal of women’s pre-War
industrial work was either more skilled or heavier
than had yet been generally admitted, and that,
whether skilled or heavy, it was indispensable to
the success and welfare of the trades into which it
entered. During that testing time the share that
women workers held in the racial reserve endowments
<span class='pageno' id='Page_253'>253</span>of endurance, adaptability, and capacity for
labour also came out clearly.</p>
<p class='c008'>While it was the unprecedented part played by
massed factory production in the Great War that
brought the essentially social service rendered by
industrial labour into public recognition, it was the
prominence of women’s share in it that finally made
legal provision for “welfare” possible.</p>
<p class='c008'>The injurious manner and extent of employment
of children in the beginning of the factory system
had, as we have seen,<a id='r227'></a><a href='#f227' class='c014'><sup>[227]</sup></a> first made possible any
effective Parliamentary intervention to secure elementary
conditions of health and safety in factories
and workshops. The experience and its lessons
were not forgotten, and it was almost common
ground between employers and the State in 1916
that rapidly extended employment of women and
girls must be accompanied with measures for their
welfare and safety to prevent injurious consequences
for society.</p>
<p class='c008'>Voluntary welfare, with here and there a little
co-operation from science, had grown up into a
conscious “movement” in industrial life in our
country during the twenty years preceding the
War. In its principles it differed little from those
of which Robert Owen reminded his fellow-manufacturers
in 1813 when he showed them that, just
as power-driven machinery was improved by being
carefully tended, kept clean, and well lubricated,
so the far more delicate living human motor could
be benefited if carefully studied and well cared for.
Yet the only possible basis on which the movement
<span class='pageno' id='Page_254'>254</span>could grow vigorously in such a factory
system as that of the nineteenth century was first
laid when State administration began effectually to
enforce on all employers alike national standards
in hours, health, safety, defence against industrial
diseases, and finally against sweated wages.</p>
<p class='c008'>Those reformers and administrators who wrought
ceaselessly between 1892 and 1914 to give effect to
new safeguards of health in the factory surroundings
of the worker were laying foundations, better than
they knew, for social aims in factory administration.
The Women Inspectors, indeed, as we have seen,
had persistently invited employers to pass on from
hygiene in the factory to better care of the welfare
of the workers, but they never doubted that completion
of the former was the indispensable groundwork
of voluntary welfare.</p>
<p class='c008'>A new stage and a new opportunity for the factory
system in Great Britain began when, in 1916,
Parliament first made provision for “securing the
welfare of the workers,”<a id='r228'></a><a href='#f228' class='c014'><sup>[228]</sup></a> and when (almost at the
same moment) statesmen and administrators called
for the aid, in many ways, of joint industrial councils
of employers and workers who could follow up
welfare provisions and help to make them correspond
to the needs of the workers. The legal provision
by itself could carry “welfare” only a little
way: development of the means of co-operation
between workers and employers, and between both
of them and the Factory Inspectors and scientific
investigators, was an indispensable adjunct in this
<span class='pageno' id='Page_255'>255</span>new enterprise. The very unrest and suspicion
that met some of the first systematic attempts of
managers at welfare supervision, in controlled
munition factories lacking representative works’
committees, made that plain.</p>
<p class='c008'>The legal provisions in the Act of 1916 were
framed, of course, for the welfare of both men and
women workers, but it was the large-scale introduction
of women substitutes and dilutees into men’s
trades, and their migration by tens of thousands
to centres of munitions production, that, in fact,
had made the starting-point for the new socialising
measure. And so, at last, in factory production
we had come full circle, and “the guiding ideas of
women in regard to conditions essential for a good
industrial life of both men and women” could
begin to influence industrial life, openly and unofficially,
as well as through Inspectors and a few
enlightened employers. Scientific aid from many
investigators could also be brought to bear effectively
on the task of civilising working conditions when a true
social structure in factory production had once begun.</p>
<p class='c008'>In England, work of a scientific kind for the reform
of the factory system had been hitherto occupied
chiefly in the directions shown in the chapter on
dangerous processes. From the Continent of
Europe<a id='r229'></a><a href='#f229' class='c014'><sup>[229]</sup></a> came the earliest direct researches of
physiologists and psychologists into causes and
prevention of industrial fatigue and into the possibilities
<span class='pageno' id='Page_256'>256</span>of vocational selection of workers; while
from America came “motion study” and the work
of the efficiency expert. True to the humanitarian
bent as a whole of her factory legislation, it was
Great Britain that first planned a statutory basis
for promoting the welfare of industrial workers.
It is open to one to wonder whether this factor was
not decisive in leading to the great place given in the
Peace Treaty to constructive work by the League
of Nations for the social welfare of labour.</p>
<p class='c008'>Before attempting to sketch the legal and administrative
position in promotion of the welfare of the
factory worker in Great Britain between 1916 and
1921, the completing of the outline of the story told
in this book requires a backward glance at some of
the experiences of the Inspectors while voluntary
welfare grew up. Without the pioneer work of
employers by works’ welfare committees and other
agencies encouraged by the sympathy and advice
of the Inspectors, and without the long succession
of Inspectors’ Reports recording that work, the
legislative step would have been difficult if not
impracticable.</p>
<p class='c008'>We can neither here treat the subject of factory
welfare systematically, nor attempt to cover ground
now being gradually covered by textbooks and
pamphlets. We are concerned simply with the
voluntary growth of attention to the matter before
1916 in an economic system that was built up on
a theory adverse to its implications, and with the
immediate outcome of the new legal experiment.<a id='r230'></a><a href='#f230' class='c014'><sup>[230]</sup></a>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_257'>257</span>When the great pressure came for munitions and all
the indispensable commodities in the field of war, the
voluntary movement had gained so much experience
that it was possible to make strikingly rapid application
of measures and means for canteens, first-aid
and ambulance work, cloakrooms and washing
conveniences, suitable protective clothing for very
varied processes, rest rooms, recreation for the large
new aggregations of workers in crowded centres,
some trained welfare supervision—in fact, for all
the specific subjects that were included in Section 7
of the Act of 1916 as primâ faciê necessary to
the health and welfare of the workers. Selection
of workers for particular types of operations and
some increased care for prevention of unnecessary
fatigue naturally followed. The scattered efforts
and examples, all over the country and in every
kind of industry, were rapidly wrought up into an
officially guided movement by the combined efforts
of Departments concerned, under the Home Office,
the Ministry of Munitions, the Ministry of Labour,
and last, but not least, by the Canteen Committee
of the Board of Control (Liquor Traffic), and by
the non-executive Committee above-mentioned, the
Health of Munitions Workers Committee, with all
its important published memoranda.</p>
<p class='c008'>Before all else in the welfare movement it was
the work for canteens, for access by the hard-pressed
munition workers to something like adequate food
decently cooked and conveniently served, that was
<span class='pageno' id='Page_258'>258</span>the decisive factor in enabling them to sustain
their intense fatigue. The great need in many
places for tolerable means of preparing and taking
food at or near the works had been the earliest and
most strongly expressed of all the demands of the
woman worker for elementary means of welfare.
For years the most frequent of the complaints I
had to classify in my annual reports as “outside
the Acts” was that messrooms (or food and drinking
water) were not accessible or not well maintained;
and many workers found it hard to understand or
believe that the law did not intervene in this matter
except where dangerous processes came under
special regulations or where poisonous materials
were handled.</p>
<p class='c008'>The success of the movement for canteens in those
years of war strain has effected a completely changed
outlook on the question in the factories themselves,
that makes the past conditions remembered by
the Factory Inspectors—especially between the
years from 1893 to 1903—seem now well nigh
incredible. For no workers was this change more
greatly needed than for the poorly fed women and
girl workers. The first time, however, that I
specifically used the word “welfare” in an annual
report in connection with lack of means for the
personal well-being of the workers was, not as
regards either food or rest, but as regards the
incomprehensible general failure to supply means
of maintaining personal cleanliness, which came
especially to the front in 1899 in the early pressure
of preparing soldiers’ rations in another war. The
failure to include the matter in the English Factory
<span class='pageno' id='Page_259'>259</span>Acts was the more difficult to understand when one
saw how carefully access to washing conveniences
was provided for in French and German codes.
“Employers,” I said, “who have sufficient ...
interest in such matters to make the experiment,
quickly find their profit in provision for the welfare
of their work-women, in particular those which
tend to raise the whole standard of self-respect
among them.” And again: “The need for washing
appliances, increasingly felt among the women and
girls, has a moral and social value as well as a strictly
hygienic aspect. It is a matter for surprise how
frequently the effort is made in the most unlikely
and difficult circumstances by working women to
turn homeward with a neat and cleanly appearance.”<a id='r231'></a><a href='#f231' class='c014'><sup>[231]</sup></a>
On the moral and social side, the right and claim
of the woman worker to have her conditions of
work supervised by competent women appeared
to the Woman Inspector, from the outset, the only
effective remedy for many kinds of complaints that,
like the lack of canteens, were “outside the Acts.”</p>
<p class='c008'>And trained women’s superintendence was also
conceded during the Great War, not only in the
controlled and national factories, but in the factories
where the Home Office granted exceptional
hours under an Emergency Order or urged the substitution
of women to secure the release of men.
It was contended by a workers’ delegate, in 1917,
at an inter-city conference in Sheffield of local
advisory committees, that “welfare” is an ethical
and spiritual matter more than it is a material one;
<span class='pageno' id='Page_260'>260</span>she was sure that working women would always
press for the former elements. However strongly
one sees that both material and spiritual or ethical
elements are inherent in the very meaning of
“welfare,”<a id='r232'></a><a href='#f232' class='c014'><sup>[232]</sup></a> one must pay tribute to the prominence
of the latter element in the complaints from factory
womanhood.</p>
<p class='c008'>In 1900 I was able to quote, from the Inspectors,
testimony to the growth of instances of welfare
supervision in factories, where women of intelligence,
refinement, and kindliness are placed as
superintendents or forewomen and exercise a wonderful
influence for good over the workers whom
they control.<a id='r233'></a><a href='#f233' class='c014'><sup>[233]</sup></a> At the same time instances were
shown of very great need for such control, and in
various subsequent years it appeared that it was
frequently from such places that serious complaints
came. In great food-producing, sugar, confectionery,
and other factories, the names of manufacturers
of world-fame are well known as pioneers
in this movement, but in the older and greater
textile industries employers were slower in taking
a definite share in it. When, in 1907, some striking
examples were given of introduction into large
textile mills of <i>trained</i> women superintendents
(the first note of a professional stamp in such
appointments), the aim was specifically given as
“an experiment ... to bring about a higher
standard of civilisation.” The manager explained
that he was of the opinion that “a woman’s influence
<span class='pageno' id='Page_261'>261</span>was needed in his mill and that he proposed
to appoint a woman whose duty it would be to
supervise health conditions ... ventilation, temperature,
humidity, cleanliness, the registration of
all Home Office requirements, the passing of the
children by the certifying surgeon, the supervision
of dining-room and catering arrangements, and
occasional visiting of cases of distress.” A doctor
was also appointed, arrangements were made for
special access of the children to public baths, for
good meals for the half-timers; and various other
amenities followed.<a id='r234'></a><a href='#f234' class='c014'><sup>[234]</sup></a> It was frequently the motive
of improving the standard of health that caused
thoughtful employers to embark on these schemes,
and always in such cases efforts were made to
provide access to wholesome food at prices within
the reach of the workers. The other side of the
picture may be seen in the following words from
Miss Whitworth in the same year:</p>
<p class='c015'>“Young girls of fourteen frequently go to work
with only three-halfpence or twopence with which
to provide their dinner in Poplar and Hackney;
this kind of worker is greatly in need of some place
like the ‘Welcome Institute’ (Isle of Dogs), where
she can get a proper meal for that price. Although
some employers have dining-rooms provided with
ovens and women employed to cater for the workers,
there are places where the girls have not even seats
that they can use in the mealtime, and they take
their food sitting on the floor, in paper-sorting
works, in laundries, in rope works, and others;
cloakrooms are almost unknown. One finds hats
and coats bundled together in passages, under
<span class='pageno' id='Page_262'>262</span>tables, and along the walls of workrooms and anywhere
except in properly warmed cloakrooms.
When girls come a long way to work they do need
to have somewhere to dry their clothes and boots
on wet mornings.”<a id='r235'></a><a href='#f235' class='c014'><sup>[235]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>For years, and perhaps most pressingly from
1906 to 1913, the Inspectors had emphasised the
importance of these and allied matters, and the
urgent need for reform. Their communications,
as far back as 1902, aroused outside sympathies as
well as the attention of employers: the Christian
Social Union Research Committee made independent
enquiry into it, and this stimulated among various
social workers a movement for opening simple
dining-rooms in localities where there were many
workgirls employed in factories or workshops far
from their homes, and in these some of the help and
comfort of a club was provided. The evils of lack
of any care, supervision, or comfort at mealtime
pauses was strikingly obvious where workers were
legally bound to be excluded from workrooms
during mealtimes because of the presence of dust,
acid, or other matter in the manufacture, making
the place unsuited for the consumption of food.</p>
<p class='c008'>It would take too long to quote from records of
our earlier work in this connection. The evil was
sufficiently brought out through the enquiry in
1911 (already referred to) by Miss Whitlock, M.B.,
into dusty processes in the Midlands. She said then:</p>
<p class='c015'>“Absence of a messroom or of proper washing
accommodation was the rule in the Sheffield buffing
shops, and quite common in the Birmingham ones.
<span class='pageno' id='Page_263'>263</span>The rule forbidding the taking of meals in these
shops was absolutely neglected, and the conditions
under which the women ate their meals were sometimes
appalling. In combined asbestos and rubber
works, where the dust of some rooms and the
naphtha fumes in others might certainly suggest
the desirability of a messroom, this was not infrequently
wanting. It is, of course, quite common
to find wet spinning rooms with numbers of workers
sitting on cloths on the wet floor to take their
dinner—and upturned tins in carding rooms—because
seats or tables for the occasion, even where a messroom
is provided, cleanliness, proper heating, and
a cheerful appearance, are by no means common.
At one factory the messroom was known amongst
the girls as the ‘dead house,’ and certainly the
resemblance to a mortuary was not imaginary.
At another I found shortly before the dinner a
temperature of 40°F., and was informed that the
heating apparatus had been out of order for some
time.”<a id='r236'></a><a href='#f236' class='c014'><sup>[236]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>The formation of two dinner clubs by an association
of factory girls in Sheffield followed on the
Inspector’s systematic instructions to occupiers
that the section enjoining exclusion from dusty
workrooms during mealtimes must be obeyed.
Similar results followed the same kind of concentrated
work in other towns. Employers gave some
help to the movement, and it developed into greater
local activity during the great production of munitions.</p>
<p class='c008'>Many interesting examples reported in the years
1908 to 1912, both of good and careful provision,
and its total absence, drove home the importance
<span class='pageno' id='Page_264'>264</span>of direct endeavour by manufacturers to promote
conditions of ordinary human welfare in their
factories for the workers who spend so many hours
in them. One Inspector would comment on the
“pathetic gratitude” of rag-sorters for a decent
mealroom in districts where any provision at all
was rare:</p>
<p class='c015'>“The subject is one of the utmost importance
for workers, who often leave home at 5.30 a.m., or
earlier, and have nearly an hour’s walk. They have
to take their food with them, and the only means of
warming it is the steam-heated sink in the yard....
I counted nine confectioners’ and fried-fish shops
in three-quarters of a mile in a main road all besieged
by workers during the dinner hour.”</p>
<p class='c008'>Another Inspector would urge that nothing could
exceed the discomfort in which meals were often
taken, the food on the edge of a workbench covered
with work that must not suffer from contact; the
worker seated on the most unrestful kind of stool.<a id='r237'></a><a href='#f237' class='c014'><sup>[237]</sup></a>
In 1909 and 1910 Miss Escreet repeated the special
requests of cardboard box makers for seats to
obviate (as they said) the necessity for sitting either
on the table or the floor at mealtimes—their work
being mostly done standing, and messrooms and
cloakrooms being then almost unknown luxuries
in that industry. “In the large places gas-cooking
stoves are provided and a woman is kept who serves
the workers in various ways, warming their meals,
heating their glue, etc., but for these benefits the
workers generally pay at least in part.”</p>
<p class='c008'>Just as the question of proper canteens and messroom
<span class='pageno' id='Page_265'>265</span>arrangements was bound up with organisation
and good welfare superintendence, so also did other
items appear to be associated with it in the Inspector’s
reports—<i>e.g.</i>, suitable protective clothing for
those engaged in dusty or dirty processes, in excessively
wet or excessively hot processes, in use of
acid or caustic liquids, or in working about dangerous
machines. Cloakroom arrangements and
their care were specially closely bound up with the
possibility of securing responsible supervision—and
for years in many places the difficulty of
getting any adequate attention to seating arrangements
proved on the whole one of the most intractable
problems that the Inspector had to deal with,
so long as seats remained a matter “outside the
Acts.” Complaints continued year after year of
the strain of standing occupations, of disciplinary
refusal by foremen to allow workers to sit down
at all during spells of work, of vibration jarring
the nervous system through ordinary chairs or
while standing. Seats remained in this category
down to 1916, and great must have been the loss to
industry as well as to individual workers through
the long years when conservation of strength by
reasonably good seating arrangements was widely
neglected and sometimes ignorantly opposed by
managers.</p>
<p class='c008'>In 1907, for example, repeated complaints were
received of lack of seats, and some could not be
remedied through unwillingness of employers to
accept advice on the subject. In a factory where
in the previous year the injury to health to girls
had been shown and advice tendered, it was found
<span class='pageno' id='Page_266'>266</span>in 1907 that stools had been provided for only thirty-seven
out of three hundred little girls, most of them
being between thirteen and fifteen years of age.</p>
<p class='c008'>“Many looked delicate and weary, and said
they got very tired before the end of the morning
and afternoon spells of work, standing as they did
for five hours at a time ... some seemed to be
suffering from swollen legs and feet or from debility....
Reference was made to the certifying surgeon,
who suspended one from employment and urged
the employer to provide seats for the others. After
much persuasion the employer undertook to increase
the seating accommodation, yet when the surgeon
attempted to qualify his certificate with the proviso
that the girl must be provided with a seat this
employer said that any girl whose certificate was
so qualified should be discharged.” In such ways
did the need for simple direct regulation of these
matters become abundantly evident. In a spinning
factory where seats had been provided for the preparers,
one woman told the Inspector that she had
left a factory where she was earning sixpence a
week more in order to work at this factory where
she would have a seat, and “now she was ready
for another day’s work every evening.”<a id='r238'></a><a href='#f238' class='c014'><sup>[238]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>“The custom of employing half-time children
on their feet ‘buttoning’ at shirt factories in Lancashire,
on the alternate day system, so that they
stood for ten hours on the alternate days, was found
by the Women Inspectors to be most unsatisfactory.
In a few factories seats were provided at their
request by the occupiers, but in some places persuasion
<span class='pageno' id='Page_267'>267</span>failed: the children worked rapidly, and it
was said they could not get through the same
amount if they sat at tables.”<a id='r239'></a><a href='#f239' class='c014'><sup>[239]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>One felt how closely all this was allied to the overstrain
touched on above in Chapter IV. in weight
lifting and carrying, and through overpressure in
various ways. In its many manifestations overstrain
of young workers seemed elusive of direct
prohibition, and more amenable to control by well-developed
welfare superintendence in touch with
a department thoroughly versed in prevention of
industrial fatigue. Constructive work starting from
a rational basis apparently becomes inevitable for
administration after the first stage of prevention
of gross abuse has been passed.</p>
<p class='c008'>First-aid and ambulance work in the factory
system was clearly a foremost point in welfare work,
and has already been touched on in the chapter on
dangerous processes and accidents. Development
of Workmen’s Compensation Acts greatly strengthened
the argument for it among enlightened
managers, and in many large Midland factories a
well-equipped ambulance room, with a fully trained
nurse, had afforded considerable experience before
the War came, bringing new developments of this
safeguard of health and life as well as of limbs.
Even in 1911 a Factory Inspector wrote:</p>
<p class='c015'>“On visiting a large factory recently I was
interested to find a rest room in which there were
four couches. Two of them were occupied by girls
who were sleeping soundly. I was informed that
this room was often used by girls not feeling well
<span class='pageno' id='Page_268'>268</span>or tired, and that the renewed vigour with which
the workers returned to work after a few hours’
rest soon made up for the loss of time.”<a id='r240'></a><a href='#f240' class='c014'><sup>[240]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>In 1912 a large factory in Coventry, where
hundreds of young girls were employed, was reported
on by Miss Whitlock. A nurse was employed by
the firm whose sole duty was to look after the
health of the workers, and she had a small surgery
at which she attended to any slight injuries—of
which there were forty-nine on the day of this
inspection. A doctor called daily and could be
consulted by the workers without charge. Messrooms,
where dinners could be cheaply obtained,
and an open-air swimming bath were provided.
In a large surgical-dressings factory the plan was
adopted of having a social welfare secretary to care
for the health and welfare of the two to three hundred
girls, and here a rest room was part of the equipment.
The cleanliness of the workrooms was itself
a lesson in hygiene. In the same year there were
again examples given by the Women Inspectors,
showing the boundless room for growth of general
welfare work and of the more pressing safeguard
of supervision of girls’ labour by trained women
superintendents. In a large printing works in a
small provincial town, where 120 women worked
among 600 men, an Inspector found no foreman and
no women in charge. There had been a complaint
of behaviour to the Inspector, and she found the
manager anxious about the tone of his factory and
<span class='pageno' id='Page_269'>269</span>ready to welcome her visit. She urged the appointment
of women overseers, and this was promised.<a id='r241'></a><a href='#f241' class='c014'><sup>[241]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>In the year 1909 a step of some consequence to
the movement was taken in the convening at Bournville,
Birmingham, by Mr. Cadbury, of the first
general conference of social secretaries, welfare
superintendents, and manageresses, to consider the
aims and results of their work.<a id='r242'></a><a href='#f242' class='c014'><sup>[242]</sup></a> At this conference
some very practical and helpful papers were read.
By invitation I spoke on the basis existing in the
national standards laid down in the Factory Acts,
for the working out in individual factories of the
personal health and welfare of the workers, and I
asked them to look into and consider fatigue and
its prevention. Discussion arose on the means,
legal and voluntary, for improving both the conditions
in factories and the physical and industrial
fitness of the workers. There was a marked gain
in such meetings and discussions, leading as they
did to the clearing up of ideas, that at that stage
were bound to be a little vague, on the main objects
of welfare superintendence and their relationship to
the production of wealth. The majority of welfare
supervisors present at the conference in 1909 would
have been surprised if they could have heard the
high estimate of their calling to be expressed in 1918
by Professor Urwick. “This is a skilled job,” he
said, “so skilled that it is beyond the scope of anyone
who has not made a careful study of the conditions
of it ... it requires essentially detachment
as well as knowledge.” However high the estimate
<span class='pageno' id='Page_270'>270</span>was to be, there was certainly room throughout for
ancillary welfare workers as well, and these early
conferences strengthened the professional spirit in
the calling. Partly from them and also from the
interest shown by leading employers came a new
movement in the provincial Universities—following
an older one within the London University<a id='r243'></a><a href='#f243' class='c014'><sup>[243]</sup></a>—to
provide some training for such social workers by
hygiene and social welfare courses and diplomas.
This growth led again, in 1917 and also in 1920,
through the war conditions of industry to conferences
on training, officially convened at the Home
Office, between representatives of Universities,
employers, leading welfare managers, and the
Factory Department.</p>
<p class='c008'>Perusal of the pages, concerned with the increase
of welfare work in the experience of the Women
Inspectors in the Annual Report for 1913,<a id='r244'></a><a href='#f244' class='c014'><sup>[244]</sup></a> published
but a few months before the great industrial upheaval
of the War, gives a strong impression of
growth in the employers’ interest in welfare, and of
the vitality of a desire among an increasing number
of them to secure for employees much better conditions
of work than can be laid down in an Act
of Parliament. The value of this growth lay not
only in the details of work done by the social secretary
or superintendent in organising medical, dental,
or nursing facilities for care of the health of the
workers, methods of cleansing workrooms, organising
messing arrangements, bathing and washing
<span class='pageno' id='Page_271'>271</span>conveniences, suitable protective clothing, restful
seating arrangements. Behind and above it all was
the possibility of making the “social helper most
important to the workers and a real help to the
carrying out of the spirit of the Factory and Workshop
Act. An Inspector may remind an occupier
that his factory must be kept in a cleanly state,
but unless there is some woman permanently on
the premises who will organise and look into the
details of the cleansing, and suggest contrivances
for the purpose, it is seldom properly done. Four
firms visited in 1913 had arranged classes for their
work-people and ... for technical training ...
most social workers had the initiation of social clubs
in their charge ... clubs for sports as well as
gardening.”<a id='r245'></a><a href='#f245' class='c014'><sup>[245]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>In 1914 we passed from peaceful promotion of
welfare to warfare, and a new note had to be struck
immediately. “How greatly,” said Miss Squire,
“the army of industrial workers need a commissariat
department to cater for them during their
days of active service will perhaps be better realised
now that the public attention has been rivetted on
the victualling of our soldiers in camp and on the
front. If ‘an army fights on its stomach’ is it
not also true that a factory works on it?” The
answer came promptly to this and to similar questions
that had long been asked, apparently vainly,
by the Inspectors about the needs of industrial
workers. In an East End social restaurant, where
the midday meal was served daily to a hundred
workers from a neighbouring factory, the superintendent
<span class='pageno' id='Page_272'>272</span>and her helpers had for years deplored the
insufficiency of the dinner purchased by the young
girls under sixteen, and they could scarcely refrain
from supplying more than was paid for. “One
day soon after the War broke out there was such
a run on meat-and-vegetable dinners that the supply
was not equal to the demand ... the wages had
that day been raised voluntarily by the occupier to
the proposed Trade Board rate; the effect was
immediate and continued ... a striking answer
to those who cling to the theory that an increase
in wages is of no substantial value to a girl.”<a id='r246'></a><a href='#f246' class='c014'><sup>[246]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>By the close of 1915 an entirely new position and
outlook had been opened for girls and women in
industry. In demand for their labour, in wages,
in conditions, and in the possibilities of their output,
the situation had led to a “systematic introduction
of hygienic safeguards that Factory Inspectors
had advocated for many years ... supervision of
women by women, provision of means of personal
cleanliness, proper meal and rest rooms and qualified
nurses” in the factories. There was a “new
general awakening to the dependance of sufficient
output on the welfare of the human agent.”<a id='r247'></a><a href='#f247' class='c014'><sup>[247]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>This awakening was strikingly expressed in the
formation of the Welfare Department by the
Minister of Munitions, for promoting the means of
such welfare in controlled and national factories.
This department had as its first Director an employer
experienced in the successful promotion of
industrial welfare experiments in his own factories,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_273'>273</span>Mr. Seebohm Rowntree. At his wish I supplied
him with detailed surveys of the munition factories,
made by the Women Inspectors. Before the end
of 1916 he was supplied with 1,396 surveys relating
to the welfare conditions of nearly 200,000 women
and girls, classified according to the degree of urgency
for his attention: 31 per cent. of the factories
were in the first and best class, 49 per cent. in the
second, and 20 per cent. in the third class. In
the second and third classes were placed factories
lacking in varying degrees and combinations,
means for preparing and taking food, cloakrooms
and washing conveniences, first-aid or rest rooms,
seats, and suitable supervision. One must remember
that in many instances the workers travelled
daily long distances with only defective means of
transport, and most were working twelve-hour
(day and night) shifts. Great progress was made
during the year in so transforming the conditions
in many of the factories as to qualify them for
advance to a higher class. A great stimulus was
given to supply of welfare superintendents by the
forming of a panel of likely persons and by giving
them access to intensive training. While mistakes
were unavoidably made in the rush to supply the
need, employers being free to make their own
choice, a remarkable proportion of capable and
a few highly distinguished welfare administrators
were put up by the movement. Medical women,
moreover, had, and made good use of, a new and
important channel for experience as medical officers
of great national factories.</p>
<p class='c008'>The supply of surveys and reports from the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_274'>274</span>Factory Department to the Welfare Department,
Ministry of Munitions, continued, while co-operation
with dilution officers also developed until well on
into 1917. One of the Medical Inspectors of Factories,
Dr. Collis, then succeeded Mr. Rowntree
in charge of the Welfare Department, and early in
1918 Miss Squire, Deputy Principal Lady Inspector
of Factories, passed into charge of the Women’s
Welfare in that Department. Thus a kind of fusion
of the emergency wartime department with the
peacetime department for industrial welfare preceded
the end of the War and the rapid closing
of the munition factories that followed. The making
of Welfare Orders by the Secretary of State had,
however, begun in October, 1917, under the powers
given by the Act of 1916.</p>
<p class='c008'>In “The School Child” that Act was pleasantly
described as a “little Police Act,” by which “the
Home Secretary obtained large powers to compel
the provisions of many measures for the welfare of
the workers in factories and workshops.” It was
there also truly designated as “in fact, a large
extension of the Factory Acts,” dependent in some
degree on the reception given to it by the workers.
The prompt issue of a summary of the operative
clause of the Act, in “School Child Leaflet No. 14,”
is one of the many straws then floating about that
one can gather up now, showing that a new wind
of the spirit was blowing in the industrial affairs
of the nation. As I said, however, at the Birmingham
Congress of the Royal Sanitary Institute in
1920:</p>
<p class='c015'><span class='pageno' id='Page_275'>275</span>“Only after the Great War was it generally
realised how largely the personal welfare and health
of manual labourers rest on their own co-operation
in ... demand for, and use of all the new means
placed by development of science and advancing
humanitarian and Christian ideals at the disposal
of industry, and how important it is to have trained
technical assistance in developing the full use of all
these means in each workplace.”</p>
<p class='c008'>A skilled workman in a large factory, president of
his union (a craft union), and taking a leading part
both on the works’ committee and the district
committee of the joint industrial council of his
trade, said to me in the summer of 1920 that he
believed that the workers had it in their power (if
they could only see it), in co-operation with the
employers, to do no less than recreate their work
and surroundings.</p>
<p class='c008'>At the time of the passing of the “little Police
Act,”<a id='r248'></a><a href='#f248' class='c014'><sup>[248]</sup></a> in 1916, there was some apprehension
amongst the few workers’ leaders who took any
notice of it that it might mean no more (at the
worst) than some new kind of efficiency engineering
or possibly (less objectionably) a mere revival
of philanthropy by employers. Employers themselves
appeared to be too busy to take notice of the
Act before it was passed, and it quickly and quietly
became law, the only amendments being such as to
strengthen the provision for initiative by the workers
in working out details.</p>
<p class='c008'>The Act provided that, “where it appears to the
Secretary of State that the conditions and circumstances
of employment or the nature of the processes
<span class='pageno' id='Page_276'>276</span>carried on in any factory or workshop are
such as to require special provision to be made at
the factory or workshop for securing the welfare of
the workers or any class of workers employed therein
in relation to the matters to which this section
applies, he may by order require the occupier to
make such reasonable provision therefor as may
be specified in the order, and if the occupier fails
to comply with the requirements of the order or
any of them, the factory or workshop shall be
deemed not to be kept in conformity with the
Factory Act, 1901.” Meals, drinking water, protective
clothing, ambulance and first-aid, seats,
facilities for washing, accommodation for clothing,
and supervision were the subjects particularly
specified as covered by the section, but power was
given to the Secretary of State to extend it to other
matters, and rest rooms have since been added.<a id='r249'></a><a href='#f249' class='c014'><sup>[249]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'>“Orders may be made for a particular factory or
workshop, or for factories or workshops of any class
or group or description.” The first order, dated
October 5, 1917, provided for simple welfare arrangements
for workers in tinplate factories, with their
rough and heavy processes in which women have
been employed for many years.<a id='r250'></a><a href='#f250' class='c014'><sup>[250]</sup></a> The second order
<span class='pageno' id='Page_277'>277</span>of the same date provided for a wholesome supply
of drinking water at convenient points with suitable
drinking vessels in all factories and workshops in
which twenty-five or more persons are employed.
The third order, dated October 12, 1917, was of
great significance, providing in detail for first-aid
and ambulance arrangements in large groups of
metal factories, where the greatest number of
accidents, fatal and non-fatal, are reported (including
blast furnaces, copper mills, iron mills, foundries,
and metal works). The same provisions were
applied, in an order of November 8, 1918, to sawmills
and factories in which articles of wood are
manufactured, the next greatest accident producing
group of works. First-aid was, however, also required
in various other classes of works, for which
general welfare orders were made; for example,
works in which bichromate of potassium is used in
dyeing, March 22, 1918; oilcake mills, July 21, 1919;
laundries, April 23, 1920; gut scraping, July 28,
1920; gutting, salting, and packing herring in
Norfolk and Suffolk, September 9, 1920. By the
beginning of March, 1921, fifteen orders had been
made, of which ten made various requirements for
particular industries. The interesting progress made
in development of these general welfare orders may
be followed in the chapters on welfare in the Annual
Reports of the Chief Inspector from 1918 onwards.<a id='r251'></a><a href='#f251' class='c014'><sup>[251]</sup></a></p>
<p class='c008'><span class='pageno' id='Page_278'>278</span>The Act further provided that “orders may be
made contingent in respect of particular requirements
upon application being made by a specified
number or proportion of the workers concerned, and
may prescribe the manner in which the views of
the workers are to be ascertained,” and may “provide
for the workers concerned being associated in the
management of the arrangements, accommodation,
or other facilities for which provision is made where
a proportion of the cost is contributed by the
workers; but no contribution shall be required from
the workers in any factory or workshop, except for
the purpose of providing additional or special
benefits which, in the opinion of the Secretary of
State, could not reasonably be required to be provided
by the employer alone, and unless two-thirds
at least of the workers affected in that factory or
workshop, on their views being obtained in the
prescribed manner, assent.”</p>
<p class='c008'>Under these latter provisions no order had been
made before the close of 1921, but the way is clearly
open for a new initiative by the workers, and in
many factories a share in management of welfare
arrangements by workers through works’ welfare
committees had indeed begun before the War.
This share was further developed during the War
and has blossomed out in many new ways since
1918. In 1916, in a large national factory, I
found a workers’ welfare committee, elected on
their own initiative, fully developed with an income
of £50 a week. The committee members were nearly
equally men and women, representing every branch
of work, one member representing the management.
<span class='pageno' id='Page_279'>279</span>The funds were raised by agreed deductions
from wages, no other collections being allowed in
the factory. Regular subscriptions were made to
local hospitals, dispensaries, and to prisoner-of-war
funds. Newspapers were provided daily in
the canteen and concerts arranged twice weekly.
“Whatever we want we can have,” said a member
of the committee to me in describing the activities
of his committee.<a id='r252'></a><a href='#f252' class='c014'><sup>[252]</sup></a> In a printing works in 1918 a
shop committee, consisting of eleven members, two
representing the employers and nine the workers
(four the women and five the men), looked after all
the welfare arrangements, including management
of the canteen, alterations in hours, and wages
questions. When the Factory Inspector found the
five hours’ spell being exceeded, the alterations
necessary in arrangements of work were made by
the shop committee. In a northern tailoring
factory employing many women there was, in 1917,
and still flourishing in 1921, a “Workers’ Trustees
Council” on which workers of over ten years’
standing in the factory served. Their special
function was to consider and report to the firm
suggestions made by the workers, and some of the
most fundamental, with regard to hours, have been
carried into effect. In a large stationery factory—where
a Whitley Works Council dealt with employment,
wages, and staff questions—a specially elected
<span class='pageno' id='Page_280'>280</span>committee dealt with the canteen and sports questions,
and special education and health officers with
continuation classes and sanitation and health
questions; the whole welfare organisation was
known as the “Personal Service Department.”
In a woollen factory with representative committees
and with well-developed canteen, rest, and recreation
rooms and other provisions for health and
welfare, the works’ welfare magazine took the
name <cite>Service</cite>, and its first editorial, May, 1919,
said: “We want to prove to the world that the
primary function of industry is service.”</p>
<p class='c008'>Examples could be multiplied from the experience
of the Inspectorate of various types of works’
committees with practical co-operation of workers
and management. These committees, building on
a basis of fairness in wages and other fundamentals,
showed that a very good cement had been found
in joint work for welfare, for the building up of
peaceful industrial relationships, even before the
formal development of joint councils of the Whitley
type had begun. It has been one of the great satisfactions
for the Inspectorate, when preparing by
systematic enquiry for welfare orders or for the
making of welfare pamphlets, to come upon long,
modest, almost unnoticed, histories of welfare
institutions in old-fashioned mills and factories.
There is, as Prince Kropotkin pointed out in his
“Fields, Factories, and Workshops,” a survival
all over England of smaller factories and industries
helping to keep alive an older social atmosphere
than that of the “factory system.” Something
has certainly lived on in our country that partly
<span class='pageno' id='Page_281'>281</span>accounts for the definite experience, that representative
works’ committees can revive or replace
the more personal relationships formerly existing
between management and workers in manufactures.</p>
<p class='c008'>Returning for a moment to the legal and official
provision for the workers’ share in welfare activities,
the sudden falling away of employment in the
summer of 1920 limited the developments in this
direction, so far as individual factories are concerned,
for the remainder of the period with which
this book deals. In the larger matter of consultation
with joint councils for trades, when draft orders
were considered for welfare and for regulation of
dangerous processes or other matters, great progress
has been made—<i>e.g.</i>, in the furniture, laundry,
pottery, building, and silk trades. The Home Office
steadily proceeded with the making of welfare orders,
which were generally received with enthusiasm by
workers and by many employers as instalments of
reforms long overdue; also with the helpful series
of welfare pamphlets<a id='r253'></a><a href='#f253' class='c014'><sup>[253]</sup></a> designed to spread a requisite
knowledge of successful experiments on which
good hygienic and welfare arrangements can be
built up in factories and workshops.</p>
<p class='c008'>At the onset of the almost catastrophic degree of
unemployment in 1920—at the moment when
industry appeared to be in full flow of life and
energy—the interest of the community swung
<span class='pageno' id='Page_282'>282</span>round inevitably from the evolution of a better
order within industry to the primary problem of
restoration of that ebbing life and energy. Never
could the mutual interdependence of aims for successful
application of material and labour in industry
and for health and welfare of the human agent in
production be more conclusively shown. Nor
could the social and economic value of institutions
making for harmonious co-operation between
organisers of industry and the manual workers, in
constructive self-government within the factory
system, be more dramatically demonstrated.</p>
<p class='c008'>It had been a splendid and cheering experience
at the brief time of activity, when the women and
girl munitioners and substitutes for men were being
re-absorbed in their old occupations, in 1919 to
1920, to learn from the Inspectors who were revisiting
textile and clothing factories, laundries,
potteries, ropeworks, and other peacetime industries
of women, of the new demands for improved conditions
that the women were making and with good
effect. It was the more cheering because the women
had behaved very well in the unselfish spirit in
which they had gone out from their interesting
temporary occupations. They left new welfare
behind them for the returning men, and they spoke
to the Inspectors with pride and dignity of the new
amenities growing up in their own old workplaces.
Large numbers of women munition workers had
been recruited from the old-time industries with
unreformed conditions of personal hygiene, and they
rightly showed a marked reluctance to accept the
old bad standards. Alert young managers, back
<span class='pageno' id='Page_283'>283</span>from the field of war, quickly took the hint and
moved their old directors into the new and right
direction. “We have seen the impossible undertaken
and accomplished, and we want to carry on
here too,” was the keynote struck by some of them.
New standards had, of course, been tried and their
value proven in production for the nation; yet there
was something greater than the realisation by
employers of the possibility of more harmonious
relations and the higher efficiency to be gained by
better conditions of work. There was a widened
outlook and a new spirit of comradeship for the
workers in many young employers lately returned
from the War, and a readiness to put responsibility
on to workers’ representatives. Managers would
“speak with enthusiasm of the general interest
and communal responsibility that has resulted”
from the activities of representative works’ committees,
and would praise the “eminently practical”
nature of their proposals.<a id='r254'></a><a href='#f254' class='c014'><sup>[254]</sup></a> In socially backward,
rough industries, where even elementary requirements
of the Factory Act had still to be forced on
the attention of occupiers, the Inspectors hoped for
an awakening through the application to them of
the new stimulus of a welfare order. In the
trades that were little organised from the workers’
side enquiries began to come from individual
workers—a hopeful sign—as to when an order
might be expected in their particular trade.</p>
<p class='c008'>The effect in some factories with old-established
<span class='pageno' id='Page_284'>284</span>welfare institutions of the introduction of representative
works’ committees has been remarkable
in the advance of the workers in self-reliance and
interest in their work, and in initiative in developing
better conditions. Most striking in their activities
are some of the works’ committees in industries
where the constitution of the committee has been
approved by the Joint Council for the trade. In
one such factory the accomplished welfare superintendent
has been enrolled a member of the trade
union. She is secretary of the works’ committee,
and the elections of the committee are carried out
under the care of the trade union secretary. Here
the careful supervision of the health and safety
sub-committee of the works’ committee is evident
in the excellence of the fire drill and other arrangements
and the good, coloured “safety first” notices
at the machines. The note of authority that is
apparent in the rules drawn up by the committee
reflects the representative basis of the government
of daily life in the factory. An extensive, well-chosen
library is an outstanding feature of the
social arrangements.</p>
<p class='c008'>The immense advantage for future control of
many risks and inconveniences, as well as promotion
of constructive welfare work in industry, that
may be reaped from the vigilance of workers,
practised in methods of self-government, is so obvious
after seeing some of their earlier achievements that
one can only marvel that it has taken so long for the
“captains of industry” to begin to make the discovery.
The position of influence over the minds
of workers held in the old-time craft industries by
<span class='pageno' id='Page_285'>285</span>the “master” craftsman can, it appears, in a new
way, be regained in modern factories with their
specialised production. The whole organisation of
great industry is necessarily so intricate and complicated
that with the added machinery of internal
factory government, by committees, a “master
organiser” is certainly necessary to the success of
the undertaking. This will become increasingly
clear to all workers capable of entering into the
meaning of their surroundings, when their share
in self-government grows and their contact with
the organiser becomes closer. Already eloquent
tributes may be heard from individual workers to
the “wonderful” organising gifts of the employer
or manager where the boon of representation has
been conceded to them.</p>
<p class='c008'>Notwithstanding all the wonderful discoveries
and inventions multiplying power to increase wealth
that could have been turned to the social welfare and
happiness of the worker, the factory system of the
nineteenth century failed portentously on this
social side. It failed through its blind and too
often barbarous neglect of the really great part that
can be played both in workmanship and in organisation
by the spiritually endowed human agent of
production. Man, woman, young worker, or child,
with their varying needs and capacities, they were
all alike “hands.” Their moral claims to a secure
share in the good things—the wealth and the welfare—that
their labour helped to buy for the whole
people were not the only things denied to them.
They have only won through to the possibilities
of the new position that lies ahead (when industry
<span class='pageno' id='Page_286'>286</span>can be revived), through sufferings and trials that are
difficult now to imagine, but of the story of which
no responsible thinker or leader in the nation’s
affairs should ever be allowed to remain ignorant.</p>
<p class='c008'>“In the struggle for life to which industrial undertakings
are subject,” said the Belgian Vandevelde
many years ago, “the final victory is reserved for
those who know how to meet their rivals not only
with the most perfect machinery, but yet more with
the best human material, the most solid array of
moral and intellectual forces.”</p>
<p class='c008'>That was a warning that need not have fallen
on deaf ears, even in an avowedly competitive
society, and that might have been understood by
the factory organisers of the nineteenth century.
It is a new world that has to be faced now, and
although we should not forget that saying, we
may better dwell on the thought that harmony in
industrial relationships promises to be the natural
outcome of associated human effort for the sound,
plentiful production that mankind so greatly needs
and that may minister to a reviving desire for
fitness and beauty in the world.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_287'>287</span>
<h2 class='c006'><span class='c013'>APPENDIX I</span><br> DANGEROUS AND UNHEALTHY INDUSTRIES</h2>
</div>
<div class='nf-center-c0'>
<div class='nf-center c002'>
<div><span class='sc'>Regulations made by the Secretary of State for Processes Certified as Dangerous under Section 79, Factory and Workshop Act, 1901.</span></div>
</div>
</div>
<div><span class='pageno' id='Page_288'>288</span></div>
<div class='overflow'>
<table class='table1'>
<tr>
<th class='btt bbt blt brt c018' colspan='2'>1.<br><i>Date of</i></th>
<th class='btt bbt brt c018 bbt' rowspan='2'>2.<br><i>Class of Manufacture, Machinery, Plant, Process or Description of Manual Labour.</i></th>
<th class='btt bbt brt c018 bbt' rowspan='2'>3.<br><i>Kind of Risks.</i></th>
<th class='btt bbt brt c018 bbt' rowspan='2'>4.<br><i>Nature of Injuries to be Prevented.</i></th>
<th class='btt bbt brt c018 bbt' rowspan='2'>5.<br><i>Chief Preventive Measures Imposed by the Regulations.</i></th>
<th class='btt bbt brt c018 bbt' rowspan='2'>6.<br><i>Remarks.</i></th>
</tr>
<tr>
<th class='bbt blt brt c018'><i>Certificate.</i></th>
<th class='bbt brt c018'><i>Regulations.</i></th>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>1.</strong> Feb. 24, 1921.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Dec. 19, 1921.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>1. <strong>Aerated Water.</strong>—Manufacture of, and processes incidental thereto.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Accidents from bursting bottles.<br>Exposure to wet.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Injury to life and limb from fragments of bursting bottles.<br>Injury to health from wet.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Machines to be so constructed, placed, and fenced as to prevent accident from bursting bottles.<br>(<i>b</i>) Face and eye guards, hand and arm guards, to be supplied to the workers and worn by them.<br>(<i>c</i>) Waterproof aprons, boots, and clogs to be supplied.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>First certified Sept., 1896.<br>Special rules dated Aug., 1897, were superseded by these Regulations, 1921.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>2.</strong> May 9, 1892.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'> </td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>2. <strong>Arsenic.</strong>—Extraction and use of.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Poisonous dust.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Eczematous eruptions.<br>Gastro-intestinal symptoms.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'><i>Note.</i>—There are no regulations at present, but under Factory and Workshop Act, 1901, Sects. 74 and 75, mechanical ventilation must be provided to prevent inhalation of injurious dust, vapour, etc., and washing conveniences must be provided; and persons are excluded from workroom where arsenic gives rise to dust, and provision for meals must be made elsewhere.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Formerly included in Special Rules for Paints and Colours, which were revised in 1907 for Lead risks only. (See No. 30.)</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>3.</strong> Aug. 26, 1907.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Dec. 30, 1908.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'><a id='r255'></a><a href='#f255' class='c014'><sup>[255]</sup></a>3. <strong>Benzine.</strong>—Manufacture of nitro and amido derivatives of and of explosives with dinitrobenzol or dinitrotoluol.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Poisonous fumes and dust.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Profound changes in the condition of the blood.<br>Muscular and nerve affections; eye affections.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Removal or prevention of fumes or dust.<br>(<i>b</i>) Effective ventilation.<br>(<i>c</i>) Overalls, gloves, clogs, supplied to workers.<br>(<i>d</i>) Lavatories, baths, and prohibition of meals in workrooms.<br>(<i>e</i>) Medical examination and power of suspension.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Special Rules, 1908, rendered obsolete by Chemicals, No. 9.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>4.</strong> June 6, 1907.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>June 26, 1908.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>4. <strong>Brass.</strong>—Casting of, or any alloy of, copper with zinc.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Injurious fumes.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Brass casters’ ague or fever.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Exclusion of female workers from casting shop.<br>(<i>b</i>) Exhaust ventilation for removal of fumes at points of origin.<br>(<i>c</i>) Washing accommodation.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>First certified July 10, 1896. Special Rules, dated 1896, were rendered obsolete by these Regulations, 1908.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>5.</strong> Oct. 29, 1910.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'> </td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>5. <strong>Briquettes.</strong>—Manufacture of patent fuel with addition of pitch.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Injurious dust.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Ulceration of skin.<br>Epitheliomatous cancer.<br>Eye troubles.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'><i>Note.</i>—Precautions voluntarily adopted by employers, <i>i.e.</i>—<br>(<i>a</i>) Prevention of escape of dust by boxing-in elevators.<br>(<i>b</i>) Exhaust ventilation for removal of dust.<br>(<i>c</i>) Protective clothing; goggles.<br>(<i>d</i>) Cloakroom.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Draft Regulations withdrawn, 1913, after Public Enquiry and on the voluntary adoption by occupiers of precautions in Column 5.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>6.</strong> March 7, 1911.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>April 16, 1912.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>6. <strong>Bronzing</strong> with dry metallic powders in letterpress printing, lithographic printing, and coating metal sheets.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Injurious dust.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Respiratory irritation.<br>Gastric disturbance.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Exhaust ventilation and appliances to prevent escape of dust into the air of the room.<br>(<i>b</i>) Protective clothing supplied to workers.<br>(<i>c</i>) Washing accommodation and place for outdoor clothing.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_290'>290</span><strong>7.</strong> Oct. 6, 1921.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'> </td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>7. <strong>Buildings</strong> in course of construction, alteration, repair, or demolition.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Accidents from falls or falling bodies or from machinery.<br>Plumbism (painters and plumbers).</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Injury to life or limb.<br>Plumbism.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Provision and maintenance of suitable scaffolding of sound material.<br>(<i>b</i>) Efficient lighting of working places and approaches.<br>(<i>c</i>) Special safeguards for working on roofs.<br>(<i>d</i>) Safeguards for use of hoisting appliances, cranes, etc.<br>(<i>e</i>) Fencing of machinery and safety provisions for boilers.<br>(<i>f</i>) Provision for painters and plumbers of washing facilities; prohibition of taking meals and of depositing clothing in workshop; moist method to be adopted for rubbing down or scraping painted surfaces containing lead.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>In draft June, 1922.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>8.</strong> April 24, 1914.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Nov. 28, 1921.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>8. <strong>Celluloid.</strong>—Manufacture, manipulation, and storage of.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Fire (highly inflammable material).</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Injury to life or health from fire.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Limitation of the amount of material or of finished articles allowed in workrooms or on the premises.<br>(<i>b</i>) Method of storage prescribed.<br>(<i>c</i>) Precautions respecting lights, stoves, smoking, use of sealing wax.<br>(<i>d</i>) Means of escape and of extinguishing fire.<br>(<i>e</i>) Competent person to supervise and enforce the regulations.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>9.</strong> Dec. 14, 1920.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'> </td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'><a id='r256'></a><a href='#f256' class='c014'><sup>[256]</sup></a>9. <strong>Chemicals.</strong>—Manufacture and processes incidental thereto carried on in “Chemical Works” (as defined in the Schedule).</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Caustic liquids in vats, etc.<br>Poisonous gases.<br>Injurious dust.<br>Explosions and fire.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Burns, etc., by falling into vats, etc., of acid.<br>“Gassing.”<br>Respiratory affections from irritant dust.<br>Inflammation of eyes and other eye injuries.<br>Injuries due to explosions.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Fencing of vats and gangways, etc.<br>(<i>b</i>) Adequate lighting.<br>(<i>c</i>) Breathing apparatus, oxygen, etc., for rescue in case of “gassing.”<br>(<i>d</i>) Protective clothing supplied to workers.<br>(<i>e</i>) Exhaust ventilation and prevention of escape of dust from certain machines.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>In draft June, 1922.<br>First certified April 24, 1892.<br>Special Rules to be superseded by these Regulations.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>10.</strong> June 27, 1913.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Aug. 15, 1913.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'><a href='#f256' class='c014'><sup>[256]</sup></a>10. <strong>Chromate</strong> and Bichromate of Potassium, Sodium, manufacture of.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Injurious dust and fumes.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Peculiar lesions, erosion of septum of the nose, and chronic ulceration of the skin.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Exclusion of persons under 18.<br>(<i>b</i>) Removal or prevention of steam and dust.<br>(<i>c</i>) Lighting and fencing of vats, etc.<br>(<i>d</i>) Protective clothing and respirators supplied.<br>(<i>e</i>) Cloakroom, lavatory, baths, provided.<br>(<i>f</i>) Medical examination and power of suspension.<br>(<i>g</i>) First-aid for treatment of small ulcers.<br>(<i>h</i>) Daily cleaning floors, stairs, etc.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Special Rules, 1900, were superseded by these Regulations, 1913, and these to be revoked by Chemical Regulations.<br>(See No. 9.)</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>11.</strong></td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Dec. 21, 1911.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>11. <strong>Cotton Cloth Weaving.</strong></td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Humidity.<br>High temperatures.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Ill health and discomfort.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Hygrometrical control.<br>(<i>b</i>) Humidity tables and temperature limit.<br>(<i>c</i>) Chemical and volume standard of ventilation.<br>(<i>d</i>) Purification of water for steam.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>These Regulations were made under the Cotton Cloth Factories Act, 1911.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_292'>292</span><strong>12.</strong> Sept. 30, 1902.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Oct. 28, 1904.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>12. <strong>Docks, Wharves,</strong> <strong>and Quays</strong>, loading and unloading at, and loading, unloading or coaling any ships in any dock, harbour, or canal.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Risks to life and limb from dangerous machinery and appliances, and ladders and corners, and lack of fencing for dangerous hatchways, etc.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Injury to life and limb by accident from machinery, etc.<br>Drowning, falls, etc.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Exclusion of boys under 16 under certain conditions.<br>(<i>b</i>) Fencing of dangerous parts, of footways, gearing, motors, etc., and prohibition of interferences by unauthorised persons.<br>(<i>c</i>) Lighting of dangerous places at night.<br>(<i>d</i>) Provision of gangways; slippery stages to be sanded.<br>(<i>e</i>) Testing of chains, gear, etc.<br>(<i>f</i>) Provision for rescue from drowning.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>13.</strong></td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'> </td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>13. <strong>Earthenware and China.</strong><br>(See under <strong>Potteries</strong>, No. 32.)</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>14.</strong> Aug. 3, 1903.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Nov. 24, 1903.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>14. <strong>Electric Accumulators</strong>, manufacture of.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Poisonous dust and fumes (lead).</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Plumbism.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Exclusion of young persons under 18 and women from manipulation of dry compounds of lead and from pasting.<br>(<i>b</i>) Medical examination and suspension.<br>(<i>c</i>) Prevention, or removal by exhaust ventilation, of dust and fumes.<br>(<i>d</i>) General ventilation and ample cubic space.<br>(<i>e</i>) Protective clothing and cloakroom.<br>(<i>f</i>) Washing facilities.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>15.</strong> Aug. 9, 1907.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Jan. 1, 1909.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>15. <strong>Electricity.</strong>—Generation, transformation, distribution, and use of.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Danger to health or to life and limb from shock, or burns, or fire.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Deep and inflamed burns and destruction of tissue from continuous currents.<br>Sudden arrests of heart’s action or of respiration, violent muscular contraction chiefly from alternating currents.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Highly technical safeguards for construction, installation, protection and working of apparatus, conductors, motors, switches, etc.<br>(<i>b</i>) Provision for earthing, insulating stands, adequate space.<br>(<i>c</i>) Technical qualifications for operators, avoidance of solitary working.<br>(<i>d</i>) Instructions for treatment of the injured to be affixed.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>16.</strong> Sept. 21, 1908.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Dec. 22, 1908.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>16. <strong>Enamelling</strong>, vitreous, of metals or glass.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Poisonous dust.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Plumbism.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Exclusion of young persons under 16 years of age.<br>(<i>b</i>) Periodic medical examination with power of suspension.<br>(<i>c</i>) Ample cubic space.<br>(<i>d</i>) Efficient lighting.<br>(<i>e</i>) Good condition of floors and cleaning of same.<br>(<i>f</i>) Prevention of or removal by exhaust ventilation of dust, spray, or fumes.<br>(<i>g</i>) Washing facilities.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_294'>294</span><strong>17.</strong> June 6, 1902.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Aug. 19, 1902.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>17. <strong>Felt Hats</strong>, manufacture of, where inflammable solvent is used.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Fire and explosions.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Burns and shock.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Ventilation of proofing, and stove and drying rooms.<br>(<i>b</i>) Restriction on the number of wet spirit-proofed hats per cubic feet of air space in workroom.<br>(<i>c</i>) Spirit-proofed hats to be opened out singly and exposed before placing in stoves.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>18.</strong> Sept. 22, 1902.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>June 23, 1903.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>18. <strong>File Cutting</strong> by hand.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Metallic lead dust.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Plumbism.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Cubic space and floor space prescribed per “stock.”<br>(<i>b</i>) Flooring to be substantial, washable, and in good repair.<br>(<i>c</i>) Good general ventilation.<br>(<i>d</i>) Washing facilities.<br>(<i>e</i>) Protective clothing to be worn.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>19.</strong> May 11, 1905.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Feb. 26, 1906.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>19. <strong>Flax and Tow</strong>, spinning and weaving of.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Irritant dust, artificial humidification and high temperatures.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Phthisis with dyspnœa and other respiratory trouble.<br>Circulatory and cardiac oppression from moist heat.<br>Skin troubles, eczema, and folliculitis.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Maintenance of prescribed standard of purity of the air.<br>(<i>b</i>) Exhaust ventilation for removal of dust.<br>(<i>c</i>) Hygrometrical control of humidity and temperature.<br>(<i>d</i>) Purity of water for humidifying.<br>(<i>e</i>) Efficient splash-boards in wet spinning.<br>(<i>f</i>) Protective clothing and respirators to be provided.<br>(<i>g</i>) Sound condition of floors and drainage.<br>(<i>h</i>) Cloakroom accommodation.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>First certified Jan. 3, 1894. A Departmental Committee which was appointed, 1911, to consider the amendment to these Regulations reported 1914, and their recommendations were issued as an informal draft of amended Regulation. Further steps have not yet been taken.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>20.</strong> Oct. 14, 1908.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Oct. 15, 1909.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>20. <strong>Grinding of</strong> Metals and Racing of Grindstones.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Irritant dust (silica and gritty particles, also steel and iron powder).<br>Accidents.<br>Moisture.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Fibroid phthisis, asthma, and other respiratory troubles (excessive mortality among grinders).<br>Later stages, frequently tubercular.<br>Eye injuries from flying motes and sometimes further accidents from dimmed vision.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Removal of dust by exhaust ventilation, etc.<br>(<i>b</i>) Separation of “racing” from other processes.<br>(<i>c</i>) Respirators to be worn while “racing.”<br>(<i>d</i>) Special cleansing of floors, belt races, and walls, ceilings, and windows.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_296'>296</span><strong>21.</strong> Jan. 29, 1907.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Aug. 28, 1907.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>21. <strong>Hemp and Jute</strong> spinning and weaving.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Vegetable dust.<br>Liability to tetanus in case of lesions of the skin.<br>High temperature in spinning and humidity.<br>Cold and draughts in preparatory process.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Respiratory troubles.<br>Tetanus likely to follow.<br>Accidents from machinery.<br>Rheumatism common.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Maintenance of prescribed standard of purity of the air.<br>(<i>b</i>) Exhaust ventilation for removal of dust.<br>(<i>c</i>) Minimum temperature in certain rooms.<br>(<i>d</i>) Hygrometrical control of humidity and high temperature in other rooms.<br>(<i>e</i>) Respirators to be provided in certain processes.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>22.</strong> Oct. 15, 1920.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Dec 29, 1921.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>22. <strong>Hides and Skins.</strong><a id='r257'></a><a href='#f257' class='c014'><sup>[257]</sup></a>—Dry or dry-salted, imported from Africa (including or Asia (including Japan and Malay Archipelago), handling of.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Anthrax spores in the material.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Anthrax infection through abrasion of the skin or by inhalation of infected dust.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) First-aid equipment.<br>(<i>b</i>) Cautionary notice respecting anthrax to be affixed.<br>(<i>c</i>) Washing facilities.<br>(<i>d</i>) Cloakroom and messroom accommodation.<br>(<i>e</i>) Provision for disinfection or destruction of wrappers in which hides and skins have been packed (in tanneries only).<br><i>Note.</i>—The Regulations (<i>a</i>) and (<i>e</i>) above apply to docks, warehouses, and quays, as well as factories.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>First certified June, 1903. The Special Rules, 1902, were converted into Regulations, 1921.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>23.</strong> May 23, 1907.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Dec. 20, 1907.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>23. <strong>Horsehair from</strong> <strong>China, Siberia,</strong> <strong>and Russia</strong>, use of.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Anthrax spores in the material.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Anthrax.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Exclusion of persons under 18 from employment on material not disinfected.<br>(<i>b</i>) Register of prescribed particulars of disinfection.<br>(<i>c</i>) Material not disinfected to be stored separately, and opened and sorted separately, and in connection with exhaust ventilation.<br>(<i>d</i>) All manipulation subsequent to opening and sorting prohibited until material has been disinfected.<br>(<i>e</i>) Willowing and dust-extracting machines to be provided with exhaust ventilation.<br>(<i>f</i>) All dust to be intercepted and burnt.<br>(<i>g</i>) Protective clothing to be provided and respirators.<br>(<i>h</i>) Cloakroom, meal rooms, and washing facilities.<br>(<i>i</i>) First-aid requisites.<br>(<i>j</i>) Prohibition of work on material not disinfected if having open cut or sore.<br>(<i>k</i>) Cautionary notice respecting anthrax to be affixed.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_298'>298</span><strong>24.</strong> Dec. 21, 1920.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Mar. 31, 1922.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>24. <strong>India-rubber.</strong>—Certain processes incidental to the manufacture of, and of articles and goods made wholly or partially of india-rubber.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Poisonous dust (lead).<br>Injury to health from volatile vapour.<br>Accident from inflammable vapour.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Plumbism.<br>Peripheral neuritis or inflammatory condition of nerves due to effects of bisulphide of carbon.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Exclusion of all young persons under 18 and girls under 18 from any lead process, and of all young persons and women from mixing or incorporating dry compound of lead with rubber.<br>(<i>b</i>) Exclusion of young persons under 18 from fume process, and those under 16 from a room where such process is carried on.<br>(<i>c</i>) Limitation of employment in fume process of any person for more than 5 hours a day and more than 2½ hours at a time without at least 1 hour’s interval.<br>(<i>d</i>) Removal of dust and fumes by exhaust ventilation, and prevention of escape of fumes from vulcanising machines and troughs.<br>(<i>e</i>) Protective clothing to be provided and worn.<br>(<i>f</i>) Cloakroom and messroom accommodation.<br>(<i>g</i>) Washing facilities.<br>(<i>h</i>) Periodic medical examination and power of suspension.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>First certified Dec., 1896. Special rules for vulcanising india-rubber by means of bisulphide of carbon, 1897, converted into these Regulations for India-rubber, 1922.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>25.</strong> Sept. 3, 1920.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Aug. 23, 1921.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>25. <strong>Lead</strong>,<a id='r258'></a><a href='#f258' class='c014'><sup>[258]</sup></a> compounds of, including carbonate, sulphate, nitrate, and acetate of lead, manufacture of.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Poisonous dust and fumes (lead compounds).</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Plumbism.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Methods of controlling lead dust prescribed by damping, by ventilation, by careful handling of the materials.<br>(<i>b</i>) Exhaust ventilation for removing fumes or means of preventing their escape into workroom.<br>(<i>c</i>) Periodic medical examination and power of suspension.<br>(<i>d</i>) Protective clothing provided and arrangements for washing same.<br>(<i>e</i>) Respirators to be supplied.<br>(<i>f</i>) Cloakroom, messroom, washing facilities.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>First certified as dangerous, May 9, 1892. These Regulations supersede the Special Rules for White Lead dated June, 1899.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>26.</strong> Dec. 13, 1910.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Aug. 12, 1911.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>26. <strong>Lead.</strong><a href='#f258' class='c014'><sup>[258]</sup></a>—Smelting of materials containing manufacture of red or orange lead and of flaked litharge.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Poisonous dust and fumes lead compounds).</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Plumbism.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Exclusion of young persons under 16 and women from any lead process.<br>(<i>b</i>) Suppression or removal of dust or fumes by exhaust ventilation, damping, etc.<br>(<i>c</i>) Provision of protective clothing and respirators in certain processes.<br>(<i>d</i>) Periodic medical examination with power of suspension.<br>(<i>e</i>) Exclusion of persons from furnaces until ventilated.<br>(<i>f</i>) Restriction of duration of work to 3 hours in dry flues or condensing chambers.<br>(<i>g</i>) Provision of mealroom, clothing, and overall accommodation, washing facilities, and baths.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_300'>300</span><strong>27.</strong> Aug. 24, 1906.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>May 2, 1905.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>27. <strong>Locomotives and</strong> <strong>Waggons</strong>, use of, on lines and sidings in or used in connection with premises under the Factory Acts.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Accidents from locomotives, etc., in motion by mechanical power.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Injuries to life and limb.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Technical provisions as to position, and use of point rods, signal wires, condition and use of rails, supply of coupling poles, etc.<br>(<i>b</i>) Provisions respecting movements of persons and of locomotives and waggons.<br>(<i>c</i>) Efficient lighting after dark.<br>(<i>d</i>) Exclusion of young persons under 18 from employment on certain capstans and as locomotive drivers, or as a shunter.<br>(<i>e</i>) Protection of water gauges on boilers whether on locomotives or stationary.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>28.</strong> June 2, 1892.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'> </td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>28. <strong>Lucifer Matches</strong>, manufacture of.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Phosphorus necrosis.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'><i>Note.</i>—The White Phosphorus Prohibition Act, 1908, forbids the use of white phosphorus in the manufacture of matches and also the sale of matches made with the same.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Special Rules, March 31, 1900, now obsolete, as white phosphorus is no longer allowed in the manufacture.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>29.</strong> Oct. 17, 1905.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Nov. 7, 1904.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>29. <strong>Mules, Self-Acting</strong>, spinning by means of.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Accidents.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Injuries to life and limb from machines in motion.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Special fencing of machines and accessory gearing.<br>(<i>b</i>) Duty laid on “minder” to ensure that no child cleans any part of the mule in motion; that no woman, young person, or child works between the fixed and traversing parts of the mule; and that no person is between those parts unless the moving part is stopped on the outward run.<br>(<i>c</i>) “Minder” responsible for the starting of the mule.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>30.</strong> Dec. 1, 1906.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Jan. 25, 1907.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>30. <strong>Paints and Colours</strong>, manufacture of.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Poisonous dust (lead).</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Plumbism.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Exclusion of young persons and women.<br>(<i>b</i>) Periodic medical examination, with power of suspension.<br>(<i>c</i>) Exhaust ventilation to remove dust.<br>(<i>d</i>) Protective clothing supplied.<br>(<i>e</i>) Cloakroom, messroom, washing facilities.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>First certified 1892.<br>Special Rules, 1894, superseded by these Regulations.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>31.</strong> Oct. 29, 1910.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'> </td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>31. <strong>Patent Fuel</strong>, manufacture of. (See under <strong>Briquettes</strong>, No. 5.)</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>32.</strong> Aug. 25, 1911.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Jan. 2, 1913.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>32. <strong>Pottery.</strong>—Manufacture or decoration of, or any process incidental thereto, and the making of lithographic transfers, frits, or glazes for use in such manufacture or decorations or processes.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Poisonous dust (lead).<br>Silica and other dust, heat, and humidity.<br>Heavy weights.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Plumbism.<br>Phthisis or other respiratory disease or injury to health from inhalation of silica or other dust.<br>Injury to health from excessive heat or humidity.<br>Strain from lifting and carrying weights.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Exclusion of women, young persons, and children from certain processes in the preparation of lead glaze, etc., and from cleaning in dipping house, and as regards a young person and child from employment as a dipper.<br>(<i>b</i>) Exclusion of women, young persons and children from certain heavy work and work involving strain without a certificate of “permission to work”; and total exclusion of young persons and children from employment in wedging of clay, and of females from carrying saggars full of ware.<br>(<i>c</i>) Periodic medical examination with power of suspension.<br>(<i>d</i>) Protective clothing to be supplied, washed, repaired, and kept in proper custody. Respirators to be supplied in certain processes.<br>(<i>e</i>) Washing facilities, cloakroom, and mealroom to be provided.<br>(<i>f</i>) Milk or cocoa to be provided for all women and young persons if working before 9 a.m. in certain processes.<br>(<i>g</i>) Exhaust ventilation for all processes giving rise to dust (lead or flint, etc.), and ventilation of all rooms and of drying stoves.<br>(<i>h</i>) Means for preventing excessive heat and humidity in workrooms and in ovens.<br>(<i>i</i>) Special means for cleaning floors, benches, boards, etc., where lead glaze is used.<br>(<i>j</i>) Special precautions as regards lead dust and splashing of lead glaze in majolica painting, aerographing, and lithographic transfers.<br>(<i>k</i>) Limitation of hours of men as well as women in dipping and some other lead processes to 48 hours per week. Intervals prescribed in certain lead processes of ½ hour every 4 hours or 4¾ hours for every person.<br>(<i>l</i>) Power given to inspector to take samples of any material for analysis.<br>(<i>m</i>) Works Inspector to supervise observance of regulations.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Earthenware and china manufacturing.<br>First certified Dec. 24, 1892.<br>Special Rules were established, 1894, amended in 1898, and again in 1903; after arbitration these Rules were in turn superseded by the present Regulations, 1913.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_302'>302</span><strong>33.</strong> Mar. 22, 1918.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>April 26, 1919.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>33. <strong>Refractory Materials.</strong>—Crushing, grinding, sieving, and other processes involving the manipulation of such materials.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Silica dust.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Injury to lungs from the inhalation of silica dust.<br>Tuberculosis.<br>Silicosis.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Prescribed methods of controlling and removing dust by exhaust ventilation, damping, etc., and by prohibition of certain methods of work.<br>(<i>b</i>) Provision of respirators.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>34.</strong> Aug. 5, 1913.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>April 4, 1914.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>34. <strong>Ships, Construction</strong> <strong>and Repair</strong> <strong>of</strong>, in shipbuilding yards.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Accidents.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Injury to life and limb from falls and falling bodies.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Sufficient supply of good materials for stages.<br>(<i>b</i>) Construction of stages to be of sound material, secure, and erected by competent persons.<br>(<i>c</i>) Gangways to be fenced, also openings in decks to be provided with covers.<br>(<i>d</i>) Adequate lighting while work is in progress.<br>(<i>e</i>) Ambulance and first-aid provision.<br>(<i>f</i>) Competent person to supervise and enforce observance of regulations.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><span class='pageno' id='Page_304'>304</span><strong>35.</strong> Sept. 25, 1908.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>June 30, 1909.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>35. <strong>Tinning of Metal</strong> <strong>Hollow-ware</strong>, <strong>Iron Drums</strong>, and harness furniture. (Coating of metal articles with a mixture of lead and tin and lead alone.)</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Poisonous fumes (lead).</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Plumbism.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Exclusion of persons under 16 from tinning.<br>(<i>b</i>) Exhaust ventilation for removal of dust and fumes over dipping and wiping, and over skimmings until their removal in a covered receptacle.<br>(<i>c</i>) Removal of dust and refuse from workrooms.<br>(<i>d</i>) Protective clothing and cloakroom for women.<br>(<i>e</i>) Meal-room and washing accommodation.<br>(<i>f</i>) Periodic medical examination with power of suspension.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>First certified Jan. 1894. Special Rules superseded by these Regulations, 1909.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>36.</strong></td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'> </td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>36. <strong>White Lead.</strong><br>(See under <strong>Lead Compounds</strong>, No. 25.)</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>37.</strong> June 17, 1905.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Dec. 18, 1908.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>37. <strong>Wool, East Indian</strong>, use of.<a id='r259'></a><a href='#f259' class='c014'><sup>[259]</sup></a></td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Anthrax spores in the material.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Anthrax.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Dust-extracting machines to be covered over and cover connected with exhaust fan so as to discharge dust into a furnace or intercepting chamber.<br>(<i>b</i>) Protective clothing and respirators to be supplied for persons who collect and remove the dust.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>38.</strong> June 17, 1905.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Dec. 12, 1905.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>38. <strong>Wool-Sorting</strong>, willeying, washing, combing, and carding, and of goat hair, camel hair, and processes incidental thereto.<a href='#f259' class='c014'><sup>[259]</sup></a></td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Anthrax spores in the material.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Anthrax.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Scheduled wool or hair to be opened by skilled men only, and to be steeped in water or alternatively opened over a screen with an exhaust according to the Schedule.<br>(<i>b</i>) Sorting boards must be as prescribed and also willowing machines.<br>(<i>c</i>) Storage of wool or hair prohibited in sorting and willeying room.<br>(<i>d</i>) Provision for collection and removal of dust and refuse.<br>(<i>e</i>) Floors to be sprinkled and swept daily.<br>(<i>f</i>) Protective clothing supplied and not removed unless disinfected or boiled.<br>(<i>g</i>) Washing and mealroom accommodation.<br>(<i>h</i>) First-aid requisites duty laid on workers to report any open sore or cut.<br>(<i>i</i>) Power of inspectors to take samples of material.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>39.</strong> Aug. 10, 1920.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'> </td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>39. <strong>Woodworking Machinery</strong>, use of.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Accidents from dangerous machinery.<br>Injurious dust.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Injury to life and limb. Injury to health—respiratory troubles.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Provision of efficient stopping and starting gear on every woodworking machine.<br>(<i>b</i>) Special fencing of machinery, particularly circular saws and planing machines.<br>(<i>c</i>) Spacing of machines, and maintenance of surrounding floors in good condition and free from obstruction.<br>(<i>d</i>) Adequate lighting, both daylight and artificial light.<br>(<i>e</i>) Artificial warming of workrooms in cold weather.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>In draft June, 1922.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt brt c019'><strong>40.</strong> June 1, 1907.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c018'>Aug. 6, 1907.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>40. <strong>Yarn</strong>, heading of dyed, by means of a lead compound.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Poisonous dust (lead).</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>Plumbism.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'>(<i>a</i>) Exclusion of young persons under 16.<br>(<i>b</i>) Exhaust ventilation for removal of dust draught to be tested and recorded quarterly.<br>(<i>c</i>) Periodic medical examination with power of suspension.<br>(<i>d</i>) Protective clothing supplied.<br>(<i>e</i>) Cloakroom and mealroom, if required in writing by chief inspector.<br>(<i>f</i>) Washing accommodation.</td>
<td class='bbt brt c019'> </td>
</tr>
</table>
</div>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_306'>306</span>
<h2 class='c006'><span class='c013'>APPENDIX II</span><br> TABLE OF REPORTED CASES OF INDUSTRIAL POISONING AND ANTHRAX (SECTION 73 OF THE FACTORY ACT, 1901).</h2>
</div>
<div class='nf-center-c0'>
<div class='nf-center c002'>
<div>(<i>Small figures at right-hand corner of larger figures indicate fatal cases, included in totals</i>).</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='overflow'>
<table class='table1'>
<tr>
<td class='btt bbt blt c020 bbt' rowspan='2'></td>
<th class='btt bbt blt c021' colspan='2'>1921</th>
<th class='btt bbt blt c021' colspan='2'>1920</th>
<th class='btt bbt blt c021' colspan='2'>1919</th>
<th class='btt bbt blt c021' colspan='2'>1918</th>
<th class='btt bbt blt c021' colspan='2'>1917</th>
<th class='btt bbt blt c021' colspan='2'>1916</th>
<th class='btt bbt blt c021' colspan='2'>1915</th>
<th class='btt bbt blt c021' colspan='2'><i>Average</i> 1912–14</th>
<th class='btt bbt blt c021' colspan='2'><i>Average 1909–11</i></th>
<th class='btt bbt blt c021' colspan='2'><i>Average</i> 1906–08</th>
<th class='btt bbt blt c021' colspan='2'><i>Average</i> 1903–05</th>
<th class='btt bbt blt brt c021' colspan='2'>1900</th>
</tr>
<tr>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>M.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>F.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>M.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>F.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>M.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>F.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>M.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>F.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>M.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>F.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>M.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>F.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>M.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>F.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>M.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>F.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>M.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>F.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>M.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>F.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>M.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>F.</th>
<th class='bbt blt c021'>M.</th>
<th class='bbt blt brt c021'>F.</th>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='blt c020'><span class='sc'>Lead Poisoning</span><a id='r260'></a><a href='#f260' class='c014'><sup>[260]</sup></a></td>
<td class='blt c022'>194<sup>21</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>36<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>222<sup>20</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>21<sup>3</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>187<sup>26</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>20</td>
<td class='blt c022'>124<sup>11</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>20</td>
<td class='blt c022'>272<sup>19</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>45<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>318<sup>20</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>30<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>356<sup>21</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>25</td>
<td class='blt c022'>468<sup>32</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>55<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>512<sup>32</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>63<sup>3</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>524<sup>28</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>95<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>501<sup>22</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>100<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>884<sup>33</sup></td>
<td class='blt brt c022'>174<sup>5</sup></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='blt c020'>Tinning of metals</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>2</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>2</td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>2</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>3</td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>2</td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>10</td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>13</td>
<td class='blt c022'>4</td>
<td class='blt c022'>10</td>
<td class='blt c022'>8</td>
<td class='blt c022'>9</td>
<td class='blt c022'>4</td>
<td class='blt c022'>2</td>
<td class='blt brt c022'>3</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='blt c020'>White lead</td>
<td class='blt c022'>13<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>17</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>10</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>15</td>
<td class='blt c022'>2</td>
<td class='blt c022'>16<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>2</td>
<td class='blt c022'>36</td>
<td class='blt c022'>4</td>
<td class='blt c022'>24<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>3</td>
<td class='blt c022'>34<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>2</td>
<td class='blt c022'>83<sup>3</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>3</td>
<td class='blt c022'>100<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>5<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>325<sup>5</sup></td>
<td class='blt brt c022'>53<sup>1</sup></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='blt c020'>China and earthenware</td>
<td class='blt c022'>21<sup>9</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>13<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>16<sup>11</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>8<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>13<sup>8</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>8</td>
<td class='blt c022'>5<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>6</td>
<td class='blt c022'>8<sup>5</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>7<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>15<sup>6</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>8<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>13<sup>5</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>13</td>
<td class='blt c022'>33<sup>1</sup>0</td>
<td class='blt c022'>23<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>38<sup>4</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>38<sup>3</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>52<sup>6</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>57<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>39<sup>3</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>56</td>
<td class='blt c022'>95<sup>4</sup></td>
<td class='blt brt c022'>105<sup>4</sup></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='blt c020'>Litho-transfers</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>5</td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>2</td>
<td class='blt c022'>7</td>
<td class='blt c022'>3</td>
<td class='blt brt c022'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='blt c020'>Vitreous enamelling</td>
<td class='blt c022'>7</td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>5</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>5<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>8</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>12</td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>5</td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>2</td>
<td class='blt c022'>8</td>
<td class='blt brt c022'>3</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='blt c020'>Coach painting<a id='r261'></a><a href='#f261' class='c014'><sup>[261]</sup></a></td>
<td class='blt c022'>14<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>6</td>
<td class='blt c022'>12</td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>10<sup>3</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>12<sup>3</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>20<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>33</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>39<sup>5</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>70<sup>4</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>89<sup>6</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>74<sup>4</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>60<sup>4</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>70<sup>5</sup></td>
<td class='blt brt c022'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='blt c020'>Paints used in other industries</td>
<td class='blt c022'>12</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>7<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>3</td>
<td class='blt c022'>7<sup>3</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>2</td>
<td class='blt c022'>12</td>
<td class='blt c022'>3</td>
<td class='blt c022'>17<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>3</td>
<td class='blt c022'>18</td>
<td class='blt c022'>2</td>
<td class='blt c022'>16<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>42<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>4</td>
<td class='blt c022'>45<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>4</td>
<td class='blt c022'>39<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>5</td>
<td class='blt c022'>36<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>4</td>
<td class='blt c022'>50<sup>5</sup></td>
<td class='blt brt c022'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='blt c020'>Other industries</td>
<td class='blt c022'>20<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>10<a id='r262'></a><a href='#f262' class='c014'><sup>[262]</sup></a></td>
<td class='blt c022'>32<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>24<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>19<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>4</td>
<td class='blt c022'>57<sup>4</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>19<a id='r263'></a><a href='#f263' class='c014'><sup>[263]</sup></a></td>
<td class='blt c022'>50<sup>3</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>11</td>
<td class='blt c022'>47<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>7</td>
<td class='blt c022'>63<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>14<a id='r264'></a><a href='#f264' class='c014'><sup>[264]</sup></a></td>
<td class='blt c022'>56<sup>3</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>8</td>
<td class='blt c022'>57<sup>3</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>10<a id='r265'></a><a href='#f265' class='c014'><sup>[265]</sup></a></td>
<td class='blt c022'>42<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>12</td>
<td class='blt c022'>68<sup>4</sup></td>
<td class='blt brt c022'>18</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='blt c020'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt brt c022'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='blt c020'><span class='sc'>Mercury Poisoning</span></td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>4</td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>5</td>
<td class='blt c022'>2</td>
<td class='blt c022'>8</td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>6</td>
<td class='blt c022'>11</td>
<td class='blt c022'>11</td>
<td class='blt c022'>7</td>
<td class='blt c022'>6</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>13</td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>10</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>5</td>
<td class='blt c022'>2</td>
<td class='blt c022'>6</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>7</td>
<td class='blt brt c022'>2</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='blt c020'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt brt c022'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='blt c020'><span class='sc'>Phosphorus Poisoning</span></td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>3</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>3</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>2</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>3<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>1<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt brt c022'>2</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='blt c020'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt brt c022'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='blt c020'><span class='sc'>Arsenic Poisoning</span></td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>3</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>4</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>3<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>0<sup>5</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>3</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>4</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>5</td>
<td class='blt c022'>2</td>
<td class='blt c022'>11<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>1</td>
<td class='blt c022'>4</td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'>15<sup>3</sup></td>
<td class='blt brt c022'>7</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='blt c020'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt brt c022'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='blt c020'><span class='sc'>Anthrax</span></td>
<td class='blt c022'>21<sup>5</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>4<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>42<sup>10</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>6<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>46<sup>6</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>11<sup>3</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>46<sup>5</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>26<sup>3</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>71<sup>11</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>22<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>77<sup>14</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>28<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>45<sup>7</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>5</td>
<td class='blt c022'>50<sup>6</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>7</td>
<td class='blt c022'>48<sup>9</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>9<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>44<sup>11</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>13<sup>3</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>43<sup>11</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>9<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='blt c022'>28<sup>5</sup></td>
<td class='blt brt c022'>9<sup>2</sup></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='blt c020'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt c022'> </td>
<td class='blt brt c022'> </td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='bbt blt c020'><span class='sc'>Toxic Jaundice</span></td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'>1<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'> </td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'>6<sup>3</sup></td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'> </td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'>2<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'>1<sup>1</sup></td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'>7<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'>27<sup>8</sup></td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'>45<sup>2</sup></td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'>145<sup>42</sup></td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'>84<sup>23</sup></td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'>122<sup>34</sup></td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'> </td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'> </td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'> </td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'> </td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'> </td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'> </td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'> </td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'> </td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'> </td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'> </td>
<td class='bbt blt c022'> </td>
<td class='bbt blt brt c022'> </td>
</tr>
</table>
</div>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_308'>308</span>
<h2 class='c006'>INDEX</h2>
</div>
<ul class='index c002'>
<li class='c023'>Aberdare, Lord, Home Secretary, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Abraham, Miss May, Inspector of Factories, <a href='#Page_vii'>vii</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>;
<ul>
<li>secretary to Lady Dilke, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>;</li>
<li>retirement, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>;</li>
<li>marriage, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>;</li>
<li>member of the Dangerous Trades Committee, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>.</li>
<li><i>See</i> Tennant</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Accidents in factories, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>;
<ul>
<li>in laundries, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>–146;</li>
<li>treatment, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>;</li>
<li>number, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Aerated water, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Aeroplanes, varnishing the wings, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Akers-Douglas, Rt. Hon. (Lord Chilston), Home Secretary, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>;
<ul>
<li>on Women Inspectors, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Alverstone, Lord, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a></li>
<li class='c023'>America, “motion study,” <a href='#Page_256'>256</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Anderson, Adelaide Mary, Inspector of Factories, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Anthrax, cases of, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Anti-Sweating Movement, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Antrim, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Ardara, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Arsenic, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Asbestos industry, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Asquith, Rt. Hon. H. H., on Factory Laws, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>;
<ul>
<li>on Women Inspectors, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c002'>Baden, Grand Duchy of, silk mills, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Bag-woman or carrier system, <a href='#Page_90'>90</a></li>
<li class='c023'><cite>Beacon</cite>, the, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a> <i>note</i></li>
<li class='c023'>Bedford College for Women, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a> <i>note</i></li>
<li class='c023'>Belfast, textile mill, case of half-timers, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>;
<ul>
<li>procession of workers, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>;</li>
<li>conference in, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>;</li>
<li>Congress of the Royal Sanitary Institute, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a> <i>note</i>;</li>
<li>Health Commission, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Belgium, reformatory institutions, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>;
<ul>
<li>prevention of industrial fatigue, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish, on the work of Women Inspectors, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Benzine, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Berlin, conference in, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Bichromate of potassium, result of, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Birmingham, prosecutions, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>;
<ul>
<li>munition factories, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>;</li>
<li>Congress of the Royal Sanitary Institute, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Birtwistle, Mr., Inspector of Textile Particulars, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Black Country factories, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Blackburn, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Board of Trade Wage Census, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Bonus system, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Bournville, conference at, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Branford, Victor, <cite>Interpretations and Forecasts</cite>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Brass, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Bricks, glazing of, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Brickworks, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Briquettes, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Bristol, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>;
<ul>
<li>Women Workers, meeting, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Bronzing, dust from, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
<li class='c023'><span class='pageno' id='Page_309'>309</span>Brooke-Gwynne, Maura, <a href='#Page_xi'>xi</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Buffing of plated articles, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Burnley, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Burns, Rt. Hon. John, on the work of Women Inspectors, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a></li>
<li class='c002'>Cadbury, Mr., conference at Bournville, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Campbell, Dr. Janet, on Health of Women in Industry, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a> <i>note</i>;
<ul>
<li><cite>War Cabinet Committee on Women in Industry</cite>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Canteens, result of, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Carbonic oxide poisoning, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Carotting, process of, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Celluloid, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Cement works, in Scotland, employment of women, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Chalmers, Sir Mackenzie, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Chapman, S. J., <cite>Labour and Capital after the War</cite>, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a> <i>note</i>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a> <i>note</i>, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a> <i>note</i></li>
<li class='c023'>Chemical works, employment of women, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Chemicals, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Children, employment in factories, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>–179;
<ul>
<li>result of lifting heavy weights, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>–135, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>;</li>
<li>examinations, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>–174;</li>
<li>half-time system, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>;</li>
<li>cases of rejection, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>;</li>
<li>in Ireland, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>–177;</li>
<li>number of, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>China scourers, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>;
<ul>
<li>mortality, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>–105</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Christian Social Union Research Committee, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Chromate, lead, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Chrome holes, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Cleanliness of workshops, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Clothing factories, wages, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>;
<ul>
<li>accidents, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>;</li>
<li>employment of mothers, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>;</li>
<li>number employed, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a> <i>note</i></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Cohen, Miss H. F., <a href='#Page_158'>158</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Colchester, clothing factories, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>;
<ul>
<li>rate of wages, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Collett, Miss Clara, Assistant Commissioner on Labour, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse, criticism on the work of Women Inspectors, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Collis, Dr. E. L., <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>;
<ul>
<li>Director of the Welfare Department, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'><cite>Commonwealth</cite>, the, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Consumption, compulsory notification, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Cooke-Taylor, Whateley, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>;
<ul>
<li><cite>The Modern Factory System</cite>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Cornwall, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Cotton Cloth Factories Act of 1889, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Cotton mills, driving system, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>;
<ul>
<li>fines, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Coventry, factories in, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a></li>
<li class='c002'>Dangerous Trades Committee 100, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Deane, Miss Lucy, Inspector of Factories, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a></li>
<li class='c023'><cite>Deane</cite> v. <cite>Hulbert Beach</cite>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>;
<ul>
<li>v. <cite>Wilson</cite>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Dermatitis or inflammation of the skin, case of, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Dickie, Mrs., Inspector, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Digby, Sir Kenelm, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Dilke, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles, on the work of Women Inspectors, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Dilke, Lady, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Dilution Officers of Munitions, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Donegal, experiences of Inspectors in, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a></li>
<li class='c023'><cite>Donegal Vindicator</cite>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a> <i>note</i></li>
<li class='c023'>Dope poisoning, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Down, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Drage, Mr. Geoffrey, Secretary of the Labour Commission, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Drinking water, supply of, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Driving system, in cotton mills, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Drury, Mrs., Inspector, <a href='#Page_xi'>xi</a>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>;
<ul>
<li>sketch of a day’s work, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>–221.</li>
<li><i>See</i> Whitworth</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Duckering, G. Elmhirst, Inspector of Factories, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Dundee, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Dungloe, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Dust, dangers of, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>–112, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a></li>
<li class='c002'><span class='pageno' id='Page_310'>310</span>Edward IV., King, statute of, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a> <i>note</i></li>
<li class='c023'>Eight Hours Bill, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Electric accumulator industry, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Electro-plate works, Sheffield, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Elementary Education Act, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a> <i>note</i></li>
<li class='c023'>Emergency Orders, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Employment of Children, Royal Commission of 1841, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>;
<ul>
<li>Act, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>;</li>
<li>Committee on, in 1901, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>“Employment of Mothers,” <a href='#Page_156'>156</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Enamelling of metals, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Escreet, Miss, Inspector of Factories, <a href='#Page_xi'>xi</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_264'>264</a></li>
<li class='c002'>Fabian Society, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Factories, Women Inspectors, <a href='#Page_vii'>vii</a>, <a href='#Page_ix'>ix</a>, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>;
<ul>
<li>number of, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>;</li>
<li>their work, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>;</li>
<li>evils of the system, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>–27;</li>
<li>hours of work, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>–34, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>–244;</li>
<li>evils of overtime, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>–39;</li>
<li>defective sanitation, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>–44;</li>
<li>supply of drinking water, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>;</li>
<li>lighting, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>–50;</li>
<li>system of fines, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>–72;</li>
<li>practice of raffling, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>;</li>
<li>bonus system, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>;</li>
<li>dangerous processes, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>;</li>
<li>special rules, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>–98, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>;</li>
<li>mechanical ventilation, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>;</li>
<li>records, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>;</li>
<li>Women Medical Inspectors, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>;</li>
<li>accidents in, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>;</li>
<li>register of, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>;</li>
<li>employment of mothers, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>–163;</li>
<li>number of, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a> <i>note</i>;</li>
<li>employment of children, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>–179;</li>
<li>number of, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>;</li>
<li>half-time system, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>;</li>
<li>daily visits of inspection, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>;</li>
<li>substitution of women, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>–239, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>;</li>
<li>welfare movement, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>–272;</li>
<li>women superintendents, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a>;</li>
<li>provision for meals, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>–264, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>;</li>
<li>neglect of seats, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>–267;</li>
<li>weight lifting, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>;</li>
<li>first-aid and ambulance work, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>;</li>
<li>hygienic safeguards, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>;</li>
<li>surveys, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>;</li>
<li>orders for welfare condition, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>–278;</li>
<li>committees, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>–281, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>;</li>
<li>series of welfare pamphlets, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a>;</li>
<li>improved conditions, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>–285</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Factories and Miscellaneous Provisions Act of 1916, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Factory Act of 1802, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>;
<ul>
<li>of 1878, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a> <i>note</i>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a> <i>note</i>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>;</li>
<li>of 1891, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a> <i>note</i>;</li>
<li>of 1895, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>;</li>
<li>of 1901, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a> <i>note</i>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a> <i>note</i>, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a> <i>note</i>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a> <i>note</i>;</li>
<li>of 1907, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a>, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Factory system, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>;
<ul>
<li>a workers’ welfare committee in a national factory, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Faithful, Miss Emily, letter to <cite>The Times</cite>, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Fencing of machinery, the term, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>;
<ul>
<li>accidents from, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Fines, system of, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>–72</li>
<li class='c023'>Fish-curing industry, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a> <i>note</i>;
<ul>
<li>number employed, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a> <i>note</i></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Flax preparation and carding, mortality, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Flax scutch mills, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Ford, Miss I. O., <a href='#Page_8'>8</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Foxford Convent, Mayo, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a></li>
<li class='c023'>France, reformatory institutions, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>;
<ul>
<li>industrial legislation, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a> <i>note</i>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Fruit industry, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>;
<ul>
<li>number employed, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a> <i>note</i></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'><cite>Fullers, Ltd.</cite> v. <cite>Squire</cite>, <a href='#Page_204'>204</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Fustian clothing factories, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a></li>
<li class='c002'>Gas stoves, unhooded, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Gasworks, employment of women, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a></li>
<li class='c023'>George I., King, statute of, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a> <i>note</i></li>
<li class='c023'>Germany, reformatory institutions, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>;
<ul>
<li>industrial legislation, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a> <i>note</i>, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Gladstone, Viscount, Departmental Committee, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a> <i>note</i>;
<ul>
<li>on the increase of Women Inspectors, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Glasgow Trade Union Congress, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a></li>
<li class='c023'><span class='pageno' id='Page_311'>311</span>Glass factories of Sunderland, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Goadby, Dr. Kenneth W., <cite>Lead Poisoning and Lead Absorption</cite>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a> <i>note</i>, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Goods, payment in, evils of, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>–85</li>
<li class='c023'>Grimsby, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a></li>
<li class='c002'>Haldane, Viscount, address to Factory Inspectors, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Half-time system, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Hanley, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Hatch, Sir Ernest, Departmental Committee, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Haynes, Miss Dorothy, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a> <i>note</i></li>
<li class='c023'>Heading yarn dyed in lead chromate, cases of poisoning, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Health Commission, in Belfast, Report of the, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Health Insurance, National, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Health, Ministry of, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Health of Munition Workers Committee, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>, <a href='#Page_241'>241</a>, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a>, <a href='#Page_244'>244</a>, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>, <a href='#Page_256'>256</a> <i>note</i>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a> <i>note</i></li>
<li class='c023'>Hewitt, Dr. E. M., <a href='#Page_96'>96</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Hill, Dr. Leonard, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Hills, Mr., <a href='#Page_195'>195</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Holland, Canon Scott, on the work of Factory Inspectors, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Home Office Memorandum on Substitution of Women, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a> <i>note</i>, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Homework, Select Committee on, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Hood, Thomas, <cite>Song of the Shirt</cite>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Hosiery factories, teazle brushing, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Hours of work, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>–34, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>–244;
<ul>
<li>reduction, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Hygiene and Industrial Employment, address on, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a></li>
<li class='c002'><cite>Illumination in Factories</cite>, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a></li>
<li class='c023'>India-rubber works, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Industrial Fatigue Research Board, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Industrial Law Indemnity Fund, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Industries, dangerous and unhealthy, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>, <a href='#Page_287'>287</a>;
<ul>
<li>preventive measures, <a href='#Page_288'>288</a>–305</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Infant mortality, high rate of, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Institutions, reformatory or charitable, method of administration, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>–189</li>
<li class='c023'>Ireland, letters of thanks to Inspectors, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>;
<ul>
<li>wages of dressmakers, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>;</li>
<li>payment in goods, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>–83;</li>
<li>prosecutions, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>;</li>
<li>employment of children, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>–177;</li>
<li>convent industries, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>;</li>
<li>institutional laundries, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Italy, prevention of industrial fatigue, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a></li>
<li class='c002'>Joteyko, Dr. Josefa, <cite>Science of Labour</cite>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a></li>
<li class='c002'>Kent, Prof. Stanley, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a> <i>note</i></li>
<li class='c023'>Kid-glove makers, payment of, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement, <cite>Women and Industrial Changes</cite>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a> <i>note</i></li>
<li class='c023'>Kippering industry case, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Kropotkin, Prince, <cite>Fields, Factories and Workshops</cite>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a></li>
<li class='c002'>Labels, injurious practice of licking, <a href='#Page_137'>137</a>–139</li>
<li class='c023'><cite>Labour and Capital after the War</cite>, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a> <i>note</i></li>
<li class='c023'>Labour Convention of 1919, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Labour, International Conference, at Berlin, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Labour, Ministry of, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Labour, Royal Commission on, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Lace-tinting industry, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Lakeman, Mr., on the evils of working overtime, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Lancashire, Limited Liability Company, case against, <a href='#Page_42'>42</a>;
<ul>
<li>employment of mothers, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Laundries, hours of work, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>–34;
<ul>
<li>seaside, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>;</li>
<li>carbonic oxide poisoning, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>;</li>
<li>accidents in, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>–146;</li>
<li>remedies against, <a href='#Page_142'>142</a>;</li>
<li><span class='pageno' id='Page_312'>312</span>number, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>;</li>
<li>prosecutions, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>;</li>
<li>employment of mothers, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>–154;</li>
<li>institutional, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>–188;</li>
<li>women employed, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a> <i>note</i></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Lead chromate, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Lead poisoning, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Leeds, factories, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>;
<ul>
<li>practice of raffling goods, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Legge, Dr. T. M., Senior Medical Inspector, <a href='#Page_xi'>xi</a>, <a href='#Page_96'>96</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>;
<ul>
<li>Occupational Diseases, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> <i>note</i>;</li>
<li>Lead Poisoning and Lead Absorption, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a> <i>note</i>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a> <i>note</i>, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Lighting of factories and workshops, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>–50;
<ul>
<li>Committee on, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Linen-weaving factory, system of fines, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a></li>
<li class='c023'>London, factories, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a>;
<ul>
<li>School of Economics, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a> <i>note</i></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Longton, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Lovibond, Miss, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>.
<ul>
<li><i>See</i> Moorcroft</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Lowestoft, fishing industry, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a> <i>note</i></li>
<li class='c023'>Lucifer match factory, case of, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Lushington, Sir Godfrey, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Lye, bucket industry, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. Alfred, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a></li>
<li class='c002'>MacArthur, Miss Mary, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Macdonald, Mr. Ramsay, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Machinery, fencing of, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>;
<ul>
<li>accidents from, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Manchester, practice of raffling goods, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>;
<ul>
<li>“making-up” warehouses, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Manufacturers, Association of, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Martindale, Miss Hilda, <a href='#Page_x'>x</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, <a href='#Page_174'>174</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>;
<ul>
<li><cite>Hygiene and Industrial Employment</cite>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a> <i>note</i></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Mary, H.M. Queen, Fund, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Match-making industry, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Matthews, Rt. Hon. Henry, Home Secretary, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a></li>
<li class='c023'>McKenna, Rt. Hon. R., on the work of Women Inspectors, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Meals, provision for, in factories, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>–264, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Medical Inspectors, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Men, number employed in factories, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>;
<ul>
<li>Inspectors, work of the, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_196'>196</a>;</li>
<li>number, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Mercerised cotton yarn dust, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Mercurial poisoning, cases of, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>–126, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Meredith, George, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Messrooms, <a href='#Page_258'>258</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Metals, enamelling and tinning of, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a> <i>note</i>, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Mill gearing, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a> <i>note</i></li>
<li class='c023'>Mill girls, deputation of, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Mines Acts, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Moorcroft, Mrs., <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>.
<ul>
<li><i>See</i> Lovibond</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Morrell, Mr., <a href='#Page_195'>195</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Mothers, employment of, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>–163;
<ul>
<li>maternity fund, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>;</li>
<li>cases of, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>–162;</li>
<li>number, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Mulhouse, maternity fund, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Munition workers, number of, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>;
<ul>
<li>long hours, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>–244</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c002'>National Liberal Federation, meeting, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a></li>
<li class='c023'>National Service, Ministry of, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Necrosis, cases of, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Needle-puncturing accidents, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Nicotine poisoning, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Niven, Dr., on the cleanliness of workshops, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a></li>
<li class='c002'>Oastler, Richard, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Oram, Mr. R. E. Sprague, H.M. Chief Inspector, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>;
<ul>
<li>retirement, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Osborn, Mr. E. H., H.M. Superintending Inspector of Factories, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Outwork, evil of, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Overtime, working, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>;
<ul>
<li>evils of, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>–39</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Owen, Robert, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a></li>
<li class='c002'>Papworth, Miss Wyatt, Secretary of the Women’s Industrial Council, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a></li>
<li class='c023'><span class='pageno' id='Page_313'>313</span>Paterson, Mrs. Emma Ann, founds the Women’s Protective League, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Paterson, Miss Mary, Inspector of Factories, <a href='#Page_vii'>vii</a>, <a href='#Page_xi'>xi</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>, <a href='#Page_167'>167</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>;
<ul>
<li>on insanitary conditions, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>;</li>
<li>case of overcrowding, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Paterson, Mr. Thomas, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Peace Treaty of 1919, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Peel, Sir R., <a href='#Page_3'>3</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Pendock, Mr. C. R., Inspector of Factories, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>;
<ul>
<li><cite>Observations on Ventilation of Potteries and Removal of Dust</cite>, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a> <i>note</i></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Pen-making trade, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_92'>92</a>;
<ul>
<li>system of “cards,” <a href='#Page_93'>93</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Peripatetic Inspectors, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Perry, Miss, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Phosphorus necrosis, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Physical Deterioration, Committee on, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Piecework, payment of, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>–93</li>
<li class='c023'>Plumbism, cases of, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_290'>290</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Poisoning, cases of, <a href='#Page_98'>98</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Police Act, the little, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>–278</li>
<li class='c023'>Police, Factories, etc., Act, <a href='#Page_254'>254</a> <i>note</i></li>
<li class='c023'>Potteries, records, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>;
<ul>
<li>Fund, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Pottery Code of Regulations, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a></li>
<li class='c023'><cite>Power Laundry, The</cite>, <a href='#Page_33'>33</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Pratt, Mr. Hodgson, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Presbyterian Church, General Assembly of the, on child labour, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Preston, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Public Health Acts, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Purdon, Dr., <a href='#Page_102'>102</a></li>
<li class='c002'>Rabbit skins, dust from, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a> <i>note</i></li>
<li class='c023'>Raffling, practice of, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Reconstruction, Ministry of, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a></li>
<li class='c023'><cite>Redgrave</cite> v. <cite>Kelly</cite>, case of, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Reformatory institutions, administration, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>–189</li>
<li class='c023'>Religious institutions, workers, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Rent, deductions for, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Ridley, Rt. Hon. Sir Matthew White, Home Secretary, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>;
<ul>
<li>on Women Factory Inspectors, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Rowntree, Mr. Seebohm, Director of the Welfare Department, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Royal Sanitary Institute, Congress at Belfast, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Rubber articles, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Rubber tyre factory, system of fines, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Russell, Lord, of Killowen, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a></li>
<li class='c002'>Sadler, Michael, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Sadler, Miss, Inspector of Factories, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a> <i>note</i>, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Safety-pin factory, system of deductions, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Sanitation, defective, in factories and workshops, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>–44</li>
<li class='c023'><cite>Schofield</cite> v. <cite>Schunk</cite>, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a></li>
<li class='c023'>School Child Leaflet, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Scientific instrument making, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Scotland, cement works, employment of women, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Seats, lack of, in factories, <a href='#Page_265'>265</a>–267</li>
<li class='c023'><cite>Service Magazine</cite>, <a href='#Page_280'>280</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Shaftesbury, Earl of, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Sheffield, electro-plate works, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>;
<ul>
<li>conference in, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>;</li>
<li>dinner clubs, <a href='#Page_263'>263</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Shell factory, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Shetland, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Shift systems, <a href='#Page_242'>242</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Silk waste carding and spinning, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Simon, Sir John, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Slocock, Miss, Inspector of Factories, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Smith, Adam, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Smith, Sydney, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Somerset, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Squire, Miss R. E., Inspector of Factories, <a href='#Page_x'>x</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>, <a href='#Page_72'>72</a>, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a> <i>note</i>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>, <a href='#Page_271'>271</a>;
<ul>
<li>member of a Committee on Lighting in Factories, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>;</li>
<li><span class='pageno' id='Page_314'>314</span>cases, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>;</li>
<li>on the wages of girls, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>;</li>
<li>in charge of the Women’s Welfare Department, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'><cite>Squire</cite> v. <cite>Boyer & Co.</cite>, <a href='#Page_205'>205</a>;
<ul>
<li>v. <cite>Midland Lace Company</cite>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>;</li>
<li>v. <cite>Sweeney</cite>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Staffordshire Potteries, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_131'>131</a>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Star, the, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Steel works in Yorkshire, employment of women, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Stoke-on-Trent, <a href='#Page_104'>104</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Stourbridge, brick-making, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Stuart, Prof. William, <cite>Economic Annals of the Nineteenth Century</cite>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a> <i>note</i>;
<ul>
<li><cite>Substitution of Women in Industry</cite>, <a href='#Page_229'>229</a> <i>note</i></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Substitutes, women as. <i>See</i> Women Workers</li>
<li class='c023'>Sunderland, glass factories, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Sweated Industries, Exhibition of 1906, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Sweating system, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a></li>
<li class='c002'>Tailoring trade, <a href='#Page_89'>89</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Tawney, Mr. R. H., <cite>Minimum Rates in the Tailoring Trade</cite>, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Taylor, Mr. Stevenson, Inspector of Factories, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Taylor, Mr. Theodore, tribute to the work of Women Inspectors, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Teazle-brushing machines, guards for, <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Temperature of workrooms, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Tennant, Mrs. H. J., <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>;
<ul>
<li>Chairman of the Industrial Law Indemnity Fund, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>.</li>
<li><i>See</i> Abraham</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Textile factories, number employed, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a> <i>note</i></li>
<li class='c023'>Theatrical costume industry, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>;
<ul>
<li>cases of overtime, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Time-cribbing, suppression of, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Tinning of metals, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Tinplate works, loads, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Tobacco works, cases of poisoning, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Toxic jaundice, cases of, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Tracey, Miss A., Inspector of Factories, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a></li>
<li class='c023'><cite>Tracey</cite> v. <cite>Pretty</cite>, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Trade Boards Act of 1909, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Trade Union Congress, Bristol, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>;
<ul>
<li>Glasgow, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>;</li>
<li>organisation for women, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Troup, Sir Edward, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Truck, meaning of the word, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>;
<ul>
<li>committee on, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Truck Acts, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>; of 1831, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>;
<ul>
<li>of 1887, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>;</li>
<li>of 1896, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, <a href='#Page_73'>73</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Tuckwell, Miss Gertrude, Hon. Sec. of the Women’s Trade Union League, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a>;
<ul>
<li><cite>The Jeopardy of a Department</cite>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a> <i>note</i></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c002'>Unemployment, <a href='#Page_281'>281</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Urwick, Prof., <a href='#Page_269'>269</a></li>
<li class='c002'>Vandevelde, Mr., the Belgian, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Varley, Miss Julia, article in the <cite>Yorkshire Factory Times</cite>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a> <i>note</i></li>
<li class='c023'>Ventilation of workrooms, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_100'>100</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Vines, Miss, Inspector of Factories, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a> <i>note</i>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a></li>
<li class='c002'>Wage Census of 1886 and 1906, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Wages of women, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>–68;
<ul>
<li>payment in goods, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_62'>62</a>, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>–85;</li>
<li>deductions, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>–66, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>–72;</li>
<li>system of fines, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>–72</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>War, the Great, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>, <a href='#Page_188'>188</a>, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>;
<ul>
<li>women’s work in the, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>–236;</li>
<li>tributes to, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>War, munitions of, production, <a href='#Page_228'>228</a></li>
<li class='c023'>War Museum, National, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Weaving, art of, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Weights, heavy, lifting, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>–136, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>, <a href='#Page_302'>302</a></li>
<li class='c023'><span class='pageno' id='Page_315'>315</span>Welfare Department, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>;
<ul>
<li>movement in factories, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>–272;</li>
<li>trained women superintendents, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Werner, Mr. E. A. R., Inspector of Factories, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Whitaker, Dr., <a href='#Page_102'>102</a></li>
<li class='c023'>White lead industry, cases of poisoning, <a href='#Page_114'>114</a>–117, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>–122, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>;
<ul>
<li>regulations, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>;</li>
<li>preventive measures, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Whitelegge, Sir Arthur, M.D., Chief Inspector of Factories, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Whitley Report, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Whitlock, Miss, M.B., <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_109'>109</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a>;
<ul>
<li>reports on lead cases, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>, <a href='#Page_119'>119</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>;</li>
<li>transferred to the Industrial Schools Department, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a></li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Whitworth, Miss, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>.
<ul>
<li><i>See</i> Drury</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Williams, Mr., Superintending Inspector, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Wilson, Mr. D. R., <cite>Illumination in Factories</cite>, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Women Assistant Commissioners on Labour, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Women Dilution Officers, employment of, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Women Inspectors, <a href='#Page_vii'>vii</a>, <a href='#Page_ix'>ix</a>, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a>, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>;
<ul>
<li>appointment, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>;</li>
<li>official status, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>;</li>
<li>work, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>–14, <a href='#Page_78'>78</a>, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>–223, <a href='#Page_270'>270</a>;</li>
<li>number, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>;</li>
<li>testimony to, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>;</li>
<li>detection of cases of overtime, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>–39;</li>
<li>value of their visits, <a href='#Page_52'>52</a>;</li>
<li>relations with the workers, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>–55;</li>
<li>letters of thanks, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>;</li>
<li>evidence on the result of low wages, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>;</li>
<li>cases, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>–82, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>;</li>
<li>reports on payment of piecework, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>;</li>
<li>inquiries into dangerous processes, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>;</li>
<li>taking of records, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>;</li>
<li>tributes to their work, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>–195, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>;</li>
<li>study of foreign industrial legislation, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>;</li>
<li>higher education, <a href='#Page_201'>201</a>;</li>
<li>prosecutions, <a href='#Page_202'>202</a>–210;</li>
<li>address from Lord Haldane, <a href='#Page_207'>207</a>;</li>
<li>reading for the Bar, <a href='#Page_209'>209</a>;</li>
<li>peripatetic, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>;</li>
<li>experiences in the courts, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>;</li>
<li>daily visits of inspection, <a href='#Page_216'>216</a>;</li>
<li>inspection of munitions factories, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>, <a href='#Page_239'>239</a>;</li>
<li>reports on the result of long hours of work, <a href='#Page_240'>240</a>–244</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Women Medical Inspectors, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Women superintendents in factories, <a href='#Page_260'>260</a>, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Women Welfare Officers, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Women Workers, National Council of, meeting at Bristol, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>;
<ul>
<li>number employed in factories, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a> <i>note</i>;</li>
<li>characteristics, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>;</li>
<li>courage, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>–24;</li>
<li>evils of the system, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>–27;</li>
<li>hours of work, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>–34, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>;</li>
<li>relations with the Inspectors, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>;</li>
<li>complaints against managers, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>–55;</li>
<li>wages, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>–68;</li>
<li>dangerous processes, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>;</li>
<li>rules for safeguarding, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>–98, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>;</li>
<li>injuries from lead processes on maternity, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>;</li>
<li>result of lifting heavy weights, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>–136, <a href='#Page_267'>267</a>;</li>
<li>number employed in laundries, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>;</li>
<li>work in the War, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>–236;</li>
<li>substitutes, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>–239, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>;</li>
<li>tributes to, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>;</li>
<li>in engineering, chemical and gasworks, <a href='#Page_231'>231</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>–235;</li>
<li>result of their wartime experiences, <a href='#Page_246'>246</a>–249</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c023'>Women and Young Persons Act, 1920, <a href='#Page_115'>115</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Women’s Employment Committee, Report, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Women’s Industrial Council, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a></li>
<li class='c023'><cite>Women’s Industrial News</cite>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>, <a href='#Page_200'>200</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Women’s Institute, founded, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Women’s Liberal Association, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Women’s Protective and Provident League, founded, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Women’s Trade Union League, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_56'>56</a></li>
<li class='c023'><cite>Women’s Union Journal</cite>, extract from, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a></li>
<li class='c023'><cite>Women’s War Work</cite>, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a> <i>note</i></li>
<li class='c023'><span class='pageno' id='Page_316'>316</span>Wörishoffer, Dr., <a href='#Page_183'>183</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Work, function of, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Workers’ Trustees Council, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Workers’ Welfare Committee, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Working men appointed Inspectors, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Workshops, number of, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>;
<ul>
<li>defective sanitation, <a href='#Page_39'>39</a>–44;</li>
<li>ventilation, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>;</li>
<li>lack of heating, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>;</li>
<li>overcrowding, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>;</li>
<li>temperature, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_99'>99</a>;</li>
<li>drainage, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>;</li>
<li>cleanliness, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>;</li>
<li>supply of drinking water, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>;</li>
<li>lighting, <a href='#Page_46'>46</a>–50</li>
</ul>
</li>
<li class='c002'>Yarmouth, fish-curing industry, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Yarn, heading, dyed in lead chromate, <a href='#Page_120'>120</a>, <a href='#Page_121'>121</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Yeovil, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a></li>
<li class='c023'>Yorkshire factories, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>, <a href='#Page_234'>234</a></li>
<li class='c023'><cite>Yorkshire Factory Times</cite>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a> <i>note</i></li>
</ul>
<hr class='c024'>
<div class='footnote' id='f1'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r1'>1</a>. See Note, p. <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f2'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r2'>2</a>. Minutes of Evidence, Group C, Vol. I. Questions 4638
and 6830.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f3'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r3'>3</a>. Report of Women’s Employment Committee, Ministry
of Reconstruction, 1919, Cd. 9239, p. 60.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f4'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r4'>4</a>. <i>Ibid.</i></p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f5'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r5'>5</a>. Afterwards the Women’s Trade Union League.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f6'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r6'>6</a>. From an obituary notice by Hodgson Pratt in the
<cite>Women’s Union Journal</cite>, in December, 1886.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f7'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r7'>7</a>. “Fencing” is a term used but not defined in the Factory
Act, in Section 10 of 1901. Under this section, guards, automatic
as well as fixed, are required for dangerous machinery.
Other dangerous parts—<i>e.g.</i>, “mill gearing”—if not safe by
position must be securely fenced.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f8'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r8'>8</a>. Report quoted Cd. 9239, p. 61.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f9'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r9'>9</a>. Annual Report of the Chief Inspector, 1912, p. 113.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f10'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r10'>10</a>. Under the chairmanship of Mrs. H. J. Tennant.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f11'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r11'>11</a>. A carding engine in a cotton mill.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f12'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r12'>12</a>. Annual Report of the Chief Inspector, 1895, p. 112.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f13'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r13'>13</a>. Annual Report of the Chief Inspector, 1913, pp. 70, 89.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f14'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r14'>14</a>. <cite>Yorkshire Factory Times</cite>, September 11, 1896. Article
by Julia Varley.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f15'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r15'>15</a>. Annual Report of the Chief Inspector, 1895, p. 119.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f16'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r16'>16</a>. <i>I.e.</i>, in textile factories from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. or 7 a.m.
to 7 p.m., with two hours, which must be specified, taken off
for meals; and on Saturdays 6 a.m. to 1.30 p.m., with an
hour for a meal. In non-textile factories a period, 8 a.m.
to 8 p.m., was also permissible.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f17'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r17'>17</a>. Act of 1878, sect. 53, and third schedule, part three;
amended by Act of 1895, sect. 14, and Act of 1901, sect. 49,
second schedule.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f18'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r18'>18</a>. And even thirteen-year-old workers, when they were
qualified by an educational certificate to rank as a young
person.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f19'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r19'>19</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1903, p. 223.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f20'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r20'>20</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1910, p. 155. Section 31 of the Factory Act,
1901, restricting employment inside and outside the
factory or workshop on the same day, had but a limited
effect.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f21'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r21'>21</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1914, p. 54.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f22'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r22'>22</a>. See Special Order, dated September 11, 1907.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f23'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r23'>23</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1896, p. 67.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f24'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r24'>24</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1903, p. 223.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f25'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r25'>25</a>. The late Miss Wyatt Papworth, whose constant help
I desire gratefully to record.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f26'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r26'>26</a>. The legal period closed at 4 p.m.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f27'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r27'>27</a>. Annual Report, 1902, p. 153; 1903, p. 224.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f28'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r28'>28</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1911, p. 152.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f29'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r29'>29</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1912, pp. 142, 145.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f30'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r30'>30</a>. Annual Report of the Chief Inspector, 1900, p. 367.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f31'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r31'>31</a>. Unsuitable, insanitary, not separate for the sexes, or
totally lacking.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f32'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r32'>32</a>. Annual Report, 1902, p. 154.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f33'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r33'>33</a>. Annual Report, 1903, p. 203.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f34'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r34'>34</a>. Annual Report, 1903, p. 203.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f35'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r35'>35</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1902, p. 154.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f36'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r36'>36</a>. Included in Annual Report of the Chief Inspector, 1911,
p. 239.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f37'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r37'>37</a>. Departmental (Home Office) Committee on Lighting in
Factories and Workshops, 1915, Cd. 8000; 1921, Cd. 118.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f38'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r38'>38</a>. See Annual Report of the Chief Inspector for 1920,
chap. ix., for a résumé by Miss Squire of the recent advances
and parallel delays, in progress, in this vital matter
in factories.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f39'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r39'>39</a>. Factory and Workshop Act, 1878, sects. 3 and 36.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f40'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r40'>40</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1911, p. 136.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f41'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r41'>41</a>. For example, neglect to present seventeen little girls
for examination as to physical fitness by the certifying
surgeon, of whom five were subsequently rejected by him
and sent for medical treatment; sanitary conveniences not
separate for boys and girls.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f42'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r42'>42</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1912, p. 121.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f43'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r43'>43</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1902, p. 153.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f44'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r44'>44</a>. “The Jeopardy of a Department,” by Gertrude M.
Tuckwell. Published by the Women’s Trade Union
League, 1897, p. 7.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f45'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r45'>45</a>. “The Modern Factory System,” by Whateley Cooke-Taylor,
late His Majesty’s Superintending Inspector of
Factories.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f46'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r46'>46</a>. These words are in a statute of Edward IV.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f47'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r47'>47</a>. A Franco-Scottish word meaning <i>barter</i> that appeared
in a statute of George I., after the Act of Union. The
Act of 1831 was “to prohibit the payment, in certain
trades, of wages in goods or otherwise than in current coin
of the realm.”</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f48'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r48'>48</a>. Extended at this date to Ireland also.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f49'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r49'>49</a>. Annual Report of the Chief Inspector, 1897, p. 109.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f50'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r50'>50</a>. Report of Committee on Truck, 1908, vol. i., appendix
iv., Cd. 4442.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f51'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r51'>51</a>. Report from the Select Committee on Homework
ordered by the House of Commons to be printed July
22, 1908.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f52'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r52'>52</a>. Compare figures given in “Labour and Capital after
the War,” edited by S. J. Chapman, C.B.E., iv., p. 80.
London, John Murray, 1918.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f53'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r53'>53</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1898, p. 185.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f54'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r54'>54</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1897, p. 112.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f55'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r55'>55</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1901, p. 190.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f56'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r56'>56</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1914, p. 49.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f57'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r57'>57</a>. <i>Op. cit.</i> (1915, G. Bell and Sons), p. 127.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f58'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r58'>58</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1908, p. 155.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f59'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r59'>59</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1911, p. 161.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f60'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r60'>60</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1912, p. 157.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f61'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r61'>61</a>. Report of the Committee on Truck, 1908, Cd. 4442.
QQ. 7716–8, 8192, 8204, 8234, 17892, etc., and Report, vol. i.,
p. 25.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f62'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r62'>62</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1898, p. 185.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f63'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r63'>63</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1902, p. 190.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f64'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r64'>64</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1911, p. 162; and
1914, p. 50.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f65'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r65'>65</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1905, p. 328.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f66'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r66'>66</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1906, p. 239.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f67'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r67'>67</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1901, p. 191.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f68'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r68'>68</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1901, p. 190.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f69'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r69'>69</a>. Report of the Committee on Truck, 1908, vol. i., pp. 28, 89.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f70'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r70'>70</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1897, p. 110; 1906,
p. 240; 1908, p. 160.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f71'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r71'>71</a>. See below, Chapter VI.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f72'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r72'>72</a>. Truck Act, 1831, sect. 25.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f73'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r73'>73</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1898, p. 182.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f74'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r74'>74</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1902, p. 191.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f75'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r75'>75</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1907, p. 200.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f76'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r76'>76</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1907, p. 200.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f77'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r77'>77</a>. The <cite>Donegal Vindicator</cite>, June 29, 1900.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f78'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r78'>78</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1899, pp. 275–7.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f79'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r79'>79</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1900, pp. 29–30.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f80'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r80'>80</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1900, pp. 352, 359,
404.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f81'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r81'>81</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1907, p. 196.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f82'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r82'>82</a>. Factory Act, 1895, sect. 40.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f83'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r83'>83</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1896, p. 74.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f84'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r84'>84</a>. Act of 1891, sect. 24.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f85'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r85'>85</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1895, sect. 40 (6).</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f86'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r86'>86</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1901, sects. 114 and 116.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f87'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r87'>87</a>. Annual Report of the Chief Inspector, 1898, p. 182.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f88'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r88'>88</a>. <i>E.g.</i>, cutting, piercing, marking, raising, grinding,
bending, polishing, etc.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f89'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r89'>89</a>. Annual Report, 1902, p. 189.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f90'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r90'>90</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1904, p. 279.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f91'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r91'>91</a>. Miss Slocock in Annual Report, 1907, p. 193.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f92'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r92'>92</a>. Factory and Workshop Act, 1901, sect. 79.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f93'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r93'>93</a>. Such as white lead manufacture, lucifer match making,
paint and colour making, hollow ware enamelling.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f94'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r94'>94</a>. For examination of children and young persons under
sixteen years as to physical fitness for working in a factory,
and enquiry into certain grave and fatal accidents.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f95'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r95'>95</a>. See especially Fourth Report of the Medical Officer to
the Privy Council, 1861, pp. 29, 31, etc.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f96'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r96'>96</a>. In “Occupational Diseases,” by T. M. Legge, C.B.E.,
M.D., etc., p. 68, and in “Lead Poisoning and Lead Absorption,”
by T. M. Legge and Kenneth W. Goadby, 1912,
pp. 98–102.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f97'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r97'>97</a>. Later amended and in 1911 developed into special
regulations under the Principal Act of 1901.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f98'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r98'>98</a>. Reports on Enamelling of Metals, 1903 (Cd. 1610),
and on Tinning of Metals, 1907 (Cd. 3793), especially
pp. 23 and following.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f99'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r99'>99</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1920, p. 53.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f100'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r100'>100</a>. “Observations on Ventilation of Potteries and Removal
of Dust,” by C. R. Pendock, 1913, Stoke-on-Trent.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f101'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r101'>101</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1893, pp. 194–5.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f102'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r102'>102</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1898, pp. 162–4. See also Annual Reports, 1919
and 1920.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f103'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r103'>103</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1898, pp. 135
and 163.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f104'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r104'>104</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1908, p. 144.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f105'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r105'>105</a>. The Committee reported in 1910, Cd. 5219, Cd. 5278,
and Cd. 5385.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f106'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r106'>106</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1898, pp. 135, 171–2.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f107'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r107'>107</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1906, p. 220, and
1920, p. 75.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f108'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r108'>108</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1906, p. 221; 1907, p. 173.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f109'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r109'>109</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1902, pp. 171–2.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f110'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r110'>110</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1909, p. 146.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f111'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r111'>111</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1910, p. 129.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f112'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r112'>112</a>. Which produces the effect of gilding by application of
very finely divided metallic dust (copper, zinc, tin,
antimony, being various ingredients).</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f113'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r113'>113</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1911, pp. 150–7.
The form of card record used can be seen on p. 219 of
“Lead Poisoning and Lead Absorption,” by Drs. Legge
and Goadby.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f114'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r114'>114</a>. A vivid description of women’s work in blue beds
before conversion into white lead was given by Miss Sadler
in the Annual Report for 1913.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f115'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r115'>115</a>. Comprising twenty-one factories registered in 1920, as
compared with 639 for pottery manufacture and decoration.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f116'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r116'>116</a>. Regulations for Manufacture of Electric Accumulators,
1903, No. 1004.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f117'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r117'>117</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1897, p. 101.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f118'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r118'>118</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1906, p. 214.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f119'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r119'>119</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1900, p. 369.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f120'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r120'>120</a>. Appointed 1908 by Mr. Herbert Gladstone, reported
1910, Cd. 5219, Cd. 5278, and Cd. 5385.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f121'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r121'>121</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1913, p. 89.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f122'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r122'>122</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1913, pp. 137–8.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f123'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r123'>123</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1913, pp. 88, 89.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f124'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r124'>124</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1911, p. 145.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f125'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r125'>125</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1920, p. 84,
and Report of War Cabinet Committee on Women in
Industry, 1919; Memorandum by Dr. Janet Campbell
on Health of Women in Industry, p. 293, regarding urgent
need for Women Medical Inspectors of Factories.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f126'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r126'>126</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1911, p. 147.
The old Special Rules have been converted into more
modern Regulations in 1921.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f127'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r127'>127</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1912, p. 138.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f128'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r128'>128</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1913, p. 87.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f129'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r129'>129</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1902, p. 168; and Factory Act, 1901, sect. 136.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f130'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r130'>130</a>. The varnishing was to make the wings impervious
to moisture and air. For the interesting story of the
changed methods, see Annual Report of the Chief Inspector
for 1914, chapter xii., and further, regarding methods of
ventilation, the Annual Report for 1917, pp. 18–20.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f131'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r131'>131</a>. See Medical Research Committee Annual Report for
1916 and 1917 for experiments in laboratories and studies
in factories.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f132'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r132'>132</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1897, p. 104.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f133'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r133'>133</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1910, p. 130.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f134'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r134'>134</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1900, p. 375.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f135'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r135'>135</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1901, p. 175.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f136'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r136'>136</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1902, p. 173.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f137'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r137'>137</a>. A small boy was once found by Miss Vines carrying a
weight greater than his own weight.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f138'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r138'>138</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1903, pp. 221–2.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f139'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r139'>139</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1909, p. 147.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f140'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r140'>140</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1909, p. 147.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f141'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r141'>141</a>. Final Report of the Departmental Committee on
Dangerous Trades, 1899, pp. 31–3 (Cd. 9509).</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f142'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r142'>142</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1912, p. 142, and for
1913, p. 90.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f143'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r143'>143</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1903, pp. 222–3.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f144'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r144'>144</a>. See explanation in Introduction, p. 12.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f145'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r145'>145</a>. The figures are given below in Chapter VI., p. 196.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f146'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r146'>146</a>. Annual Reports of the Chief Inspector, 1896, p. 66;
1900, p. 377; 1901, p. 170, etc.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f147'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r147'>147</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1900, pp. 377–9.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f148'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r148'>148</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1902, pp. 162–7.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f149'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r149'>149</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1913, pp. 82–3.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f150'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r150'>150</a>. Published as Form 414, price 1d.: “Memorandum on
Fencing of Machinery and Prevention of Accidents in
Laundries.” Second edition issued in 1913. No revision
has been found necessary since that date.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f151'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r151'>151</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1913, pp. 84 and 110.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f152'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r152'>152</a>. By 1911 the attention directed to the matter at last
produced “an apparently satisfactory finger guard for
the needle,” and in 1912 two more guards were devised.
Such guards had their main effect where young machinists
were trained to their use from the beginning. For adult
trained workers their effectiveness was slight.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f153'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r153'>153</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1909, p. 142.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f154'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r154'>154</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1906, pp. 207–8, and 1909, p. 140.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f155'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r155'>155</a>. Factory Act, 1891, sect. 17; later sect. 61 of the Act
of 1901.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f156'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r156'>156</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1897, pp. 96 and 107.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f157'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r157'>157</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1898, p. 181.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f158'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r158'>158</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1897, p. 107.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f159'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r159'>159</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1904, pp. 273–4.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f160'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r160'>160</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1907, p. 184.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f161'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r161'>161</a>. See Annual Report of the Chief Inspector for the years
named.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f162'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r162'>162</a>. See Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1909, p. 159.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f163'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r163'>163</a>. See above, Chapter II., p. 57.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f164'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r164'>164</a>. “Economic Annals of the Nineteenth Century,” by
Professor William Stuart, 1910, Preface, p. vii.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f165'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r165'>165</a>. The Factory Act, 1891, sect. 18, raised the age of
entry from ten to eleven years, but the change took effect
only in January, 1893, and even then not for any children
lawfully employed before January 1. The age was raised
to twelve by the Elementary Education Act Amendment
Act, 1899, in England and Wales. The Act of 1901 made
the obligation general.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f166'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r166'>166</a>. Cd. 849.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f167'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r167'>167</a>. Annual Reports of Chief Inspector, 1896, p. 69; for
1900, p. 396; for 1902, p. 184.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f168'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r168'>168</a>. Such as delicate eyes of girls of twelve and fourteen
becoming inflamed and suffering from conjunctivitis
when exposed to dust from rabbit skins dressed with
mercury solution in fur-pulling works. See Annual Report
of Chief Inspector, 1899, pp. 273–4.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f169'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r169'>169</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1901, pp. 186–7.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f170'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r170'>170</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1905, pp. 319–20.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f171'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r171'>171</a>. In this ancient industry the feature of sub-employment
by working potters obtained, and gave a distinctive
quality to the workplace as compared with that of other
more modern industries.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f172'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r172'>172</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1905, p. 314.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f173'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r173'>173</a>. She had been working there and presenting living
pictures of conditions in industry for several years, and the
accompanying Annual Report for 1906 should be specially
studied to see what she did.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f174'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r174'>174</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1908, pp. 154–5.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f175'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r175'>175</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1908, p. 154.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f176'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r176'>176</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1906, pp. 230–1.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f177'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r177'>177</a>. See Annual Reports of Chief Inspector, 1911, pp. 156–7;
1912, p. 149; 1913, p. 98.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f178'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r178'>178</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1917, p. 16.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f179'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r179'>179</a>. Annual Reports of Chief Inspector, 1901, p. 152, and
1902, pp. 147 and 194–205.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f180'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r180'>180</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1905, p. 258.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f181'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r181'>181</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1913, p. 94.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f182'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r182'>182</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1914, pp. 46–7.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f183'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r183'>183</a>. Annual Reports of Chief Inspector, 1879, p. 98.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f184'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r184'>184</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1921, pp. 9 and 10.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f185'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r185'>185</a>. See footnote, Introduction, p. 12.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f186'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r186'>186</a>. Debates on Home Office Estimates, August 5, 1901,
and June 29, 1903.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f187'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r187'>187</a>. In 1910 the figures were: Males, 118,822 (fatal 1,049);
females 10,728 (fatal 31). The rates of the two do not vary
widely.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f188'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r188'>188</a>. Report published 1919, Cmd. 135. See especially
pp. 170 and 253.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f189'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r189'>189</a>. “Science of Labour,” by Dr. Josefa Joteyko. George
Routledge and Sons, Ltd., 1919.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f190'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r190'>190</a>. This assertion appears to be supported by the summaries
I made for the Annual Reports for 1894, pp. 33–4,
on French laws and orders, and for 1895, pp. 136–219, on
German and Austrian industrial codes, and in various
other places, before public interest in comparative labour
legislation had been awakened.</p>
<p class='c008'>References by Women Inspectors, and particularly by
Miss Squire to law and administration in other industrial
countries, appear in my Annual Reports over and over
again, generally where our laws were inadequate to remedy
complaints. For instance, complaints on defective light in
the factory, lack of washing conveniences, on heavy weight
carrying and dangerous processes (see Annual Reports of
Chief Inspector for 1897, pp. 103–5; 1898, p. 169; 1899,
p. 239; 1904, p. 243).</p>
<p class='c008'>I also visited continental countries to inspect factories
with the Inspectors of the country, and to study their office
methods (see Annual Reports, 1899, 1901, and 1902), and
to take part in Congresses and International Exhibitions
(see Annual Reports, 1903, 1911, and 1920).</p>
<p class='c008'>I began to study fatigue prevention after conferring with
Dr. Josefa Joteyko in Brussels in 1903.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f191'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r191'>191</a>. <cite>Women’s Industrial News</cite>, January, 1915; article by
Dorothy Haynes, p. 313.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f192'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r192'>192</a>. In a few instances, where men and boys were jointly
concerned with women in contraventions—<i>e.g.</i>, in Truck
cases, fencing of machinery in laundries, or illegal employment
of children—a Woman Inspector would take proceedings
for both.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f193'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r193'>193</a>. Factory Act, 1878, sect. 81; later Factory Act, 1901,
sect. 135 (2).</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f194'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r194'>194</a>. From shorthand notes of the case quoted in Annual
Report of the Chief Inspector for 1901, pp. 278–9.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f195'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r195'>195</a>. See Annual Report of the Chief Inspector for 1900,
pp. 360 and 363.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f196'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r196'>196</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1899, p. 249.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f197'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r197'>197</a>. See Annual Report of the Chief Inspector for 1899,
p. 247.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f198'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r198'>198</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1901, p. 161.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f199'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r199'>199</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1912, pp. 142–4.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f200'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r200'>200</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1913, pp. 70–3, 100–1.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f201'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r201'>201</a>. Article on “Women and Industrial Changes,” by Sir
Clement Kinloch-Cooke, M.P., in the <cite>Nineteenth Century
and After</cite>, for December, 1915, p. 1405.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f202'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r202'>202</a>. In 1907, <i>textiles</i> employed 690,834 women and girls and
410,743 men and boys; <i>clothing</i> employed 487,167 women
and girls and 181,862 men and boys; <i>laundries</i> employed
103,635 women and girls and 11,466 men and boys; <i>fish
curing</i> and <i>fruit preserving</i> 29,677 women and girls and
11,440 men and boys.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f203'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r203'>203</a>. See Memorandum on War Office Contracts, Cd. 8447,
and “Labour and Capital after the War,” by S. J. Chapman,
C.B.E., pp. 73–6.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f204'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r204'>204</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1914, p. 45.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f205'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r205'>205</a>. See Annual Reports of Chief Inspector for 1915, 1916,
and 1917; collection of Pamphlets on “Substitution of
Women in Industry,” 1917, and Home Office Memorandum
on Substitution of Women in non-Munition Factories,
1919.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f206'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r206'>206</a>. These were made under Section 150 of the Act of 1901,
providing for public emergency.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f207'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r207'>207</a>. See “Labour and Capital after the War,” by S. J.
Chapman, C.B.E., 1919; “Women’s War Work,” issued by
the War Office, Chiswick Press; and Various Reports on
Dilution issued by the Ministry of Munitions.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f208'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r208'>208</a>. See Annual Reports of the Chief Inspector for 1916,
p. 9, and for 1918, p. 31.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f209'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r209'>209</a>. “Rightly unsuccessful are some experiments in
unsuitable directions ... in operating the tilting furnaces
in brass casting ... it was too exhausting even for short
spells, and very few men coming fresh to the work can stand
it for long at a time.”—Annual Report of Chief Inspector,
1917, p. 12.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f210'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r210'>210</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1917, p. 12.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f211'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r211'>211</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1917, p. 13.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f212'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r212'>212</a>. Home Office Memorandum on Substitution of Women,
1919, pp. 7 and 48.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f213'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r213'>213</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1920, p. 16, and the
Restoration of Pre-War Practice in Industry Act, 1919.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f214'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r214'>214</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1917, pp. 11 and 14.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f215'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r215'>215</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 9 and 13.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f216'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r216'>216</a>. Who increased until they numbered 900,000 women
and girls.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f217'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r217'>217</a>. Ten and a half hours net and sixty hours weekly
maximum.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f218'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r218'>218</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1914, pp. 40–41.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f219'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r219'>219</a>. Such as two daily 8-hour shifts, three 8-hour shifts in
the twenty-four hours, and two 10 or 10½-hour shifts in
the twenty-four hours. See Annual Report of the Chief
Inspector for 1915, p. 9; for 1917, p. 7; and 1918, pp. 2–12.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f220'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r220'>220</a>. In 1915 a woman working daily in a munition factory
from 7 a.m. to 8.30 p.m., on Saturdays from 7 a.m. to
8.45 p.m., and Sundays from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m., besides
spending two hours daily in transit to and from her work,
informed an Inspector that she was able to work these
long hours chiefly because of the good food she was able
to obtain as the result of increased wages. She had an
invalid husband and six children under twelve years to
support. Although she paid a woman 8s. a week to mind
her children and spent 2s. 6d. on tram fares weekly, still
her wages allowed her to feed better than she had ever done
before.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f221'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r221'>221</a>. See “Labour and Capital after the War,” already
cited, p. 85.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f222'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r222'>222</a>. See above, p. 198, and “Science of Labour,” by Dr.
Josefa Joteyko, 1919 (G. Routledge and Sons, Ltd.).</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f223'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r223'>223</a>. Appointed in the summer of 1915 “to consider and
advise on questions of industrial fatigue, hours of labour,
and other matters affecting the permanent health and
physical efficiency of workers in munition factories.”</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f224'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r224'>224</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1919, p. 10.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f225'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r225'>225</a>. The word “work” appears to be the root in the
diverse words “energy,” “liturgy.”</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f226'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r226'>226</a>. See the Sayings of the Vicar of Morwenstowe in the
first number of the <cite>Beacon</cite>.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f227'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r227'>227</a>. See Chapter IV., p. 94.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f228'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r228'>228</a>. Police Factories, etc., (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act
1916, sect. 7 (1).</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f229'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r229'>229</a>. From France, Belgium, Italy, and Germany; see
Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1903. In 1913 the
Home Office appointed Professor Stanley Kent to make
physiological investigation into fatigue in industry.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f230'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r230'>230</a>. For textbooks and pamphlets it may suffice to refer
readers to the “Health of the Munition Worker,” a handbook
prepared by the Health of Munition Workers Committee,
published in 1917, and to the “Welfare” pamphlet
series issued by the Home Office, 1917–21.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f231'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r231'>231</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1899, p. 258, and
for 1904, p. 243.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f232'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r232'>232</a>. As may be seen in the literary use of the word by
Chaucer and in the Authorized Version.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f233'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r233'>233</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1900, p. 356.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f234'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r234'>234</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1907, p. 188.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f235'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r235'>235</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1907, p. 161.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f236'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r236'>236</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1911, pp. 138–9.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f237'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r237'>237</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1908, p. 134.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f238'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r238'>238</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1907, p. 173.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f239'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r239'>239</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1909, p. 148.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f240'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r240'>240</a>. “Hygiene and Industrial Employment,” by Hilda
Martindale. Address read at the Congress of the Royal
Sanitary Institute in Belfast, January, 1911.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f241'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r241'>241</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1912, pp. 150–1.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f242'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r242'>242</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1909, p. 122.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f243'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r243'>243</a>. At Bedford College for Women and the London School
of Economics.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f244'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r244'>244</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1913, p. 100.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f245'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r245'>245</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1913, p. 101.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f246'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r246'>246</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1914, p. 52.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f247'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r247'>247</a>. <i>Ibid.</i>, 1915, p. 15.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f248'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r248'>248</a>. 6 & 7 Geo. V., c. 31, <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> 1916.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f249'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r249'>249</a>. And have with great benefit to the workers been made
compulsory in the fish-curing industry in Yarmouth and
Lowestoft.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f250'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r250'>250</a>. The provisions were for suitable protective clothing,
accommodation for clothing of women and girls under
charge of a responsible person, a suitable messroom separate
from the cloakroom, furnished with sufficient tables and
seats with back rests, adequate means of warming food
and boiling water and washing facilities, and the messroom
has to be sufficiently warmed for use during meals and to
be placed under the charge of a responsible person and be
kept clean.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f251'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r251'>251</a>. Since August, 1921, an order has been made regarding
welfare conditions in an individual factory.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f252'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r252'>252</a>. Annual Report of Chief Inspector for 1916, p. 10.
The following and many more examples can be seen in
subsequent Annual Reports, and in an account of works’
committees issued by the Ministry of Labour, and in the
organ of the Welfare Workers’ Institute.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f253'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r253'>253</a>. Published by H.M. Stationery Office: (1) Protective
Clothing; (2) Messrooms and Canteens; (3) Welfare Supervision;
(4) First-Aid and Ambulance; (5) Ventilation; (6)
Seats for Workers; (7) Lighting in Factories and Workshops;
(8) Cloakrooms, Washing Facilities, Drinking Water,
and Sanitary Accommodation.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f254'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r254'>254</a>. See Annual Report of the Chief Inspector, 1919,
chapter viii., and Annual Report of Chief Inspector, 1920,
chapter vi.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f255'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r255'>255</a>. See footnote to p. 290.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f256'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r256'>256</a>. These Chemical Regulations were confirmed on July 11, 1922, and in consequence
the Benzine (No. 3) and Chromate (No. 10) Regulations were revoked.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f257'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r257'>257</a>. Under the Anthrax Prevention Act, 1919, provision has been made
and of all wool and animal hair from Egypt. (See also Nos. 37 and 38.)
<a id='t297'></a></p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f258'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r258'>258</a>. The Women and Young Persons (Employment in Lead Processes) Act, 1920, prohibits altogether their employment in certain processes connected
with lead manufacture and in any process involving the use of lead compounds and causing dust and fumes, or in which the workers are liable to
be splashed with a lead compound, subject to medical examination, provision of exhaust ventilation to remove dust or fumes, protective clothing, messroom
and cloakroom, and cleanliness of tools, apparatus, and workrooms.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f259'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r259'>259</a>. See footnote, p. 296.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f260'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r260'>260</a>. Total cases in factory and workshop.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f261'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r261'>261</a>. All the female cases in coach painting were due to painting perambulators, except the one in 1917.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f262'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r262'>262</a>. All due to heading of yarn.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f263'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r263'>263</a>. Of these cases four were due to heading of yarn and twelve to bullet and shrapnel making.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f264'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r264'>264</a>. In 1913 eighteen cases among women were due to heading of yarn.</p>
</div>
<div class='footnote' id='f265'>
<p class='c008'><a href='#r265'>265</a>. In 1908 seven cases among women were due to heading of yarn.</p>
</div>
</main>
<div class='pbb'>
<hr class='pb c004'>
</div>
<div class='tnotes x-ebookmaker'>
<div class='chapter ph2'>
<div class='nf-center-c0'>
<div class='nf-center c001'>
<div>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<table class='table0'>
<tr>
<th class='c025'>Page</th>
<th class='c025'>Changed from</th>
<th class='c026'>Changed to</th>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='c009'><a href='#t27'>27</a></td>
<td class='c012'>grew steadily and rapidly, until in 1819 a</td>
<td class='c027'>grew steadily and rapidly, until in 1919 a</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='c009'><a href='#t124'>124</a></td>
<td class='c012'>of mercury to assist felting in hatters’ furriers</td>
<td class='c027'>of mercury to assist felting in hatters’ and furriers</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class='c009'><a href='#t297'>297</a></td>
<td class='c012'>for the disinfection, on arrival in Great Britain, of goat hair from India,</td>
<td class='c027'>[This line was removed because there is no related content on this page or on the pages immediately before or after it.]</td>
</tr>
</table>
<ul class='ul_1'>
<li>Fixed typos; non-standard spelling and dialect retained.
</li>
<li>Renumbered footnotes and moved them all to the end of the final chapter.
</li>
</ul>
</div>
</body>
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